Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00222
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: July 18, 1976
Frequency: completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00222

Full Text

Vol. 6 No. 29

Mrs. Andrea Tal SUNDAY TITY V18,1976 R12 EAST,
Research Institu fo--
162, Past 78th Street, '
"ew york, N.Y. 10021,
Ph. LRINRh 5 8448.





15 Aug1976




Assembly -


this week
Friday 16th July
Couva Car Park
4.30 p.m.
Saturday 17th July
Special Council Meeting
3.00 p.m.
Wednesday 21st July
6.30 p.m.
Thursday 22nd July
Mc Bean Balmain
6.00 p.m.
Friday 23 July
Chaguanas Market
4.30 p.m.-
Sunday 25 July
Couva rally
La Brea rally

cheap utilities to all with
special reference to trans-
port; a large-scale welfare
programme involving pub-
lic health, education,
school meals, vastly ex-
panded amenities for sport
and the arts."
The Tapia Secretary
who is the candidate for
Tunapuna stressed: "We
know that the next Gov-
ernment must show our
people good cause for
being efficient, for getting
up and get, for abandoning
project habits."
The Tapia plan involved
seven regions: the Eastern
Corridor from Diego
Martin to Arima:;the North '
East including S. Grande
and Waller Field; the South
East, including a new
urban-industrial- belt from
Galeota to Guayaguayare;
the Caroni Plain; the Nap-
arima Plain; the Indusatrial
.Capital Region from Point





WASTING TIME and money on Special Works Projects will definitely not be a part of a
Tapia Government's plans for Trinidad and Tobago.
In place of that, a Tapia Government will introduce a National Service programme
- with special camps of youths set up all over the country to buttress special Develop-
ment Areas.
The aim of the National Service programme "is to engage the youth in patriotic
discipline, in education through apprenticeship and learning while doing projects in
industrial arts, farming and the trades and the professions."
That was one of the points stressed by Tapia Secretary Lloyd Best in an address
to a political meeting held in Pasea Wednesday evening.
Best told the Pasea people: "We have studied the response of Trinidadians and
Tobagonians to the crisis of 1970.
"We are satisfied that our people are willing to volunteer much time and energy to
a Government prepared to I
reward idealism, to be e W o0 p Uwill a t t
compassionate with the w g f wi II
future of our people, to *
avoid rigid ideological I0 OCf 0 6
stances, to set its face I
against coercive techniques is not trading on crisis, "Tapia gives notice",
of administration and to confusion and confronta- the Tapia Secretary said,
promote the creative parti- tion and which seems cap- "that come the change of
citation of all sections of able of achieving a change Government in August or
the nation." of Government by the September, we will re-open
Everywhere Tapia went constitutional road." the constitution question
these days, Best said, there Best said: "I think that and repudiate the Doctor
was a sense of victory, whether the Judgemient Republic.
"They used to say that Day is sooner or is later, "We will call a Constitu-
Tapia was the movement whether in August or ent Assembly of'Citizens, a
of tomorrow; now they September, we will lick the conference of the Parties
are saying we are the platter clean and get a clear .and the people to establish
movement of today. maioriv." new politics of participa-

"People are saying that
that Tapia is "the only
political alternative which

And what would be the
firsl ihing that a Tapia
C,.- ,nment would do?

Tapia's economic plan,
he said, was "to lift the
life-line industries out of

foreign domination and
away Irom incompetence,
inefficiency and confusion.
"We propose a new
business partnership be-
(ween the Unions, the
Municipal Councils and
the National G(overnment.
"The new partnership
must clear the way for
sound business practice by
closing off political infight-
ing, political jobbery and
political interference."
"Our remedy will be an
incomes policy embracing
wages, prices and profits:

Lisas to San Fernando; the
Oil Belt in the deep south;
and Tobago.
Best said the administra-
tive frame of this plan
would be 25 new local
Government or Municipal
Councils around complexes
such as Couva, Chaguanas,
La Brea-Point Fortin,
Siparia-Fyzabad. Tunapuna,
San Juan and Sangre
The action frame, the
Secretary continued, would
be seven Experimiental
Development Areas. These
are to be in ('haguaramas,
Waller Field. Fprres Park,
Point Lisas. Chatham,
Oropouche Lagoon and
North last Tobago. Each
of these would be the site
of a National Service
Camp, a mini-city lor the
youth where they would
acquire patriotic discipline
and the skills For life and
Sensing Ifull victory in
the elections aliead. Best
said Tapia "is ready for
Full responsibility. Our
campaign for national
reconstrfiction will now
move into highest gear."




_ ___

- sCpd~L ~R~CB 1 I ~ I =I~ -LCL~ ~~~ -e41

.,Toc.o scand.al
i'n P*6 1 d


Trouble in the camp after merger talks failure




(Political Intelligence Bureau)
CAN THE DAC survive?
That is to ask: can
that party hold together
long enough to fight the
1976 General Elections
as a single unit?
As yet that question
is not being asked openly
in DAC circles, but it's
on the minds of many
party faithfuls, largely
outside of but not ex-
cluding members of the
The anxiety in the
party has grown im.
measurably since the
failure of the merger
talks with the ULF, talks
which were abandoned
when the ULF turned
down a DAC offer of 10
Not the least source of
worry has been the re-
ported ULF threat to
sabotage the campaigns
of those DAC candidates
who. were supposed to
be most hostile to the


The.ULF has reportedly
pledged itself to the
destruction of Martin
Sampath and Angus Khan
in Siparia and Fyzabad
(If the DAC is taking
on this threat it's only
because of their charac-
teristic lack of political
insight since, in the
Martin Sampath case, the
contemplated instrument
of his promised destruc-
tion is none other than
the hapless Dr. James
That and the previously
reported ULF threat to
expose the "capitalists"
with "anti-worker" back-
grounds in the ranks of
the ULF is shaking even
more severely the DAC's
fragile confidence.
For all the leadership
might prate and inspired
letter writers to the
newspapers might testify,
the rank and file DAC-ker,
remain unconvinced that
their party could make
a presentable showing in
the polls. All by them-
Hence the high hopes
that attended the con-
duct of the merger talks,
for the ordinary DAC
folk saw the possibility
of a readymade entree
into the sugar belt and

other areas Which have
remained steadfastly cool
to the message of the
open book.
Now that they have to
go it alone, they are
swallowing hard as they
contemplate the palpable
unviability of their elec-
tion hopes represented
in those announced can-
didates, the vacuousness
of the programme and
the uninspired and unin-
spiring leadership..
Add to that the pros-
pect of the active under-
cutting of' the .ULF
cadres in oil and sugar,
and it's easy to see why
DAC-kers must perceive
grave handicaps in this
whole business of win-
ning friends and influenc-
ing people electorally.
Few in the DAC had
believed in the possibili-.
ties of the merger more
firmly than Brinsley
Samaroo, an unhappy
party hopper if ever there
was one.
Samaroo, under strong
pressure from the bar-
stool politicos in the UWI
Social Science Faculty to

join "the workers' cause",
saw himself as the natural
bridge between the two
He went further. In the
interest of the alliance,
Samaroo gave up his
claims to the St. Augus-
tine seat to a ULF candi-
date and shifted himself
to Nariva instead.


So that when the crash
came, it was for Samaroo
not only a political but a
severely personal blow.
A deeply worried man,
who knows he can not
accept the Panday invita-
tion to cross lines over
to the ULF, Samaroo
evinces little relish for
pulling together the shat-
tered fragments of his
suspended St. Augustine
campaign at this late
He has been telling
friends recently that he
might just hold onto the
one seat in St. Augustine
that he is sure of in
Room 102 of the UWI
History Department.
Troubled enough to be
talking his business

land. But now: all
they want is office
"He talks about
education, but leave
out Agriculture. Edu-
cation is good but
Agriculture is a must.
"When we dead, this
country go put money
in the pot and boil
. ,:7 it."

candidate for Toco-
LISTENING to an old
female farmer at
Matelot last Sunday, I
got some serious vibra-
tions about the iniquity
of the educational
system and economic
She said: "Before
Williams came on the
scene all the young
people of Matelot
wanted was a piece of

I then told her that -
Tapia will be different
because in our pro-
gramme for change,
agriculture comes first.
I continued by say-
ing that Tapia plans to
give the country a new
philosophy in educa-
tion (a philosophy that
gives dignity to agricul-
ture) by placing
emphasis on agriculture
in schools.
By using the mass
,media to project agri-
culture, and by estab-
lishing community
industries to process
agricultural products.
She said: "All you
have plenty wuck to
See page 11..

openly, Dr. Samaroo has
been saying that he is
not interested in being
an opposition MP, the
salary for which job is
only $1,000 when his
present lecturer's salary
reaches $2,000.
,He is not the only one
talking his blues out loud,
The so-called "capital-
ist" and "socialist" wings
in the party are farther
apart than ever since the
collapse of the merger
Accusations are flying
thick and fast, as every-
one in the DAC is casting




aboul ii i i intic search
to jc!:]si) their own
millerte(' Sbefore it's
too late.
It is, unhappily, already
too late
One ol lic reasonswhy
they could ol er Panday's
ULF only 10 seats was
that DA( had already
committed itself, for
better or tor worse, to a
bench of candidates
whose appearance elicit-
ed from an electorate
looking desperately for
change only a tired groan.
So the. question now
being asked in knowledge-
able political circles is
not what are the DAC's
chances in the election?
But what are the DAC's
-chances in making it to"
the elections?






11 lB Belmont Circular Rd. Belmont
(Next to St, Francis Church) 62-42302



Clothes made to order


Original Designs

Ann's Dressmaking, 27 Belle Smythe St. Curepe


Services offered:
" Typing of manuscripts, agreements etc.
* Processing tax returns, travel documents
* Literary agencies
* Revision ofMSS
* Translations English-French-Spanish
* Preparation of bulletins, brochures etc.
16 St. Vincent Street, Pqrt-of-Spain,
(Top Floor)



aulmlli ulI 0. Z)/L



SUNDAY JULY 18. 1976




THERE IS little that is new or especially enlightening
about the criticisms levelled at the Press by Williams in his
speech last Saturday to,of all things, the second gradua-
tion ceremony of the Corinth Teachers' College.
The accusation that the Press is not helping to shape
public opinion in any serious way is of course valid.
The daily Press in particular is at its lowest ebb in
these critical times.
For example, in what everybody knows to be the
most crucial general elections in the country's history,
neither daily newspaper both of which claim to have
,"political reporters" -is producing any consistent political
reporting or commentary.
We are left with a non-journalist UWI doctor, Selwyn
Ryan, and a Williams reject, R.I.P. Ingram, to give us
insights into how the politics is going.
It is also a scandal the way valuable and expensive
newsprint is being used to produce those nauseous Sunday
supplements, just shoving nonsense at people in bulk form.
NQ country with the
kind of inequalities and
needs that we have should
allow this profligate cept for narrow political
waste. expedie-hcy.
But what Williams will Nothing better demon-
not say (not because he states, this point than
doesn't know it) is that the Government's take-
the Press has been re- over of Radio ,10 and
duced to this kind of TTT. This has produced
irresponsibility by the nothing' but a tightening
politics of the PNM. of Government control
Williams has never over the mass media.
cared personally for the The programme con-
Press, except to use it tent on both stations
at will, as he has been has changed only for the
doing all along. worse, No new ,sense of


Witness the foolishness
of GUARDIAN political
reporter John Babb being
granted exclusive entree
to Williams, simply for
the einpty purpose of
taking shorthand notes
of whatever- the doctor
says and then reproduc-
ing the notes as "news
Witness the shameful
Williams "interview" on
TTT by journalist Owen
Mathurin, a Party mem-
ber and former Williams
PRO who is genuinely
incapable of any other
role in the presence of
the Great One but that
of prompter, latchet
loosener or whatever.
Witness the PNM's in-
ability over the years to
produce any kind of
serious organ of com-
munication of its own.
The day Williams stop-
ped writing for the PNM
weekly, The Nation, the
paper died. Nobody even
misses it.
George John, now
marking time as editor of
the EXPRESS, tried to
get a little thing going
when he was up there at
Whitehall. R e m e m-
ber DIALOGUE? Nobody
misses that either.
Over the years, the
Government or to be
precise, Williams has
shown no interest what-
soever in the Press, ex-

directon or purpose has
informed these media
since the Government
If anything, they have
become more irrespons-
It is incredible, and
wholly unacceptable, that
a Government of a newly-
independent nation should
own a television station
which nightly presents so
much junk, just blowing
people's minds with all
that imported and irrele-
vant claptrap.


610 Radio has fully
reverted to being a juke
box station, ,with some
announcers trying their
best to imitate the worst
of American Disc Jockey-
practices, from yankee
accent down to scream-
ing idiocy and plenty
advertising in between.
After years of bawling
by journalists, the Gov-
ernment only recently
began to award a handful
of scholarships injournal-
ism. And to what pur-
To date, the scholar-
ships have gone to civil
servants,, producing men
of the cute harmlessness
of a Tony Deyal, binding
young people who may
have genuine aspirations
about journalism to
working for the Govern-
ment media.
Which, any journalist

September 13, 1973 Trinidad and Tobago

Vol. 1 No. 22

Remember 'DIALOGUE'? Nobody misses George John's little paper started and folded when he
he was WVhitehall's PRO, and few have noticed its successor 'INFO '76'.

will tell \,Li. is-a bore, a
job ,carrying a monthly
salary. Full lop.
Add to ani that the
Government t's growing
sensitivity to criticism
coupled with its heavy-
handed dealings with
journalists at its own
Radio 610 a year ago..
Very few journalists,
especially the young
people who depend on
their monthly paychecks
to mind their' families,
are prepared to risk any-
thing in that oppressive


And the way the Press
has developed (or retard-
ed) in the last five years
or so, the majority of
journalists now find
themselves caught in a
vice trapped between
the crass concern of the
media owners to make
plenty money and the
Government's obvious
disdain for a critical oi
alert Press.
Williams's description
of some newspaper edi-
torials as "ridiculous" is
putting it mildly.
The most arrant non-\
sense is being churned
out by the editorial
writers on a daily basis
(like t me GUARDIAN
editorialising recently
that 65,000 unemployed
young people is no big
thing because charitable
organizations are so-
active in the society.
Pass the tea, dear).
But for Williams to
come along and hold up
to public ridicule a Press
of his own making (as
the "millstones" have
been of his own making)
is an indulgence in a
transparent hypocrisy -
which it is the duty of
journalists to point out. .
For there is also the
final insult aimed at the

mass media with the
appointment and re-,
appointment of the
neanderthal Jimmy Bain
as Chairman of the
Government-owned media,
Williams' academic
background and training
should automatically put
him and Bain on two
different planets. Bain
may talk all the foolish-
ness he can think up and
have it published or
broadcast at will.
He will never go to
Williams with any of that
tripe because Williams
will not tolerate it.
Yet, by appointing a
man like Bain to take
charge of the Govern-
ment media,_ and the
Government's journalists,
Williams is demonstrating
his utter contempt for
the Press.

That the Press has
allowed that contempt to
shape it is a classic
exam-le of what happens
when men and the women
of the media, refuse to
define themselves tc
be clear about their owr,
roles and responsibilities
and settle for a view
of themselves imposed
from outside and above.
It is the old colonial
mentality, which Williams
manipulates so well.
Until the Press breaks
free of that shackle, it
will remain open to the
beck and disdain of the
mighty doctor a weak
and ineffectual Press,
abdicating its historic
duty and responsibility in
exchange for a.few pieces
of silver.
And a richly deserved

Our coverage of


is unsurpassed anywhere

for focus and point.

Keep a breast of the

real currents in the

Caribbean Sea.
OWING to the recent increase in the postal
rates, the Tapia House Publishing Co., Ltd., has
found it necessary to increase the subscription
rates for TAPIA.
The new rates are as follows:

Trinidad & Tobago
Caricom countries
Other Caribbean
E.E.C. (incl. U.K.)

U.S. -

$18.00 per year



Surface rates and rates for other countries on
request The new rates are effective February 1, 1976.
Tapia, 82, St. Vincent St. Tunaouna, Trinidad &
Tobago, W.I. Telephone 662-512i, & 62-25241.


SUNDAY JULY 18, 1976



FROM THE DAYS of slavery unto this day,
the history of the Jamaican masses has been a
tumultuous one. It has been a history of
unrelenting struggle against slavery, colonial-
ism and neocolonialism. It is a history
characterized by slave uprising and repression;
riots and repression; betrayal, rebellion and
repression. Between 1664, the year of the
first civil administration, and 1838, tne year
of the abolition of chattelslavery, there were
no less than twelve reported slave uprisings.
There were also the maroon wars of 1729-39
and 1760-95 and "the second maroon war"
of 1795.
In 1831, two years before the apprentice-
ship act, "the signal was given for the launch-
ing of the greatest slave rebellion in all of
the British Caribbean." (38) The leaders of
this "Emancipation Rebellion", .as Richard
Hart calls the pro-emancipation revolts, were
a group of black baptist church leaders:
Burchell, George Taylor, Robert Dove, Robert
Gardiner, Sam Sharpe, the main organizer,
and others.
A major riot was to occur thirty-four
years later, nearly three decades after the
abolition of chattel slavery, led again by a
black baptist preacher named Paul Bogle,
wherein a police station was attacked, a court
house set on fire and several whites killed.
This was the famous Morant Bay Rebellion of
.1865 which was brutally put down by the
establishment. After 1865 there were at least
three reported riots, in the years 1902, 1912
and 1924, that led up to the spontaneous
mobilization ol the oppressed throughout the
Caribbean in 1938, a year of rioting and
labour disputes.
It was out of the struggle of 1938 that
Norman Washington Manley and the Peoples
National Party, and Alexander Bustamante
and the Jamaican Labour Party, who soon
sought to betray the struggle of the oppressed,
emerged. Between 1944 and 1962 Jamaica
passed from what Dr. Trevor Monroe calls
"constitutional apprenticeship" to political
independence; colonialism stepped out and
neocolonialism stepped in. (39).


The granting of independence in 1962,
which marked a turning point in the history
of decolonization in Jamaica, instead of bring-
ing the long awaited change has brought the
people from "hope to hopelessness", lawless-
ness and despair. The truth is that, as Joseph
Ruglass puts it:
400 years of colonial reign
Has brought the people misery
It has left them such pain
The talk is now of independence you see
Seems it'wasn't meant for you or for me (40).
And ever since then, the Afro-Jamaican
has been praying: "0 father free us from/the
chains of babylon/and let us live to walk in
zion/for we are pressurised iust like the
Israelites". (33) Ever since the days of slavery,
my people have been singing this sad sad song:
took us away
in captivity
and brought us down here
where we can't be free
I wanna know how long
how long
how long shall evil rage
evil rage over my people (34)
The image of slavery persists in the mind
of the Afro-Jamaican, and the conditions of
slavery weigh down his existence. Though it
was his sweat, blood and tears that built
Jamaica, he shares no part of it. All he knows
is "pure pain and poverty" and all he sees
around him is despair and sufferation and
hopelessness. So the rastafarian refuses to
accept this barren existence in a "foreign
land". He has never renounced his African
citizenship for he has never been given a
citizenship and so he sings this song of despair,
dreaming of the day when he will "sail/on the
Black Star Line/homeward bound." (35)

I just can't take it no more
I Oust can't stand it no more
So let me go home to Ethiopia land (36)
The rastafarian's demand of repatriation
back to Africa then is not unreasonable or
unrealistic but quite legitimate. And it is the
historical experience which legitimizes this
demand. In fact, it was the same hopelessness
and despair which substantiates the rasta-
farians' demand the led to mass emigration
since the turn of the century to places like
Cuba, Panama, North America and the U.K.

As one lyricist explains:
the time is getting- hard boy
we've got to travel on
the time is getting hard boy
we've got to leave this land
Jamaican music.
Burning spear in a song called "Ethiopians
Live It Out" celebrate the endurance of the
Afro-Jamaican from the days of slavery unto
this day:
0 chinee man come
they couldn't live it out
coolie man come
they couldn't live it out
syrians come
they couldn't live it out
white men come
they couldn't live it out
ethiopians live it out
how we do it.
ethiopians live it out (45)
Not only is this song a song that speaks
of the historical endurance of the sufferer, it
is also a song of strength. For if the black
Jamaican has survived slavery and genocide
then surely he .shall live to see "the wicked
bow down and flee". (46) It is a fact, that of
all the ethic groups in Jamaica it was only
the black Jamaican who could physically
endure the brutality of the plantation system.
When Burning Spear makes a comparison
between the strength of the endurance of the
Chinese, the Indians, the Syrians and the
whites on the one hand, and the black
Jamaican on the other, there is also the
innuendo that the latter group will outlive the
former one because the Afro-Jamaican
majority is at the bottom of the social
hierarchy. Bob Marley's "Soh Jah Seh",
which may be described as a "secular hymn",

also expresses this strength and endurance
and the determination to continue the
historical struggle in the midst of so much
desolation and sufferation. It is also a song
of faith:
soh fah seh
not one of my seed
shall sit on the street and beg bread (47)
Marley calls on the sufferers to "I-nite
oneself' and stop the fussing and fighting
amongst each other. He then reaffirms the
implacable will to continue to fight the fight
of life, the struggle to survive:
and down here in the ghetto
and down here we suffer
but I an I a hang on in there
but I an I, I naw leggo (48)
It is man's faith in Jah that gives man
the strength to carry on for Jah is man's
shield and buckler, Jah is man's inner strength.
Again Gregory Isaacs' "Sweeter the Victory",
another "secular hymn", laments the plight
of the sufferer and tells of his historical
yearning for freedom: "lord my people wanna
be free/just like, the blind would like to see".
This is also a prayer asking for guidance and
for faith "that we will see a better day". (50)
But this song should not be dismissed as
religious escapism, for this prayer for faith
and guidance.
given us faith to face another day
guide us in and out along the way
that we shall see a better day (51)
is really an inward search for the inner
strength to endure "the whip, fantastic
fines, Judge Dread and Judge Four Hundred
Years, the rules of eunuchs, fops, thieves and
ignoramuses who break the law themselves,
the brutish stupidity of a demoralised police
force making love to their guns" (52) be-
cause deep down in his heart of hearts, he
knows that:
the hotter the battle
the sweeter the victory (53)
That the language of the' poetry of
Jamaican music; is rastafarian or biblical
language cannot simply be put down to the
colonizer and his satanic missionaires. The
fact is that the historical experience of the
black Jamaican is an experience of the most
acute human suffering, desolation and despair
in the cruel world that is the colonial world
which brings about an inner-felt need for

Talking Blues: Bob Marley performs with Stevie Wonder, superstar of rhythm 'n' blues.


SUNDAY JULY 18, 1976

THE DELAY of the
Elections and Boundaries
Commission (E&BC) in
making available maps
showing the new consti-
tuency boundaries is an
example of Public Service
inefficiency that can have
grievous results for the
country as a whole.
This is a warning that
the Tapia campaign offici-
als would like to pass on
to the Queen Street
offices of the E&BC and
the politically-appointed
The Tapia campaign
chiefs feel that their dis-
gruntlement with the
"pussy-footing" of the
Elections and Boundaries
Commission is shared by
all-the other opposition


Tapia Community Re-
lations Secretary Bhoen-
dradatt has three times
called the E&BC asking
for the maps.
Each time he was put
off with replies like "they
are being prepared, but
we cannot say when they
will be available."
According to Tewarie,
attempts to reach Chief
Elections Officer Tyson
have been futile.
Nobody in his office
could tell when Mr.
Tyson would be available.


The Tapia Campaign
office points out that the
Representation- of the
People 1976 Bill had
been passed since May 16
by the House of Repre-
The E&BC have been
making public their pre-
parations for the elections
- the location of polling
stations, registration pro-
cedures etc. But the lack
of maps has made it
difficult for political
parties to prepare on

constituency level.
With elections only
about 60 days away for
the most, the lack of
maps is so worrisome as
,to be almost a harass-
ment of legitimate politi-
cal and electoral organiza-
While the new bound-
aries have been defined
in writing, and Tapia has
had copies of the lists of
streets etc., "very often
one can't find the streets,"
a Tania man fumed.
To some extent, the
Tapia cadres point out,
the problem has been got
around by ,campaigning
on a regional basis.
So, for example, can-
didates for the Tunapuna
region (Tunapuna, Arouca,
St. Augustine, Arima)
would work together,
holding joint meetings
and fund-raising functions.
"But while we can
MOBILIZE on a regional
basis, we have to
ORGANIZE for the
elections on a constitu-
ency basis. And without
the maps you can't know

for sure what you're
"The ludicrousness cf
this pussy-footing by the
Elections and Boundaries
is seen nowhere better
than in the explanation
given by one of their
officials that they can't
give concrete information
on the maps because
they're trying to deter-
mine at what price to sell
them." .:


In the meantirrie, poli-
tical parties must go shop-
ping for votes hamstrung
by the uncertainty and
unable.- to move ahead
with the myriad details
of preparations for poll-
ing day.

But the unavailability
of the maps is only one
aspect of this administra-
tive bungling (which the
government even for as
important a thing as the
elections has never taken
any steps to correct).

'Tapia campaign offi-
cials report that when-
ever materials have to be
purchased from the
E&BC, the buyer has
first to find out the cost,
on Queen Street, pay the
exact amount into the
Treasury on Indepen-
dence Square then return
to Queen Street with
the receipt to collect the
"This kind of ineffi-

ciency," Bhoendradatt
Tewarie thundered, "is
not merely outrageous.
It's criminal. Because it
has to do with elections
and all these little bureau-
cratic snafus and red tape
can have far-ranging con-
sequences for the political
work in the field.
"It is quite clear in
my mind who are the
ones that will have to
take the blame."

J.iC Sea/y


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In the windy season
when poinsettia flowed white
when cricket nets sprang up
like tiny grey sails spread
across a green savannah
when the skies opened wider
to float all our children's kites
we laughed loudest
eyes rolling
hands flailing
belly holding
body rocking
eating good food, chasing
with wine
to celebrate our homecoming
with the discovered prayer:.
we are found and lost
children we are lost and found.

from JOURNEY, a volume of poetry
by Raoul Pantin.


f5 t



A ~' -.

TODAY, our faith seems justified, our hope
reasonable and our dream just on the horizon,
within grasp.
But it is more important than ever now
to be cool; to guard against fanaticism, self-
righteousness or euphoria.
It is a time to look at things in per-
spective. And it is a time to remind ourselves
that our dream is not to take power; we must
take power to realise our dream. Our dream
is to create a just social order and a humane
It is now seven-and-a-half-years since
we started on our course of unconventional
politics, a term misunderstood, misrepresented
and misused by many.
We are seven-and-a-half-years-old, the
oldest political party not to have contested an
In a country in which the governing
party took nine months between its birth
and its accession to office, and in which the-
mere mention of elections is enough for
parties to mushroom overnight, that is un-
conventional politics without a doubt'.
Sisters and Bros., the building of our
movement -has always taken place on two-
First of all, we have been concerned
with building the machinery to govern.
Secondly, we have been concerned with
mounting a campaign to reach large numbers
of people all over the country.
In building the machinery to govern we
have been concerned about putting down a
long term professional political organization.
Such a body would contain men and
women of independent spirit; plans that are a
bridge between our historical condition and,
our vision for the future; organization that
stresses the importance of disciplined en-
deavour and routine work; together with
institutional structures which help to promote
democracy and engender trust.
Throughout the years, we have attempted
to involve ourselves in community work and
we have attempted to build community or-
ganization both with mixed success.
There is no doubt that we did not
succeed in doing as much of this kind of work
as we should..
Obviously we were limited by the in-
hibitions of the old political culture.
But there can be no doubt either that
many of the valid community leaders, many
of the stalwarts in the present-day Tapia
were won over during the days of community
work and community building.





Many of the structures of the organiza-
tion, also, were built and routines developed
at the same time.
But our campaign, per se, really began
at the end of 1973..
At a Council of Representatives meeting
held on August 13, 1973. Ivan Laughlin made
a stirring appeal for political commitment,
observing that the country had reached a
"critical juncture". At that meeting a strategy
for the next 60 days was discussed.
Within 30 days the country was stunned
by the "resignation" of the Prime Minister as
Political Leader of the ruling party.
The country was in a state and the whole
-business of political alternatives became a
pressing issue.
By this time Tapia was .already in the
midst of a public meeting campaign. The
Assembly of Sunday October 25, 1973 was
a more than successful affair, indicating that
at a time of crisis many were seeing Tapia as a
valid political alternative.
But a lot of water has passed under the
bridge since the beginning of the campaign in
September, 1973.


We have had thousands of house meet-
ings and block meetings. We have won
hundreds of cadres and workers. We have held
hundreds of public meetings. Last Thursday
alone we held seven public meetings simultan-
The campaign needed the time since
1973, to develop the necessary machinery.
The whole development of the campaign
machinery was a process of learning for all of
us. All the time we were acquiring a multitude
of skills and polishing them.
Of course, the campaign has had its own
The national campaign operation has
given rise to local campaign organization as
cadres began to rally around the public meet-
ings from place to place.
It allowed us to find our people, to
develop organically, with due process, over
We must have the humility in the or-
ganization to acknowledge the foresight and
insight of the Secretary, Lloyd Best.
Had we not on his urging, started the
campaign machinery in 1973, it would
probably have not yet been put into place -
certainly not with the same degree of com-
petence or efficiency.
At that time you may remember Best
pressed for the mounting of a campaign that
had a certain magic. In response to that
proposal, Lloyd Taylor wrote his piece,
"Another Viewi of the Tapia Method" call-
ing for patient, long-term building.
Sisters and brothers, to my mind, the
patient building has not suffered. And we are
close to the magic, too, let me assure you.
The leaders of the organization have
been forced themselves, by developing circum-
stances over the last three years, to discipline
themselves, organize their time, determine
priorities, ,and generally to become more
resourceful and competent.
In addition, the humane and democratic

culture we have developed, has helped us to
grow together as an organization.
Now of necessity, we must bring to
bear all the resources that we have developed
over the years.
We are operating on the assumption that
elections are constitutionally due on or before
September 17. 1976


All the same, we note that Republic day
has not been declared; that election day has
not been announced and that Parliament is
now closed.
We remember the sinister implications of
Senator Julien's suggestion of a benevolent
Dictatorship, and note that it has been follow-
ed by a hint by the Prime Minister himself of
a smaller Cabinet..
Some political parties are parading the
country warning that there will be no elec-
tions. We cannot sanction this view.
Elections are due anytime now. And we
assume that elections are going to be held
sooner rather than later.
We in Tapia have always chosen the
constitutional road. And constitutionally we
change the government by means of elections
in Trinidad and Tobago.
We have no desire to depart from the
constitutional road. But we will, if we are
forced to
There are two tasks. it seems to me, that
we must focus on with regard to elections.
One is the work from now until election
day. The other involves the election day opera-
tion itself.

Most of the people we have won to
Tapia so far have been won principally on the
basis of a dream for a new Trinidad and To-
Always in the campaign we have had the
view of ours as a noble people and we have
consistently appealed to their loftiest aspira-
We have done this through our pro-
gramme of political education which took
many forms inside and outside the organiza-
We understand that people cannot make
a commitment unless they understand what is
involved, and they will not stand up and fight
unless they understand what they are fighting
So our principal thrust has been to
educate the population in order to win their
commitment. This is how we have won our
candidates, our cadres and o1sr workers.
But over the vears. cne country s ears
have not been open to the politics as they are
now. That is understandable but we must
note that the question "Who we go put" has
been changing gradually to "what choice am I
going to make?"
There is no doubt that we have earned
the respect of the country over the years by
maintaining our integrity. The consequence of
this is that we have also earned the right to be




:' 18, 1976




listened to, the right to be heard. And with
elections in the air, people are listening now,
more than ever.
The task now for all of us who want a
better world is to assume our responsibility.
Our commitment must result in action. In
other words, if we want a better world, we
must work for it; if we want change we must
make it.
And the country is ready for Tapia. All
those things which once seemed like political
options have little credibility now that the
country has had time to judge and eliminate.
We have survived many battles, and the
last battle is going to be a classic between the
old order and the new vision.
We are the new force that is going to
bring the old regime tumbling down.
The country is perceiving this. Tapia is
really an idea whose time has come. And we
must seize the time! We must take the
All of us here present, and all of us who
for whatever reason could not share this day
with us, must be talking Tapia, living Tapia
for the next eight weeks or so.
We must follow the public meetings in
our constituencies and regions. It is an im-
portant source of political education for
people who are trying to'commit and convince
others. And we must bring our families,
neighbours and friends and expose them to
the men and women in Tapia and to the
Tapia Vision.


In the constituencies, we must get in
touch with our respective candidates and their
campaign managers and find our what we can
do to boost the campaign.
We must register .ourselves, we must
register others. We must go house to house
in our neighborhoods. We must use the tele-
phone to call people in the district and tell
them about Tapia.
This is. the final phase of the mobiliza-
tion and that means people. We have the vision,
the plans, the men and women, the organiza-
tion; and the capacity I believe for responsible
and humane government.
What we need now is the crowd. And
this calls for intense involvement, and mass
I have never forgotten the Secretary's
assertion a few assemblies ago that the time to
be in front is at the end.
I notice the S-ecretary is repeating that to
himself very often these days.
Recently the Prime Minister was quoted
in the Trinidad Guardian as saying that the
opposition parties are involved in a fight to
decide which ONE would lose to him.
Behind the smokescreen of political
robber talk he has betrayed his real judgment
of the political situation. What the Prime
Minister sees is that the votes are not going to
be split among any 14 parties.
At the end, as we have always said, there
will only be two horses.
The only trouble is that after 20 years
one is already a dead horse.
Sisters and brothers, we are emerging
here as the only serious contender. And all of



us must shoulder the responsibility of mo-
bilising the country for the final phase. We
must be involved now, more than ever.
MORE THAN ever we need our people on
election day. Every constituency, you may
know, must have an election agent and in
some cases, sub-agents as well.
On average, each constituency has about
30 polling divisions and we need a polling
agent in each polling division, which makes it
approximately 1,080 polling agents for the
36 constituencies.


We need scrutineers. And I will explain
what these are. After notice of an election is
given, the Governor General may decree a
period of electoral registration. During this
period we need scrutineers to see that registra-
tion takes place in a fair manner. Scrutineers
will be our representatives in the various
registration offices.
In addition,, we need workers to get our
unregistered people out during that period so

that they may become eligible to vote.
We need counting agents, one for each
We need cars and drivers on election day.
Approximately 25 to 30 in each con-

And we need people in each constituency
to get the voters out of their homes, into the
cars so that they may cast a vote for us.
In all of this-election day business, we
are inexperienced. But there is no political
party in the country with the commitment of
the people in Tapia. I say this without reserve,
because we have won commitment on the
right basis.
Our people, as they see the urgency, will
register, voluntarily, and they will come out
and vote on election day by and large, because
they understand what is involved. And I have
no doubt that all of us here today will do
whatever we can before election day and on
the day itself.
Now, all our efforts must be directed
now towards mass mobilization, and a large
turn-out on election day.

In 1961 it was 88%. This year it must be
90% at least. We have to gain power of the
state in order to make change and we cannot
allow the mechanics of election day to stand
in our way.
That is the mundane task ahead that will
make the spiritual regeneration possible.
Election day must be the grave that will
suck in the dead regime, allowing the country
to be born again.

Let it not be forgotten, however, that
we are committed to change by any means
necessary, if it comes to that.
And the best way to prepare for the
possibility of no elections, is to mobilize the
country for elections, so that if forced, we
are sure to take a stand against any oppressive
regime, on behalf of our country.


SUNDAY JULY 18. 1976






-, I


SOCIALISM promises to
break even newer ground
in Cuba this year.
With the revolution
of '59 largely consoli-
dated, despite the dreams
of the Miami elite in
exile, and with the ad-
venturbs in economic re-
organisation bringing
more bread for all, the
stage is now set for
radical incursions into yet
another area-political re-
Only some months
ago the Cuban people
took the first step by
ratifying the new con-
stitution in a referen-
Those who judge
Cuba by the yardstick of
liberal democracy see
"free elections" to poli-,
tical office as the. uni-
versal ideal, from which
any deviation is taboo.
This school of
thought adamantly re-
jects the Cuban view that
the whole process of
revolutionising a-society
needs in the initial stages
an iron discipline in
which the "bourgeois"
freedoms of the Press and
free elections must be
In the Cuban list of
priorities the freedom to
work and to eat is set
higher than the freedom
to campaign for the vote
of the electorate. Cuba's
intended political reforms
have their ideological un-
derpinning in the concept
of the new man, a person
untainted by self-seeking.
Aspirants to public
office must not declare
themselves to the elec-

torate, making it im-
possible for smooth-talk-
ing power seekers, like
some of thbse we have
here, to have themselves
It was Che Guevara
who was perhaps the
leading theoretician of
the new man concept. He
was a shining example of
-what he preached.
While at the pinnacle
of power in Cuba, he left
for Bolivia to further the
cause of Latin American
revolution and was killed
in the process. i
Socialist ideals like
the -ones Che espoused
were not always inter-
nalised by the Cuban
F oll o w i n g the
Chinese example, an ex-
periment was started to
drill their Cuban masses
into accepting moral
rather than material in-
centives on their jobs.
The story of its failure
is fairly well known.
It is in such a mora-
listic tradition that the
rules governing Cuba's
new electoral system will
be laid. -
Candidates will be
nominated for national,
municipal or provincial
assemblies without their
even knowing. However
they are "morally bound
to accept; such is the
emphasis placed on work-
ing for the common
According to Castro,
only merit must be the
basis for choosing leaders
and this must be decided
by the masses.
This, no doubt, is a
significant step in the

movement t o w a r d, s
popular participation in
Rene Dumont, the
French agronomist and
former advisor to the
Cuban g o-v e rn me n t,
argues that not the least
of Cuba's mistakes has
been the hasty implemen-
tation of plans by Castro
caught up in a fever of
revolutionary zeal. .-

One of his major
contentions is that too
much power is con-
centrated in the hands
of Castro. That the
masses are effectively
denied participation in
the affairs of the country
Dumont maintains is one
of the major weaknesses
of the regime.'

It is this failing that
is on the verge of being
corrected in the nature
of the intended political

Dumont himself re-
alised the need for the
benevolent despot to
consolidate the revolu-
tionary gains initially,
but the time has long
passed for the Cuban
people to take over.
Not that participa-
tion does not exist. The
very successes gained by
the revolution must have
called for tremendous
resources of unity,
discipline and involve-
But the crux of the
matter is that the in-
stitutions by means of
which Cubans could
actively and permanently
influence decision making

must now be created.
Castro's statements
in 1970 that "deprived
of the participation of
the masses,socialism loses.
the battle, becomes
bureaucratised, u s e s
capitalist methods, re-
t r e a t s ideologically"
seems only- now to be
becoming a reality.
On paper the plans
for creating institutions
.for the articulation of
the popular will are
But if the institu-
tions degenerate into be-
ing merely a rubber
stamp for the will of the
upper echelons of the
Communist Party, the
political revolution would
then have f a i 1 e d
Exactly how did the
Cuban masses feel about
their country's involve-
ment in Angola? To what
extent has the Cuban in-
volvementbeen a Soviet
initiative or imposition

rather than a Cuban
For all practical
purposes it would not be
easy for a "progressive"
country not to want to
aid ideological brethren
in the MPLA then facing
the threat of South
Africa. But it seems
more than that.
Cuba's destiny has
become increasingly tied
up with the Soviet Union.
There is nothing wrong
with international com-
radeship but still -
"he who pays the piper
calls the tune!"
If and when the
mighty Soviet Union
starts abusing the
privileges of socialist
fraternity, then a leader
like Castro who stood
up to the mighty of the
Western colossus 90 miles
away, ought not to stand
for such abuse from the
Soviet Union.


SUNDAY JULY 18, 1976



inner peace, an inner strength, for "spiritual
well being" (54) in short, the historical
experience of the Afro-Jamaican is a deeply
spiritual experience, a religious experience in
the widest sense of the world.
The quest for spiritual well-being, this
impelling need to be free of the inner pain,
the inner tension, the oscillation between the
psychic states of despair and rebellion does
not necessarily oppose the physical quest for
liberation. This hisotircal phenomenon called
rastafarianism which is saturating the con-
sciousness of the oppressed Jamaican which
represents a particular stage in the develop-
ment of the consciousness of the oppressed -
is in fact laying the spiritual and the cultural
foundations from which to launch a struggle
for liberation.
Moreover, as Gordon Rohlehr has stated
in his excellent "Afterthoughts", throughout
the history of black Jamaica, "culture has
had a religious basis" and that is why in
Jamaica today, "it is difficult to separate
religious music from the music of open
rebellion." (55).
There is strong note of defiance running
through the poetry of Jamaican music, and
this defiance as we have seen has its roots in
the'historical experience. So Bob Marley and
the Wailers wail:
everytime I hear the crack of a whip
my blood runs cold
I remember on the slave ships
how they brutalised our very souls
today they say we are free
only to be chained in poverty (56)
He tells the oppressor: "slavedriver/the table
is turned/catch a fire/you gonna get burned".
(57) In the 1960s, the era of "ska" and "rock
steady" music, era of the rudie rebellion, the
rudie in court tells Judge Dread that" rudies
don't fear for boy/rudies don't fear.../rougher
than rough/tougher than tough" in fact
dreader than the dreaded Judge Dread. (58)
In the 1970s the rudie has been transformed-
through the cultural dynamism of rastafarian-
ism into "natty -dread" but the tone of
defiance is still- present: "natty dread will
never run away". (59)


In "Only for a Time", the lyricist tells
the oppressor
no matter what yoi try to do
Syou will never live to rule over me
what will you do when we rule over you (60)
Similarly, Burning Spear sings this song of
defiance with so much dread and defiance in
his voice that where we hear it we too are
strengthened, we too are defiant:
is lucky thing I never get
swell headed -
and start to run run run
I will never run away
do you hear! (61)
The greater the level of repression, the more
defiant and the more resolute the sufferers
become and the more violent is their rebellion.
The more this violent rebellion is directed
against the establishment, property and
capital, the more violent the repression, and
the more violent the repression...in a never-
ending spiral of violence that will surely
shatter the walls of babylon. "If a man put
forth coal in his bosom then shall he not be
burned is the opening question posed by
a dub-lyricist in a grounding poem which is
an open call to rebellion.
wi dread inna babylon
soh mi seh fire mek e bun dem
soh mek e bun mek e bun dem
a dee-dee-rum deh dee
seh mek wi bun dung babylon
come mek wi bun dung babylon (62)
One of the many songs banned during
the repressive rule of Hugh Shearer and the
Jamaican Labour Party, was the much cele-
brated "Beat Down Babylon", which im-
mediately, caught the imagination of sufferer in
Jamaica and the brutalized black youth in

Britain, for it was a song which sounded out
their defiance and gave fire to their rebellious
I an'I goin beat down babylon
I an'I goin beat down babylon
I an'I mus whip them wicked men

0 what a wicked situation
I an' I starvin for salvation
this might cause a revolution
and a dangerous pollution. '63)
In fact,, throughout the last decade or so the
lyricist has been telling the sufferer to "get up
and fight for your rights/my brother/get up
and right for your rights/my sister". (64)
Today it is "judgement" and "the fulfillment
of prophecy" the coming Armageddon, the
coming revolution that the peoples' poets are
singing about. They speak of Marcus Garvey's
words coming- to pass; they say "swallow-
field shall be the battlefield", they say "it a
goh dread on yuh/not baddah ask a ska/he
who have ears will hear/he who have eyes will
see", (65) for prophecy a fulfil; "judgement
has come and mercy has gone": and
...di-blood going flood
an di blood going run
blood uptown and blood downtown
blood roun' town
blood in di woods
and di blood in the country...(66)
declares Jah youth, for Marcus Garvey
prophecy fulfil: "can't get no food to eat/
can't get no money to spend". (67) We get

the feeling from these songs that the oppress-
ed Jamaican has decided that it is only a
matter of time before armed struggle shall be
launched and that they are prepared for it.
To my mind, the song which most
adequately expresses the historical experience
of the oppressed in' Jamaica is a song called
"Fire Down Below" written by the political
culturalist, Winston Rodney of the Burning
Spear. The woids are on the surface simple
enough but they take us through a maze of
metaphor to the historical experience and the
contemporary situation and deserve to be
quoted in full here:
down below
ah said fire-
fire fnmw
down below
and the people dem a running around
and the people dem-a running around
all who now sleep
get a cup of tea
all who now sleep
get a cup of tea
have a little tea pay
short and stout
this is my hunger
this is my sprout
when I get my tea yea
then I will shout
you gots to tip, tip it over
people then you pour it out (68)

Con '. on 'Pg. I

"The dances. arc at once erotic and sensual, violent aggressive and cathartic..."


From P 9
The historical experience of the Afro-Jamaican
is here likened unto a journey through history,
the sea of time, on the ship of life. But as the
ship of life sails on the sea of history all is not
well abroad. There is "fire- down below",
there is repression, rebellion, poverty and
despair. And the people are disorganized and
disunited," and the people dem a running
around/and the people dem a running around".
But all those who are struggling on mn spite of
all this and more, all those who are vigilant,
"all who now sleep" are strengthened and re-
warded, "get a cup of tea", Their reward is
spiritual nourishment, it flows from the
wealth of experience of struggle and en-
durance, "the rooted strength of the people",
and it is this "cup a tea" which keeps them
have a little tea pay
short and stout
this is my hunger
this is my sprout (69;


Is is the lines "have a little tea pay/short and
stout" that suggest the "rooted strength of the
the people." In Jamaica creole, the word
"talawah" translated into, English means
"stalwart", stout, strong, sturdy. The context
in which the word "talawah" is used invariably
invokes some sort of remark about someone
being short but stout and strong: "him lickle
but him talawah" (he is small but he is strong).
In this song the lyricists uses the imagery of
a teapot that is short and stout, the content
of the teapot being the historical experience,
and the cup of tea, short and stout, suggesting
the rooted strength of the people. The last
four lines of the song
when I get my tea yea
then I will shout
you gots to tip, tip it over
pZople then you pour it out (70)
suggest sobreness of struggle rather than

SUNDAY JULY 18. 1976
spontaneous rebellion. "You gots to tip, tip it
over" or else your passion may spill over
and you may get burnt "then you pour it

Over the last decade, the main pro-
occupation of the lyricist has been the burn-
ing social, political and economic issues of
the day. In commenting on these issues, the
lyricist makes a vital contribution towards the
oral documentation of the history of Jamaica
and to the Jamaican oral tradition. Consciously
setting out to transform the consciousness of
the sufferer, to politicize him culturally
through music, song and poetry, the lyricist
contributes to the continuing struggle of the.


The' Heptones, 'Suffering So', from the Lp Book of
Rule (Harry J music, 1074)
F.G. Rohlehr, 'After-Thoughts', in BIM (Vol. 14, no.
66, Barbados)
L.K. Johnson, Bass Culture, Dread Beat and Blood
(London, Bogle-L'Ouverture, 1975)
Big Youth, 'It Dread in A Babylon' (45 RPM,
:Augustus Buchunan Lable, Label, 1074)
Author's taped interview with the Heptones
L.K. Johnson, ibid.
L.K. Johnson, op. cit.
L.K. Johnson, Ibid.
Toots and the Maytals, 'Time Tough' (45 RPM,
Janua J 100, 1974)
Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth (London,
Penguin, 1970), p. 44
Ibid., p. 4
Ibid., p. 45
Big Youth, the LP Screaming Target (TRLS 61, 1973)
Big Youth, 'The Killer', Ibid.
F.G. Rohlehr, op. cit.
Bob Marley and the Wallers, 'Talking Blues', the LP
Natty Dread 9 (ILPS 9281, Island Music, 1975)
I Roy, 'Screw Face, the LP Presenting I Roy
(TRLS 63, 1973)
Bob Marley, op. cit.
Laxton Ford, 'Love is a Song' (45 RPM, Wildflower
Label, Kingston, Jamaica, 324 A, 1974)
Sam Clayton, 'Naration', the LP Groundation (NTI
301, Ahanti Label, 1973)

27 Name of artist and title of LP not known, Jah Love
(P/U LP/YU, 1975)
28 Andrew Salkey, Jamaica, a long historical poem
(London, Hutchinson, 1973.L o. 39
29 Ibid., p. 40
30 Burning Spear, the LP Marcus Garvey
31 The Abyssinians, 'Declaration of Rights' (45 RPM,
Coxsone Records, 7CD 7744 A)
32 Jah Ted, 'Rasta Cry' (45 RPM Living Music Lable,
Jamaica, 1974)
33 Name of artist and title of song not known
34 Name of artist not known, How Long
35 The Royals, 'Promise Land' (45 RPM, Jamaica,
36 Name of artist not known, 'Back to Ethiopia'
(45 RPM, 1074)
,37 Name of artist not known, 'Time is Getting Harder'
(45 RPM, 6649 A, 1973)
38 Richard Hart, 'Formation of a Caribbean working
Class', parts 1-3, in The Black Liberator (Vol. 2,
no. 2, London)
39 Dr. Trevor Munroe, The Politics of Constitutional
Decolonization" Jamaica, 1944-42 (Jamaica, ISER,
UWI, 1972)
40 Joseph Ruglass, '400 Years', the LP Groundction,
op. cit.
41 Dr. Waiter Rodney, Groundings With My Brothers
(London, Bogle L'Ouverture, 1969), p. 66.
49 Ibid.
43 Burning Spear, 'Journey', the LP the Burning Spears
(Coxsone Records, Jamaica).
44 Ibid.
46 Burning Spear, 'Ethiopians Live It Out', op. cit.
46 The Ethiopians, 'Build Back Jerico' (45 RPM, C161
A, Jerico Label, Jamaica)
47 Bob Marley and the Wailers, 'Soh Jah Seh', op. cit.
48 Ibid.
49 Gregory Isaacs, 'Sweeter the Victory' (Sounds of
Music Lable, 1974)
50 Ibid.
51 Ibid.
52 Anomymous, 'White Fridays in Trinidad', in Savacou
(3-4 December 1970-March 1971, Kingston, Jamaica)
53 Gregory Isaacs, op. cit.
54 Colin Prescod, 'The People's Cause in the Caribbean',
in Race and Class (Vol. 17, no. 1. London, 1975)
55 F.G. Rohlehr, op. cit.
56 The- Wailerr. 'Slave Driver'. the LP Catch a Fire
(ILPS 9241A, London, 1973)
57 Ibia.
58 Derick Morgan, 'Tougher Than Tough' (46 RPM,
Pyramid Lable, 1967)
59 The Diamonds, 'Right Time (45 RPM, Lox 4A
London) -
60 The Royals, 'Only Fore a Time. (45 RPM, Coxsone
Ital Lable, SAN001A)
61 Burning Spear, 'Swell Headed' (45 RPM, Cs. 00087,
Jamerc Music, 1974, Jamaica)
62 Name of artist and name of record not known
63 Junior Byles, 'Beat down Babylon' (45 RPM, Justice
League Lable, Jamaica)
64 The Abyssinians, op. cit.
65 Watty Burnett, 'What q War' (45 RPM, micron
music. 1975. Jamaica)
66 Big Youth, 'Marcus Garvey Dread', the LP Dread
Locks Dread (KLP 9001, London 1978)
67 Burning Spear, 'Marcus Garvey Word' (46 RPMO, .
Fox Label, Jamaica)
68 Burning Spear, 'Fire Down Below', op. cit.
69 Ibid.
70 Ibid.

Yes, we're also into

publishing and

Freedom and Responsibility ...... Lloyd Best
The Political Alternative .......... "
Prospects for Our Natior )......... "
Whose Republic? ................ ///
The Afro American Condition .."
Honourable Senators ............ "
Letter t6 C.L.R. James 1964 ..... "
Democracy or Oligarchy .......... .C.V. Gocking ----


Why Did PNM Fail? ......... Augustus
Another View of Tapia Method Lloyd Taylor
The Inside Story of Tapia ...... Lennox Grant
The Machinery of Government .Denis Solomon
Black Power in Human Song .Syl Lowhar
We are in a State .. . ...... Ivan Laughlin
A Clear Danger .. . ..... Michael Harris

* Grenada Independence -NMyth or Reality.
(International Relations Institute, U.W. I.)
* Readings in the Political Economy of
the Caribbean (New World).




Social Stratification in Trinidad. (I.S.E.R )
"Revo" poems bv Malik.
"Cheers" by Yvonne Jack.
The Dynamics of West Indian Economic Integration (ISER)

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SUNDAY JULY 18, 1976



A GROUP of 15 Toco
youths who were turned
on to the idea of agricul-
ture nearly two years ago
have been finding out
how hard it is just to get
land to work.
In the bitter, words of
the Secretary of the San
Souci Youth Movement,
Elroy -Bacchus, "the har-
vest is on, we are reaping
plentiful from the seeds
of despair and frustra-


This is the outcome of
an episode which has
come to the knowledge
of Tapia Toco-Manzanilla
candidate Buntin Joseph.
It started as a commit-
ment to co-operative
enterprise by members of
the Sans Souci Youth
Movement who sought
25 acres of land on St.

the Tapia candidate for Toco-
More than anybody I know,
Buntin is a Tapia man for
reasons of !te heart. -He has
had no special, formal educa-
tion; he was brought up at
Sangre GrandeGov't School and
completed a rapid course in
hair-dressing while spending-a
year in ihe United States.
Like so many Tapia pe.:ple,
Buntin is an independent-
minded craftsman; woLdcarving
is his particular passion and he
combines il with haii-dressing
in a two-sided small business in
Sangre C ,nde, his home-town.
Buntin will be 29 oui Nov-
ember 10, 1976. He is blissfully

John's Estate for planting.
This came through dis-
enchantment with what
the youths called exploita-
tion by "gardeners" in
the area and a determina-
tion to do something to
help themselves.
After consultation with
an agricultural extension
officer the youths made
formal application to the
Crown Lands office. That
was November 1974.

The youths were
eventually called in for
interview and the Com-
munity Development
Officer was asked to
recommend them.
"There followed many
months of hope, great
expectation and frustra-
tion," Elroy Bacchus told
Buntin Joseph in a two-
page statement on the
B- August 1975 the

young and completely en-
chantedby the prospects for a
Tnnidad and-Tobago in which
three-quarters of the people
are under 35 years old. Need-
less to say, Buntin's shop in
Sangre Grande is a virtual
community centre for Sangre
Grande youth and a forum for
passionate "discussion.
For his part, Buntin has
naturally grown to accept the
responsibility of speaking for
the Eastern Region.
Buntin says that he has
already received the richest
recompense in the political
education which with which he
has continuously been provided
by the emerging Tapia House

Sans Souci youths were-
impatient enough to seek
the involvement of the
National Youth Council.
The next step was to
give their issue some
publicity in the press.


This brought reaction
from the authoritieswho
conveyed to the Sans
Souci youths their dis-
pleasure over the taking
the story .to the news-
papers. September 1975.
Nevertheless, the Com-
munity Development
officials thereafter began
to show more active
interest, but promises of
action on the land matter
kept being made and not
being kept. Officials would
schedule visits and not
turn up.
Through the mediation
of the NYC the matter

was brought to the atten-
tion of Mr. L.M. Robin-
son, the MP for the area
and a former Minister of
A meeting was. eventu-
ally arranged with Ministry
of Agriculture officials.
Out of this meeting
come an inspection visit
by two Agriculture Min-
istry officials who went
to Sans Souci in November
The officials advised
that 50 acres of land, was
more like it, and after
further consultation with
other extension officers,
the whole question was
reopened anew. And that
was all.
Up and down the see-
saw of hope and frustra-
tion, -the Sans Souci
youths watched time
passing by and their-
entirely laudable hopes
to work in agriculture
pushed aside by an un-
feeling bureaucracy, the
product of a government


with no real policy for
and little real sympathy
with the problems of
Elroy Bacchus com-
ments drily: "What we are
hoping for is already with
us, for a few members
have become fathers since
we first applied."

W. H. Paul



6A Boissierre
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Eastern Main Rd., Laventille
(Near to Trotman street)


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The conditions for fishing are similar to that of'agriculture.




I I II sI al e I .

"" AFTER years of having a
Parliamentary Representa-
S tive who was also the
Minister of Agriculture,
SLands and Fisheries, the
people of Toco-Manzanilla
..are finding that their
district is poorly provided
...for in these fields.
And now that L.M.
Robinson is no longer
.- the Minister of Agricul-
'_ture, Lands and Fisheries,
his value to the area,
which was 'never clear to
.. -... .. .. .many constituents, is
7. openly being questioned.
__ "We have no faith in
0Mr. Robinson," one
'- Toco resident told TAPIA
The fishermen's co-op, that houses'the non-functioning cold storage.




MALVERN is certainly
the team to beat this
year, and after their fine
performance against the
Robin Hood football
team of Surinam it is a
worthy representative
for the nation in the
current CONCACAF
(Confederation of Carib-
bean and Central Ameri-
can F o o t b a 1
Associations) club series.
Malvern showed none
of the signs of the
debilitating drug rhythm
that is so much in evi-
dence in the nation's
sport today.
The intake of narco-
tics, particularly mari-
juana, is so prevalent
among our youth tqday
that output in the.sports
arena has been inevitably

Action scene from the match between Malvern and Robin Hood.

One of the effects of
drugs is that it produces
a lethargic, lifeless, limp
movement that passes
for "cool".
The rhythm even
comes across in speech
rhythm and a charteris-
tic phrase is the word
"man" pronounced
Players even tell you
that they play better
with a "head" but that's
an illusion of course.
At international events
the reverse is true:
athletes take drugs to

speed up their rhythm
and that's even more

To come back, Mal-
vern showed none of
these weaknesses. In
fact, the Malvern
players combined beauti-
fully for most of the
match, and although the
match drew goalless, it
wasn't for want of shots
to goal, particularly,
Milton Archibald's roofer
which the Robin Hood
goalkeeper, Leilis, did
well to tip over the bar

in the early stages of the
first half.
With Texeira at stop-
per, Archibald, link;
Ulric "Buggy" Haynes,
forward, Malvern has a
trio around whom the
team revolves.
And so it was an
unfortunate decision by
the coach to bring off
Buggy about 20 minutes
to full-time.
In his absence the
forward line's rhythm
was thrown out of gear
and that at a crucial
period, near the climax
of the match.
It goes to show that
it does not always pay
off to make changes
during a game. Indeed,
the principle in sport
"to leave well alone"
usually applies.
A fitting commentary
on Malvern's perform-
ance came from a spec-
tator, who saw the
national team's poor
showing against the St.
Mirren Club of Scotland,
that "they should pick
the whole Malvem team
for the national side."



by Old Pro

CLAUDE GUILLAUME'S article in TAPIA recently
on the Queen's Park savannah was certainly refreshing.
It shows that Tapia's perspective on sport ties in
the environment, recreation and health with a
perspective the government never dreamt of having.
Their attitude to sport goes no further than
paying hotel bills.
For example, not a single park has been built in
this country since 1956. That speaks for itself.
Claude's article made good reading because it
made the point, though not overtly, that in addition
to a programme of work, a government ought to have
a programme of play.
Why? Because work and play are obverse sides

of the proverbial coin.
Of course when a government is merely surviving
and only playing, it throws its hands up in the air and
dosen't care how the population recreates.
That is not to say that all forms of recreation
have to be regulated, but to leave it up to the popula-
tion to devise forms of recreation by hook or by
crook,, and moreover to allow what exists to fall into
a state of disrepair is sinful.
Work and play are vital ingredients of the human
condition. It's like love and marriage you can't have
one without the other.
The observation is a commonplace one but we
always forget "man does not live on bread alone"
nor does he expend sweat only in acquiring bread.
Indeed, when we overwork nature will surely
take its revenge, a revenge that may be swift or

recently. "He never keeps
promises and we have to
let him know that the
people of Toco helped
to put him in power and
that he is responsible to
us on issues that warrant
immediate attention."
This came after Toco
residents told a Tapia
team that included Jeremy
Mar, Buntin Joseph and
Earl George about the
scandal of the cold stor-
age unit which is essential
to the viability of the
fishing industry in Toco.
The fishermen, having
brought in their catches,
have nowhere to keep the
The result: they have
to sell cheap and some-
times go as far as Tobago
to do so.
This came about
through the failure to
maintain a cold storage
unit which had been
donated to the St. David's
Fisherman's Co-operative
in 1967 by the Lions
At the time it was
valued at $42,000, and
the Government under-
took to keep it in work-
ing order.
In practical terms, this
meant that the Govern-
ment would pay the
salary ($150) of the cold
storage manager, and this
undertaking was honoured
for the first two years of
the arrangement.


Then the Government
ceased payment of the
manager's salary, for
reasons .which it has not
been possible to ascertain,
and the Co-op took upon
itself to meet the pay-
By 1972, however,
after three years of paying
the manager, shortage of
funds in the co-op led to
a discontinuance of the
In that year, too, the
cold storage unit broke
down anyway.
It has not worked
The valuable space in
the unit is now used to
store an outboard motor.
Despite many appeals
to the authorities to
repair the cold storage,
no attempt has been
made to do so.
This is even though the
then Agriculture & Fish-
eries Minister Robinson
had been personally'called
upon to do something,
about it, and 'had made
several promises to have
it repaired.
Villagers even went to
the Prime Minister who
merely let on that he was
aware of the breakdown.
1 No action.