Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00235
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: October 17, 1976
Frequency: completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00235

Full Text

o SUNDAY OCTOBER 17, 19761



NAC- new

set up


WILBERT WINCHESTER, where are you? What is
being run your way? Did not you too lose your
iTobago East seat to the DAC?
Come out and claim your birthright as a member
of the party where if you lose you still win. As long
as you're one of the boys.
Or are you accepting the conferred status of
"millstone" and are content quietly to sink from
.sight in the blue waters of Buccoo?
Nothing so betrays the cynicism and the sancti-
Smony of the Prime Minister who could make some-
thing of a moral case against placing in the Senate
"rejects" from the polls as the ULF did with Allan
Alexander, and then turn round and appoint Basil
Pitt as Ambassador Plenipotentiary with the salary
..status.and-privileges-oi a Ca ......,. ... ...- .. -- --.--
Did not Pitt lose in Tobago East to Murray of
the DAC? Only to have his defeat turned into the
unbelievable .good fortune of a cushy globe-trotting
job with no loss of salary and no bother of a con-
stituency to service.

Basil Pitt whose best known diplomatic asset is
iis ever-ready pose for the press cameras, no doubt
finds that he has done better than if he had won his
What, in terms of this centralised regime, does
the Senate have to compare with the Cabinet the
backdoor to which Pitt has found a welcome by the
Prime Minister. Or what does the House for that
And PNM parliamentarians must be now won-
dering: after the desperate, no -holes -barred struggle
to win your seat_- all that whisky to run, sinking to
the depths of the mire to sling mud and spread lies.
For what?


For the privilege of saying yea and no as directed
by the Leader of the House, to be press-ganged into
the cast, of thousands when the glamorous starring
roles are reserved for those who never even had to
face the polls or who faced it and lost.
Party discipline held, boasted Williams after the
elections. And presumably it will continue to hold
while the noose of the undated letter remains round
the necks of the members of that big PNM backbench
as tightly drawn as the balisier tie.
But if the PNM backbenchers can't understand
what they came there for, the public' is certainly
privileged-to see the shape of the presidential republic
that Williams is building while keeping the external
forms of a parliamentary system.
For the Cabinet is the holy of holies by the
writ of the Prime Minister who may, choose literally-
whoever he wants to sit there. And the rest be
Increasingly the government will be as removed
from the PNM Members of Parliament as it is from
the rest of country. But at least the country can still
say "no" when they don't like what"they see.

EASILY the most curious
creature of the new PNM
administration is the
National Advisory Council
whose membership and
terms of reference were
finally announced in the
House last week Friday.
A development of the
various "tripartite" initi-
atives which began halt-
ingly in the sixties, the
new National Advisory
Council looks like another
of these recurring cure-all.
---*vices that are dreai.ned
up and eagerly promoted
avery now and then in the
Williams regime.
Every now and then the
regime would seem to be
putting large numbers of-
its eggs into a single basket
and hoping that by breath-
ing hard -on them they.
would somehow hatch
gloriously into the long-
sought objectives of effi-
cient government, enlight-
ened planning and effective

So over the years we
have had the cultivation of
multi-competent trouble-
shooters the Dollys, the
Alan Reeces, the O'Neil
Lewises, the Demases and
lately the Ken Juliens, and
the Auditor General.
The establishment of the
NAC is the institutionaliz-
ation of that old idea and
the creation of layer of
muscle for this Presiden-
tial Prime Minister. The
trouble shooter is now a
machine gun. -
A secretariat for NAC is
headed by a civil servant of
Permanent Secretary rank. And
the obvious question is: what
will be its relationship to the
regular civil service?
The NAC is required to
"recommend steps-for, improv-
ing the quality of the system
of public administration' and
advise on such changes in
bureaucratic procedures, con-
sidered necessary for greater
efficiency and more- rapid
implementation of approved

development projects"
is there not some conflict
here between the NAC and the
ordinary work of such agencies
as Organisation and Manage-
ment, Training, the Manage-
ment Developmeht Centre and
that of hired help from consul-
tants like Peat Marwick?
Even the Auditor General,
recently given enhanced de
facto status by. the Prime
Minister, has been talking
about widened scope for
"management audit."
There is, however, no ques-
--tion as to- whose -advise will
get the ready ear of the Prime
Minister in: this new phase.
We may well have a new
problem, in the public service
of correlating, these diverse
approaches to the problem of
more efficient administration.
Or is this what the NAC is all
about? And if it is, where does
it get its constitutional author-
Can it demand the produc-
tion of records, documentation
etc? Does it have the status
of a Commission of Inquiry?
Or is anything needed more:
than the political clout of the
Prime Minister?
More likely, the National
Advisoiy Council will be
attempting to or be pushed into

looking into and finding
answers for literary everything.
And quite possibly, it will
succeed in doing little of any
An A ominous note in the
'terms-of reference is the clause
"to advise on any matter
referred to it by the Prime
Minister and the Cabinet." For
this means that NAC can be
given any kind of ad hoc work
at the whim and fancy of the
Prime Minister. And. how
longer term projects like the
preparation of the Develop-
ment Plan and' the "examina-
"tioi .of propise national
objectives" will fare against
rush jobs with two-week dead-
lines thrown NAC's way, is
meat for intriguing specula-
Public administration; econ-
i omic diversification;, national
ownership, the media, the
environment, industrial rela-
tions, youth and nation-
building: NAC is potentially
as omni-competent as the
Prime Minister himself.
The only difference is that
he will have them to blame for
bad policies followed or the
absence of any policies at all
in some areas. The 17 National
Advisory Councillors will in
that case have nobody to
blame, but themselves.


it would take $720m. to eradicate unemploy-
'ment in about two years the country had some
billionn in reserves.
Experimentation with grass .
Recording of the country's history in
comic book form
CALLING for a family-court for the hearing of cases
of children born out of wedlock, Senator Louise
Home said that many women lost their case because
of embarrassing questions put to them by lawyers ..

"MANY OF the inefficiencies in the Works Depart-
ment to carry out its programme may be due to an
undetermined degree of alcoholism."
(Senator Beaubrun)

There are some very meticulous people who
embarrassed the Inland Revenue clerks by producing
receipts ..
(Senator McConnie)


>u oCIIS.


THE DAY after printing Dr.
David Quamina's warm letter of
thanks for carrying the "Hospital
Hotline" column, the Express
announced the start of a new
"Dear Doctor" series, this one to
be penned by its "special .writer"
and former editor David Renwick.
The first column calling for
an end to "the cold war with the
Press" and promising weekly open-
letters ("press conferences by long
distance") to the Prime Minister,
seemed to scotch rumours that
Renwick was either being con-
sidered for or had his eyes on the
Whitehall PR job last held by
present Express editor George
But then you never know.
Did not Frank Arlen's PRO job
with AMOCO follow quite closely
a series of articles written-by the
then Express News Editor on
you guessed AMOCO's off-
shore operations?
You could say, though, that
the reputation of Renwick who'at
37 is marking his twentieth year
in journalism with an enviable
reporter-at-large relationship with
the Express, doesn't need/ the
. Whitehall fillip. Does his career
not include the Feature Editorship
.of the Mirror, when he was just
25, and bylines in papers like the
Trinidad Guardian, the Barbados
Advocate, the Guyana Graphic,
The West Indian, Jamaica Spot-
light magazine, the Financial
Times, the West Indies Chronicle,
to name some?
But then again, George John
when in 1970 he took the White-
hall job, himself had credentials
at least as impressive, to the
extent even of honourable men-
tion in C.L.R. James' "Beyond A
Boundary". He had been Renwick's
"boss as Editor in chief of the
Mirror, and then became a top
executive in a PR firm.
Came the call to national
service, following Black Power in
1970. Then-the pledge to "recon-
struction" even of Whitehall's
public image. And, running the
gauntlet of suspicion, amidst
hisses of "sellout" etc., George
John took office at Whitehall, as
the journalist-in-residence, holding
by contract the specially created
post of Head, Public Relations
Whitehall sources called it "a
kind of political appointment."'
John's post was not part of the
regular civil service establishment,
and there were certain kinds of
administrative responsibilities he
was thereby debarred from
Despite that, and probably
even because of that, it was a
chance for a seasoned journalist
to do something about the public
image of Whitehall, and to increase



H M^4 VV


* the flow of information from the
nerve-centre, of government to the
media and thus to the people. To
do, in fact, all that Renwick in his
first "Dear Doctor" column says
still needs to be done.
George John eventually
moved smoothly from the Head,
Public Relations Division job to
become Editor of the Express
when Renwick gave up the latter
job after ,three and a half years.
And now the Express has the
story: the inside dope on the
Whitehall public relations scandal
,- which is what it is, if we are to
believe Renwick.
Is the story now about to be
written? Again, it's hard to tell,
For one thing it's not coming
from the man presumably best
qualified to tell it, George-John
himself. Y4
"The truth is," writes Ren-
wick, to the Prime Minister "that
you have never allowed the
employees of that department to
function as professional publicists
should." And Express editor George
John, himself a former "profes-

The logo for
Robert P. Ingram's
column in the
defunct "Dialogue"


sional publicist" at Whitehall, let
that one pass.
So we can take that state-
ment as "the truth" revealed. And
the picture that emerges is an all
too familiar one: a well-meaning
man who felt he could "do some-
thing" from within the Williams
administration, gets in, is frustrated
at every turn, and after a while
returns sadly to the outside to
resume pegging at it from where
he had left off.
Then you hear the stories of
So-and-So having been "used" by
Williams and then "discarded".
The "discard" drops from public
view even as interest focuses on
the prospects of the latest one
called to serve, each successive
one feeling he would have .better
luck than his predecessor.
Renwick, of course, stopped
short of saying that the now
vacant post of Head, Public Rela-
tions Division should be filled by
someone better able to dynamise
the information-giving processes at
Whitehall. He is all for press con-
ferences this time.
And he ventures ponderously
to lecture Dr. Williams that there
is a "yawning gap in the neces-
sary institutions of the new
Republic and that gap is the lack
of any professional intercourse
between Whitehall and the full-
time purveyors of information."
The solution: "a properly-planned
.and consistently-executed pro-.
gramme of information dispersal
through Prime Ministerial Press
But after the George John
experience, anybody knows that
the Prime Minister will not be
lectured to, in terms grandiloquent
or otherwise, by any journalist.


So Renwick. pessimistic that
Williams will adopt the press
conference idea, has to take the
"next best alternative."
For Renwick, this "next best
alternative" is a weekly "dialogue"
with the Prime Minister "Dear
Doctor" in which the writer
would "raise questions that are of
dominant concern to 'the public-
and set out the issues that may be
talking points of the times."
Thus we are, in 1976, after

George John: E express Editor

the elections and everything else
that has happened,' right back
where we started. George John,
after about five years as Head,
Public Relations Division, is once
again in the position of publishing
articles complaining about the.
government's bad public relations
and the general inaccessibility of
cabinet ministers.
Sure, the press remains free
freer at least than anywhere in-
Latin America and Africa. But
there is this grievous "shortage",.
wails Renwick, of publishablee
information because the Prime
Minister of the day does not stand
ready to give such information."
And we are back where we
started in another sense. For



EVER SINCE the appointment of Senator Marilyn
Gordon, some of the columnists have been busily
rubbing their genie's lamp.
Notwithstanding the enduring disasters in educa-
tion, health, transport, electricity, water, telephone,
drainage, sanitation and all the utilities, somehow
they are hoping for a miracle in sport.
.These wild hopes are pinned on the new Parlia-
* .mentary Secretary's sporting record. "Step In Please,
Sporting Lady", implores Guardian columnist,
Ashton Fod. Step into my parlour and unravel the
mess in the Trinidad and Tobago Football Association.
But some of us know better than to cherish vain
hopes. After four seasons of jilted expectations,
caution is the watchword the fifth time round.
No sign, reports Time Out, again in the Guardian,
of the enthusiastic audiences which had ushered in
the stewardship of Frank Stephen and Selwyn
Money, said the Prime Minister, is no problem.
Chastened by experience, Keith Shepherd in the
Sunday Guardian, wryly points out that money is no
solution either. Remember King George V Park, he
urges, where a lot of bread was spent in getting
Remember the.Pleasant- P
ville Sporting Complex,
chimes in John Alleyne
from San Fernando? Six
years ago, we spent $50,000
for grading and levelling.
Now-that money is no
object, the San Fernando
Borough Council is about
to purchase $66,000 of
levelling and grading again. D


Will we spend that cele- N
brated $100m. to stay in propose to make mean
the identical place? : Or ful interventions; how t
will the new PS for Sport propose to lay dowi
somehow point a new framework within wn
advance? According to improvement of sport
Maxi-yn-Gor-don we need: improvement of sportain
to expand the physical routine matter without
education and sports sec- reliance on PS magic.
tion of the Ministry .It is obvious that Se
to spread more sports tor Gordon does not e
into the primary schools hdve the slightest cd
to establish proper Government expendit
control and supervision in sport, she ventu
over the facilities must, be justified. So n
to create a national all Government exp
spirit in sport by public ditures, answers J(
education Alleyne.
to engage in more
official consultation with
the various national sport- RUN SOMETHING
ing associations.
But at the level of She will be looking
simply trotting out indivi- the youth, says N
dual desirables, have not Gordon but "I can't
these solutions been known right now what is going
to mankind for ages? As be the broad policy." W(
Keith Shepherd put it very who on earth is-resp(
pointedly, what about all ible for policy if not
those .Commissions of Parliamentary Secret
Enquiry, the National for Sport?
Sports Council, and the Was this policynot
endless stadium Corn ar this polic not
mittees we have had since party-machine campaign
1947 for the recent electric
Or was the camp
CLICHES based simply on "rum
S Nobody is better ph
It does not take a new to tell us than Sena
PS for Sport or any kind Marilyn Gordon. After
of. official title-holder to did she not .jump on
trot out these cliches about party wagon at preci
the need for facilities. We that moment when
must now pass beyond the policy of bread andcirc
.mere recitation of'problems was being pursued
and possibilities, relation to Hasely Cr
We must pass to the ford?
ranking of priorities, to the Little wonder t
detailing of sequences and interviewed on TV
strategies for action. We Alvin Corneal, the new
must now pass to the could be endlessly art
making of actual decisions rate about her, own sp
about how and when and ing record but tot
where the Government innocent of the needs


L ),

Am Imm O
,L^E^^ r ii^^mJN

n a

g at
g to


r all,
t in

S of

If Mrs. Gordon. had
any views bn the solu-
tions for sport, she would
1ve known the problems

is not a technical but a
political one. It would be
sheer impertinence to
believe that the vast
number of proposals put






/ Typesetting


Camera- work



Call 662/5126

or come to the House

82/ 84 StVincentSt:.T'puna.

/__ii __1_ I_ I

r;-4~se4%~r~are~sa~ea~r~ ~ II


forward by the -sporting
fraternity have failed to
identify the technical
What the Ministry must
add is the policy dimen-
sion, the political frame-
work for coherent decision
and action. This framework
demands local government,
national t purpose, and
Cabinet reorganisation;
indeed, it demands the
complete disappearance of
the present "Special
Works" regime located in

Like the ones that passed
this way before her, Mrs.
Gordon is no more than
window dressing for a gov-
ernment which lives. by
ripping-off the public
simply to stay in office.
There is not even the
concept of public service
let alone arrangements for
implementing policy and
All that matters now
is the announcement
effect of golden intentions.
If money is no problem,
Mrs. Gordon is no solu-
tion either. Like all the
rest of them, she too, will
go the way of all flesh.-
If you live by cynicism,
you will die by cynicism.
It is only a matter of time.%
And if McDonald Bailey
seriously expects an im-
provement, he must be
making sport..









ANOTHER constituency
party has moved-to set up
permanent machinery and
to start a programme of
The Port-of-Spain Cen-
tral Constituency Party,
meeting last week, elected
Clive Graham Chairman,
Glenda Spence Secretary
and Antonio O'Brien as
Registration Officer.
Chosen as the POS Cen-
tral Representatives to the
Council were Clive Graham
and Antonio O'Brien.
Already the Port-of-
Spain Central Tapia people
have had two sessions on
such themes as "The Tapia
Movement Yesterday
and Tomorrow", and "The
New Regime: Old Wine,
New Bottles". These ses-
sions were led off by candi-
date Allan Harris-


TOP ITEMS on the Agenda for the October Council Meet-
ing are "New Directions for Tapia" and "Reform of the
Party Constitution."
Chairman Denis Solomon will open proceedings at
10 a.m. on. Sunday October 17, at the Tapia Centre on
Cipriani Boulevard, Port-of-Spain.
A full house of representatives, including candidates
in last month's general elections, is expected at this meet-
ing to advance preparations for. the Second Sitting of the
Tapia Annual General Assembly.
Now carded for Sunday November 14 at the Tapia
House, Tunapuna, this Second Sitting of the AGM will
mark the 8th anniversary of Tapia.
The constitutional amendments to be considered are
aimed to adapt the structure to the needs of the party
which was not formally established until April 11, 1976.
General elections for Tapia will follow at the Third
Sitting of the AGM, now scheduled for San Fernando on
Sunday December 5.

Reports are that several
new members were signed
in at the early meetings,
and the constituency party
has decided to meet every
other Wednesday night at
the Cipriani Boulevarde
Welcome to such meet-
ings are people from
Woodbrook, St. James,
Newton Maraval, Boissiere,.
Belmont and La Seiva.
More information can be
had from Allan Harris or
Glenda Spence, tel. 62-
25241, or from Irma
DeLima 62-45327.
Meanwhile donations are
,invited (in cash or kind)
for the POS Central cake
sale set for Saturday Oct-
ober 30 at the Maraval
Hi-Lo. Donations will be
accepted up to Friday 29.


Dear Tapia,
Good to see Tapia
still alive. It's a long
road, but keep fight-
ing! TT needs -you,
even if it does not
understand you yet.
Best wishes.

f, I. bo 1,11 h lIiif .N., .SanI ctilli~i.

Solomon .
to open




A Review of the
C ORRifil N "All The
O | \RI 1V'IO N lesiden t's Men"


THERE'S a paperback
edition of "All The Presi-
dent's Men" which des-
cribes the Watergate bust-
up by "Washington Post"
reporters Bob Woodward
and Carl Bernstein as "the
most devastating detective
story of this century."
That idea comes from
Warner Bros, who made
-theia-It. t is,. of ccs.ise,
easier to make a film
about the Watergate scan-
dal and treat it like a good
detective story. Safer too.
While the film was being
made the uglies were still
spilling out of Watergate's
pandora box.
The result, however, is
a film that concentrates
,on that cliche of the
world of journalism: the
glamour, the heroic figure
who takes on "the authori-
ties" armed only with a
typewriter, David' versus

In the film we see not
one but two heroes: Robert
Redford as the more
cautious Bob Woodward
and Dustin Hoffman as
the heavy-smoking and
tougher Carl Bernstein.
Attractive box-office
-stars, who spend three
quarters of their time
dashing to the phone,
knocking on senior civil
servants' doors at night,
meeting strange men in
underground car parks,
closing in on the wicked
CIA, FBI, top men in
the White House, the
President the heaviest
political weights in the
world's heaviest political
capital. But in the film
Bernstein and Woodward
are undaunted and ruthless
in their pursuit of
what? A good story? The
film never really makes
that clear.

When Managing Editor
Howard Simons pleads
with Executive Editor
Benjamin Bradlee (who
plays himself and is the
best thing in the film) to
let the two young reporters
go"' after the Watergate
story, he says: "These
boys are hungry. Haven't
you ever been hungry?"
Presumably Bradlee has
been, for in the next
scene .tdkc.. a,<. ,.C ,"
man are oni tle case. ii
the film, as in the book,
the two reporters work for
and get the backing of
their editors to run the
story to earth.
That, in itself. will be
instructive for ;ocal journal-
ists. There is also some of
the painstaking investiga-
tive routine on Film.
Filmed around a re-

created "Washington Post"
editorial office, "Presi-
dent's Men" also provides
the feeling of the "great.
newspaper", which the
"Post" undoubtedly is; of
the daily production ses-
sions; of the essential
toughness of men like
Benjamin Bradlee; and of
how one institution, the
Press, can and does stand
up in the face of powerful

What is sadly missing
from the film is the real
guts of Watergate the
Nixon White House (shown
two or three times in
quick cutaways' in the
film), the meetings at
which powerful men in
America plotted against
other Americans, other
countries, other world


leaders, the tapes and the
phone tapping, the big
money being put up by
the millionaires who were,
and are, Nixon's friends.
Nor does the tuim even
look at the unprecedented
Constitutional crisis that
Watergate provoked: the
President's lawyer was
arguing before the Supreme
Court that the Chief Execu-
tive was above the law.
When the Court said no
to that, it was the begin-
ning of the end for the
Nixon Presidency. A
crucial principle re-empha-


By focussing of the
racy excitement of a
"detective story", the
film appears hollow and
,certainly dated; not only
is the material in it old,
the exposures that have
come out of Watergate
since make the initial
Woodward/Bernstein probe
a light story.
At the end, the film is
like the kind of newspaper
Deep Throat (Woodward's
so far unnamed source)
says he doesn't like: "Shal-
low and superficial." I
Audience reaction, all
over the world, should be
interesting though. All
kinds of people will oe
seeing how, in America in
1972, the Republic's most
highly-placed public offi-
cials were behaving like a
bunch of gangsters, raping
the Constitution and
threatening the Press with'
punitive action (the "Post"


lost a TV licences under
Nixon) while forcing civil
servants to shut up.
The final scene in
"President's Men" is a
teletype machine clacking
out the long list of these
officials pleading. guilty -
and finally, the big fish
resigning on August 9,
1974. But in an earlier
cut to the Republican
Party's re-nomination of
Nixon as the candidate of
1972, the man making the
announcement is Gerald
Ford is the incumbent
President, virtually hand-
picked by Nixon, the man
who turned around and
pardoned Nixon. (to the
horror of men like Wood-
ward and Bernstein).
Perhaps NOT all the
President's men went under
in the Watergate torrent.
There is even public
opinion in America that
believes that Ford was.
and is, a Nixon man.
In an interview after
Nixon was pardoned, Bob
Woodward expressed a lot
of disappointment about
the outcome of Watergate.
In his view America was
still in trouble in its
leadership. He felt the
country had rid itself of a
corrupt President and put
a mediocre man in his.
place. The "system"worked
because it was intact.
The film is- also an
ironic reminder that from
the sale of their two books
(there was a sequel, "The
Final Days") and earnings
from the film, Woodward
and Bernstein are well up
in the million dollar
bracket and climbing. Only
in America could men get
rich by exposing corrup-

1SC11%~9SPr~s -,- -.ll~rura~a~u-~--~~~ ~e ~C ~sr~RL~a~~




JUST SO last Saturday
night Tall Boy decide he'
going and look at this
thing what everybody
talking about. So he tell
he padnuh,. Cuss King:
"Lewwe make ah theatre
tonite nuh,"
-Cuss King start cussing.
"Teatre? Me? In teatre?-
Boy you ain' see what they
charging for pit to see de
Ali fight in De Luxe? Two:
dollars! Jeezass."
Tall-Boy let him cuss
for another ten minutes or
so and then say: "I ainm'
mean dat kind ah theatre,
man.. I mean on de
stage, nuh, wit actors an'
Cuss King open he eye
big, big, big. He voice drop
low like a googly turning.
He say: "Me ain' have
de clothes to wear in
Queen's Hall, man."
And he start cussing


"Imagine that, eh boy!
One nite I go down dey to,
hear some pan in concert
and de lady by de gate
tell me I cyar go in wit'
meht head so."
Tall Boy check the
time by the moon coming
,up over a zaboca tree on
the comer. He decide he.
have ten more minutes.
So he sit down next to
Cuss King on the pavement
and he meditate on the
canal while Cuss King
waste Queen's Hall.
After five minutes; Tall
Boy check him to say: "It
ain' Queen's Hall I going."
He actually hear Cuss King
brain screeching to a halt.
"What? Not Queen's
Tall Boy shake he head.
"Is a place called de
Carib Teatre. You never
hear 'bout dis TIM TIM



dis Tim

ting? It does be on TV.
Cuss King start to buse
"Set. ah damn fools,
cyar get nutten right. An'
dem programme. Man,.I
hear de doctor done cuss
them twice. Kyar! Kyar!
Men must be wetting dey
pants up dey!"
Tall Boy stand .up and.
say: "Is 8 .O'clock.- Time
to move. De show starting.
R elated d b

Cuss King say: "Naw man.
I really doe go in for dem
kinda ting."
So Tall Boy cut through
the savannah ano gone
down Whit Street in
Woodbrook to see this
First thing he. see is
crowd. One set of people
lining up to go inside, just
like a late show. Tall Boy
join the line and pay a $5'
to. get in and inside the
building it have another set .
of people sitting down on
bleachers like Carnival
Tuesday in the savannah,
.Tall Boy go down in the
back and find a place from
where he 'could see every-
thing and the first thing


hear Popo singing
them song for toi
the savannah.
But the one th
Tall Boy was a fe
walk out in a sho
and play mad. T
like one of them
who growing they
Rasta. "Is not m
yuh who mad!" tI
say and walk o



that happens is some girls
start coming out among
the spectators, one of
them dress up like Tourist
Annie, shouting "hangers,
hangers" and sounds like'
that, .
Then a fat lady appear
and start to get on like she
is .one of them small
island people, asking where
Frederick Street is and
mistaking the dolls in the
showcases for real people
and calling out "taxi!" loud
And this goes on for
some time, different people
coming out and pretend-
ing they is limers and
vendors and. who else. Up
on the stage Tall Boy notice
they have a big painting
of, Cipriani it look like. He
find that nice. Give the
thing a tough touch. And
in the right hand comer a
.'big cardboard frame with
"TIM TIM TV" written
on it.
A.-man suddenly come
up. from behind the frame
and a light fell on him and
everybody start to clap.
Tall Boy recognize the
tess from pictures in the
papers. Paul Douglas.
The fellar start making
like. he on TV, making
plenty jokes. And most of

y P. Kong

the night he keep on doing
that,*.making plenty jokes.
Tall Boy notice that
people like it because
everybody around -him
laugh a lot and a brother
and sister, sitting right
next to him nearly dead
laughing about three times.
But listening to Douglas,
Tall Boy know-:that it have
five, six brothers: on his
street who are real masters
at that art.
.Tall Boy even remember
once telling people: "You
know,we, should can shit
talk and export it. .Big
industry, man."'.
A choir come out and
sing., some rice' tunes
. ,though. .Tell Boy sure he


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.91 Stephens


3oy feel he have something.,
Surprise him like. hell
when tie same fellar come:-
:back later as a TV man.
,reading out the weather"
some of news. Funny like:hell.
purists by The fellar say TTT
bringing a new programme.
at catch "Technical Difficulties."
llar who Then Douglas,. come
irt pants back again and talk. People
'alk just clapping for so.
brothers A fellar called Lawrence
head in come and play a niceish
e, is all guitar too though he look
he fellar
ff. Tall Cont'don Page 7

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4 1i7, 19


Renwick, after sneering at the
John Babb "interviews" and the
Prime Minister's TV 'appearances,
still concedes that publishablee
information" about government
business is what is dispensed only
by the Prime Minister, and his
If that is so, can the Prime
Minister not decide when he wants
to give this publishable informa-
tion? And the Prime Minister
does make himself available to
journalists of his choosing.
What, then, is the problem?
The problem is that Renwick is
not, for all his ascribed eminence,
one of the chosen vehicles for
transmitting this publishablee in-
formation". At least not yet.
And the problem is, further,
that for the Renwick types, to be
in such a position is just not to be
sharing in the action. For, in that
scheme of things, all the news-
worthy action emanates from
That is the capital of Port-
of-Spain, where all roadTs lead,
where all eyes are turned, from
where all cues are taken and
where all bucks stop. How the

hard-pressed letter-answering
service there must be relieved to
learn that the Renwick open-
letters will not warrant acknowl-
But to be fair, Renwick is
seeking the privilege of access to
Whitehall not merely for himself
but for "the assembled press" in
conference with the "chief news-
maker". His own recollection of
the late 1950s press conferences
as an unmixed blessing ("the
good old days") differs from how
Patrick Chookolingo has recorded
"Saturday morning after
Saturday morning," Chookolingo
has written, "the Premier and his
retinue would assemble at the
head of the press table in White-
hall and he would snap and snarl
at the newspapermen present and
their bosses. No self respecting
man would have found himself at
the butt end of the mnarticnt like
temper of Dr. Williams and no
self respecting man did attend,
because most of the lime the

Guardian and the Chronicle made
sure they sent their dimmest
Things got so bad, the
Chronicle and the Guardian boy-
cotted the press conferences.
Williams was undeterred: "The
newspapers think a Press confer-
ence is for the press. I say no. A
press conference will continue
without the press."


Renwick doesn't mention of
the 1970 series of press confer-
ences at which journalists mainly
copied down Williams' prepared
answers to their previously sub-
mitted questions. The form
rapidly degenerated after the
Express caught Williams lying
blatantly, and eventually interest
waned on both sides. There was
little lament when the press con-
ferences disappeared as suddenly
as they had appeared.
It is not that Whitehall ceased
to be the source of all knowledge
and power. In fact, it is this about
Whitehall that journalists became
increasingly convinced. Journalis-
tic enterprise in this country has
consisted in getting oneself suitably
wired to this source.
The fascination apparently
led person or persons unknown or
unnamed by him to bug the
Prime Minister. "I was bugged on
Trinidad and Tobago soil!" he
fulminated to a PNM convention.
Newspaper readers apparently
share this fascination too. The
technique of using or pretending

to use inside sources, together with
the open-letter technique have
been notable features of the
popular BOMB-Punch journalism.

For a long time, indeed, the
Sunday Punch ran a column,
"Choko the PM", which was a
kind of specialised "If I Were. ."
So you can't go wrong with
Whitehall and "the PM." "Dear
Doctor. ." you start, and
people must sit up and take
notice. It is what assures reader-
ship for the routine statement of
"questions. and issues that
may be talking points of the
times". You have to be seen to be
addressing your remarks to the
one ear that matters in this
The formula is not absolutely
sure-fire, and not everything that
touches or is touched by White-
hall, turns to gold. For example,
one innovation of George John at
Whitehall was the tabloid "Dia-
logue" which in its short unhappy
life carried a column by Robert P.
Ingram. It was called "DIARY",
the word being super-imposed
over a photograph of Whitehall.
So George John and Robert
P. Ingram live to fight another
day. The new '"dialogue" will' be
conducted by David Renwick
apparently assured of unlimited
space in the George John-edited
And the hope this time is
that this initiative will get the
ear of the country if not that of
the "Dear Doctor." iWrite on,


About w t r

aObout i'ntegri't3

Duvalier has sacked the
manager of the multi-
'million-dollar fortune the
Duvalier family has drawn
from public funds during
their 19 years in power
and bundled him and 40
of his aides out of the
country in a new effort to
dampen international cri-
ticism of the regime.
'The expulsion of the
top official, Henri Siclait,
who has headed the state
trading monopoly, th@e
Regie du Tabac, for the
past nine years turning it
into the financial base of
the Duvaliers' power, and

From Page 6


real funny when he was
singing "Hello Africa".
And the brother playing
bass guitar, Nunes, and
and Tall B6y figure that
alone worth the $5.
The choir come and
sing more tunes. Sniper
"Portrait of Trinidad" and
Stalin "Mr. Divider"
(though Tall Boy find all
of them look like some-
thing running on them).
Douglas come and sit on
the edge of the stage and

the official probe which
has been ordered into the
Regie's affairs, is a long-
awaited victory for US
State Department planners.
But the moves have
reportedly caused a
dangerous new split inside
the regime between the
"old guard", and the 25-
year-old president-for-life
and his younger aides.
Washington has long
pressed for fiscalisation of
the Regie, whose annual
revenue of some $100
million is more than half
the size again of the
national budget. It had
become the embarrassing

talk about how the show
is about "thoughts" and
he go into a piece aboul a
felhar jumping up in the
air Carnival time. Sound
like a trip.
Is 11 o'clock by the
time the show finish and
Tall Boy cut out from
the Carib Teatre, thinking
the show had some nice,
nice parts but it was real
sour when it was sour and
most of all Tall Boy
thinking: but look how
people paying to hear shit

focus of foreign and
domestic criticism of the
Recently however, the
State Department and
elements in ,the regime
have become worried about
Jimmy Carter's threat that
if he becomes president,

he wi
up US
old b
$70 ii

Regie revenues for the
Duvaliers and trudged
around the world tending
11 give short shrift to their bank accounts and
orn dictators" eating business deals.
S aid money. Since any real investiga-
Siclait, a 55-year- tion of the Regie would
businessmann himself lead straight to the
about $50 million, Duvaliers, little is expected
ed off, by US gov- to result from the probe
*nt estimates, some 'announced by the presi-
nillion a yar of the dent.

_- --~--~IPlgas~n~o~~xrrrPaun~;~pB&.nHi


%- --- -- -- .- W~P~~~m i

---- -- I..-.- --pw --~rau~u~-rrcwr


Mrs. Andrea Talbutt,
Research Institute for
Study of Man,
162, East 78th Street,
New York, N,Y. 10021,
Ph. Lehigh 5 8448,
U. S. A.






Cha mberl ain



East Indian electorate by
radicals will keep the
Williams government on
its toes, :but does. not pose
any serious immediate
As host to close on $1
billion worth of American
investment, Trinidad is,
next to Puerto Rico, the
most important centre of.
United States economic
power in the Caribbean.
For 20 years, from the
days of British colonialism
to the present oil bonanza
of the new independent
republic, Washington has
been fortunate in the sober
reasonableness of Prime
Minister Eric Williams,
whose age and intellectual
bent have produced plenty
of nationalistic rhetoric
without any significant
action to break American
power in the island.
SLast month, taking his
time after his fifth conse-
cutive general election
victory, Williams made a
few adjustments to his
cabinet, trimmed it from.
17 members, to 11, and
once again announced
business as usual, with little
more revolutionary .plans
than compulsory declara-
tion of assets by all senior
public servants and politi-
cians and a law-'to stop
MPs from 'crossing the
Williams' capture of 24
of the 36 seats in Parlia-
ment restored the legiti-
macy his regime has effec-
tively lacked since the
political crisis of the
1970 'Black Power' and
Army revolt.
Two states of emergency
and an opposition boycott

of the last elections in
May 1971 had created the
illusion of a nation on the
brink of change.
The People's National
Movement (PNM), more
than ever reduced to being
the creature of Williams'(
whim, began spawning
rebels such as the dismissed
Attorney-General, Karl
Hudson-Phillips, in the
absence of a formal opposi-
Governmental corrup-
tion and inefficiency grew.
Strikes in the two main
economic sectors of oil
and sugar paralysed the
But thanks to the oil
boom and the extravagant
- and as yet unfulfilled -
promises he has been able
to make about its bene-
fits, Williams has survived

The election of 13
September confirmed that
the country is still voting
on racial lines largely
Africans for the PNM and
East Indians for the
But for the first time in
his political life, Williams
is now faced with a
genuinely radical official
opposition in the shape of
the United Labour Front
-.The 19-month-old Front.
led by the radicals whom
Williams jailed in 1970
for: trying to overthrow
his regime, won 10 of the
12 opposition seats in the

election, most of them in
the East Indian dominated
sugar belf.
Officially, it is an his-
-toric alliance of East Indians
and Africans firmly based
on the country's four
major trade unions, con-
trolling sugar, oil, trans-
port and electricity, and
the most significant work-
ing class party to emerge
in the island's history.
It has called for the
immediate nationalisation
of all foreign investments
in Trinidad and its leaders,
a mixed bag of Marxists
and populists., talk the
language of the militant
In reality, the ULF has
been dominated so far by
East Indians: by its official
leader, lawyer Basdeo
Panday and by former
Army officer Raffique
Shah, who owe their suc-
cess at the polls to the
fact that the ULF was
perceived to be a more
plausible vehicle of East
Indian opinion than the
half dozen pathetic frac-
tions of the old traditional
East Indian party, the
Democratic Labour Party,
which presented them-
selves to the electorate as
heirs of the late Bhadase
Eight of the 10 ULF.
MPs are of East Indian
origin. Significantly, the
Front's African leaders,
George Weekes of the Oil-
field Workers' Union, Joe

Young of the Transport

Workers and university
lecturer James Millette,
either did not stand or
were defeated, some later
being nominated to the
Here is a long way to,
,go yet before race defers
to ideology on any large
scale in Trinidad, but an
important start has un-
doubtedly been made.
The unreadiness of
Trinidadians for such a
new politics was demon-
strated by the failure at
the polls of the middle-
class left-nationalist Tapia
Movement led by Lloyd
Best, which had won the
respect of all for its
serious and coherent pro-
In spite of many predic-
tions to the contrary,
Best and his colleagues
were unable to erase suffi-
ciently their image of
being university intellec-
Although they were
mostly beaten into third
place by former Deputy
Prime Minister A.N.R.
Robinson's conservative
Democratic Action Con-
gress (which won the
other two opposition
seats, both of them in
.Robinson's native Tobago),
they remain a political
force with a future.
- While the ULF and its
leaders struggle to avoid
the racial straitjacket from
which their colleagues

Cheddi Jagan and his
Marxist People's Progres-
sive Party in Guyana have
never been able to escape,
Williams and the PNM can
now postpone their own
eternal problems once
Williams has been
waging' a bizarre public
campaign against corrup-
tion in his own govern-
ment and party. Aniong
the "millstones" he said
were some of his -'close
aides. But few have been
pyrged, and a younger
-generation of the educated
middle class waits in the
wings under the so-far
ineffectual leadership of
Williams, 65, and-giving
no sign that he intends to
retire, has however already
begun drawing on the less
politically ambitious sec-
tion of this generation
with the appointment of
John Donaldson; a res-
pected career diplomat, as
Minister of External Affairs
and National Security, and
Selwyn Richardson, a bar-
rister, as Attorney-General.
Both are only 40 years
As long as Williams
remains, no serious revolt
in the PNM seems likely.
Yet he continues to be a
fading folkhero, as the 54
percent poll at the election
and the 53 percent of the
total votes cast for the
PNM showed.
Even before the poll,
Williams said it was the
1981 election he was really
fighting. Between now and
then, entrenched behind
the ramparts of billion-
dollar budgets and egged
on by Washington, Williams
and his lacklustre govern-
ment will be resisting the
pressures of the ULF to
push Trinidad more quickly
to the left.
It will take all the
ULF's best efforts to re-
main a plausible and
coherent force in the face
of such mobilisation oi
economic and political: