Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00193
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: December 21, 1975
Frequency: completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00193

Full Text

'' 'EA!.
- A .C ...


The Islands which


seems to want

HOLLAND is trying to
get rid of its last overseas
possessions six specks
of dust in the Caribbean
- but the 211,000 in-
habitants don't want to
Since Surinam was
launched into independence
three weeks ago, rumblings
have grown among M.P.s in
the Hague in favour of un-
loading the burden of holding
on to the islands.
The colony's Federal
Premier Mr. Juancho Evertsz,
earlier this year fought and
apparently won a promise
from the dutch that they
would not push the islands
into Independence until at
least 1980 and would keep
Dutch troops there until then.
This weekk however, egged
on discreetly by the Dutch,
Mr. Evertsz has been confer-
ring with the island leaders
on what to do about Inde-

The six islands Curacao,
Aruba and Bonaire off the
coast of Venezuela, and Saint
Maarten, Saba, and Statia in
the Leeward Islands some 600
miles to the northeast have
a combined area of only 3t6
square miles and most of
their leaders fear they would
never make it alone.
The problem is complicated

by squabbles and jealousies
between the islands. In fact
three of them Aruba,
Saba, and two weeks ago
Bonaire have either indi-
cated by Holland. But the
Hague has firmly ruled out
any possibility of following
Britain's example in Anguilla.
Venezuela would like to
have the three southern
islands, so the islanders fear,
which is why Mr. Evertsz
insisted on the Dutch Garrison
staying on. Much of Vene-
zuela's vast oil wealth is
processed in the huge oil
refineries on Aruba and
Curacao. There are undoubt-
edly considerable oil reserves
off the shores of the islands
The Arubans however are
seeking support from Vene-
zuela for Independence. Mr.
Betico Croes, leader of the
secessionist Morimientu elec-
toraldiPueblo Aruba at the
last elections, returned from
Caracas three weeks ago
declaring he had Venezuelan
support for his cause. He is
boycotting Mr. Evertsz' sum-.
mit conference this week.
Nobody seems interested
in annexing the three smaller
islets. Saint Maarten, the
largest of the three, prospers
superficially from its jet air-
port, luxury tourism and
streets lined with duty-free
shops. The mostly white
inhabitants of Saba and Statia
live off fishing and the
occasional tourist.







,u. 5 No. 51

3() CeInt

Dusk is a sinking ship, dismantled.
Slowly it founders beneath the surface
Of debris, buoyant and abandoned by day:
Mistakes, dead gulls snared by oil
In some cove, some regretted utterance
That bludgeonned a hole in the prow,
Some submarine rock that screamed out.
Our neighbours'staring panes and glazed
With twilight. Enebriated from staring
Whole day at light's stark m nakedness
This wrecked village strewn on this palm
Beach reels from the alcohol of sea air
And sunshine. Along the snaking street
Pitted with asphalt rots and chancres
Which cling to familiarity as guilt, to all
There is just one electric truth: the sea.
Hear it now washing in hisses its triumph
Against the roots of this besieged village
Of wind as day submerges at last, fainting
Beneath a pitch-lake of blackness so thick
It can daze stone.
by Alvin Massy

_ ~

IN their simplest form, fiscal
measures are devices which are
used to effect a transfer of
resources from the citizens to
the government, or from the
government to the citizens of a
Often the intention is not
only to increase the revenue of
the government or the dispos-
able income of the population,
but to cause certain changes to
come about in the society,
through its consumption and
expenditure habits or tendencies.
The selection of particular
measures should therefore arise
out of a crystal clear view of
their legislative intent, and of the
processes by which they play
themselves out in the economy
over time.
It follows then that such in-
struments cannot be conceived or
considered except with close regard
to the changes which are desired. For
the Minister of Finance, then, to string
together a set of such unrelated
measures and present them out of
any context, more than betrays
the government's lack of any national
They therefore do not see any
need to spell out for the citizen how
they expect their taxing, transfer pay-
ments and general expenditure to
conduce to the conditions of welfare.
the fact is that the amount of
money we have in our pockets is
important only for what it can buy
us. So that changes in income distri-
bution are necessary and important
onlyto the extent that they redistri-
bute command over resources among
people. What we need- to consider then
is the effectiveness of public spending
or transfers in mitigating specific
social problems.
increasing personal allowances
and exempting from income tax those
workersat the lowest rung of the
income ladder are only featherweight
attempts at such redistribution, and
make no serious dent in the distressing
situation where 70% of our households
fall beneath the national income aver-
Separating the income of a

husband and wife for the purposes of
making tax returns undoubtedly leaves
more money to that particular house-
hold. It does nothing to reduce the
differences among households.
The Minister overrates the tax
system as an instrument of income
equalization. He dosen't see that of
far greater importance are the rate'of
growth of employment; the attempts
to control the rate of inflation, as well
as retail margins, business profits; a
coherent, comprehensive and humanis-
tic incomes and wages policy; and the
social expenditures which can be
made by government, the product of
which is equally accessible to all
citizens, irrespective of the amount
of money in their pockets.
So increasing school book allow-
ances, and making them available to
2,000 children in no way recognizes the
vast .inequalities in the education
system, which emerge from the in-
equalities in the society itself. Especi-
ally in a situation where those who are
likely to benefit are those who may
least be in need.
Reduction of higher purchase on
items like stoves, refrigerators, bed
linen make a sensational impact on
a nation accustomed to and grateful
for crumbs. But the narrowness of
the base causes the savings to the
poor man to be negligible; while the
concession as a wholeencourages the
rich to casually replace suchitems, tlhe
net effect is of course to increase the
amount- of resources which the
nation as a whole deploys into con-
sumption expenditure.
The proposed reduction of pur-
chase tax on local wines deserves
special mention. Presumably the legis-
lative intent of this measure is to
divert spending onto this product, the'
ultimate aim being to give a fillip to
our domestic production of such
materials from which local wines
are made.
If that is the case then they grossly
underestimate tle degree to which
tastes are ingrained in the society, and
consequently they do not realise the
direct positive and aggressive measures
which are necessary for growing
more food here.
If the government pefr~ ved the
relationship between taste, imports,

local agriculture, increasing money to
spend, and balance of payments and
in that context they cared bout such
things as income distribution between
rural and urban, as employment, as
national welfare, they would not fail to
see tie futility of such a measure in
an endeavour to feed ourselves.
In such an exercise the most
immediate need is to embark on a
fundamental programme of land use,
land reform, and land distribution.
It is only in sudh a programme
that tie competing claims for very
limited land can be considered: claims
between agriculture andindustry;industry
and Housing; Export and Domestic
To withdraw the land transfer
surcharge in the hope that by itself it
can conduct that rationalisation and at
die same time promote private house
building is to relinquish the responsibility
to mere market forces.
They have withdrawn the sur-
charge because, they say, it was passed
on to the buyer (anyhigh-school stu-
dent could have told them that) and
because of "representations" made to
When you have S2,000 million to
spend, what is S4 million for a
coupleof votes, especially in a situation
where that is thescarcest resource of
When you are finarrially flush
andyou don't have anything to do with
the money, it is no big thing either to
lend some. So if you want to be seen
to be doing something about food pro-
dutiion, the easiest thing in the world
to do is to give more money to the
moneylenders tolend onyour behalf.
So die ADB comes in for another
$2.5 million this year.

It is something which has been
tried before. From all accounts it is not
working simply because it is not neces-
sary. In the absence of any information
about newfarms, or increases in tie size
of farms, or new physical resources com-
mitted over thne to food production as
a result of such measures, it is impossible
to calculate their precise effect. What we
are able to calculate, though, is that
shortageof credit hasnotbeen die reasac
that we have been unable to feed our-
The records of the lendingagency

demonstrate that over the years about
60% of the loans made to farmers are
preclosed because of default; and that
(-n top of that the ADB has something
in the order of $10 million put away in
a fixed deposit. Somewhere. In 1975
$14.5 million was given to the ADB for
loans to farming. Of that they were
able to lend only $4 million. It is quite
clear that more provision of credit is not
the arnwer.
The technocrats wlhhave compiled
tie Review.af the Fonomy are aware of
the fundamentalissues, and they allude to
them, in so far as they dare
The landownership anyl distribu-
tion pattern was stillfar from efficient
and large tracts of cdandoned or
under utilized agricultural land were still
a common sight in the countryside.
Attempts by Government to rectify
the situationthrough the purchase ard
planned development and distribution
of such estates were not only costly
but were sluggish in implementation
Agricultural incomes continued to
below in relation to those of other
sectors because of the limited impact
of credit, research and extension
services, and the weakness of the
marketing system.
The same applies to the fishing
industry and to the general transporta-
tion system in thecountry. No amount of
fuel subsidy for trawlerswill get more fish
to our local markets until there are facili-
ties for efficient storage and distribution.
No amount of subsidy for petrol will en
ableusto enjoy fiee and easy access into
the cities; will relieve the suffering of the
thousands who wait for hours along the
roads to get to work and to get home.
The most glaring sign of the inhu-
manity of this regime is its refusal to do
anything to reduce immediately the suf-
fering of the population for water, for
houses, for more food for transporta-
tion; for health services. What the
government las asked us instead is-to,
hold strain until 1979 or thereabouts
whentheir new highways and hospitals
and power stations are expected to
materialise. In spite of enormous revenue
i the kitty and fabulous sounding pro-
jects, were unable to see how goven-
ments' spending and transfers are leaving
us better off.



(Tcetsa 0 lbefrmay ebr



~--- I'

L f i A LL;,u L1-;.t'/


A Little bit of this
A Little bit of this

A Little bit of that

A Whole lot of Nuttenl

NOBODY in Cayenne,
from the Prefect down,
seems to believe in
France's spectacular
TT $85.000m. crash plan
to settle its largest re-
maining overseas posses-
sion with 30,000 white
pioneers and develop its
natural resources.
The first group of settlers,
handpicked by the French
government for theirpractical
skills or ready capital, is
supposed to turn up next
month. But as with other
grandiose attempts at settling
the colony in the past,
nothing has been prepared.
There is nowhere to house
them or the 5,000 more
which Paris has said it will
fly out free of charge by the
end of next year.
"It's'crazy," says a young
French technician in the
Forestry department, which
is marked to play a key role
in the scheme. "There are
no jobs here."
To Senator Leopold Heder,
the black socialist Mayor of
Cayenne and the colony's
acknowledged political leader,
the plan is "infantile". If
the settlers do arrive to
aggravate themass unemploy-
ment among French Guiana's
52,000 mostly black inhabit-
ants, "therell be an armed
revolt here," he predicts.
The Prefect, M. Herve
Bourseiller, has protested to
Paris about the plan, which
was announced with fanfare
four months ago. He has
reportedly warned that if it
is not put off for at least
six months. It willbe a disaster.
He and other senior French
officials are said to be ready
tto resign if the settlers come
on schedule.


A few would-be pioneers
have already arrived under
their own steam in the hope
of getting a head start.
Several dozen, many with
industrial skills of which
French Guiana has no need
yet, have managed to find
menial jobs in government
offices, the biggest source of
employment in the colony.
Others have drifted back to
France. None have seen much
sign of the romantic-sounding
new life which the plan's
author, the Overseas Terri-
tories minister, Olivier Stirn,
seemed to promise in his
enthusiastic press and radio
Increasingly, the plan is
seen simply as a vehicle for
the personal ambition of
Stirn, a young rightwing
gaullist who heartily believes
in colonialism.
No-one denies that the
former penal colony's 34,700
square miles, nearly all of it
virgin tropical forest, can be
developed. What has angered
the French Guianese is that
ministers and officials in
Paris seem as unable and
unwilling as ever to shake off
their "El Dorado" mentality,
which perpetuates the highly
artificial nature of the
colony's economy.
Cayenne does not look
much like the decaying,
dying city it is popularly
described as. Everyone seems
to own a car. But they mostly
belong to the 65 percent of
the total labour force who

work for the government,
administering little at inflated
salaries. More than half of
them are whites on tour of
duty from. France drawing
huge bonuses in pay and
holidays for serving aboard.
Meanwhile, nothing is
produced in the colony.
Virtually everything, down
to the simplest food items,
is imported from France.
In line with this mercan-
tilist concept, the priority
target of the Stirn plan is
development of a timber and.
pulp industry to cut by half
France's huge TT $1,560m.
annual paper import bill,
instead of developing local
agriculture to feed the new
settlers, and the French
Guianese, cheaply.


In fact, there is nothing
much in the plan for the
French Guianese. But there
is everything for France, in
its drive to build a stockpile
of raw materials, for the
French businessmen indus-
trialists who will extract
these commodities, and for
their local allies who will go
on-living well off the import
But will the money come?
Mayor Heder does not believe
it will, in spite of the promises,
any more than it has in the
past. The French technicians
are confident it will, but
they agree that the plan is
upside down and far too hasty.
They add that in a sense
it is a fraud because it
contains no projects that
were not already being
worked on, apart from the
settlement plan, which they
regard as absurd. It will be
years before any substantial
number of new jobs are
available, they say.
The local population is
convinced that some drama-
tic discovery is behind the
suddenness and the size of
the plan. "It's oil," says Sen.
Heder, "They've found
uranium," says Raymond
Charlotte, leader of one of
the colony's many small
leftist parties. "Opencast
copper," claims Guy Lamaze,
leader of the pro-indepen-
dence Moguyde group, which
has organised a political
front to oppose the settle-
ment plan.
But Bertrand Helbling,
the colony's French chief
mining engineer for the past
three years, says nothing
spectacular is likely to be
found when the results of a
magnetic survey are available
next May. "We have gold and
bauxite already, and possibly
copper, lead and diamonds
and some offshore oil, but
nothing big so far." The
settlers are likely to be con-
fined for the moment to
panning for gold in jungle
What annoys the French


Guianese in all this is Paris'
tireless emphasis on thessup-
tireless emphasis on the sup-
posed togetherness and co-
operation between France
and French Guiana, when
officials are not openly
proclaiming the truth, as
former Premier Michel Debre
did recently, that it is all for
France's greater power and
Stirn says there must be
"total equality" between
France and its colonies, yet
the development plan does
not tackle the parasitic
nature of the French Guianese
"France has never learned
any lesson from its colonial-
wars, as the British and Dutch
did," says Georges Wacapou,
a leader of Moguyde and one
of eight leftists briefly de-
ported to France a year ago.
"Stim, Giscard and their
predecessors have all persisted
in the fantasy that we are all
frenchmen, when we aren't,
either racially or economically.
We shall have to fight them
in the end."
Even the local whites,
many of them jealous of the
higher social status they
have found in French Guiana
than in France, talk of the
stupidity of trying to rule
the colony from Paris. Besides,
they do not want to be dis-
turbed. Many of them despise
the presence in the colony
of a regiment of the French
Foreign Legion. For the local
blacks, the tough legion-
naires mean racism. The
leftists have called the situa-
tion "pre-Rhodesian."


Mayor Heder, whom the
French refuse to tell exactly
how many troops they have
in the colony, thinks inde-
pendence is inevitable in "10
to 15 years at the most." So
far though,hehas not publicly
condemned the settlement
plan. The leftists claim he
has been bought by Paris.
But the 56-year-old Mayor,
who officially only advocates
autonomy for the colony,
says he is simply waiting until
the time is ripe. When people
have become really angry,he
says, he will come forward,
De Gaulle like, to lead them
into battle. A premature or
abortive attempt at mobilisa-
tion would be fatal,he says.
Guianese both black and
white are hoping against
hope that France's unreal
attitude to their country will
be diminished by the short
trip which Stirn, together
with the Prime Minister,
Jacques Chirac, and the Agri-
culture Minister, Christian
Bonnet, are due to make to
the colony next week.
Local trade unions are
planning a general strike

during the visit, which will
come one year to the day
after the deportations of the
eight leftist black militants
following anti-French unrest.
French.riot police reinforce-
ments are being sent in for
the ministers' visit.
But although the French
government was recently
pressured into quietly drop-
ping a wild plan to settle
some 40,000 Indochinese
war refugees in French Guiana
which according to Sen.
Heder was to have been
financed by a grant of 600m.
from the U.S. Government,
there is no sign that France
is about to change it outdated
attitude to the colony.
Apart from its natural
resources, French Guiana is
the site of the prestige space
base at Kourou. And Stirn
has said the colony must be
"the agent of the spread of
French civilisation in Latin
But despite the colony's
almost total isolation from
its neighbours, the Stirn
plan is beginning to draw
international criticism. The
Caricom summit in St. Kitts
last week strongly condemned
the settlement plan as an



,g '5At:

. j;, \






Of people who knI-.

how to cope

with rising






French Fantasy will

Lead Cayenne

Into Total Disaster

aggression against the i'lrencil
Serious diflicuhlies i!,i lic
development planii w ic b :gi-
ning to surface too. 'ile tiheo
French companies interested
in the pulp projects lia-'e
been unable to get bank ]o;iis
for them, thus leaving tih
field to two large American
finns, Parson and Whilcemoic
and International Paper if
they finally decide to risk
their money in the colony,
Stirn had said investments
in French Guiana would h ave
majority French capital.
Technical problems over eic
timber quality will also prob-
ably push back ihe 19;80(
target production date.
Chirac is expected nicxi
week to try to head oi"ithis
growing pessinisnm b pro inis-
ing even more cash for ii


The development of
French Guiana has, if any-
thing, been made a little
more difficult by the Stirn
Plan in the eyes of many.
When he announced it last
August, Stim warned that he
was not interested in "dream-
ers and adventurers" but
"workers and pioneers".
But to people in Cayenne,
four months later, the torbi-
tious young minister has
emerged as the greatest
dreamer and adventurer of
all and his plan just another
of the half-baked sc,,h s
with which the oloony na:-
been cuised over pmli;
three centuries.






Prensa Latina
THE four-year wave of
repression unleashed by
the Guatemalan regime
has claimed between 15
and 20 thousand victims
from the democratic
sectors of this country.
The Guatemalan Trade-
Union Federation (CNT) and
the University Students' As-
sociation (AEU) made these
charges based on extensive
Paramilitary gangs mur-
dered some twenty thousand
people between 1970 and
1974, said the AEU, organiza-
tion of San Carlos Borromeo
University students in Guate-
mala City.
The charges were made in
the Ninth Congress of the
Central American University
Students Federation (FEUCA),
held in the capital of Panama
last July.
The CNT, for its part,
released partial statistics one
month ago concerning the
number of deaths between
1970 and 1973. The data
were based on newspaper
cuttings from Guatemalan
The sum reached a total of
15,325 persons dead between
1970 and 1973 and some
27,733, children left orphans.

The CNT stated also that
73 percent of the adults had
been arrested first by Govern-
ment police agents, while of
the remaining 27 percent
there is no trace whatsoever.
The figures, based on a
census carried out by the
Committee of Relatives of
Missing Persons and the AEU,
show that between 1970 and
1971, some 7,025 Guatema
lans disappeared, leaving
as many as 13,600 orphaned
In 1971-72 with the dis-
appearance of 4,500 persons,
there were 8,500 orphans
and the missing in 1972-73
left another 5,663 orphanecu


The tragedy being lived
by the Guatemalan people is
the product of the repression
exercised by the Government
and the political groups serving
ruling economic sectors,
charged the trade-union
In the face of the rising
Guatemalan popular move-
ment which began at the
beginning of the 1960's, the
country's oligarchy was
forced to use mass repression
to stay in power.
Indiscriminate terror was
even worse than that used in
1954 when arn armed oligarchic
movement overthrew the dem-
ocratic government of Jacob o



Gua~tm~aw-. 1.

uner -Fa yar4

Regnof are sa o .,

Officials of several US
Government agencies served
as iadisers in the repression
begun again during the past
For example, the US Mili-
tary Mission alone had 25
high ranking officers on its
payroll in 1967.
The daily "Toronto Star"
stated in November, 1966,
that "Guatemala receives all
her combat equipment free in
accordance with the US mili-
tary aid programme and halfof
the Army officer corps have
been trained in counterinsur-
gency techniques on US
The following year, an
internal document of the
fascist "National Liberation
Movement (MLN) instructed.
its members on the organiza-
tion of antiguerrilla under-
ground groups to initiate
psychological warfare includ-
ing the sending of anonymous
threats to the most outstanding
left-wing intellectuals.
Several organizations oper-
ate .on this front: MANO
(Anti-Communist Repression
Corps of Guatemala), the
Purple Rose, the National
Resistance Front, the Rayo
(literally lightning), the NOA
(New Anti-Communist Organ-
ization) and other sectors of
private enterprise...


The text goes on to explain
how in the middle of January,
1967, the first capitalist
repressive civil-military com-
mandos arose;they no longer
limited themselves to sending
threatening messages but also,
as the MNL directives an-
nounced, "persecute, kidnap
and liquidate the main ele-
The aims of the reactionary
offensive were "the destruc-
tion of the revolutionary
movement, the neutralization
of the democratic and petit
bourgeois sector and the
terrorizing of the people,"
according to Hubert Alvarado,
late secretary-general of the
Guatemalan Labor Party (PGT),
assassinated by the repressive
The actions against opposers
of the regime consist of a
"combination of military,
paramilitary, political, econ-
omic, psychological and
social tactics," added Alvarado
referring to the problem a

short time before his death.
Guatemalan democratic
forces estimate that from
1962 to 1970 some 10 or 12
thousand people were victims
of the paramilitary gangs or
of the Army directly. During
that period half of the mem-
bers of the PGT's Central
Committee were killed.
In 1966 Julio Cesar Men-
dez Montenegro of the self-
styled Revolutionary Party
(PR), was elected president,
although without the necessary
majority, for which reason
Congress had to ratify hinm.


Clemente Marroquin Rojas,
Mendez Montenegro's vice
president, published in his
newspaper "La Hora" the
commitment the president-
elect had-to sign in order to
assume his functions. Some
paragraphs of the text read:

First: The Army of Guate-
mala guarantees the turning
over oj pituba. ljw i :*'1
the permanency of said per-
sons (President and Vice
President) in the exercise of
their posts during the consti-
tutional term, provided they
fulfill the conditions set
forth in thisdocument.

Second: The in-coming gov-
ernment .. will carry out
the rest of. the laws which
prohibit both collective and
individual communist activi-
ties and activities tending to
promote this ideology in the
country, such laws remaining
in effect...

Fourth: The President and
Vice President will constitute
a government of national
unity, allowing the participa-
tion of capable elements, not
belonging to theparty backing

Sixth: The Army will main-
tain the sane composition

with full autonomyn in its
integration, composition,
organization and administra-
The designation of the
minister of National Defense
will be made by the President
of the Republic at the request
of the other members of the
High Command.
The Army Chief of Staff
will be named by a proposal
from the minister ofNational
The chiefs and officers of
the Staff of the Presidential
Guard will be chosen by the
President from among the
chiefs and officers on active
service .
No general, chief or officer
or specialist of the Army
who is retired will return to
active service unless it is
considered necessary by the
Minister of National Defense.

Eighth: The Congress of the
Republic will issue a
decree granting amnesty for
all acts carried out by mem-
bers of the Army or State
police in repressing subversive
c trivties or :'ose related to
same .. This decree will be
issued in accordance with
Army approval. .


With these police, military
and paramilitary preparations,
the Guatemalan press soon
began to report in its pages a
large number of violent
The bishops charged in
May that "entire cities are
being decimated" and that
"every day new widows and
orphans are the victims of
mysterious struggles and ven-
geance, while men are carried
from theirhomes by unknown
abductors and held in unknown
places or vilely assassinated,
their bodies appearing later
horribly disfigured and muti-

The following August 25,
the Minister of Interior,
Hector Mansilla Pinto, justi-
fied the actions of "plain-
clothes military groups" and
announced that they would
continue to operate under
the control of the Army and
the Police until "pacification"
of the country was achieved.
However, the aggravated
brutality was not sufficient in
the opinion of the Guate-
malan military men, who in
1970 decided that the same
officers who had unleashed
the terror in preceding years
should completely control
political power.
Army officers, Carlos
Arana Osorio and Kjell Lau-
gerud Garcia were put in as
Presidents of Guatemala in
1970 and 1974, respectively.
A coalition of the Dem-
ocratic Institutional Parties
(PID) and the MLN presented
them as its candidates in the

presidential election farces.
Who were these two
officers? Arana led a repres-
sive campaign unleashed in
Northeastern Guatemala in
1967, when the abduction of
archbishop Mario Casariego
by the MANO touched off
such protests that he was sent
as ambassador to Nicaragua.
Laugerud was second in
command to Arana in the
actions carried out against
the farm population of Chi-
quimula, Zacapa and Izabal.
Mario Sandoval Alarcon,
general secretary of the MLN,
who headed Congress at the
time of Arana'S actions, said
in 1967 that the MLN
"organized the MANO" and,
praising the repressive action,
added that the Government
had adopted a "completely
illegal plan, but one that had
produced results."
These are the men who
rule in Guatemala since 1970
without any intermediaries.
At the present time, Laugerud
is President and Sandoval
Alarcon, Vice President.
The Costa Rican weekly
'Libertad" remarked thatwith
rulers like that "in Guate-
mala there are no political
prisoners, but rather perse-
cuted, missing, tortured and
murdered men and women."
This is the already tradi-
tional system to which revolu-
tionaries and democrats who
fight under unequal condi-
tions against this repressive
regime or who simply show
the slightest opposition to
government policy are sub-



/S Stephens




Foundation to Fixtures

Call 62-44698


'76 Into'56 Cannot
4. t

EVERY succeeding Budget makes it clearer
that the Government's problem is not so
much that it is wicked as that it is incompe-
tent and out of date. As the Prime Minister,
in his role as Minister of Finance, duly
delivered the Budget Speech in the House of
Representatives, on Friday December 12, the
most enduring impression was of a personage
sadly overtaken by time. It was a sorry spec-
tacle of obsolescent has-been leadership,
struggling manfully to lead but failing ignomini-
ously in the effort.
After 20 years of budgeting and office, a
morbid scent of decay hangs about the ruling
party and the regime of the 1950's. Nothing
so betrayed the Prime Minister's mounting
insecurity and his sinister premonition of an
unconvincing Budget than the indecent haste
with which the whole occasion had been pre-
maturely programmed. The material so in-
coherently presented in the Supplementary
Notes on the Budget confirms that, rather than
spend the time to sift through rough materials
and integrate them smcothly into his central
statement, the Minister of Finance preferred
to seek a short-cut victory over the Opposition
by settling for an early grand-stand play.


That he closed the accounts earlier than
usual and declined the protocol of a prior
tabling of the expenditure budget serve only
to make our assurance doubly sure. To whom
is it seriously credible that the Minister was
only seeking "to reduce the length and increase
the conciseness" of the Budget Speech? Is it
not he who holds the current all-comers record
for marathon speaking in the House? Was it
not last December that he set the 8 hour
record? And what in the interim suggests any
change in political style?
As it turned out, the speech was all
grandiosity and no grandeur, fundamentally


s I
I *1

an apologetic statement declining "in our own
small way to set the world on fire."
(Speech, p.37.) The grand-charge was exclu-
sively for home consumption.
The whole technique of the 1976 Budget
was one of trying to blind the stupid natives
with the gold-dust of fabulous figures, to buy
our continued loyalty with the trinketry of
sundry fiscal concessions: It was a straight case
of undisguised Crown Colony politics, born
mostly oft of habit, a 1956 style of adminis-
tration in the face of a 1976 challenge. We
heard the hollow grandiloquence of a Govern-
ment too tired and rusty, toohopelessly short
on credibility and too lacking in moral author-
ity to discipline our dreams with any rigorous
and comprehensive plan. Rather than invite
us to participation in the exercise of account-
ing for theperformance of our State machine,
Dr. Williams chose not only to manage us by
bribery but also to manipulate us by a parade
of magic numbers.
"For this year 1975, we originally budgeted
for a total expenditure of $1,294.4 million.
The revised estimated is $1,768.8 million. The
increase of the revised over the original esti-
mate, $474.4 million, was greater than the
total expenditure of $465 million in 1971. The
year 1973 thus constitutes the great divide in
our budget history. Money that was unavail-
able before 1973 for normal development
needs has become available since "Budget
Speech, p.1)
The accent being emphatically on the
lottery we have recently won from oil, this
magic method of 1956 could notperceive any
particular reason for explaining what exactly
these figures meant for actual little people.
When, in the Budget Speech of 1975, the
Government thought it expedient, great play
was made by Mr. Chambers of the real
purchasing power of these celebrated petro-
dollars; and we were invited "to compare the
basket of goods which a barrel of petroleum
purchased, say in 1955, with what it will now
purchase." (p. 24)
Why is then that in 1976, Dr. Williams

The Great

American Stores


Just Cut-iOut he Coupon and
bring it into any branch of the

American Stores throughout the
Nation and we will give you 25% DISCOUNT

on FURNITURE of your choice.

has failed to take an equally level-headed
approach about the new found wealth of
Trinidad & Tobago? Is it that he would have
been forced to admit that the expenditure of
$1,769 million claimed in 1975 was-worth
.probably no more than $590 million in terms
of the precipitous drop in the value of the
1956 dollar to something of the order of 33
cents? Would not such an admission have
qualified the election euphoria?

Technically incompetent as he is for the
jobs of Finance, Planning and Development
today, Dr. Williams does appreciate the ele-
mentary rules of high finance, enough at
least to have been extremely careful in his
treatment of prices. More incompetent still,
the Chamber of Commerce, at best a 1960--
outfit, has been completely outmanoeuvred
on the US pricing of the TT dollar.
'The future exchange rate policy for
Trinidad and Tobago is under study," declared
the Minister in the Budget Speech (p.32),
repeating exactly what he had said months
before in a TV broadcast. This continued
impertinence indubitably has a political pur-
pose, clear from the studied exclusion of any
reference whatsoever to the part played by the
recent devaluation in inflating the income of
the State. In his opening remarks (p.1), Dr.
Williams attributes the 39% .overshooting of
recurrent revenue in 1975 to revised petroleum
legislation,' higher oil prices and greater out--
put of crude.
Not a word about the higher value of
petroleum taxes when the US dollar is con-
verted into TT dollars at a rate not of two
but of two-point-four to one. The Review of
the Economy makes the poi. that "with
devaluation, the country's rev.6r in terms
Continued onQie 6


The whole technique of the 1976 Budget was
one of trying to blind the stupid natives with the
gold-dust of fabulous figures, to buy our continued
loyalty with the trinketry of sundry fiscal conces-
sion .

Laid lWs

Eastern Main Rd.. Laventille
( Near to Trotmah street)
Galvanise, Cement,
Blocks, Tiles,
etc, etc.

i l





)ecm h Budg
p, al on,"t


Alice in Wonderland

Spuriouser and Spuriouser

of.TT dollars increased." (p.3 7). The techno-
crats might have added that the State probably
gained 'some $250 million at the expense of
the citizens and the ruling party gained an
enormous election fund, seeing that a major
plank of current statecraft is "find more corn
and feed more fowl".
Nor is it enough for the Prime Minister
and Minister of Finance to urge that the infor-
mation has been presented in supplementary
documents. (p. 22). The Review of Fiscal
Measures does admit that the principal reasons
for a 45.4% or $333 million of company tax
and presumably for royalty increases of 18.8%
included "higher rates of exchange." (p.10).
Indeed, the overshooting of the personal
income tax target by $55.3,million or 70.3% is
attributed to "higher levels of salaries" (p. 1 );
of withholding tax by $7 million or 70% to
"higher levels of revenue received by oil conm-
panies" (p. 11); of import duties by 22% or
$24 million to "increase in the value of duti-
able goods" (p. -11); of motor vehicles taxes
by $5.9 million to increases in both the
market value of motor vehicles and increases
iih the lLunbcr of vehicles sold" (p. 12); and
of purchase taxes by $6.4 million to "higher
consumption of consumer durables, alcoholic
beverages and cigarettes" (p. 16).
Clearly, much relevant information is
available, burieff in these documents. The
more cynical commentators remark that the
technocracy in Trinidad House are deliber-
ately producing these materials for the use of
those serious people who work outside the
Public Service; yet we prefer to see evidence
that the Government is not unequivocally
reactionary. The badmindedness and the
roguishness are largely a product of the old-
time manipulative Doctor Politics, which
simply cannot help but hold us in contempt,
confident that we can be brambled over and
over'by these facile strategems. To have
declared that the exchange rate' was "under
study" was incredibly irresponsible, frankly
disingenuous, or even worse.


The irresponsibility of the present Gov-
ernment, the impertinence of the Prime
Minister, the congosah and the Machiavellian
manipulation, the bold-faced brambling of the
publi- with the absurdity that "no surplus"
is anticipated in 1976, they all make a piece
with the Doctrine of Doctor Responsibility.
Out of the 1956 method came the notion of
Superman Politics with its corollary in One-
Man Government, relegating the people to
being another cast of thousands, providing
mere crowd support. The other face of this
massive Doctocracy is a bewildering Adhoc-
racy nowhere better exemplified than in the
waste-land of development planning, the Bud-
get of 1976 being the purest illustration of the
Government's congenital incapacity to plan.
For the Petroleum Based and Energy
Intensive Industrial Sector alone, the proposal
is to launch 11 directly productive projects
.and four infrastructure or utility projects
involving investment outlays of $7,223 million
and $640 million respectively. Significantly,

full six of the eleven directly productive pro-
jects are priority projects: Tringen fertilizer,
Iron & Steel, polyester fibre, furfural,.Amoco
fertilizer, and the natural gas pipeline. More-
over, cement expansion, the water winning,
the industrial estate and the port facilities
and the power station at the industrial site
enjoy quality high priority as projects "upon
which the success of the industrial expansion
depends." (p. 4). The estimate of expenditure
on these projects by 1979 is no less than
$2,522 million;it is anticipated that "shortages
of materials and men would create severe
bottlenecks against attempting to implement
all of these projects within the next three or
four years." (p. 4).
And yet, in spite of the colossal scale of
these developments and the great complexity
of the projects, especially in regard to their
interdependence, and in spite of how critical
these measures are for the entire plan for
national reconstruction in the context of the
enormous revenues from oil,the Government
has come before the country with the Budget,
innocent of any long-term plan, of any frame-
work for ironing out incompatibilities and
conflicts amongst competing objectives, for
charting proper sequences and for investing
annual action programmes with cohesion,
consistency or coherence.


Are we going to be able to bring in the
required equipment before we finish the-
port? Do we have the manpower needed to
establish the industrial sites? Do we have the
water needed for anything? If not, we need
to know not that the Caroni-Arena Project
"will begin during the year 1976" but that it
will end in time for everything else to start
their operations. And if we do not yet know
how we are likely to fare with the external
component of the financing, so much so that
we must now move "to create a specialised
unit to concentrate solely on planning
negotiating and managing the financing
required" (p. 6), and if that unit is to en-
counter the same kinds of difficulties met by
the Petroleum Techretariat, how can anything
proceed at all?
The Budget provides no context for reason-
able answers to these very practical questions
in the absence of the Development Plan. What
we do have is the novel technique of estab-
lishing endless Special Funds, an institutional-
ization of the opportunism of the obsolete
Doctor method, another way of chinksing
and leaving all options open.
However rough the estimates, a full plan
would necessarily d em and estimates of domes-
tic product, national income, investment,
savings, earnings, spending, imports, exports,
and all the aggregates which make up the
total picture. It follows first, that'the public
service would have to be shifted out of its
inefficiency, incompetence and insensitivity
and revamped for creative work; that appropri-
ate arrangements would have to be made for
the proper location in the State machine of
that small minority of ambitious technocrats.
It follows too, that the National Planning
Commission would be called upon to func-
tion along with the Economic Planning Divi-
sion, the Economic Adviser to the Prime

Minister, the National Economic Advisory
Council, the Business and Labour Advisory
In other words, a genuine plan would
dictate that the Government expose firm
positions vis-a-vis the Trades Unions, towards
private national capital, towards the Chamber
and the multi-national corporations; and that
the ministry of Dr. Williams commit itself to
clear and honest policies in regard to revalua-
tion, localisation, participation and the
people's sector, shares for the workers,
incomes policy and the whole underworld of
now nebulous conceptions, employed only
in theservice of the zigzagging survival of the
Doctor as the presiding convenience for the
oligarchy of privileged elites.
After near 20 years of shilly-shallying,
the only road to such clarification of perspec-
tives would be to recognize the constitutional
crisis and open the way to a full articulation
and discussion of positions, probably with the
aid of a Conference of Citizens and certainly
with the assistance of open communications
media. But what chance do we have of that?
Once upon a time, it did seem that plan-
ning of a 1976 vintage was being anticipated
in the publications of the Economic Planning
Division (as distinct from the actual proce-
dures by which the Executive managed the,
administration of the economy). When those
brave attempts were blandly negated by the
ways and means of Doctor Politics, the Chief
Economic Planner simply had no option but
to fold his tent and steel away to CARIFTA
leaving the way free for a total abandonment
of even token commitment to the method of
systematic planning. Since 1974 we have
been completely in the dark what with the
jettisoning of the Fourth Development Pro-
gramme and the suppression of the National
Income project started by Professor Kari Levitt
expressly to provide the information for
meaningful planning and for a repudiation of
the practice of dashing accounts hastily
together for the purpose of currying favour
with international lending agencies.


It figures that the only source of en-
lightenment in the country at the moment
is a pronouncement by the Doctor, whether
it be on the detail of education or the whole-
sale of reconstruction. Mostly the channel of
communication are channels 2 and 13; now
and again, though less and less frequently, the
House of Representatives: increasingly these
days, it is the Party Convention or occasion,
particularly the public meeting. Whatever it
is, Dan is the Man with the Plan.

Friday gone, December 12, the an-
nouncement consisted of the rag-bag of
sundry, water-wash projects, repeated from
the serial of simulcasts, and promising as usual,
an easy deliverance for all. In so far as there
was any clarity, it came from a classification
of activity into 21 Funds, inevitably with
endless overlapping and no discernibly consis-
tent criteria for targeting the totals or for
allocating the current appropriations. With a
vengeance, it amounts to an Alice-in-Wonder-



land scene, additional mystification being
provided by the case advanced for "The Use
of Special Funds as an Instrument of Deve-
lopment." (p. 7/8)


True the oil bonanza must be used for
long-tenn restructuring and diversification
(p. 7) so that while the projects are still being
formulated, the cash must be put away and
not spent on guabeen, grog and living. But
that constitutes no case for Special Funds, it
is just the normal case for the husbandry of.
development funds, and for long-term plan-
ning including say, 20 year perspective plan-
ning. It is the common or garden case for the
capital or investment budget which every year
appears below the recurrent line.
The fact that "it is not always possible
to forecast accurately when and in what exact
amounts money will be required", that there
may be "a sudden turn of events that reverses
the favourable revenue position", and that a
substantial injection of the increased oil
income "will aggravate the already severe
rate of inflation", is a case for surplus bud-

getting and for a framework in which, above
all, priorities could be established in the light
of the;anticipated linkage effects of projects;
their likely impact on output, product,
income, investment, .productivity, earnings,
spending, the balance of payments, govern-
ment revenue and so on; their claims on man-
power and management skills, on capital
financing internal and external, on infrastruc-
ture, utilities, administration, and the like.
It is indeed, "imperative to determine
priorities." (p. 4) But Dr. Williams has not
shown how this proliferation of Special Funds
will. aid the necessary ranking. In fact,
the opportunistic character of his reasoning is
only confirmed ,by the spurious suggestion
that these Funds are required because "they
are to be employed in projects which will
themselves accelerate the diversification of
domestic production to create more foreign
exchange earning activities, additional jobs and
income, and to reduce dependence on oil
per se." (p. 8)


Or is that an admission that say, the
$2,271 million spent on development between

1969 and 1973 (p. 4), without any Special
Funds, were not and could not have been
spent, under this government, "productively
and efficiently?" (p. 6) The frightening con-
clusion to be drawn here is that the Prime
Minister has become so slipshod that he cares
little whether or not the arguments actually
stand. How else could he have offered us the
curious thought that a failure to establish
Special.Funds, "apart from generating infla--
tiorf', would "lead to the erosion of the
foreign exchange balances (p. 6)?


Well, you simply cannot have both. To
the extent that spending increases imports, to
thatextent it diverts pressure from domestic
supply and therefore actually serves to dampen
infl ation. Any Minister of'Finance who is so
confused that he does notseizeso elementary
a point, is totally incompetent for the post:
especially if the error arose out of an attempt
to seek a cheap electoral advantage over the
Opposition by rushing through a forced-ripe
Budget. Adhocracy and Democracy cannot
saddle horse and one of them must go.



on the







with the



II .5 -

Molotoff Gin.

A very special way to

thankyou forour 150

successful years.

veryspecial Gin
from the house of AGOSTrRA


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Street, Tunapuna.

Kindly phone orders to: 662-5126.

,. i.. i .- '. '. ;


I.. : --- --



Education in Cuba: Work


THE basic principle of Cuban
educational policy is that work
and study should be combined.
This concept is part of a well
integrated plan to make Cuba a
fully developed country socially
and culturally as well as econ-
Secondary school children in
Cuba normally do manual work. The
practice known as "la escuela al
campo" (school to the country)
ensures that they spend about six
weeks helping, wherever they might
be needed, in the sowing and reaping
of crops.
But the highlight of Cuba's
practice of combining work and study
is represented by the institution known
as "la escuela en el campo" (school in
the country). The schools second-
ary schools are each built on about
1,200 acres of land. Each has an
enrolment of 500 boys and girls, all
boarders, aged 12 to 15.
The land is usually partially
planted with crops that are relatively
easy to cultivate such as citrus, pine-
apples or coffee. The students are
responsible for intensifying the cultiva-
tion of the acreage and formaintaining
its productivity. They work in the
fields for three morning hours and do
academic subjects and sport for the
rest of the school day.
The first such school was
opened in 1969 and after functioning
as an experiment for more than a year
was declared a success. Not only were
the students contributing well to the
economy but the rate of academic
promotion of the group turned out to
be 87 per cent, the highest rate for
secondary schools in the whole country.
The success of these schools
would seem to spring from the attitude
with which the students participate.
First of all they know facts about the
school itself: that the construction of
the typical school in the country
takes about 44,000 man-days of work;
that engineers, architects, carpenters,
masons, educators, parents, students,
and workers in;the futniture and book
industries planned, built and equip-
ped it.
They are informed that the
sugar industry each year requires
500,000 man-years of work, that this
work has to be shared among a large
part of the relatively small adult
population, which also needs time for
study. They realize too that in order
to make it possible for the country

A special report on the development
of Education in Cuba by Keith Ellis
of the Toronto Star.

to achieve the 98 per cent graduation
from primary school that it does
achieve, nearly half a million students.
have to be oh full or partial scholarship.
They feel satisfaction, then, in
knowing that one school's citrus crop,
for example, can yield some $2 million
in income. The core ofthetcurriculum
is made up of Cuban studies, added to
which are mathematics, the sciences,
languages and literatures, political econ-
omy and current world affairs.
The schools are well equipped
with audio-visual aids, and there are
good facilities for track and field,
soccer, baseball, basketball and volley-
ball. Chess seems to be the favorite
indoor game. In all projects large
scale, cohesiveparticipation is fostered.
Most of the graduates of the
"schools in the country" are expected
to go on to technical schools, specializ-
ing in aspects of sugar and other agri-
cultural production, fishery and com-
puter science. In such schools they
will also be doing productive work
while studying.
The tendency to study factors
in the society that have immediate
impact on Cuban life begins at the
primary school level. Problems affect-
ing the district served by the school
are brought to the children's attention.
The pupils study the incidence
of diseases, life expectancy and causes
of mortality, compare them annually
and learn measures to combat them.
The concept of work and study
is also beginning to be applied in
primary schools, particularly in some
that are in the countryside, where
students carry out minor agricultural


In justifying the work-study
concept the Cubans like to refer to
education as it was before the revolu-
tion. They point out that students
usually took all their formal education
elementary school, high school and
university without even noticing
how the goods of the country were
produced, much less participating in

the production of those goods.
The quest for personal advance-
ment was the main'economic incen-
tive for education, and this quest
usually coincided with the desire to
escape manual work. Education financed
by the whole economy benefited a
diminishing number of the population
as it became more specialized and
more expensive. In practice,and follow-
ing the pattern of which Mexican
educationist Ivan Illich has written,
the small number soon became an
entrenched class, protecting its favored
place and perpetuating its position to
take advantage of the full range
of national educational opportunities.
Any moral incentive within the
educational structure for good social
behaviour came mainly from the religi-
ous component and was usually pre-
sented in terms of the rewards of
heaven or the chastisements of hell.


Revolutionary' Cuba is attempt-
ing to have education accommodate
itself to the central features of present
Cuban reality and goals. The facts are:
(1) Of Cuba's !e million people
(the 1970 census figure), 3 million
are under 16 years oki.
(2) The country derives most of
its income from sugnr, the production
of which is still 'not significantly
(3) The intensity of labor used
in the agricultural sector and the expan-
sion of mining, fishing and light
industry have created a labor-short
(4) One of the primary goals of
the Castro government is to make
education available to all Cubans to
the extent of their ability and their
Given the total economicpicture,
universal opportunity for all to study
in Cuba depends on making productive
work universal too.
The budget for education in
1973 was more thq $700'million, a

And tudy for






62. L(A)II N S'TRIL. P.O S
9~_ ____ ________________-L- -

Uraaa ____lps~i"i~B ~-IIlllmIL




sum that exceeds the total Cuban
budget for 1958.
Cubans see the combination of
study and manual work as more than
an economic measure. They consider it
a tool in the creation oi' what they
describe as the "new person".- a
person sensitively concerned about
all aspects of Cuban life, and for whom
social class and racial discrimination
are foolishness.

In Cuba's university system,
made up of the Universities of Havana,
Las Villas and Oriente, a significant
number of the 38,000 students are
"mature students" who began their
careers as workers, a few of them as
beneficiaries of the intensive literacy
campaign of 1961.
With the additional aim of avert-
ing elitism, the concept of work and
study is rigorously employed in the
universities. Students are kept in con-
stant contact with the workers by
spending 20 hours a' week doing
manual work in factories or in some
other phase of production during all
five years of their university course
They spend 20 hours a week in thi
classroom and, like all other workers-
have five weeks of holidays a year.
A medical student spends a good
part of the first year of his six-year
course as part of the cleaning staff of a
hospital. In the second year he carries
out minor medical procedures, such as
giving injections and,taking tempera
tures and blood pressures in the morn-
ings. He attends classes in the after-
For his third to sixth years he
enters one of the country's hospitals,
where he does the rest of his under-
graduate studies and service. The
doctor-to-population ratio sank to one
doctor for each 2,500 persons just
after the revolution when half of
Cuba's doctors left the country. It
now has improved to one doctor for
each 950. The need for doctors and
teachers has given special impetus to
practical work during training in these
The schools that serve children
in daytime are open to adults at night.
The spirit in which the concept
of work and study is accepted in
Cuba was indicated in the loud
applause given Fidel Castro when he
said in a speech to a graduating class at
the University of Havana two years
ago: "Until today you have been work-
ing students. From today you will be
workers who study."

hours or so as I toured the
Casa Loma, Toronto's
famous hill-top castle, I
had nothing to say. Up-
stairs I tramped to the
early 20th century bed-
rooms and baths, die
Ukrainian exhibition and
the military museum;
downstairs to the basement
restaurant and souvenir
In the exposed north
tower where I posed for
snapshots against the back-
ground of the Toronto
skyline the wind was cold.
In the basement where I
priced the souvenir gew-
gaws it was swelteringly
hot. Besides that, little else
moved me one way or the
Yet when, later that even-
ing, in the fourth floor of
Eaton's, a friend asked, "Well,
what did you think of the Casa
Loma?", Iwas myself surprised
at the answer that came in-
stantly from my lips: "Oh, it's
just a lot of Canadian bullshit!".
I was getting with it, was I?
After two weeks' exposure in
Toronto to a circle of Trini-
*dadian friends, all young, all
students of some kind, I felt
that I was picking up the
attitude, and the language.
Down to the tone of lofty
disdain for things "Canadian".
That I wasn't prepared for.
I had heard about racism, about
the pressures of big-city living
and the other difficulties with
which immigrants have had to
grapple. Where I come from,
even the simplest of the "coun-
try-bookies" know that the
streets of Toronto, New York
and London are not paved with
But the cavalier contempt
for a country which, after all,
was providing them with a
living and an education, that
seemed so much like spitting
in the face of generosity.
I was immediately startled
when that thought came to me,
I began to question my own
attitudes, my own assumptions,
and, looking into the mirror of
self, I thought I detected some
unhealthy features now coming
to light, as it were, with the
change of the climate.
Was this experience bringing
out the Uncle Tom in me? Did
I, deep down inside, really buy
the line that, as people from a
so-called underdeveloped coun-
try, we ought to be duly
grateful for the hospitality,
economic aid, investment
capital or whatever provided
by Canada?
Of course not. But I suppose
that one of the effects of living
in Canada in the way my
friends do is to keep alive the
indignation about "white
power" international. It seems
they have come to look upon
their living in Canada as a
strict business arrangement in
which there is on neither side
any obligation of love.
"Must you be such a J.C.?"
one of them chided laughingly.
The joke was one me: I didn't
even know that "J.C." among
Trinidadians in Toronto means
"Just-come", a know-nothing
greenhorn, just arrived from
hick country.
So I earn curious glances as
I remark on the cleanliness of
*the streets and public toilets,
the relative efficiency of public
transport, the variety and inde-
nrndence of the mass media.

In fact, all of these first impres-
sions are relative, and they
probably say more about me
and where I am coming from,
than they do about Canada.
For in Trinidad where I
come from, "nation-building"
is a term which still has
meaning beyond politicians'
rhetoric. We still aspire towards
a public bureaucracy and public
utilities that can be relied upon
to deliver services to the people.
About six weeks ago the scare
ran that the country might
have no electricity for four
days while the 'Trinidad and
Tobigd Electricity Commis-
sion did essential repairs to a
defective generating unit.
This shut-down proposal
was diffidently mooted by an
official as the solution to the
chronic black-outs experienced
over the last few months. The
Electricity Commission ran
radio ads calling on the public
to cut back on unnecessary
Of course such a thine is
inconceivable in Canaaa, a
friend here said. In Canada you
came to take such things for
granted phones in every
house and at every corner, and
in the apartment buildings
where you don't pay for
"hydro", nobody bothers to
switch off lights. Man, pedraps
the best thing for Trinidad
would be for the guys here to
go back home en masse and
demand the same level of
services and amenities as of
That would be the day. All
for now, however, the guys
had to do whatever was neces-
.sary tomake alivinghere. And,
man, in case you forgot, this is
Babylon, this is Marlboro
I hadn't forgotten. It's just
that it's been a long time. I
remember being instinctively
overjoyed on hearing, in 1969,
that the Canadian Governor
General was barred from enter-
ing the UWI in St. Augustine,
Trinidad by students protesting
the trial of the black students
for the Sir George Williams
computer centre affair.
I'd identified with those
students some of whom I
knew personally and I
remember the picketing of
Canadian banks in Port-of-
Spain and the accounts being
broadcast then of Canadian
bauxite exploitation in Guyana;
Clive Nunezholding the charred
end of his Royal Bank of
Canada passbook which he
burnt publicly after closing
his account.
It was fulmination against
Canadian economic exploita-
tion in the Caribbean and
racism in Canadawhich sparked
what we call the "February
Revolution" in Trinidad and
Tobago. It was as a journalist
that I got in on the action.
Reviewing in 1970 a book
by Canadian journalist Dorothy
Eber, I was moved to criticise
the way she depicted the black
students, and I concluded that
Ms Eber only succeeded in
pandering to the racist white
prejudice that sees all black
people as having tribal loyal-
ties; that their ways are strange
and dangerous secret
societies, death vows, voodoo
... keep your distance.
Still later, as a student of
the University of the West
Indies, I supported a move to
rename the Canada Hall men's
residence (built with Canadian
aid) and the John F. Kennedy
College of Arts and Science
(built with American aid). The


A Leter fro

move failed.
In Trinidad the Sir George
Williams incident has been all
but forgotten. In the last six
years or so crisis has followed
crisis, each one pushing the
previous rn- farther into
'Ihe "February Revolution"
was a fitting climax to the
agitations of the sixties, pro-
ducing a marked shift in con-
sciousness but no concrete
-change. We now see it as the
point of departure for the era
of the seventies, which assumes
the advance in consciousness
and concentrates on making the
change concrete.
This means more than what
is now visible on "bankers'
row" on Independence Square,
Port-of-Spain where the Royal
Bank now calls itself "the
Royal Bank of Trinidad and
Tobago" or simply "the Royal".

The Canadian Imperial Bank
of Commerce has been striving
to drop both "Canadian" and
"Imperial" from its name; the
steelband it sponsors is called
"Bank of Commerce Starlift".
And the government bought
out the Bank of London and
Montreal to establish the
National Commercial Bank of
Trinidad and Tobago, a prosper-
ing state-owned outfit which
alone, under current law, is
allowed to openbranches in the
Guyana nationalised the
Canadian-owned bauxite works.
The Sir George Williams
students? Well, they came back
home, and within hours were
in the front of Black Power
demonstrations against the
Black Government which paid
their Montreal court fines. They
too have all but faded from

(Arrival delayed bi


(and fears) that they would
bring their Canadian-bred mili-
tancy home to stay. So the
militancy proved to be some
kind of protection employed
in the foreign environment of
Canada, a layer of prickly hide
needed to cope with living "up
in the cold".
Home-grown militancy had
a hard time of it too. The
passing of the years since 1969-
70 had a mellowing effect.
,Many have just turned off from
"the struggle", frustrated, dis-
illusioned or despairing. Others,
however, chose the option of
building political organisation
for the long-term.


anada's Mail Strike)


I now understand that the
latter is probably not an
option for my Canada-based
compatriots. If I find them
frozen in the stances that were
universally current a few years
ago, it's with the chilling
realization that they are dealing
with a situation here that
mustn't have changed over the
But that dosen't by itself
explain the kind of attitude
which, on my adoption of it,
made me dismiss the Casa Loma
as "Canadian bullshit". It took
a long time coming, because I
didn't expect I'd have use for
the word in Canada. The word

of course is "colonial". That's
what Ilwanted to say: the Casa
Loma is so awfully colonial:
wholesale imitation touted by
the recorded guide-voices in
British accents for their faith-
fulness to the original.
And so I find that in a
curious kind of way there's a
lot about Canada that can
make a Trinidadian feel at
home. Sure, we have our Scot-
tish baronial castle on Maraval
Road in Port-of-Spain, a road
described by Trinidad author
Vidia Naipaul as an architec-
tural wonder of the world.
Where you can find houses of
Italian, English and Spanish
To a J.C. like myself,
Canada can appear to be every
bit as much an immigrant
society as Trinidad is. For
example, I was amused the
other day to hear a TV inter-


viewer suggest that the bitter-
ness of postal dispute might
be related to the fact that
Postmaster General Bruce
Mackasey is a Scotsman and
Joe Davidson, Postal Union
leader an Irishman.
It has been consoling to see
that Canada too has a problem
*of national identity. One of
the first newspaper headlines
to grab my attention read:
"Our Canadian Culture Is
Stamped 'Made in the USA'."
Later I snipped a priceless
little filler which told of some
Canadian schoolchildren who,
having been told that they
would meet the Secretary of
State, were surprised when the
official that turned up was
Hugh Faulkner and not his
American opposite number,
Henry Kissinger.
The nationalist line being
pushed by Maclean's ("Canada
needs a newsmagazine of its
own etc.") is one I could
immediately identify with. For
we in the Caribbean also yearn
for news media that could give
us our own "fix" on what's
going on. Only that we are

considered -- and to some
extent, still see ourselves as -
"emerging" and "underdevel-
oped" nations. Yet the Mac-
lean's line is clearly endorsed
'y the Canadian Parliament
which recently passed tax legis-
lation discriminating in favour
of truly Canadian publications.
Canada is "the richest un-
derdeveloped country in the
world", wrote Canadian econ-
omist Kari Levitt in her book
'Silent Surrender" which told
us in the Caribbean that the
Canadian economy is as much
dominated by American cor-
porations as the Caribbean
economies are. Ms Levitt, who
had been teaching at the UWI,
St. Augustine, was recently
expelled by the Trinidad and
Tobago government. No reason
was given.
Interestingly enough, the
attitude to things Canadian of
those West Indians I have met
seems to be shared by some of
the Canadian people them-
"The Candian version of
everything is always somewhat
bland," a Trinidadian student

at Ryerson said to me. Later I
was to come upon a Toronto
Star reviewer's weary complaint
that so much of Canadian
writing suffers from a "fatal
amiability" and an absence of
rage or passion.
In these late-night sessions
over scotch I've tended to
want to resist the write-off
thesis by which Canada's role
in international relations has
been represented as simply one
of deference to the U.S.A. But
I couldn't criticise for radical
"determinism" the TV com-
mentator whom I heard scof-
fing at "the grand Canadian
tradition of diplomacy by
And so in Toronto I find
you can't excape feeling the
throb of the great neighbour
down south. For West Indians
here too, New York is still the
While I'm at it, then, I might
as wellexploit iny J.C. licence
to the fullest and conclude
that if Canadians apparently
don't take the idea of Canada
too seriosuly, it's not surprising
that West Indians here don't




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esearChlta Institut for
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162 Fast 78th Street
liev "YO rW, N2?. ~ 0
h 5 8448-




THERE are rare moments
when a team or indivi-
dual reaches staggering
heights of human excel-
lence, totally overwhelm-
ing the opposition and
in the process giving
untold joy to its
The Brazilian victory
in the World Cup in
Mexico in 1970 and
Muhammad Ali's annihi-
lation of George Foreman
in the early hours of that
October morning in
Zaire last year and now
the stunning West Indian
victory over Australia at
Perth earlier this week
are such occasions.
West Indies Australia
test matches are always
exciting. This was no excep-
tion and many very goc.j
performances were in evidence
- Ian Chappell's. brilliant
fighting knock of 156 which
formed the backbone of
Australia's first innings total
of 329; Michael Holding's
coming of age as a test bowler;
the attacking cricket of Lloyd
and Murray; the great pace
bowling of Andy Roberts.
But all of theSe, even
Roberts' bowling, seem
almost incidental in the
light of that remarkable
169 by Roy Fredericks.
The statistics tell their
own story in a stay of 212
minutes he had scored most
of the 258 runs registered
during which time he had
raced to his century in the
staggering time of 116 minutes
off only 71 deliveries and
reached 150 to 170 minutes.
But the figures do not
say that in the process he
had completely demoralized
the much vaunted Australian
attack in(an astounding inn-
ings which must rank among
the greatest displays of sus-
tained aggressive batting in
the entire history of the
Not since Ted Dexter's
bold innings of just over
sixty against Hall and Griffith
at Lord's has cricket seen
pace bowlers treated with
such disdain.
But while Dexter's was a
mere spark Fredericks' was a
fire which consumed the four-
pronged Australian pace
attack in a way that no one
ever dreamt was possible -
often they found themselves
not knowing where to pitch
as in the case of the over
-from Gilmour in which he
took 4,4,4,2,2,2,0,4.

He cut, drove and hooked
brilliantly. His hooking in
particular must have rewrit-
ten the old adage "never
hook and never cut" to at
least "you must know when
to hook". Time and again he
,hooked men of the pace of
Lillee and Thompson from
outside the off-stump and if
that is not a new chapter in
the art of batting I do not
know what is.
By the time he left, the
opposition was so demoraliz-
ed that they dropped vital
catches offLloyd and Murray
giving them the opportunity
to carry on where Fredericks
had left off.
They continued the on-
slaught and when the West
Indies innings closed at the
massive total of 585 it had
been scored at just over six
runs an over with Gilmour
and Thompson personally
averaging 7% runs per over
and Lillee maintaining the
overall rate.
In the process the Aus-
tralian pace bowlers had
bowled many more short-
pitched balls than are.usually
allowed but they were hooked
just as often to the boundary.
The raw power of Thompson
and the swing of the innocent
Gilmour were the main tar-
gets of the West Indian attack.
Walker had already been
given the treatment in the
World Cup and it was becom-
ing a bit of a habit for Lillee
whose 20-0-123-2 was of
similar merit to his first taste
at Sabina in 1973 when in his
only test match in the West
Indies his figures were 26-4-
112-0 (six ball overs).

Intetween, we must
remember Kalliecharan's
treatment of him in the
World Cup semi-finals last
When the Australians
faced the uphill task of a
deficit of 256 runs on the
first innings, having had their
fielding and bowling so bru-
tally reduced to shambles, the
pressure was just too much.
Roberts capitalizing on
this with a sustained display
of sensibly aggressive pace
bowling had as good as decided
tie match by the end of the
third day. His final analysis
was 14-3-54-7which included
the first six Australian
It is interesting that he
said he thought he bowled
better in his spell of 7 for 64
against India earlier this year.
This was by far the most
convincing win West Indies
have ever had against Aus-
tralia. The man who single-'
handedly set the tone and
pace for itwas Roy Fredericks
- and in fact he has played
the innings which has trans-
formed the entire series; he
obviously and deservedly was
awarded the Man of the
Match prize.
Where do the Australians
go from here? Fortunately
they are at home and can
look around a bit. Perth was
to be the stage for their
powerful fast bowling to
overwhelm us. It has back-
fired so badly that the possi-
bility of another really fast
wicket for the remaining test
matches now seems remote.
In any case Roberts has
shown thathe is quite capable

of using both the ball and the
pitch much more intelligently
than the opposition and
Holding is now bowling as
fast as any of the other bowl-
ers on show.
So the immediate pros-
pect of Australia replacing
one of her pacemen with a
spinner (Mallett was the most
economical of their bowlers
in the last test) is real and
that all adds up to the incred-
ible possibility of Thompson,
the Australian cricketing
swagman, who was being
rated just a few short weeks
ago as the most devastating
bowler in the world, losing
his place.
In batting the entire order
is in trouble and the over-
reliance on the. Chappell
brothers is now more than
ever evident.
The three others Redpath,
Turner and McCosker are
all in jeopardy and not even
the prospect of recalling Rose
Edwards seems to give any
real hope.
For the West Indies it was
pleasing to see the return of
Bernard Julien. Richards'
lack of runs is a little worry-
ing as are the injuries to
Kalliecharan and Holding.
One hopes that the latter two
will soon be fit again.
Richards' lack of form is
complicated by the problem
of finding an opening partner

for Fredericks. It is tempting
to replace him with Greenidge
and have a line-up of Fred-
ericks, Greenidge, Rowe,
Kalliecharan, Lloyd, Murray.
Undoubtedly both Green-
idge and Richards will play in
the one-day International and
thestate match in Adelaide
proceeding the third test.
Unless Richards continues
to be out of the runs and
Greenidge shows an over-
whelming return to form I
think we should play the
same side (barring injuries)
and come to terms with the
opening problem by asking
Rowe to open.
The demoralization of
Australiawill have its effect
on the rest of the series; now
more than evqr the West
Indieshave everything going
for them to capture the Sir
Frank Worrell trophy. They
must move on from here; the
Australians are great fighters
and will not succumb easily;
Clive Lloyd and his team must
not let up; that short period
of weakness which cost us the
first test must not re-occur.
There is now even more
excitement in this series and
I look forward to what gifts
the West Indians will bring
on Christmas night from Mel-

Baldwin Mootoo.

Fredericks' played an

astounding innings which must
rank among the greatest dis-
plays of sustained aggressive

batting in the entire history

&f the game.


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I I Frederick Street. Iort-of-Spain. rrinidad. Telephone: 387(7