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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00185
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: October 26, 1975
Frequency: completely irregular
 Subjects
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
 Notes
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00185

Full Text

~SFIR _~! N'rlTcs'vE
'Al,


SUNDAY OCTOBER 26, 1975


A


PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY THE TAPIA HOUSE PUBLIStHING CO.,


WHEN a Government is as
inefficient and incompetent and
insensitive as the present Gov-
ernment is, then its whole
existence is one long, never-
ending, chain of crises.
When a Government is so
totally lacking in ideology and
perspective, as the PNM Govern-
ment is, then it cannot have any
priorities, or rather, its priorities
are determined with each new
crisis, that comes with each new
day.
When a Government lacks
the moral authority to commit
men to its plans and programs
on the basis of common principles
and common beliefs, then it has
no other choice but to pay for
their services in hard cash.
And above all, when each
new crisis dictates a new priority
and a new program, the Govern-
ment is forced to look for
scapegoats to pin yesterday's
failures on, at the same time as it
looks for a new set of men to
solve today's crisis and to carry
out today's plans.



ZIG-ZAG POLITICS

So that it is no surprise that
Williams has launched his vicious
attack on some top Civil Servants.
It is no surprise that he has
accused "an ambitious minority
of Civil Servants" of wanting to
Takeover the country.,


Such a method of procedure
is inherent in the system of
pragmatic day-to-day, zig-zag
politics. An adhoc-racy feeds on
the flesh of those whom it pays
to serve it.
And Williams' "execution"
of his adherents did not begin
in 1975. The Siberian roll call is
a long one and it is by no means
confined to Civil Servants.




IMPENDING COLLAPSE

What is different in 1975
is the swiftness, the extent and
the ruthlessness of the execu-
tions.. And this aspect is only
explained by reference to the
impending collapse of the Regime
as a whole.
The crisis which has held
this country in grip over the last
fifteen years is fast mounting
to a revolutionary climax. And it
is no longer possible to patch
each manifestation of the crisis


with a new change of plan
announced with a grand hurrah.
The only option now left
to Williams is to scruttle the
entire ship, to clear the burning
decks and to start all over again.
What we have been witnes-
sing these past few weeks, as
Williams methodically massacres
all those around him, Ministers,
Civil Servants, and Party people,
is a desperate attempt to save
himself, to be reborn again in a
Baptism of blood.


NUMEROUS SACRIFICES

His admissions of guilt, his
dejected "mea culpas" (which
are never his but everyone else's)
his numerous sacrifices on the
altar of a newly discovered need
for accountability, are all an
attempt to win from the popula-
tion sympathy for his plight,
before the lengthy tabulation of
his sin is read out.
To take before, before be-
fore take he. That is the plan.


And in its execution he will take
whatever steps are necessary.
And the greater the urgency,
the more mountainous the
rubbish heap of sin, the more
numerous will be the list of
those sent out to the Siberian
wastelands.


DIET OF PAIN

But our country has lived
for too long in sin, too long
have we wandered in the wilder-
ness, for too many years have
we believed the empty promises,
hoping against hope that we had
not loved in vain, learning only
by our bitter experiences and
our constant diet of pain, that
we must admit our past mistake,
clear the blight from our path
and move on.
Soon Williams too will get
the message. For it will be done
unto him as he has done to so
many others. There is a place in
Siberia for those who fail. So let
it be with Caesar.


Vol.5 No. 43


The Siberian Rollcall


Party Ministers Public Servants

C.L.R. JAMES WINSTON MAHABIR MAX IFILL
ELTON RICHARDSON LEARIE CONSTANTINE SCOTTY LEWIS
DeWILTON ROGERS DONALD GRANADO RALPH REMAIN

EDDIE TAYLOR A.N.R. ROBINSON W. ANDREW ROSE
IRWIN MERRITT KARL HUDSON-PHILLIPS EUGENIO MOORE
IVAN WILLIAMS DODDERIDGE ALLEYNE

FERDI FERREIRA CECIL DOLLY

FRANK RAMPERSAD


91 TUNAPUNA ROAD, TUNAPUNA, PHONE:662-5126.


.30 Cents





PAGE 2 TAPIA SUNDAY OCTOBER 26, 1975




The Answer lies in


Political


ethods


"THE men who now occupy the
crease of Government, must now
declare their innings closed.
Otherwise we go have to run
them out, or thief them out, or
even shoot them out." This was
how Tapia Secretary Lloyd Best,
speaking last at the meeting held
in Diego Martin last Tuesday,
began his statement.
Hitching up his pants, with a
characteristic motion, Best continued
by saying that the country had lived
these nineteen years, these nineteen
guava seasons of frustrations and
futility, in a political and spiritual
wilderness.
Now, he said, all over the land,
up and down the country, in the East,
in the West, in the North and in the
South, in the Churches and the Rum-
shops, all over the land there was one
cry on the lips of people. The time had
come to put an end to the misery, it
was time for a change.
And the Government, crooked
till it bend, must now have its own
Watergate,'they must meet their
Waterloo or, if it comes to that, we
will have to waterline they backside.



TALE OF WOE

Taking up where the previous
speaker, Denis Solomon, had left off,
Best turned to the issue of the Public
Service. He said that the whole attack
on the Public Service, and on the
inefficiency and insensitivity of admin-
istration, was an attempt, by Williams,
to take before before before take he.
But as far as he, Best, was con-
cerned the real problem has nothing
to do with inefficiency, incompetence
or insensitivity, though these exist.
Nor did it have to do with an "ambi-
tious minority of Civil Servants.
There was a minority which we
had to get rid off and that was the
minority of elites, the oligarchy feed-
ing off the fat of the land while the
vast majority of citizens awoke each
day to fight another battle for survival.
He did not have to recount, he
told the crowd, the dismal tale of
woes which the people of this country
had to face day in and day out. No
water, no lights, no hospital beds, bad
roads, traffic jam morning, noon and
night. It was a tale we all knew and
knew well.
So the question is how do we
put a stop to it? He could agree'that it
was a time for a change but the
question was what change? People
wanted to know by what possible
means they could ensure that all the
corruption and bobol and incompe-
tence and insensitivity would not
manifest itself in any new Government.
So that to answer the question
it was necessary to look back over the
past and see where we went wrong.


And the point is that the corruption
and insensitivity did not arise because
the men in the Government were
necessarily bad. They might be, but
the fact remains that the corruption
was inherent in the political method.
He was satisfied, the Secretary
went on to say, in spite of all those
who said that the people of this
country were lazy and stupid and
backward, that at every stage of the
game the people of the country had
made the right choice.


POLITICAL PARTY

He would be the first to grant
that when the present Government
came on the stage in 1956 they made
a difference. He could say that, since
he was not afraid to give them their
due. And when at every election
since, the country had made the best
choice in putting them back.
But, said Best, it had always
been the best of a bad lot of choices.
Because the political method which
this country was accustomed to was
that of overnight political parties.


Williams, he said, had let his
bucket down in 1955 and nine
months later the PNM was in power.
But, cried Best, it is impossible to
form a Political Party in nine months.
A political party was not a chile. A
political party was a complex organisa-
tion requiring, plans and programs and
ideology and men and requiring, above
all, permanency.


TWO PILLARS

Such an organisation could only
be built through a long and painful
process of walking up and down the
land, finding the men, getting to know
the people, how they think, what
they wanted, and then by formulating
plans and policies designed to take all
these things into consideration.
And this is why, Best explained,
Tapia had spent the last seven years
roaming the wilderness. And we had
now reached the point where we could
come to the country and put forward
our proposals and to put forward the
men tested by those long years of
labour, The Tapia plans, said Best,


rested on two main pillars. Economic
reorganisation, and Constitutional re-
form. Under economic reorganisation,
the first step was the localisation of
our resources.


LOCALISATION
The Government, he said, had
been going around investing greater
and greater sums of money in all
kinds of industries. They had invest-
ments in Oil, in sugar, in hotels, and in
a whole host of manufacturing indus-
tries large and small. They also con-
trolled all the public utilities.
But none of these massive
investments had changed the lives of
the standard of living of the vast
majority of the citizens. And while the
Government had been promising for a
long time to divert itself of its holdings
and to distribute the shares it held to
the public, this had not happened yet.
And the reason it had not hap-
pened, Best continued, was that all
these .investments in all these indus-
tries gave them control over the econ-
omic livelihood of greater and greater
numbers of citizens. It gave them
patronage.
When Tapia spoke of localisa-
tion, on the other hapd we meant
more than just nationalisation. Tapia
localisation meant taking control from
the foreign hands and putting it in the
hands of the people in the localities
so that the people not only had a
share in the income generated by the
industries but, more importantly, had
a voice in the decisions affecting the
industry.


MACO -SENATE

The Tapia Secretary then went
on to outline for his audience the
Tapia proposals for Housing, full
employment, National Service all
those measures which, he said, would
spread the wealth of the land far
beyond the narrow oligarchy which
now controlled it and into the pockets
fo the little people everywhere.
Turning to the question of Con-
stitutional Reform, Best said that
STapia's proposals rested on a few very
simple planks. In the first place Tapia
was proposing to take some of the
Power which one rested with the
Chief Executive and to put it in the
hands of institutions controlled by
the people.
For this reason Tapia had pro-
posed the Big Maco Senate as a place
where the representatives of a vast
number of community interests could,
under the cover of Parliamentary pri-
vilege, voice their opinions on any
conceivable issue affecting the nation.
In addition to these proposals
Tapia also planned to institute a
genuine system of Local Government,
a topic which had already been
covered by one of the earlier speakers.


TAPIA CAKE SALE

Saturday Ist November:


Outside Valpapark


Supermarket


For


.,,, j







SUNDAY OCTOBER 26, 1975


The Public Service Crisis:





A Test of Statesmansh, i





Problem of Accunt abiiy,


"NO country can be
governed by one man or
by one man and his dog.
A country must govern
itself." This is how Tapia
Chairman Denis Solomon
began his address to the
crowd which had
assembled last Tuesday
night, at Covigne Road in
Diego Martin, to hear a
team of Tapia speakers.
Solomon's topic was the
present acrimonious relation-
ships between the Civil Ser-
vice and the Executive,
highlighted, two weeks ago,
by the Prime Minister's blister-
ing attack on some of the
highest ranking members of
the Civil Service.
Going on to explain what
he meant by his opening
remark, Solomon told his
audience that in any dem-
ocratic and properly governed
country there must exist a
series of balances amongst
the institutions of state.




WATCH DOG

The Executive, he said,
must be balanced by the
RepFesentatives, the Repre-
sentative must be balanced
by the Civil Service, the Civil
Service must be balanced by
the Courts, and the Police and
the Preb and so on, so that
each institution serves as
watchdog of another while
itself being checked by yet
another.
But when such a situation
does not exist, and people
believe that a country can
be governed by one man and
his dog, there are always
people around who are quite
willing to fill the role of dog.
And the main criterion for
the job was the same quality
which one looks for in a dog,
and that is absolute fidelity.
From the beginning there-
fore Williams had insisted
that Civil Servants could not
be allowed to become in-
volved in political activity.
And he knew that he could
do so because the Civil Service
was composed of people who
were likely to support his
Govermnent's policies.
Later on, however, it be-
came quite apparent that
what the rule of non-participa-
tion in political activity really
meant was non-participation
in any activity that was
undertaken in opposition to
the Government and its
policies.
From the beginning there-
fore the main requirement
which Williams and the Gov-
eernment demanded of the
"vii Service was loyalty and
q esence, not initiative or


drive. And this is the reason
why Williams has been so
hostile to any and all recom-
mendations which sought to
introduce some measure of
greater organisation into the
Service.
Indeed Williams himself
had called for many of the
reports and recommendations
which had been prepared on
the Civil Service and which he
subsequently always ignored.
He called for them because
he recognized that the Civil
Service was badly organised
and inefficient.
But he rejected any recom-
mendations for greater organ-
isation because greater
organisation was incompatible
-with the absolute control
which he wanted to wield
over the Service.
The J. O'Neil Lewis report
on the reorganisation of the
Civil Service, which William
himself had called for, was an
excellent report containing
many worthwhile recom-
mendations.
One of these recommenda-
tions was a diminution in the
area of the influence of the
Cabinet. Williams himself was
complaining recently about
the volume of memoranda
which the Cabinet has to
consider. Yet he found the
Lewis recommendation in-
tolerable and banished its
author to a diplomatic post
abroad.



AWARENESS

So, Solomon went on, if
there is inefficiency and in-
sensitivity in the Civil Service,
the reason is not a lack of
talent, for while there were
many incompetent people in
the Service, there were also
very many nighly competent
one.
Nor was the reason a lack
of awareness about what
should or could be done to
rectify the situation. This
could not be so since there
were many worthwhile reports
simply gathering dust on the
Prime Minister's desk.
The reason, Solomon stres-
sed, for the inefficiency on
the Service, was the lack of
political leadership and direc-
tion. Instead of fostering a
political atmosphere which
encouraged individual initia-
tive, Williams had deliberately
set out to create an atmos-
phere of hostility and suspicion
to any manifestation of talent.
And it is with this in
mind, Solomon urged, that
we must examine Williams'
charges, made before a Party
Convention, which in itself
was unconstitutional, that an
ambitious minority of Civil
Servants were : trying to


"takeover" the Service.
In the first place Williams
charges were foolish and
irresponsible on two grounds.
First, Solomon pointed out,
the idea of a Task Force to
run a special project, outside
of the normal routines of
organisation, is one which is
already gaining widespread
acceptance in most of the
organisationally advanced
countries in the world.
Secondly, Solomon con-
tinued, whether or not the
suggestion made by the top
Civil Servants was a feasible
and workable one, it was
their role and duty as Civil
Servants to offer advice to the
Executive.
And it was the role and
duty of the Executive, of the
political leadership, to accept
or to reject these suggestions
but at all times to make sure
that they kept coming.
Instead Williams had chosen
to publicly Castrate the Civil
Servants in a most irrespons-
ible and mendacious way.



WORTHLESSNESS

But more than irresponsi-
bility Williams' actions repre-
sented the heights of worth-
lessness. For one of the
instruments Williams always
uses to beat the Civil Service
with is the Constitution.
Not only does Williams
behave as though he were the
only person capable of inter-
preting the constitution but
he gets away with it because
at the fundamental level he is
the most unconstitutional of
all.
Because, Solomon explain-
ed, all this could only take
place against a background of
public ignorance. The defini-
tion of a corrupt Government
that he subscribed to,the Tapia
Chairman told his listeners,
was a Government which had
a vested interest in maintain-
ing public ignorance.


PROCEDURES

The fact is, he declared,
that no Civil Service proce-
dures are ever sacrosanct,
adjustments are always neces-
sary as new developments
occur and new situations
need to be resolved.
So that in fact tension is
absolutely necessary to a
dynamic Government. The
Civil Service must be con-
scious of its power and seek
to exercise it to its fullest,
and so too must the elected
officials. But underlying the
tensions there must beia basis
of faith and trust.
The test of statesmanship, .


as distinct from mere politics,
is whether a Government can
exercise its power at the same
time as it increases the fund
of faith.
And the problem of in-
creasing that fund of faith is,
in the final analysis, one, not
of efficiency but of account-
ability.


The A a.,d, C'ir'mi w :
on to say tcha;. -ev" s'-;'c2
1968 Tiw iiad ;uz !:r'ard
proposals f r tl. re.igauisa-
tion of tl;e Ciil Service.
which today d-ere 'as st.il
no need to tIange, because
the whole question of::ccount-
ability -rf any institution of
state was a constitutional one.


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TAPIA PAGE-31












Oppose ion Unity must


Go beyondthe


TAPIA Administrative Sec.
Allan Harris opened the
innings at the public
meeting in Diego Martin
last Tuesday night and in
a marathon spell which
last some seventy-five
minutes sought to deal
with the important ques-
tion of Opposition Unity.
He began by saying that
all over the country at this
time people were certain of
one thing and one thing
only, that the time had come
for a-. change. And it was in
the context of this attitude
that the call by so many
people for opposition unity
had to be interpreted.
As far as he was concerned
the call for opposition unity
not only testified to peoples'
determination to kick out
the present iniquitous regime
but also pointed to the fact
that they could not perceive,
on the political stage at the
present moment, any viable
organisation which could
replace it.
But, Harris went on, we
must bear in mind that the.
question of opposition unity
is not new. At every election
in ou; recent history we have
seen desperate attempts by
certain opposition forces to
achieve some sort of merger.




FRAGMENTATION

These attempts however
have always resulted in over-
night coalitions which have
been too- manifestly opport-
unistic to be trusted and too
weak to survive intact any
important decisions.
In any case, the Tapia
Administrative Sec. argued, he
did not feel that the present
fragmentation of opposition
forces in the country was
necessarily a bad thing. Indeed,
as far as he was concerned,
the fragmentation was a
symptom of the country's
search for a new basis of
politics.
The type of politics which
has existed in the country
over the past twenty years,
he pointed but, was founded
on one thing and one thing
only, Race. And if the present
regime has been able to stay
in power these past twenty
years, it was because they
always manipulated the racial
fears of the people of the
country.
He was not saying, he
stressed, that when the PNM
came to power in 1956 that
they did so on a platfonn
of race. Indeed this was not
so at all. For in those. early
Years the PNM pledged itself
to abide by "the spirit of
Bandung", the spirit of Afro-


Asian solidarity.
But the factsremains that
many Africans saw in the
new movement a vehicle for
the advancement of the race.
And by 1958 the PNM had
overtly abandoned the spirit
of Bandung and were making
blatant appeals to people's
racial prejudices.
Harris reminded the
audience that 1958 was the
year that the PNM lost the
Federal Elections here in
Trinidad and that in anger
over this defeat Williams
publicly castigated the East
Indian population of Trinidad
as "a bunch of recalcitrants."




APANJAAT

By the elections in 1961
the racial foundations of
political mobilisalion were
truly entrenched. The PNM
had become the party of the
African population and the
\ DLP the party of the Indians.
In the elections o' that
year the PNM appeal to the
Africans was very simple, if
they did not vote for them,
"the other side" was going to
take over. The politics of
1961 were the politics of
Apanjaat. with a vengeance.
But the country has grown
in wisdom since those days,
Harris felt. Everybody now
recognized that the politics
of race was bad politics and
that bad politics inevitably


leads to bad Government.
The first major sign that
the country was ready to
repudiate the politics of race
came in the Black Power
Movement of 1970. The signifi-
cance of that period, he
stressed, lay in the fact that
thousands of young urban
Africans were marching up
and down the land, in protest
against a Government that
kept in power by presenting
itself as an African Govern-
ment.
But if 1970 was the mani-
festation of the Africans'
rejection of race, 1971
showed that this opinion was
shared by the Indians as well.
For in the elections of
that year the PNM in an
attempt to once again per-
petuate the so-called two
party system on the basis of
race resurrected Bhadase Maraj
and got him to lead a Party
in the Elections. But the
Indian population joined the
call for a boycott of the
elections, and in so doing,
firmly repudiated, not only
Bhadase,but the racial founda-
tions of the past.
Now, Harris explained, the
country, having repudiated
the politics of race, was
faced with the task of finding
or forging some new basis of
politics that could take its
place.
This is no easy task, Harris
warned. The country today
must find some system of
Government and politics
.which was designed to aid


all the citizens regardless of
race. The solution to this
problem, he said, can only
come through the long and
painful process of careful
analysis and evaluation of
ourselves as a people.
And this is precisely what
the last seven years has been
all about. Thelong and drawn
out crisis which we have had
to face over these years is the
political expression of a
people searching for an
answer, a people struggling to
break free from the bonds of
the past.




OVERNIGHT MERGER

In that process there have
been those who have been
striving to create political
parties which are alignments
of men and organizations on
the basis of common interests
rather than on the basis of
race.
This is why, Harris cried
out in a voice which rang
through the stillness of the
Valley air, this is why Tapia
is not interested, and has
never been interested, in any
marriage of convenience, in
any overnight merger of
opposition forces.
For Tapia there had to be
a new approach, a new device
for sifting the opinion and
interests of the various politi-
cal forces and for coming to
some common understanding.
And this is why Tapia has
been calling for the past seven
years for a Constituent
Assembly.
For a Constituent Assembly
is the only conceivable forum
in which all the existing
political and community
interests could come together,
before the eyes of the nation
to say where they stand of
the fundamental questions
before the country today.



CONSTITUENT
ASSEMBLY
Tapia has therefore, always
called upon the Government
to call the Assembly, thereby
giving them the opportunity
to rise above the narrow
parochial interest of their
own survival, and to demon-
strate that they put the
interests of the country before
those of the party.
But, in addition, Tapia has
also tried to foster that
Assembly by its participation,
in any occasion, which it
felt, had even the remotest
possibility of turning into
the Constituent Assembly.
This is why in 1970, during
those fearful days of repres-
sion and States of Emergency


Tapia participated in the
Assembly of Free Citizens.
This is why later on we parti-
cipated in the Union of
Revolutionary Organisations.
And this is why we went to
fhe Wooding Commission in
Arima.
Above all, it was in this
quest for the Constituent
Assembly, that we answered
the invitation to enter the
Senate, and there gave the
Government the last opport-
unity to summon on its own
initiative, the valid leaders in
the country, to speak for all
those people they represent.
And all these attempts,
Harris admitted, Tapia had
not been successful. Every
effort had been blocked by
either the Government on the
one hand, or by the other
opposition forces on the
other.
Now however we were in
a situation where everybody
realises that the coming elec-
tions were the most crucial
in this country's history. And
so the whole issue of opposi-
tion unity was back in the
headlines.
Tapia had once again
responded to a call to partici-
pate in talks. We 'ha put our
position to all the groups and
indeed to the entire country.
We envisaged that the opposi-
tion forces could -come to
some worthwhile understand-
ing by seeking areas of joint
action on specific proposals.



TIME FOR CHANGE


We had suggested to the
groups the various issues
which we could reasonably
Iget together on at short
notice. Radio and Television
time for all political forces,
auto. .atic registration, the
reintroduction of the Ballot
Box and the vote for 18-year-
olds.
In addition, Harris told
the crowd, Tapia had indi-
cated that we were prepared
to attend any properly con-
stituted meeting of opposition
forces which got down to a
discussion of the fundamental
issues like constitutional re-
form, economic reorganisation
etc.
Winding up his long and
vigorous address, Harris told
his listeners, "I have faith
that before many moon's we
shall see a new national
movement sweeping this land,
one that embraces not only
the political forces but all the
community groups."
Then holding out his arms
in a gesture of appeal to the
crowd, Harris ended by'-
crying, in a voice by then
tinged with hoarseness, "It is
Time."


Alan Harris selected


to be chairman of


the steering committee


on joint opposition action.


PAGE 4 TAPIA


SUNDAY OCTOBER 26,.1975







SUNDAY OCTOBER 26, 1975


Council of Representatives takes





Position on Critical Issues


LAST Sunday cadres
from all over the country
gathered together at the
Tapia Headquarters in
Tunapuna for, what
turned out to be, a long
and hard day's work. The
occasion was the monthly
meeting of the Council of
Representatives which
brings together members
of the National Executive
and delegates from the
communities.
The attendance at last
Sunday's meeting was notic-
ably increased, marking both
the importance attached to
the matters on the agenda
and the rapid growth of
Local Tapia groups during
the past few months.
The main item on the
agenda was a paper prepared
by Michael Harris on Con-
stitutional Reform within the
group and on the organisation
of the campaign for the
coming elections.
Discussions of these two
matters took up the entire


Section of the Council during Sunday's meeting.


post-lunch period as members
examined clause by clause
the various proposals made in
the paper.
The paper contained pro-
posals on such major areas as
the selection of candidates for
General and Local Govern-
ment elections, the establish-


ment, role and function of
Constituency Parties and on
the procedure for membership
ship.
Also generating much dis-
cussion was the question of
the formation of a Parliamen-
tary party, its right and
obligations within the frame-


work of the entire organisa-
tion and on the selection and
nature of its officers.
The Council finally decided
to set up a committee to
prepare a final draft of the
Constitution to he brought
back to the next monthly


'






meeting of the Council.
The committee is chaired
by Michael Harris and includes
Junior Wiltshire, the Secre-
tary to the Executive,
together with Dennis Pantin
and Arnold Hood.
Two other items came in
for intense discussion at the
meeting. The first was the
issue of the Public Service
and the attacks made against
some of the top Civil Servants
by the Prime Minister.
The Council, on this issue,
gave its approval to a state-
ment presented to it by
Secretary, Lloyd Best, for
public release.
The statement, (printed in
full on this page ) calls on
the Parliament to impeach
the- Prime Minister for his
breach of Public Service
security and also calls upon
the Public Service Association
to institute an investigation
into all the circumstances sur-
rounding the accusations made
by the Prime Minister.




SELECT COMMITTEE
The other item of major
discussion was Tapia's appear-
ance before the Joint Select
Committee which is at present
involved in taking evidence
from members of the public
on the Draft Constitution.
The Council agreed with a
date proposed by Denis
Solomon and also made deci-
sions on the nature of our
participation and the delegates
who will be appearing.
On the issue of the Cam-
paign proposals the Council
set up a Comrhittee of four
to bring back a final draft of
proposals for ratification and
implementation at the next
meeting.
The committee consists of
Lloyd Best, Beau Tewarie,
Angela Cropper and Billy
Montague.
The next meeting of the
Council takes place on Sunday
November 2, one week before
Tapia celebrates its seventh
anniversary with a "Birthday
Party Assembly" at the
Headquarters in Tunapuna.


AT its monthly meeting held in Tunapuna today,
Sunday October 19, the Tapia Council of Representa-
tives decided: -

1. to call on Parliament to impeach the Prime
Minister for:

a) disclosing to the Convention of a political party
papers and records which properly belong to the
internal files of the Public Service.

b) deliberately misleading the people as to the condi-
tions under which Mr. Dodderidge Alleyne, the
Permanent Secretary to the Prime Minister, in
April 1973 signed an agreement between the Gov-
ernment of Trinidad and Tobago and the French
Petroleum Agency ERAP.

2. to call on the Auditor General to satisfy Par-
liament:
a) that he has properly attempted to unravel the
mystery concerning the conditions under which
the Economic Adviser to the Prime Minister, Mr.
Eugenio Moore, came to believe that he had been
endowed with the authority to cause to be carried
out works on the Stadium at King George V Park.
b) that he did enquire of the Prime Minister if the
latter did in fact give Mr. Moore the instructions
to carry out these works.
c) that if he did not so enquire, he sought instead to
establish whether or not the Prime Minister did or
said something which could reasonably have led
Mr. Moore to believe that he had been given
instructions to effect those works.

3. to call on the Public Service Association
to set up an investigation into all the cir-
cumstances surrounding the Prime Minister's
change:
a) that the country had come to a take-over by a
small minority of ambitious technocrats.
b) that the administration of the country had become
inefficient, incompetent ahd insensitive with
special reference to:

i) construction of schools;
ii) distribution of houses and;
iii) settlement of outstanding financial claims by
the public.

4. to call on the Heads of Departments con-
Scerned to come forward and protect the


future ot the Public Service by providing,
within the ethics of their profession and
the boundaries of the law, hand evidence oft
v'hat actually occurred in the matters
raised by teh Prime Minister about the con-
duct of certain senior civil servants.

to call on the Public Accounts Committee
to open or to re-open all the issues which
have been raised by the Prime Minister's
statements to the country in this regard but
which have not been determined to the
satisfaction of public opinion by the
Auditor General's Report or the subsequent
interventions and comments by interested
parties including the Public Service Associa-
tion.


In making these calls for a comprehensive clean-
ing of the public stables. Tapia wishes the public to
note how heavily this matter of public administration
bears on the question of constitution reform.
In the deliberations of the Select Committee and
further stages in settlement of the constitution crisis,
special attention must now be paid to:-

a) Appointments with Special Reference to:

i) the power of the Prime Minister and the politi-
cal branch of the administration and,;
ii) greater independence of the Public Service
Commissions.

b) Parliamentary Committees as indispensable watch-
dogs on the performance of the Executive with
reference both to Ministerial Responsibility and
proper functioning of the career civil servants.

c) A reformed system of Local Government capable
of relieving the Central Government of virtually
impossible responsibilities ouch as the payment ot
pensions and the distribution of national housing.

d) An expanded Senate which would:

i) create a forum for wider public accountability.
ii) provide an agency where opinion on the per-
formance of the Government and the State
could be aired under the protective cover of
Parliament and therefore with ample informa-
tion and with due decorum and restraint:


The Call For impeachment


i J..;


TAPIA PAGE 5







PAGE 6 TAPIA
WHEN Pablo Neruda wrote 30
years ago in his "Canto General"
(General Song) that "Jehovah
reserved the juiciest lands of
America to United Fruit", he
never imagined that the banana
companies would begin to be
questioned even by the United
Nations.
In discreet diplomatic language
Secretary-General Kurt Waldheim
alluded to the fact that for a long
time the banana growing nations
have served as a source of enrichment
for the developed capitalist countries
This was deduced from the disclosure
made by Waldheim last year in stating
that the "terms of the banana trade as
compared with manufactured goods
worsened by close to 61 per cent
between 1954 and the last quarter of
1973."
The underdeveloped countries
have likewise failed to feel the effects
of the technological innovations made
by the transnationals to cut their
costs and boost their profits without
any social responsibility.
The FAO's director for tropical
agriculture, Alberto Viton dropped a
bomb when he said that banana prices
were higher 10 or 20 years ago. Viton
stated at the international banana
meeting held in April in Abidjan,
Ivory Coast, that while the prices in
the producing countries were deterior-
ating, the costs of production had
increased 30 to 100 per cent.
Although bananas account for
just 0.2 per cent of all the merchan-
dise involved in world trade they
constitute the main source of foreign
currency for a group of countries and
colonies in Africa, Asia and Latin


America. For Panama the figure is
57.3 per cent, Honduras 42.5, Ecuador
46.9 though its recent petroleum
exports have lessened that dependency.
in Costa Rica,Guadalupe and Somalia
the proportion is from 27 to 30 per
cent.
In the producing countries one-
fourth of the labor force is engaged
in the banana industry, with daily
wages ranging from 70 cents to 2.50
on the plantations run by latifundists
or independent proprietors associated
with the companies.
The wage paid by the foreign
firms ranges from one to 3.20 a day.
In both cases the averages are dramatic
indicators that point up just how cheap
labor is in the underdeveloped coun-
tries.
Three corporations based in the
United States United Brands (the
old United Fruit), Standard Fruit
.(owned-by Castle and Cook) and Del
Monte wield the strictest control
over the 400 million 46-pound crates
of bananas exported annually by Latin
American countries.
The United States, with 6 per
cent of the world's population, mani-
pulated virtually all the 34 million tons
exported by the underdeveloped coun-
tries in 1973. Of that amount 58 per
cent came from Latin America, 28
per cent from Asia and 11 per cent
from Africa.
In the case of the French
colonies of Martinique and Guadalupe,


about 30 French firms control the
marketing of the 160,000 tons pro-
duced by the two islands. France also
plays a key role in the banana trade of
the African countries in the franc
zone.
The transnationals,, some of I
which have been operating in Latin
America since early in the century,
such as United Fruit, possess 88.5 per
cent of the banana marketing and
distribution system.
Their control is especially
marked in the transport sphere. The
producing countries have a share of
under 1 per cent in freight operations.
The rest lends itself to accounting
acrobacy by the transnationals, which
present inflated accounts to the gov-
ernment when it is time to pay taxes.
The Compania Bananera Atlan-
tica, a transport line owned by United
Brands, takes charge, for instance, of
the 450,000 crates a week produced
by Costa Rica in the season, and
covers the transport needs of other
Central American countries. The situa-
tion is similar in Jamaica or any other
exporting nation. In reality the ship-
ping lines of the transnationals have
become the merchant fleets of the
banana countries.


THE MULTI-NATIONAL


In numerical terms it is agreed
internationally that United Brands
handles 35 per cent of all world banana
exports; Standard 25 per cent; and Del
Monte 10 per cent. The three are on the
list of the 500 biggest United States
corporations published annually by
Fortune magazine.
This means that the three cor-
porations had an almost majority
share of the profits of the world banana
business, estimated at three and a half
billion dollars in 1974
A few examples suffice togive an
idea of the influence of the companies
in the producing countries.
In Ecuador, Standard Fruit
accounted for 25 per cent of the export
marketing in 1970. The South Ameri-


can country heads the list of exporters
in Latin America with annual exports
of 70 million40-pound crates, that is,
20 per cent of the continent's produc-
tion.
In Costa Rica the proportion of
foreign control in marketing for export
leaps to 85 per cent and is shared
evenly by Standard and United
In Panama, until last year, when
the government of General Omar
Torrijos took steps to change the
situation, United rule supreme. It
possesses more than 35,000 hectares
in Panama and exports 30million
crates a year.
The production of the United
States neocolony of the Philippines,
an important Asian supplier, is owned
by Standard. In 1970 it controlled 90
per cent of exportable production,
about 760,000 metric tons. Del Monte
and United accounted for the rest.
These scandalous facts led
UNCTAD experts to state in a recently
published report that it appears that
the bananas exported from the Central
American countries and the Philippines
are the patrimony of the foreign
corporations.
The situation is reflected in the
decapitalization of the producing
countries and higher profits for the
corporations. According to United
Nations figures, the producing coun-
tries receive just 11 per cent of the
total value of banana sales while 89
per cent goes to the corporations.
The UNCTAD experts estimated
that for every crate of bananas sold at
593 (1971 prices) the producers earn
70 cents while the corporations obtain
three dollars. Once the unripened pro-
duct is purchased, the jobbers, ripeners
and retailers that is, the various
branches of the corporations Once
again increase prices in the importing
countries.
High prices made bananas
prohibitive for many consumers in
.the United States, Western Europe
and Japan. The New York retail price
was 17 cents a pound in 1970,while
it has since risen to 45 cents and
more.
UNCTAD specialist Frederick F.
Clairmonte places the gross profits of


SUNDAY O(


BANANAS IS B


- -


: L I


I--- z C








DBER 26, 1975,





BUSINESS


the ripening subsidiaries of the cor-
porations ta 19 per cent, while the
supermarket chains make 32 per eent.'
The policy of some Latin
American countries of obtaining econ-
omic benefits separately from the rest
of the region's raw material producers
has favored the aggressivity of the
corporations.
To a large extent Panama pro-
moted the elimination of that barrier
when on March 8, 1974 seven Latin
American countries officially expres-
sed their interest in setting up a Union
of Banana Exporting Countries (UBEC)
to defend the purchasing power of the
fruit on the international markets.
If these seven countries were to
forge a common policy their negotiat-
ing power in regard to the trans-
nationals would be enormous, since
they account for slightly over 70 per
cent of world exports.At the seventh
meeting of UBEC ministers in Panama
on April 7, Colombia, Costa Rica,
Guatemala, Honduras and the host
country ratified their participation.
The Panamanian government has
maintained for the longest time the
dollar-a-crate tax agreed to by the
UBEC last year on the exports by the
corporations from theproducing coun-
tries. Other countries that joined
UBEC, such as Costa Rica and Hondu-
ras, cut it to 50 and 25 cents respec-
tively and then made further adjust-'
ments. on the taxes.
Guatemala and Nicaragua, giving
way to pressures by the corporations,
never enforced the tax. Colombia
slightly increased prices and Ecuador,
the region's biggest exporter, has
maintained an ambiguous position
in regard to UBEC, claiming that its
crop is in the hands of local producers.
The establishment of UBEC led
to the "banana war" begun by the
corporations in April and May 1974.
It included suspending their exports
from several producing countries, and
other coercive measures.
At that time, Newsweek maga-
zine, generally well informed on the
intentions of US corporations, dis-
closed that the banana companies
were "angry and ready to break with
the UBEC."


To attain that aim they engaged
in plotting that ranged from the assassi-
nation of General Torrijos and changes
of government in some Central Ameri--
can countries, to the bribing of high-
level officials such as the United
Brands case in Honduras and trans-
ferring operations to other sources of
supply.
Costa Rica banana industry re-
presentatives announced in May of
last year that Standard Fruit increased
its purchases in Ecuador from 320
thousand to 640 thousand crates a
week, during the most tense days of
the "banana wars" with the aim of
splitting the producing countries and
fomenting suspicions among them.




OCTOPUS

The stranglehold of the corpora-
tions over the world banana economy
is today a concern of the FAO at a
time in which the capitalist recession
is striking harder than ever at the
balance of payments of the producing
countries. FAO's tropical products
department undertook at the Ivory
Coast meeting to provide support for
the consolidation of an association of
producing countries.
The banana dollar is losing pur-
chasing power as the prices of the
the foods, fertilizers and farm machi-
nery exported by the industrialized
capitalist countries, where the banana
companies, are located.
The banana exporting countries,
whose diets are basically grain foods,
saw an increase in the price of rice of
308 per cent between 1972 and 1974,
that is, from 99.4 dollars a ton to 405
dollars.
US wheat underwent increases
of over 70 per cent before the increase
in oil prices. From 109 dollars a ton in
1972 the price rose to 320 in August
1973.
Powdered milk went up 158
per cent, from 266 dollars a ton in
1971 to 688 the following year. In the
first months of 1974 the increase was


238 per cent, with the price up' to 900
dollars.
In fertilizers phosphate went
from 65 to 106 dollars a ton between
September 1971 to October 1972,
while urea leaped from 45 to 72
dollars.
While the inflationary spiral
reached intolerable limits in the indus-
trialized capitalist countries, the price
paid to the banana producers fell by
30 per cent between 1954 and the final
quarter of 1973, according to United
Nations data.
The quotation set by the cor-
porations for Central American bananas
in 1973 was the same as in 1961: 65
dollars a ton. But South American
bananas sold at 58 dollars, 33 per cent
less.
The French Caribbean colonies
- Martinique and Guadalupe sold
the product at 28 per cent less than in
1961, a drop from 136 to 97 dollars.
In Africa the French firms paid
11 per cent more for Ivory Coast
bananas, but 41 per cent less for the
Somalian fruit.
The Philippines, supplier to the
Asian region, underwent a price drop
of 24 per cent in under three years
time. Standard Fruit cut the price from
94 dollars in 1970 to 71 dollars in
1973.
The control of the world banana
economy by the global corporations
makes it vital for the producing coun-
tries to take an active part in all stages
of the process. They also need to act
together in order to forge effective
policies of self-defense.
At present the producers lack
the technical-economic apparatus that
would permit them to obtain accurate
information for drawing up their
strategy.
Due to these circumstances and
the lack of unity am ong the producers,


TAPIA PAGE-7
the corporations have found it easy to
set production and price policies forl:
their exclusive benefit. The absence of
an organization to protect the produc-
ing countries explains the fact that
supply continues to top demand, to
the detriment of prices.
Between 1969 and 1973, world
banana production increased 35 per
cent, from 26 million 153 thousand
tons to 34 million 978 thousand,
despite the price cuts.
Different approaches have been
taken to alleviate the critical situation"
of the producing countries. They range
from co-ordination of exports, distri-
bution of markets and quotas to a
greater share in the productive sphe e
for the producing countries.
However, some of these attempts,
proposed by international economic
agencies, leave intact the role played
by'the corporations in the most lucra-
tive phase of the business: distribution
and marketing.
At present, the transnational
are more interested in the control of
marketing than in directly managing
the plantations. This accounts for the
willingness on the part of some cor-
porations to sell their lands in Centra
America.
Guatemalan economist Mario
Monteforte Toledo has said that with
this strategy the corporations "free
themselves from all the tax, labor and
political problems inherent to their
direct presence in the producing
nations."
In view of the neocolonial
strategy promoted by the corporations,
the banana countries today need more
than ever to co-ordinate their policy
for the defense of their natural re
sources, if they wish to attain success
in their bid for economic independence.

(P,,ensa LUtitla)


_ ~ __ (~ ~_1~1





- --- ~n~ 3fl9yy~











The Dominican Republic,


A Goldmine for the





Multinationals


SINCE April the Domi-
nican Republic has become
the largest gold producer
in Latin America, and the
third biggest in the entire
western hemisphere, after
the United States and
Canada.
This sudden transforma-
tion of the country's
mining status was brought
about by the opening of
Rosario Dominicana's
Pueblo Viejo mine in
Sanchez Ramirez province
LAER III, 17).
The company, which is
80% owned by Rosario Re-
sources and Simplot Industries,
both of the United States, has
now applied to have its
original 752 hectare concession
increased to 6,753 hectares.
The Dominion government
has set up a commission to
study the application, which
has provoked widespread pro-
tests from all shades of political
opinion in the Republic.
The granting of the conces-
sion to Rosario Dominicana,
in which the Dominican
Republic's central bank has a
20% stake, was hotly opposed
when it was made in May 1972.
Nationalists were arguing
that the country should con-
trol its own gold production
and use it to strengthen its
reserve position.
The gold from Pueblo
Viejo is exported to Switzer-
land in the form of ingots
mixed with silver, and
refined there by Valcambi, a
company owned by the Swiss
Credit Bank of Zurich, which
also handles marketing of the
gold through London.
The central bank's policy
has been to give the com-
pany a free hand, and it is
known to be strongly in
favour of granting the exten-
sion request.
The governor of the bank,
Diogenes Fernandez, said in
April that the goldfield was ,
larger than the concession
area, and steps were already
being taken to enlarge the
area under exploitation.
This casual mention at the
opening ceremony of the
mine's processing plant was
the first time this subject has
been broached in public; the
formal application was pub-
lished in the newspapers a


few days later.
Other sectors of the gov-
ernment, such as the minister
of industries, Guido D'Ales-
sandro, and the director
general of mines, Carlos
Eligio Linares, are also in
favour of extending the con-
cession, but insist that the
conditions should be more
favourable to the Dominican
government than those of the
original contract.
The jubilant statements
made by Rosario executives
after this agreement was
signed a company report in
mid-1973 said the 'success
and security' of the enterprise
were assured suggested
that the United States stake-
holders were well satisfied
with the deal.



SLEEPING PARTNER

In April 1973 Robert
Reininger, president of
Rosario Resources (and of
Rosario Dominicana), was
confidently predicting that
the mine would soon be the
second largest in the western
hemisphere.
Three months later he
announced that -exploration
work was producing 'encourag-
ing results' in the Los Cocos
area, adjacent to the conces-
sion.
In November he revealed
that new gold and silver
deposits had been discovered.
The processing plant then
under construction was there-
upon increased in capacity
from 6,000 tons per day to
8,000.
In other words, thorough
exploration and preparatory
work had already been going
on for well over a year before
the application for an exten-
sion to the concession area
was made public.
Under the concession con-
tract) the Dominican central
bank acts as a sleeping
partner in the venture, merely
receiving a 12% dividend in
dollars or in gold; if it
chooses gold the value is
calculated not on the basis of
production costs at the mine
but with reference to the
prevailing price of gold on
the world market.
Dominican industrialists,


represented by the Associa-
tion de Comerciantes e Indus-
triales de Santiago (ACIS)
have been in the forefront of
the protests against the con-
cession.
They claim the necessary
technology and resources for
developing the mine could
have been easily obtained on
the open market, without any
need for a concession at all.
Nationalist businessmen
are well aware of the full
extent of the resource that is
being given away.


HUGE RESERVES.

A British engineer esti-
mated iast year that the mine
had sufficient reserves to
produce 1,000 ounces of gold
and 3,000 ounces of silver a
day for the next 25 years.
An ounce of 90% pure
gold canbe extracted from
every eight tons of rock, and
0.75 ounces of silver can be
obtained from every ton.
Gold and silver oxides
- predominate in. the surface
ores, but' lower down there
are also unspecified but pre-
sumably large reserves of
copper and zinc sulphates.
The greater part of the
investment, which was fixed
by Rosario in May 1974 at
just over US $40 million,
was to be raised in loans from
Dominiacn banks.
S The first stage (US $18
million) was to be obtained
from the Banco de Reservas
de la Republica Dominicana
(US $9 million); Royal Bank
of Canada (US $6 million);
and the Banco Popular Domi-
nicano (US $3 million).
A further US $142 million
was to be raised for the
second stage from the Banco
de Reservas and other com-
mercial banks. Rosario's own
capital contribution was set at
US $3.4 million, the same as
Simplot Industries. The cen-
tral bank, for its part, would
be contributing US $1.7
million.
The foreign shareholders in
the company were also gua-
ranteed free convertibility for
obtaining equipment, inputs
and for remiting profits.
According to Dominican
law, only the central bank
was permitted to export gold,


against the Multi-nationals.

but in November 1972 a new
law was passed specifically to
change this.
In July 1973, a little over
a year after the concession
had been granted, the Presi-
dent's technical adviser, Julio
Estrella, said the terms were
too generous, considering
that Rosario was contributing
little more than the technol-
ogy.
He also said the state
should have some participa-
tion in the by-products of the
operation, such as cobalt and
platinum, about which the
company has never given any
details.
Soon there was a chorus
of voices raised against the
concession, including aca-
demic economists and a
number of political parties,
notably the Movimiento de
Conciliacion Nacional and the
Partido Quisgueyano Demo-
cratico.
The latter party pointed
out that the government had
little possibility of checking
on the composition of the
alloys exported by the
Rosario company.
In November 1973 a gov-
ernment official, Marino
Vinicio Castillo, admitted
that the government had
done badly out of the con-
tract.
Finally,at the end of
1973, the Programa para un
Gobierno de Dignidad Nacional,
drawn up by a wide coalition
of parties from communists
to conservatives, and led by
Juan Bosch, undertook to
'recover' the mine from
Rosario Dominicana without
more ado.
The latest weapon in the
hands of Rosario's opponents


is the allegation that it is
polluting the environment
with cyanide, which is used
in the extraction of the ores.
The mud produced by this
process is dumped in a special
deposit constructed by the
company at an alleged cost of
US $4 million, as the com-
pany admits that it contains
traces of cyanide.
Critics say fish and animals
in the vicinity have begun to
die off, indicating that the
water is of high toxicity and
that there are leakages.
Four children died in
February after drinking from
a nearby river, but the
promised investigation by the
ministry of health was never
published.
Panic began to spread
amQng the local population,
and their complaints reached
the senate in December 1974,
where the president of the
chamber advised the protes-
tors to 'stay well in' with
Rosario.
Recommendations by the
Comision contra la Contami-
nacion Ambiental last year
for stringent checks and safety
precautions have brought no
apparent results.
The central bank estimates
that Rosario's profit remit-
tances over the next ten years
will amount to US $86.4
million; other sources claim
they will be much greater.
In any case, the return on
an initial outlay of US $6.8
million by the two foreign
partners is certain to be very
handsome indeed, even with-
out the proposed extension.

Latin America
Economic Report


A. ___-__-------________________________ _


Our printing-plant is open at
The Tapia House 82-84 St. Vincent
Street, Tunapuna.
Kindly phone orders to: 662-5126.



-- PUBLISHING *OFFSET PRINTING-EDITING SERVICE
'______ __ ., __ ___________j


SUNDAY OCTOBER 26, 1975


PAGE 8 TAPIA






TAPIA PAGE 9


SUNDAY OCTOBER 26, 1975

sme A 3


Government throwing good money after bad;


A Habit of


Lloyd Best


Incompetence!


MR. PRESIDENT, the
Government have only
recently shuffled a pack
of jokers and now they
are following this up
straight down the line by
-"raffing" the kitty. I
looked at the document
that attempts to explain
where all of this "bread"
is going to see whether I
could satisfy myself on
the validity of this new
trick and I must say that I
am profoundly satisfied.
I notice that under Head 8,
the expenditure is for "Inci-
dental Costs"; under Head 12
for "The Independence
Games"; under Head 17 for
"Gratuitous Expenditure";
under Head 29, for "Exhibi-
tions", I would say displays.
The most interesting thing of
all is under Head 27 which
reads "To Meet Increases Of
Travelling and Oiling" Does
that mean greasing?
I am beginning to under-
stand the character of the
administration that we have
in this country now that I
am forced, being in Parliament,
to scrutinize details of finan-
cial management.




FIVE-YEAR PLAN

It seems to me that this
$68 million that we are
attempting to add to the
appropriation for this year is
good money but I can under-
stand the reason why at this
juncture Government would
wish to throw good money
after bad.
Somebody told me the
other day "since they win this
lottery with the oil bonanza,
like failure gone to their
heads. They drink four cents
rum and get twelve cents
drunk; they spending like
they mad."
I do not mind. My only
problem is that when I look
at the character of the admin-
istration on which the Gov-
ernment have themselves been
commenting in recent times,
I ask myself; can they spend
it even if they had it?
We have no five-year plan;
we are simply whistling in
the dark. We have no Throne
Speech, we do not know
what the programme of legis-
lation is ;nobody knows where
the country is going and we
are told that the country was
about to have been taken
over by a small clique of
technocrats, so much so that
the administration is incom-
petent, inefficient and
insensitive.
How, therefore, can the
Leader of the Senate come to
us in the light of all of this
and ask for more "bread"?
" I tried to look a little more
critically at the details of this
documentt to see whether I1
could discern what design lies
behind the new demand and
V:


to me\it does not make any
sense whatsoever.
I look, for example, at the
extra appropriation for Public
Utilities and I notice that it is
only $198,000 at a time when
you go home at 7 o'clock and
you have to eat with flam-
beau; you take up the tele-
phone and call Ivan Laughlin
and you get Carl Tull or
someone else.
You go to the hospital
and as they say nowadays, it
is "stone thy pillow, earth
.thy bed." You go to the
Post Office and they have no
stamps; none of the utilities in
the country is working, not
one, yet only $198.000 is
allocated.



FRESH ELECTIONS

Local Government, on the
other hand, is getting more
than that although we have
just seen that it is living on
borrowed time living on-
borrowed time and still living
high, $2.4 million.
We know that we are on
the threshold of the fresh
elections which are due on
the latest date, September 17,
1976 by my reckoning, so
that we ought to be getting
ready and yet 1 see the sum
of only $328,000 for that.
Somebody must be hoping
to bet on the very last card.
Housing looms extremely large
in the months ahead yet
only $1 million.
The Ministry of Finance,
on the other hand, gets $49
million which of course, is a
figure influenced by what the
Statisticians call "compensat-
ing entries"because the actual
figure for increase in emolu-
ments is more than the
increase in appropriation
amounting to $56 million, a
figure which confirms the
complete absurdity of Gov-
einment's incomes policy.
They have failed to fit the
question of wages into some
reasonable context, given the
data that I put before this
House last time on the ques-
tion of income distribution,
and the worsening in the
picture, not to mention the
impact on the whole income
structure being exercised by
mounting prices over the
recent past.



MORAL AUTHORITY

Other countries of the
Commonwealth like Jamaica,
like Canada (only yesterday),
are exercising all their energies
to grapple with the problems
of inflation and real income.
This government simply
because they have no moral
authority in the country -
are simply allowing the ques-
tion of wages and prices to
drift. So much so that the
figure given in this new
appropriation for pensions of


$23M to my mind in no way
comes to grips with the needs
of the time.
It is the oldest statement
in the economics of income
distribution that the people
who suffer most in times of
inflation and rising prices
and unstable economic con-
ditions are fixed-income
people in general, and pen-
sioners in particular.
I have had many representa-
tions from pensioners, in
every category, that some-
thing be done about them. I
am glad to see that a step in
the right direction is being
made so far as the policemen
and firemen, if I remember
correctly, are concerned.
I would like to urge the
Government, through the
Leader of Government Busi-
ness, that the issue of pen-
sions requires much more
serious treatment than that.
I can see why the Govern-
ment are devoting their atten-
tion urgently to the protective
services at this stage. When I
was younger seven or eight
years ago I. was rash
enough to promise that one
of these days we- would
assemble a colossal multitude
in the public place to deal
with what it has to deal with.
The paper of the governing
party then in existence, now
defunct noticed the impor-
tance of what I was saying
and immediately reported it
on their front page, or on
their centre-spread I think it


was and they noted that
Best had said that when such
a multitude had assembled in
the public place one of two
things might happen.
One is that the Govern-
ment might resign or two
that the Government might
employ harsh or brutal
measures to disperse the
multitude, as Napoleon said,
by a whiff of grapeshot.
Musing on this, only
recently, I realized how rash I
was because I forgot the
third and most important
option which I would like now
to enter into the record.
Itis that when that multi-
tude assembles they might
well take the third option
which is to snatch our free-
dom back.



MONEY & GUNS

In that context, I could
understand why the Ministry
of National Security, right
frbm the horse's mouth, has
now become the Ministry
Number Two after the
Ministry of Finance Money
and Guns. We understand
that and Tapia are planning
for it.
Then there is, of course,
one or two other items like
education. I notice that $3M.
are being put aside for that.
I do riot think it is enough to
save them.


Education is a total mess.
It is a complete scaldal, and
not even the "fudging" of
the programmes of Tapia can
save this Government can
retrieve them from the morass
in which they now find them-
selves.
It is said in the creole
'you can give them as much
plan as they like but corbeaux
cannot eat sponge cake'.
Last year when we had
to deal with this issue I
reminded this hon. House
that no serious government
could come before Parliament
in a country that is properly
organized where the sovereign
people in all their reputable
organizations occupy the cor-
ridors of power and present
these flimsy pretexts for the
vast expenditures on which
they are proposing to embark,
especially at a juncture when
the vicissitudes of economic
life are such that none of the
aggregates that figure in the
accounts of the nation are
stable for more than a month
or two.
Petroleum prices have
risen. Petroleum outputs are
at a high level higher than
ever before. Government
revenue is up on the evi-
dence of the report of the
report of the Central Bank.
Reserves are now at colossal
figures too large even to
read out.
The trade balance has
Continued on Page 10


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PAGE 10 TAPIA


Exciteet grows a-


Big C r


Tapia t
A BIG-MACCO crowd
turned out last Monday
to the Tapia Meeting in
the Burnley Club Hall at
Cochran. Village Guapo.
Supporters, associates,
members and cadres
assembled from the
whole of the district
from Sobo, La Breato
Point and outside the ,
clubhouse there were ,
even more people than
there were inside. ""
Organiser of the occasion, -
Esmond Phillip, sat unosten-
tatiously beside the platform. Arnold Hood
At the back sat brother
Barclay who would move a
vote of thanks to Loyd Best the Chair fo
and the Tapia Team to a explained th
deafening ovation, development
People came trom Vance Our Mov
River as from Vessigny, from 1968 whin
up the road and down. Host Group split
Kelvin Elder said that he Millette wer
wanted to welcome them and UNIP.
individually and collectively. "We have
Arnold Hood,bright young take the pow
star from La Brea, thet,,took that it useless


-A Habit of


Incompetence


From Page 9
improved. hitcrest rates are
dropping. The money supply
is up. Public spending is
increasing wildly on the
evidence; I have it here but I
am not going to bog you
down.
It is no point casting.
peals before the swine of the
Government. They have no
interest in economic plan-
ning. For years now they
have abandoned any attempts
whatsoever to come to grips
with the aggregates.
They have gone so far as
to surpress the exercise in
national accounts with which


'=3 r~~`" ~C~. 'I!
,j r:i i~
P!
3'; ?'
La-~c ~t


'7i,~*1


)ochran
Government if the Movement
does not enjoy the real sup-
port of the people."
We have come here tonight
full of self-confidence but in
all humility. It is up to the
S people of Cochran to judge.
:' -' j Tapia, Hood continued, is
not afraid of crowds; we are
patiently assembling our
famous 80,000. Tapia insists
on a large number of indoor
meetings so that those 80,000
can come to the People's
S Parliaments knowing this time
S exactly what they supporting.
Political education, Arnold
concluded, meant a blend of
d, youngster. our views and yours. As if the
meeting wanted to show that
it stood behind the local boy,
r the night and animated discussion went for
he origin and two hours from 9.30 to 11.30.
of Tapia. one hour formal, the other
ement began in informal.
the New World Tapiamen from outside
into two and left the area with full hearts.
it off to Moko Behind, not only were Cochran
and Burnley Hall plastered
always aimed to with Tapia posters but the
ver but we know political excitement was
;s to control the throbbing in every breast.


this House"-- the'Minister in
the Ministry of Finance the
Ministry Of All The Talents
which we have had four or
five times over in the last 20
years, with all ,the super-
technocrats, and super-Perma-
nent Secretaries and so on -
when the Minister of Finance
comes before this House, I
expect him to 'present us
with materials that intelligent
men could come to grips with.
I therefore, have no use
for anything that the Minister
has said here today. He is not
serious, it is quite clear. He
has done it once and you
could say it is an accident.
The second time it is a more
serious business ... clearly
a habit of incompetence.
They have no intention
of coming to grips and I
therefore we in Tapia -
are going to oppose this bill;
as indeed we are going to
oppose them here, there, and
everywhere. Thank you.


this-country could 'proceed
on its economic life not in
the dark but in the light.
So I am not going to
spend any time in making
economic analysis for; the
Government. Even ,if mtey
were interested they do not
have the administration on
their side to use the evidence.
The administration, let me
tell them,is on our side they
had better understand that.
The point I am making is
that in a context such as this
where more than ever we
need economic reporting,
economic analysis, economic
interpretation, the Minister of
Finance comes before Parlia-
ment or his alter ego in


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BILLY MONTAGE,
newly elected' at last
S.u:-:C.'s Council meet-
ing as Tapia Campaign
Manager for South Trini-
dad gave a brilliantly clear
statement at Cochran of
the need for political
involvement.
When Tapia was born, he
said, a lot of smartmen
thought PNM was going down
and felt they could seize
power without work. But
Tapia replied that the days
for smartmen done.
"We decided to plant a
mustard seed; we know our
people wanted a- movement
to grow and the movement
has been growing for seven
years."
In a soulful cry for all the
people to become involved,
Billy described a movement
for political, education, in-
volving educational program-
mes, involving plans for real
control of the life-line sectors.
"We say we have taken
over Trintoc, that we own
Tesoro but has village in the
oil belt got more jobs? I feel
we could have organised in a
better way."
Why do we have no Faculty
of Petroleum Engineering at


day- of


Smartrman


.- :- .^ -' ,'-'-' .

.. .. .



Billy-Montague,
southern campaign manager.
the University of the West
Indies? asked the old Trinidad
quarter-miler and hurdler,
now the owner of a small
oil-contracting business.
Local people need high-
powered men in oil, he
added. We do the hard
work so we are the people
who should' share in the
earnings."
We need technical educa-
tion and political education,
Billy Montague concluded.
"We need anew movement
to implement sound plans.
And everybody must become
involved every man-jack must
take a side, to bring. that
movement into power."


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SUNDAY OCTOBER 26, 1975


TAPIA GROUP FOUNDED


IN LAVENTILLE


ANOTHER mile-stone in
the unrelenting forward
march of Tapia was
struck with the founding
of new Laventille based
regional Tapia unit on
Thursday. -October 9,
1975.
Tapia-Laventille, as it is
cutrently called, was given
the breath of life by a signifi-
cant band of Tapia cadres and
members. It was their answer
to a call for solidarity and
for a more determined
effort, both of which are
needed to spread the spirit of
Tapia all overthe land.
Hamlet Joseph, otherwise
known as Yaxee, gave the
opening address. He stressed
the burning need to found a
new unit of Tapia, and went.
on to argue that the string
of repressive legislation passed
by the Government since the
1971 Elections signalled the
emergence of a dictatorship.
Such a dictatorship, he
felt, was sure to develop, if
we were not organised to


Keith Smith


engage it from now. He
called on those present to
come forward to avert the
impending doom.
Lloyd Taylor who spoke
next pointed to the need for
an organisational nexus to
harness the participation of
the large number of party
members who are scattered
widely throughout the area
between Belmont and Mt.
Hope.


.Hamlet Joseph


He argued for the setting
up of a Pro-tern Executive
Committee, the acquisition
of a centre for meetings and
cultural activity, and for
finance to equip the organisa-
tion with the wherewithal for
sustained and permanent
political activity.
Taylor went on to point
out that it was necessary for
power and responsibility to
be passed to all the little


Lloyd Taylor


people within the organisa-
tion, as it is indeed the
expressed purpose of Tapia
to do for the entire country.
After some discussion the
meeting finally decided -tp
nominate a Pro-tem Com-
mittee. Those selected were:
Chairman Keith Smith,
Secretary Lloyd Taylor,
Treasurer Ernest Massiah,
Press Secretary Michael
Parris.


Earnest Massiah

The Education Sec. Anslem
De Couteau, Recording
Secretary, Selby Alfred,
Research and Propaganda
Secretary Charles Maynard,
Field Co-ordinator Hamlet
Joseph and the Welfare
Officers are Ronnie Grant
and Jean Daniel.
The Unassigned members
of the Executive were: Julie
Barrington, Neville Maynard,
George Toby and Densil Grant.
This new regional unit
received the blessings of
National Executive members
Syl Lowhar, Beau Tewarie,
Community Relations Secre-
tary, and Lloyd Best who as
-Secretary, in addition, per-
formed an installation cere-
mony in which he gave to all
the old Tapia hands their
due worth as always.
The Group's campaign
thrust is currently being
carried out in the six or seven
constituencies lying between
the area outlined above.


Trintoc in some Big Big Trouble


TRINTOC is in pain
since the Government
take it over, Lloyd Best
told, a Diego Martin
crowd last Tuesday night.
"All the tanks are full of
fuel oil and they don't
know where and how to
market it."
The Secretary was explain-
ing how the State sector has


been "reaching into every
corner of the economy to
strangle the people and
squeeze out our lifeblood."
Half of the jobs in the
country, he said are now in
State control making the
people afraid of victimisation
and rendering it almost impos-
sible to create a viable politi-
cal alternative.
It was all politics and no


economics, he added. Manage-
ment was a shambles. While
Tesoro and Amoco were
blatantly exporting crude,
TRINTOC was desperately
short of that raw material.
Tapia understands that part
of the problem is just bad-
blood between Tesoro and
TRINTOC. But the main
problem was that the AMOCO
crude in the old Shell


Refinery produced far more
kerosene and aviation spirit
than the TRINTOC market-
ing outfit are able to sell.
Since the beginning of
June, there have been no
fewer than four shutdowns
at the refinery in Point,
passed off on the public as
due to maintenance problems,
but due in fact to sustained
operation far below normal
capacity.
At the moment everything
is at a standstill and the
workers are so demoralized
that an explosion could come
at any old'time.
Best told the audience
that he did not wish to go
into the scandal economics of
oil because that would take
a whole new meeting.


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Eastern Main Rd.. Laventille
(Near to'Trotman street)
FOR
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Galvanise, Cement,
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D0 JOSEPH LENNOX PAWAN
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'3BER 26, 1975





BUSINESS


the ripening subsidiaries of the cor-
porations ta 19 per cent, while the
supermarket chains make 32 per eent."
The policy of some Latin
American countries of obtaining econ-
omic benefits separately from the rest
of the region's raw material producers
has favored the aggressivity of the
corporations.
To a large extent Panama pro-
moted the elimination of that barrier
when on March 8, 1974 seven Latin
American countries officially expres-
sed their interest in setting up a Union
of Banana Exporting Countries (UBEC)
to defend the purchasing power of the
fruit on the international markets.
If these seven countries were to
forge a common policy theii negotiat-
ing power in regard to the trans-
nationals would be enormous, since
they account for slightly over 70 per
cent of world exports.At die seventh
meeting of UBEC ministers in Panama
on April 7, Colombia, Costa Rica,
Guatemala, Honduras and the host
country ratified their participation.
The Panamanian government has
maintained for the longest time the
dollar-a-crate tax agreed to by the
UBEC last year on the exports by the
corporations from the producing coun-
tries. Other countries that joined
UBEC, such as Costa Rica and Hondu-
ras, cut it to 50 and 25 cents respec-
tively and then made further adjust-
ments on the taxes.
Guatemala and Nicaragua, giving
way to pressures by the corporations,
never enforced the tax. Colombia
slightly increased prices and Ecuador,
the region's biggest exporter, has
maintained an ambiguous position
in-r regard to UBEC, claiming that its
crop is in the hands of local producers.
The establishment of UBEC led
to the "banana war" begun by the
corporations in April and May 1974.
It included suspending their exports
from several producing countries, and
other coercive measures.
At that time, Newsweek maga-
zine, generally well informed on the
intentions of US corporations, dis-
closed that the banana companies
were "angry and ready to break with
the UBEC."


To attain that aim they engaged
in plotting that ranged from the assassi-
nation of General Torrijos and changes
of government in some Central Ameri-.
can countries, to the bribing of high-
level officials such as the United
Brands case in Honduras and trans-
ferring operations to other sources of
supply.
Costa Rica banana industry re-
presentatives announced in May of
last year that Standard Fruit increased
its purchases in Ecuador from 320
thousand to 640 thousand crates a
week, during the most tense days of
the "banana wars" with the aim of
splitting the producing countries and
fomenting suspicions among them.




OCTOPUS

The stranglehold of the corpora-
tions over the world banana economy
is today a concern of tie FAO at a
time in which the capitalist recession
is striking harder than ever at the
balance of payments of the producing
countries. FAO's tropical products
department undertook at the Ivory
Coast meeting to provide support for
the consolidation of an association of
producing countries.
The banana dollar is losing pur-
chasing power as the prices of the
the foods, fertilizers and farm machi-
nery exported by the industrialized
capitalist countries, where the banana
companies are located.
The banana exporting countries,
whose diets are basically grain foods,
saw an increase in the price of rice of
308 per cent between 1972 and 1974,
that is. from 99.4 dollars a ton to 405
dollars.
US wheat underwent increases
of over 70 per cent before the increase
in oil prices. From 109 dollars a ton in
1972 the price rose to 320 in August
1973.
Powdered milk went up 158
per cent, from 266 dollars a ton in
1971 to 688 the following year. In the
first months of 1974 the increase was


238 per cent, with the price up to 900
dollars.
In fertilizers phosphate went
from 65 to 106 dollars a ton between
September 1971 to October 1972,
while urea leaped from 45 to 72
dollars.
While the inflationary spiral
reached intolerable limits in the indus-
trialized capitalist countries, the price
paid to the banana producers fell by
30 per cent between 1954 and the final
quarter of 1973, according to United
Nations data.
The quotation set by the cor-
porations for Central American bananas
in 1973 was the same as in 1961: 65
dollars a ton. But South American
bananas sold at 58 dollars, 33 per cent
less.
The French Caribbean colonies
- Martinique and Guadalupe sold
the product at 28 per cent less than in
1961, a drop from 136 to 97dollars.
In Africa the French firms paid
11 per cent more for Ivory Coast
bananas, but 41 per cent less for the
Somalian fruit.
The Philippines, supplier to the
Asian region, underweiit a price drop
of 24 per cent in under three years
time. Standard Fruit cut the price from
94 dollars in 1970 to 71 dollars in
1973.
The control of the world banana
economy by the global corporations
makes it vital for the producing coun-
tries to take an active part in all stages
of the process. They also need to act
together in order to forge effective
policies of self-defense.
At present the producers lack
the technical-economic apparatus that
would permit them to obtain accurate
information for drawing up their
strategy.
Due to these circumstances and
the lack of unity among the producers.


TAPIA PAGE 7
the corporations have found it easy to
set production and price policies for.
their exclusive benefit. The absence of
an organization to protect the produc-
ing countries explains the fact that
supply continues to top demand, to
the detriment of prices.
Between 1969 and 1973, world
banana production increased 35 per
cent, from 26 million 153 thousand
tons to 34 million 978 thousand,
despite the price cuts.
Different approaches have been
taken to alleviate the critical situation"
of the producing countries. They range
from co-ordination of exports, distri-
bution of markets and quotas to a
greater share in the productive sphe e
for the producing countries.
However, some of these attempts, \
proposed by international economic
agencies, leave intact the role played
by'the corporations in the mostlucra-
tive phase of the business: distribution
and marketing.
At present, the transnational
are more interested in the control of
marketing than in directly managing
the plantations. This accounts for the
willingness on the part of some cor-
porations to sell their lands in Centri
America.
Guatemalan economist Marij
Monteforte Toledo nas said that with
this strategy the corporations "free
themselves from all the tax, labor and
political problems inherent to their
direct presence in the producing
nations."
In view of the neocolonial
strategy promoted by the corporations,
the banana countries today need more
than ever to co-ordinate their poiiw'
for the defense of their natural -
sources, if they wish to attain success
in their bid for economic independence


I WiK


-7---


__ II ---i--~-tl~~i~~li-IYY---


-


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(P.'":;I.,I i .F ciiC)