Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00183
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: October 12, 1975
Frequency: completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00183

Full Text

162 EA-.-,T ?f;

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SUNDAY OCTOBER 12, 1975 ;0 cents s

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"For last weekend 1,e seemed tc o blik those

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years of


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FIRE victims, who (4) days after a Tapia
roughed it for four team of Hamlet Joseph
months at the John John and Lloyd Taylor was
Community Centre, saw called in to decide on a
their troubles come to course of action to make
an abrupt end last week. Housing authorities lend
It happened within four an ear.
The first two meetings
held with the Tapia team
took place on Monday and
on Tuesday of the last week.
On the second day we met,
we approved the letter
detailing the woes so far
suffered by the fire-victims
and which we had agreed to
write the day before.


Copies of the letter were
to be sent to the Police and
Fire Chiefs, National Housing
Authority, Ministry of Hous-
ing, the Press and the Media.
But before we were able to
get these letters out Thursday

was upon us, and lo and
behold came the first sign
that news of our activities
had leaked out.
The resident PNM Coun-
cillor Norma Matherson sud-
denly. became aware that
John John's fire victims had
been out in the cold and the
rain for sixteen long weeks.
Tapia's presence, and fear
of the consequences of politi-
cal ineptitude, sent her scur-
ring to Williams with a
delegation that Judiciously
excluded those whose in-
terests were being looked
after by Tapia.
But by Thursday after-
noon the letters were out.
News had already been leaked
out via the residents that
Tapia was involved.
TTT, who had been to
the area to cover the story,
phoned Tapia Headquarters
that same evening for in forma-
tion of Tapia's involvement
and on the number of vacant
flats in the area. They were
duly informed.

By the time the story
broke on TV the marvel of
all marvels stood a mere few
hours in the future. The
movements that had earlier
jerked Norma Matherson
into action, was now about
to break completely the
paralysis that had been
preventing the Harewoods,
the Cheesemans, the Williams
and the Barrows from finding
a solution to 4 whole months
of suffering.


Hours atter, NHA roared
into the area with the sound
of heavy trucks. Then fifteen
or so persons were hustled
out from the community
centre with their belongings
and dumped into flat after
flat. Without the slightest bit
of red-tape mind you.
Wonders, indeed, never
cease. But the greatest is yet
to come. Wait till we finally

push the spiritually barren
fruit of Eric Williams and his
ignoble PNM edifice off the
stage of history. That go be
'miracle' father!

Nloyd Taylo,

Vol. 5 No. 41

See Story

I .I'l1 L ObI.L I ~lil ,1 7 71I

*-- '.YJ^UW a iS

610 Saga: A Hotline


to Repression

Chairman ,J.A.Bain

A STATE of nature
exists at NBS 610 Radio
today as management
and top union officials,
tacitly supported by the
PNM Government, seek
to suppress public opinion
and gain personal favour,
the -cutting edge being
James 'Alva Bain, the new
Chairman at 610 Radio
and T.T.T.
However, it will be a
mistake to put total blame
on Bain for the 5 dismissals
in as many months of Raoul
Pantin, Leo de Leon, Tony
Williams, Clyde Maynard and
Jerome Rampersad.
Ironically, it is the Gov-
ernment itself, which in-
advertently allowed the flowers
to bloom at 610 Radio fol-
lowing the purchase of the
assets of Radio Guardian in
1969. The new Board of
management appeared liberal
and serious about the pros-
pects of a' National Broad-
casting Station.
A view imparted no doubt
by the Third Five-Year Plan
which spoke of a "nationally-
oriented mass media imbued
with serious purpose ..
essential in any country for
developing among the people
a sense of national identity."
The Government purchase
of 610 Radio was followed by
the purchase of new equip-
ment, increased and better-
paid staff and broadcast units
in Tobago and then San


One of the departments
to obtain better staffing and
facilities was the News Depart-
ment which was soon
employing its own reporters
where formerly it was depen-
dent on the staff of the
Guardian newspaper.
The Announcers' depart-
ment was also strengthened
by the addition of a Current
Affairs Unit. This Unit origin-
ally carried on by 'Alfred
Aguiton, later to become the
central figure, in the Aguiton
and Da Costa episode at
Radio Trinidad, established
the format of the Newsmakers
programme with its emphasis
on allowing the facts to
speak for themselves.
This technique was also
used in other Current Affairs
programmes like Hot-line a
late night show where people
called-in and voiced their
opinions and grievances and
Pulse- Beat which interviewed
The technique of allowing
the "newsmakers" to tell their
own story was being used in-

creasingly in the normal
newscasts throughout the day.
The Newsmakers programme
was soon moved to prime
time at 7 pm.. and strength-
ened with the additions .of
Raoul Pantin, Jones Madeira,
Clyde Maynard and Marilyn
Jones with pinch-hitting by
other News Department staf-
Parallel to the development
in the nation and in 610
programming were changes in
the staffing at the NBS
station which-soon gained the
reputation of being the most
dynamic Current Affairs sta-
tion in the Caribbean.
George Lushington Bowen
was made Chairman. Peter
Pitts resigned as General
Manager at some time in this
period and Frank Thompson
acted in this position. Aguiton
and Da Costa resigned. Pantin


The re-ognised union -
the Union of Commercial and
Industrial Workers-UCIW -
came under serious pressure
after Jerome Rampersad and
Tony Williams former top
union officials resigned and
attempted to, firstly, join a
competing union-CATTU -
and then form a new union -
Communications Media Union
This period was marked
by a ;plit among 610
employees both over union
representation and calls to
dismiss an employee who had
allegedly slandered Programme
Director Leo de Leon.
At one point the break-
away movement was reported
to have the support of the
majority of the Station's
employees but the recognition
claim was stymied by the ISA
regulations which specified
that the existing agreement
between a recognized union
and an employer had to run
its course before any new
union could apply for recogni-


In the process many
employees, fearful of the lack
of union representation, re-
joined the UCIW whose top
officials now became Jeff
Lewsis a news staffer, Vernon
Allick, an announcer, and Ivor
Ferreira, an operator turned
librarian. Rampersad, Williams
Maynard and a minority
group refused to rejoin the
UCIW and continued the
struggle for recognition.
The increasingly antagonis-
tic relations among staff
members was marked by
allegations by union officials
that de Leon was victimising
certain union members. De
Leon himself had applied for
the General Manager job
which however passed to

Frank Thompson who had
been acting in the position.
The Current Affairs, team
young and dedicated and
backed by the tested experi-
ence of the News Department,
adopted a professional and
dynamic approach, covering
all the leading issues of the
The management and
union executive became in-
creasingly insecure in the face
of the efficient performance
of the Current affairs team
which seemed dominated by
non-union members.
By the time of the Oil and
Sugar crisis of February/March
this year, the differences in
the station were coming to a
head while the PNM Govern-
ment, totally insecure in the
face of mounting protest and
agitation across the nation
over the past 7 years, saw
the 610 Current Affairs pro-
gramming as a threat to the
law and order policy it was
Weekes, Panday, Shah,
Best, Robinson, school
teachers, store workers, priests,
were on the air making
political statements, attacking
the Government, making pro-
posals for change.
To protect itself against
allegations of favouritism, the
Current Affairs team over-
compensated by giving star-
billing' to any government
statement, no matter how
marginal or irrelevant. The
Mohammed brothers, Sham

Territories )


$2.50 (Ja)

and Kamal, recognizing the
power of the medium from
their own broadcast experi-
ence, were chief offenders in
this respect.
The Newsmakers team
carried one of the most
exciting, and controversial
programmes in its history on
the night following the abor-
tive ULF March in San
Fernando on March 18.


There was some distortion
as can be expected on such
occasions. This can be illus-
trated by the fact that one of
the reports carried was given
by the police themselves who
later retracted a report that
warrants had been issued for
the arrest -of Lloyd Best and
ANR Robinson.
The occasion was used to
impose a total ban on political
broadcasting; in fact, Current
Affairs programming was sus-
pended. George Bowen, nurs-
ing a bad heart after years as
a top civil servant, died and
was replaced by J.A. Bain.
The new Chairman held
the post of Permanent Secre-
tary in the Ministry of Industry
and Commerce before assum-
ing the post of Administrative
Comptroller at Federation
Chemicals, a foreign company
set up under some- of the
most generous concessions

Other Caribbean:

USA Canada.

Raoul Fantin

ever granted.
Bain established an
Editorial policy made up,
characteristically, of"don'ts".
Interviewed in the daily press,
the new Chairman expressed
his philosophy as being against
communism, black power,
subversion, historians who
put the blame on history -
in short, opposition to any
The management and top
union officials at 610 Radio
seized the occasion to make
common-cause with the new
Chairman. Pantin was soon to
go and the rumours spread of
a blacklist.
"De leon is next." said the
ink scribble in the 610 elevator
and de Leon was next. After a
lull to observe the lukewarm
response of the journalist
profession and the fear-wave
at 610 Radio, the axe soon
fell on Tony Williams, Maynard
and Rampersad. No longer
were dismissals the culmina-
tion of a procedure of warn-
ing, further warning,
suspension and then dismissal.
The impact of the dismis-
sals are not merely on the
professional and personal
Continued on Page 10

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a =
Ap\ .:

awoke from the deep
sleep which had engulfed
him these past twenty
years just in time to
observe the rapidly
deteriorating conditions
within the ruling party
and to warn his members
that they were "in for a
lot of trouble."
The performance put
on by the political leader
of the PNM at the Party
convention over the week-
end is still sending ripples
of amazement throughout
the country, not least in
the ranks of the party
It is as though the long
and shameful years of broken
promises and broken dreams,
of corruption and incompe-
tence, had not happened. It

is as though Williams had not
presided over the destiny of
this country from the time
of the PNM's meteoric rise in
1955/56 to the present day.
For last weekend, he
seemed to blink those twenty
disgraceful years of PNM his-
tory into oblivion and pro-
ceeded to invoke once again
all the cherished slogans,
promises and bogeys from


He attacked the Press.
(One wonders how long it
will be before he burns the
Guardian again). He launched
a scathing attack on the
Public Service, painting a vivid
picture of nothing less than
an imminent technocraticc

He once again got the
party to signify its total
dedication to West Indian
Nationhood, and, as the final
flourish, pledged, that as long
as he was in charge, Morality
in Public Affairs would prevail.
William's performance
would be as incomprehensible
as it was ridiculous only if we
fail to assess it within the
framework of the overall
strategy which he has been
pursuing over the past three
years. Without such an assess-
ment we are reduced to the
despairing comment of one
erstwhile PNM memberr,' "I
now believe the man gone
It is sufficient only to
acknowledge that this may
yet prove to be the case be-
fore passing on to state that
William's performance at the
convention is totally consis-
tent with other of his latest

moves such as his TV inter-
view and his Cabinet reshuffle.
To understand the nature
of the strategy it is necessary
to understand the nature of
the Party itself. The party is
and has always been a one-
man movement. Williams does
not need the Party half as
much as the Party needs him.


Nothing demonstrated this
more than the events at the
Party Convention in 1973.
At the Party Convention in
September, Williams
announced that he was not
seeking re-election to the post
of political leader. In view
of this he had not signed his
nomination form. Three
months later, with his nomina-
tion forms yet unsigned, he

was acclaimed back to the
post of political leader by
the popular voice.
The events of that period,
whatever significance they
may have had for the country
as a whole, were absolutely
crucial for the party. Williams
in effect, had engineered a
situation in which he had
forced party members to
Choose between himself and
the constitutional integrity of
the Party. When they chose
the man it meant tire end of
the party.


For Williams, this absolute
and total control of the Party
which those events sealed
once and for all, together
with the absolute freedom
from any control by the
party which he gained at that
time, were vital for the
strategy which, by then, had
taken a definite shape.
For by this time he had
decided that the only chance
he had of retrieving what was,
even at that time, an extremely
bad position, was to refurbish
his own personal image in the
eyes of the population by any
means which itbecome neces-
sary to use.
In short Williams would
first seek to save himself and
Sby saving himself save his
party even if this meant des-
troying the 1956 Party and
starting from scratch to build
himself another.
The very convention in
September 1973 at which he
announced his "resignation",
by means of which he placed
himself above the Party's
constitution, proved to be the
occasion for the first major
salvo in his bid for personal
The attacks launched then
on the PNM members of
Parliament, in which by
implication, if not overtly,
Williams accused them of
every manner of corruption
and incompetence and set
Continued on Page 10


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Pastore of the Senate
Atomic Energy Com-
mittee scored in the
harshest terms the atomic
co-operation agreement
between Brazil and the
Federal German Republic
"What worries me," he
said, "is that the danger
is being created in our
own backyard, while at
the same time the United
States is very much
engaged in the backyard
of West Germany."
The indignation of the US
senator is apparently real and
is based on two factors of
great importance to that
country. One is of a political-
strategic nature, while the
other is economic.
If the treaty between
Federal Germany and Brazil is
applied without strictures, the
United States will have under-
gone one of its worst defeats
in recent years. By establish-
ing an agreement on a taboo
transaction, one expressly
prohibited by US legislation,
the two "key countries" are
placing themselves in a posi-
tion of mutiny.

Given the great importance
of West Germany in Europe
and Brazil in South America,
that would amount to a hard
blow for US global policy.
Fortunately for humanity,
the United States no longer
wields a nuclear monopoly as
it did in 1945. One can well
imagine what the present-day
world would be like had
Washington succeeded in
maintaining that monopoly.
The brutality of the US
intervention in Vietnam con-
stitutes proof that the
"Hiroshima spirit" continues
alive and well.' The Pentagon
can no longer carry out all
that is suggested by the
megalomania of its generals.
First the Soviet Union,
then Great Britain and France,
later the People's Republic of
China and most recently,
India, succeeded in breaking
the monopoly.


In reality the Brazilian
military are resuming a policy
- adopted by their nationalist
colleagues since 1946 and of
which Getulio Vargas was
the highest exponent.
And they are doing so with
an eleven-year delay.
As if that were not enough,
in addition to the geopolitical
defeat for the US, there is
the economic loss to the US
At present, US industry
exports between 1.5 and two
billion dollars a year in
atomic equipment and ser-
vices.The government last
year earned 420 million
dollars for services lent by
the Atomid Energy Commis-
sion for enrichment of


President lrnesto Geisel of Brazil.

uranium for other countries.
1V was emphasized by
Congressman Melvin Price
(who surely, together with
Senator Pastore, belongs to
the powerful nuclear industry
lobby in US Congress), the
exporting of such material is
very .important for the
nation's economy.
"The export of nuclear
technology, materials and
installations is a weighty
factor in our ongoing battle
for a favorable balance of
payments," he was quoted
as saying in the Jomal do
Brasil of June 6.
Application of the agree-
ment between Brazil and the
FGR will mean a loss to the
US nuclear industry of a deal
whose first stage alone would
mean four and a half billion
dollars worth of exports.
In order to assess its im-
portance, it is sufficient to
compare it to the sale of
planes to NATO countries,
whose worth is far below
that of the atomic deal and
which nonetheless gave rise
to a sharp dispute between
the US and France.
In this case there is a con-
tradiction between Washing-
ton's geopolitical interests -
it is concerned to maintain
its control over the capitalist
world and the "Third World"
- and the economic objec-
tives of the US-based corpo-
rations in the radioactive
materials sector. The latter
are interested in selling their
products and theirknow-how.
A similar contradiction
emerged in recent years
between the US government
and the arms producers. The
official 'bn on exports of

sophisticated armaments to
Latin America led the gov-
ernments of the region to
purchase them in Europe.
Argentina's "Plan Europa"
,was tht start of a trend that
meant losses of many
hundreds of millions of
dollars for the US arms

The blast of criticism
made by US legislators and
newspapers against the agree-
ment between Federal Ger-
many and Brazil gave rise in
turn to violent reactions in
the South American country.
Sticking to its traditional
diplomatic skills, Itamarati

was more moderate. "The
US response was to b6
expected, but Brazil does not
fear it, because it has nothing
to hide in regard to what will
be done."


The governor of Sao
Paulo, a state which will
benefit greatly from the
agreement since the nuclear
plants will be installed along
the Rio-Sao Paulo axis, was
quite harsh in his comments
on Senator John O. Pastore:
"He knows nothing about
Latin America. He is a primi-
tive, ignorant being utterly
lacking in preparation for the
office he holds."
The cause of this indigna-
tion is largely based on the
Senator's reference to Brazil
as the US's "backyard", which
the Brazilian press generally
translated by a word meaning
garden or courtyard, but
which also has another mean-
ing: soft underbelly.
The opposition lawmakers
in Brazil took advantage of
the opportunity to speak in
terms that are thoroughly
unusual there in regard to the

"The word backyard
reveals the degree of arro-
gance, of contempt, that
some public figures in the
United States insist in retain-
ing when it comes to the
nations of Latin America,"
stated Padre Nobre of the
Chamber of Deputies.
Senator Paulo Brossar de
Souza Pinto provided a sample
of his noted oratorical skills:
"It constitutes an abusive
interference in matters in
which only Brazil needs to
express an opinion. Brazil
cannot put up with being
treated like a banana republic.
The time of the Big Stick has

Even some ruling party
lawmakers, generally confused
at the turn in regard to the
US, dared to speak.
"The US Senate harbors
in its bosom neurotics who
feel themselves to be the
masters of the world's truth,
who forget the genocides
they perpetrate throughout
the world. They forget that
they were the ones to use
atomic energy for the first
time, and not to build but to
destroy," said lowerhouse
lawmaker Joachim Coutinho.


Rollemberg, a n o their
deputy belonging to the
ruling party, ARENA, the
National Renovation Alliance,
made a remark that sounds
very much like wishful
thinking: 'Brazil is a sovereign
country, not a US satellite."
For Brazil to cease to be
a US satellite Rollemberg and
his colleagues have their work
cut out for them: they would
have to pass countless laws
to wipe out those now in
effect which have made the
country over the past 11
years the US's chief gendarme
in South America and a
heaven and haven for the
global corporations.


It is just possible, though
not very probable, that the
present clash with the US is
the first chapter of a new
nationalist-popular process in
In addition, the national-
istic politicians and armed
forces officers who are now
pressuring the government of
Ernesto Geisel to adopt an
anti-imperialist course would
have to become aware of a
grave danger.
That nationalism could be
transformed into a reaction-
ary chauvinism and Brazil's
advance along nuclear paths
could become an instrument
for oppression and control
over the peoples of the
region. (Prensa Latina)

Your Family is well

Sfed with

M3 Blue Band

on Bread



Namibia a name that may not evoke much for many people. Yet this huge slice of
South-West Africa bigger than Britain and France put together is of considerable
importance to the international community.
From 1884 to the First World War, South West Africa, as it was then called, was
a German colony. In 1915, the territory was occupied by South African forces and in
1920 it was designated by the League of Nations as a British Mandate to be administered
by the Union ofSouth-Africa (at that time still a member of the Comnmonwealth) as "a
sacred trust of civilization", gradually bringing the people to a point of development
where they could run their own country. Instead of this, South Africa continued to apply -
virtually the same harsh rules as the German colonists, and introduced its own discrimin-
atory laws and regulations.
After the Second World War and the establishment of the United Nations, all
the former mandated territories either became independent or were placed under U.N.
Trusteeship. But South Africa has consistently refused to recognize United Nations'
authority regarding the territory, and in 1966 the U.N. Assembly voted to terminate the
mandate, declaring that South WestAfrica was henceforth the direct responsibility of the
United Nations. The following year, it established a Council for Namibia aided by a
United Nations commissioner.
Since 1971, this post has been held by Sean MacBride, a former Minister for
External Affairs of Ireland and for many years Secretary General of the International
Commission of Jurists and chairman ofAmnesty International.
In the following text, an edited version of an interview he gave to Unesco
Features, Mr. MacBride expresses his views on the situation in Naimbia.


Q: Sean MacBride, since 1971
you have been U.N. Commis-
sioner for Namibia the only piece of
this world which is under the direct
jurisdiction of the United Nations.
A: A control which is theoretical
because, so far, South Africa
has refused to abide by the decisions
of the International Court of Justice
and of the United Nations. Namibia
therefore is of considerable importance,
not only to the people of the country,
but because it involves the whole
question of the credibility and effec-
tiveness of the U.N. and of the Inter-
national Court.
Q: Apart from that, what makes
Namibia a special case?
A: It's probably one oi the few
areas left in the world which
is still under straight colonial rule, and
very harsh colonial ;ule, and which is
being exploited by foreigners, not for
the benefit of the people, but for the
benefit of private interests and of
South Africa. Also it is one of the few
areas in the world where you still have
a whole system based on colour, on
Q: So the situation in Namibia is
very close to that in South
A: In some respects' it is worse.
I think the treatment of the
people is harsher. For instance, last
year there were a great many cases
where people who supported the libera-
tion movement, SWAPO (South West
Africa People's Organization) were
arrested, thrown into jails or police
stations and then were taken out, one
by one, stripped naked, men and
women, and flogged publicly until
they fainted. This: aosen't occur in
South Africa
One of the rather terrify-
ing aspects of the situation is that
this can happen and that the world
remains virtually silent. If it had hap-
pened on Red Square, in Moscow,
the whole press of the world would
have been howling. It if had happened
in Washington, outside the Capitol
building, there would have been an
uproar. If some white people had been
arrested, stripped naked and flogged
in the public square of Lagos, the
British and American navies would
have been steaming into Nigerian
waters and harbours. But it happens in
Namibia, a comer of Africa which is
forgotten by the world, and the press
and media remain virtually silent.
Q: So much so that very few
people seem to know where
and what Namibia is.
A: Well, it's a very large country,
bigger than France and
Britain put together, and probably,
potentially, the wealthiest state in
Africa. But it's very sparsely popu-

lated, since there are two big deserts
in it, the Kalahari and the Namib
Desert, from which the name Namibia
South African statistics put the
total population of Namibia at
852,000. My own estimate of
course, at this stage, it can only be an
informed guess is that it's nearer
1,200,000, of whom approximately
90,000 are white.
The South African statistics,
while probably reflecting quite accu-
rately the returns received from the
police, do not take into account the
fact that many Africans do not
register. Since there is a very harsh
repression, many people disappear
when the police are seen coming to a
house. In addition, there is a poll tax,
and naturally, there is no eagerness to
disclose the number of people in a
The white population is divided
into two main groups: there are
approximately 35,000 Germans and
the rest are mainly Afrikaaners. The
Germans are a strange population.
They still live in the pre-1914 era,
sing "Deutschland uber alles", wave
German imperial flags, some with
little swastikas sewn into the corner,
and are critical of South Africa for
not being-tough enough with "these
niggers". They live on huge estates
with maybe five or six servants in the
house and 20 or 30 working outside,
treated more or less like slaves. Labour
conditions are appalling.
Q' I believe the larger part of the
country roughly about two
thirds is kept for settlement by
whites, with a large proportion of the
population concentrated in the
northern African reserves?
A: The further north you go,
the tougher the police
measures are. They are very harsh in
Ovamboland which is a highly popu-
lated and productive area. It is in the
north that there has been most libera-
tion fighting. Several Bantustans or
"Native nations" have been created in
an effort to split and divide the
people, and also to contain the African
population in non-productive areas,
thus forming a kind of slave labour
pool for the authorities, from which
employers can draw.
There are no trade unions of
course. Labour conditions are settled
roughly ,between the employers and
the South African government. An
employer wants 500 workers for a
mine the Government sends lorries,
loads up 500 men, ties tags on them
and sends them off for six months,
twelve months or eighteen months on
what they call a "contract basis" to
work at a pittance.
They don't know where they are



going when they are taken away, they
can't leave their job until the end of
their contract, their families are not"
allowed to come and see them and
they are not permitted to contact
their families: They have no normal
life at all and live in pretty bad
conditions. Wages are about 20 per
cent lower than in South Africa,
which is saying quite a lot!
Q: Since there are no trade
unions, strikes are illegal. Yet
I believe they still take place?
A: Yes, there have been some
very important strikes up in the north,
in Ovamboland, which have been sup-
pressed with tremendous brutality by
the police, usually ending up in a
number of Namibians being shot.
Q: And is any political activity
A: It is allowed so long as it is
n'ot considered an activity
which could endanger South African
rule. If anybodyy says they are forming
a party for the liberation of Namibia,
the party is promptly suppressed.
The authorities have also con-
centrated on trying to set up a number
of chiefs they call them traditional
chiefs who are really stooges paid
by the South African government. In
our terms in Europe, we would call
them quislings.
Q: You said, earlier on, that
Namibia was an extremely
nch country.
A: Properly developed, for the
benefit of the people of
Namibia, it would probably be one of
the richest countries on the African
continent. You see, many of South
Africa's diamond exports are taken
from Namibia and are claimed as being
South African property. Namibia also
has tremendous copper deposits, it has
tin, zinc, lead, oil and uranium, un-
fortunately, because this means that
the nuclear powers are hovering
around like vultures to see if they
can't get hold of this uranium. It has
fisheries and is one of the world's
largest suppliers of Karakul pelts.
Strangely enough though'I
think this was probably done very
deliberately the South Africans
haven't invested very heavily in





Namibia. Rather they have encouraged
the Western powers to invest there -
the Americans, the Canadians, the
'British, the French and so on so as
'to give them a vested interest in
maintaining the status quo. Also per-
haps because the South Africans felt
their investments wouldn't be very
safe in the long run. For I have no
doubt that Namibia will be freed
within one to three years from. now.
Of that I have no doubt.
Q: By what means?
A: Peaceably, I hope. But, if not,
as a result of the liberation
movement. You see, the situation has
changed very radically in the whole
southern part of the African continent.
Before the liberation of Angola and
of Mozambique, the extent of South
Africa's frontier with the free African
world was a mere 80 miles (130 kilo-
metres) along the Caprivi strip, a
narrow band of Namibian territory
bordered by Zambia to the North.
With the liberation of Mozam-
bique and that of Angola taking place
at the end of this year, South Africa
will have a frontier of 3,000 miles
(5,000 kms) between herself and free
To mal a frontier 3,000 miles
long, you would need an army the
size of the Russian army. South
Africa has a very efficient small white
army, based on a very small white
population. It cannot get any bigger.
Mr. Vorster knows this and he is
sufficiently realist to realize that he
must try to find a peaceful solution or
face a situation in which he will be
driven out of the African continent.
Q: How strong is the liberation
movement within Namibia?
A: I think it's very strong, but
it's hard to assess. The only
way to do so would be to hold elec-
tions. The United Nations have been
demanding that elections for a con-
stituent assembly that would decide on
the future status of Namibia, should
be held under U.N. supervision and
The South African government
absolutely refuses, and this was the
subject of a long and bitter debate at
the Security Council a few months

Our printing-plant is open at
The Tapia House 82-84 St. Vinceni
Street, Tunapuna.
Kindly phone orders to: 662-5126




~LlrC"T L

FOBER 12, 1975'



ago. The majority of the members
wanted to apply sanctions against
South Africa. The three Western
powers which -have a right of veto
wouldn't agree.
Q: In the meantime, while ever,-
one waits to see what South
Africa is going to do in the next few
years, what positive action can the UJV.
A: There are two aspects of the
question. First of all, we are
trying to mobilize public opinion
throughout the world to ensure that
governments do not trade with
Namibia, that they do not give sup-
port to South Africa in any way that
could be used in relation to Namibia
and that there should be an embargo
on all arms exports into South Africa.
Western employers are investing
big money in Namibia to make high
profits by using slave labour, for this
is what it amounts to. I don't think
this is realized by them. And public
opinion in Europe could do a lot to
make the situation better known.
The other aspect, and this is
rather a new development, is that we
have now issued a decree for the
protection of Namibia's natural re-
sources. There is a tendency on the
part of the foreign companies that
have obtained licences from the South
African government to strip the
country ofits mineral wealth and ship
it away.
Under the decreee, I am given
authority to arrange to have shipments
of natural resources taken from Namibia
seized and impounded at any place in.
the world in the same way as you
would pursue stolen property illegally
taken from the country. The rule of
the South African government in
Namibia is illegal, the licences they
issue are illegal, they have no right to
give authority to any foreign company
to despoil the country of its essential
Q: Dosen't this suppose the use
of a police force?
A: It supposes the enforcement
of ordinary international law
by domestic jurisdictions in different
parts of the world. You will recall


that when Dr. Allende nationalized
the copper mines in Chile, shipments
of copper were seized by various
jurisdictions on the grounds that they
were illegally taken from Chile. If
that's good for the goose, it's also
good for the gander!
I am having discussions with
the European Common Market, trying
to ensure the application of the decree
by them, and I also hope to have
discussions with NATO in relation to
certain complaints we've received that
NATO has been extending some sort
of co-operation to the South African
Q: You mentioned that some of
the foreign companies had
begun to realize that investing in
Namibia wasn't such a good policy
after all?

r______________g_____L____U L

A: Yes, five American oil com-
panies have withdrawn from
Namibia and I'm very glad 'they did
so. Of course, it's extremely short-
sighted for foreign companies to con-
tinue there, because as I said, I'm
quite certain Namibia will be free
within three years. And naturally no
foreign company that has been exploit-
ing the people will have any hope of
being allowed to stay there, whereas
if they co-operated now, they might
find it possible to continue opera-
ing in free Namibia.
Q: What can Unesco do?
A: Unesco can help us consider-
ably on the educational side.
One of our big problems is to start
preparing Namibia for independence,
training the necessary cadres and,
administrators. For that purpose we
are setting up an Institute for Namibia,
which I hope will be in operation by
the end of the year and which will
have four tasks.
First, undertake research in
depth on every aspect of the economic,
social and cultural life of the country.
Secondly, reduce the result of this
research into government briefs and
blueprints for the future.
Thirdly, train a number of
Namibians to administer the country -
at present there are no Namibians in
the civil service at all, it is all run by
whites. And fourthly, to publish the

20' 300 40'
I o \

0 17


CABIN.DA..Madt Luluabourg



oS.,O, o... UTHERN ......O,
L uelimane

20- Be0ra20



30 A F R I C A ban Main road 30
.i--- Railroad

E0st London 0 200 A00 600

.... ... Io~o I /0 0

results'of the research. The Institute
will be based for the time being in
Lusaka, Zambia, which is the nearest
point to Namibia.
y: What is the situation of
education at the present time
in Namibia?
A: The education provided by
the government at the present
time is virtually nil. Mission schools
have done good work in the face of
tremendous difficulties, of constant
interference by the South African
authorities. Their schools are closed,
even their hospitals are interfered with
because they do not respect racial
discrimination. Only the other day, the
Anglican bishop of Damaraland was
deported. There is no university of
course. And scarcely any technical
schools worth mentioning. There is
one agricultural school: it has 14
students, all of them whites.
Q: So in fact, the situation is
worse than in South Africa?
A: Much worse, and much worse
than it was in any other
former colony. The French, the British,
the Portuguese, all left some form
of education service or health service
behind them. They might need to be
improved, but there was at least an
infrastructure to build on, and there
were usually trained Africans in some
of the administrative posts. Not so
in Namibia.




Justice Must Begin

Beyond The Courts

The following is the text of Lloyd Best's Address to the Senate on the occasion of the
debate on increases in salaries for judges.

not wish for a moment to deny
the importance of maintaining
the status and the dignity of the
Judiciary in our land; not the
least, at a time when other
branches of Government are
parading so much dirty linen in
the public place.
Nevertheless, I think that
this bill which seeks to raise the
salaries of the judges in the
country needs to be looked at in
a somewhat larger context than we
have been invited to do here this
Doubtless, there is a good case
for advancing the incomes of this
section or that section of the com-
munity, but I do not think we can
proceed to do so for any particular
section, least of all in the public
sector, unless we considered the larger
matter of the movement of incomes
in the country as a whole.
It is well known, Sir, that not
so long ago when the issue of the
increase in salaries in the public sector
was raised here, this Senator-to-be at
the time intervened to describe the
increases proposed by the Public
Service Association, putting it mildly,
as "Robbery with V".

I wish this afternoon to hold
that position in regard to the increases
in salaries being proposed;because the
vast majority of citizens in this land,
at a time when they are being buffetted
by unemployment on a rising scale, by
inflation of a kind we have not known
or witnessed for many seasons, and by
all kinds of limitations on their capa-
city to defend their rights in their own
place, are not in position as are other
public servants and some of the highly
organized unions, I may add, not to
mention the owners and controllers of
business, whether they be in the private
sector or in the political parties; are
not in any position to pull the levers
which assure them of compensation for
the losses they incur by inflation and
the other factors that Ihave mentioned
I think we need to locate this
problem of the increase in the judges'
salaries, and, by extension, all the
public servants, in the context of
what has been happening to the dis-
tribution of incomes in the country
as a whole in recent times.
I should like to enter into the
records and draw to the attention of
the Senate that the data that we'have
are very eloquent on this point and
show, on the basis of the budget survey
1971 1972, that no less than 70%

of the households in the country fell
below the national average of $290.00
per month when the survey was taken
four years ago. The top four per cent
of those households received over
$1,000 per month, while the bottom
half of 50 per cent received less than
$200.00 per month.
In fact, 27 per cent of the
households down below received less
than $100.00 per month on the
evidence of the survey. To put it
another way, the top ten per cent of
the households received 38 per cent of
the income, and the top 20 per cent
received no less than 58 per cent of
the income.
And when you look back at the
movement, at the change in distribu-
tion over time as distinct from the
state of the distribution of income at
any one time, when you look back to
the years 1957 1958, you see un-
questionably that the position is
getting worse.
Since 1957 1958 the top ten
per cent of the households, the rich
ones, have improved their position, Sir,
by 4 per cent and the top 20 per
cent have gained 8 per cent more of
the national income or national cake.
The bottom 20 per cent, on the
other hand, the very poor households,
lost 1.2 per cent of their share of the

national cake which dropped from 3.4
per cent in 1957 1958 to 2.2 per cent
in 1971 1972.
When you sum all that up, 70
per cent of the households who fall
below the national average lost from
the incomes policies which we have
been pursuing in this country over the
last two decades. And if you could
quantify that, their share, the share of
the 70 per cent at the bottom which
falls below the national average,
dropped from 27.1 per cent in 1957
1958 to 22.9 per cent in 1971 -
So fiom this picture, if we were
to take a photograph in 1957 1958-
or 1971 1972 it is very clear that
the income in the country is very
badly distributed to put it innocently.
And if we looked at the picture in
terms of the change from one period
to the next it is quite clear that the
situation has degenerated.
In this context, Sir, I cannot
support a bill to increase the salaries of
judges to a point where the Chief
Justice will receive $49920 a year,
where a Judge of the Court of Appeal
will receive a salary of $43,680 a year,
and a Judge of a High Court, a salary
of $39,000 a year.


IF nothing, Braithwaite
must be congratulated for
his audacity in writing a
book that didn't need to
be written. Honorary
White is the story of his
six weeksin South Africa,
a journey-he undertakes
as a personal challenge, a
'see-for-myself' mission
from a man who
has been Guyana's ambas-
sador to the United
Nations and has heard, as
a member of the UN
commission-on Namibia,
a hundred horrors about
The book promises at the
beginning to be a spiritual
journey. It is evident that
Braithwaite has nothing' to
add to one's knowledge of
South Africa. *
Even so, one is willing to
give him the benefit of the
doubt, to seehow the personal
challenge is fulfilled, to see
quite simply if a man emerges
closer to himself or the com-
plexities of the world after
six weeks of observant limbo.
Honorary White fulfills no
such promise, taking the
reader and author no further
than a regular reader of
articles on South Africa,
only leaving him not so well
There is no theoretician
waiting to leap out of
Braithwaite the traveller,
and'in reading about his first
hand reportage of trips to

Ventured, Little Gained


Soweto and Alexandra, two
black ghetto-suburbs of
Johannesburg, in viewing with
Braithwaite a strike, a street
arrest, casual encounters with
blacks and whites, one feels
the lack of a pattern of
Braithwaite may not
know it,but the world knows
about South Africa. Most
people-have lived their lives
knowing that the two words
are interchangeable in our
century with the continuing
mechanisms of fascism.
Yet he makes his protest
that South Africa is a land of
injustice, and adds in his one
attempt at projecting a
pattern, that the individual
black is close to frustration
and if pushed any harder will
answer back and bear the
brunt and might of the police
state. He predicts, without
much ingenuity, a progress
from harassment, to breaking
point, to defeat.
Wherever he goes, the
blacks ask him if he knows
Bob Foster, the black boxer
from the U.S.A. who was,
given the same status and
allowed to tour South Africa
and beat their white heavy-
weight champion. Braithwaite
leaves us with an ambiguous
view of how to assess such
visits and propaganda
On the one hand, the
black intellectuals he meets

are dead against internation-
S ally known black's such as
Arthur Ashe accepting South
Africa's hospitality, and on
the other, are the comments
by the black workers he
meets, who all remember Bob
Foster and are tremendously
impressed by the fact that a
black man beat the shit out of
the boer champion.
Finally, E.R. leaves us
with the impression of a
black population eager to
display to the world the
resented indignities and con-
ditions under which they

I would thathe had grasped
in all these pages, the meaning
of his status of 'honorary
white' and hinted at least
that the 'petty apartheid'
that the whites say is dis-
appearing is a Way of solving
the political contradiction of
a two level economy, mediat-
ing the contact between a
white ruling class, intent on
building a strong material
society, and the black labour
power that needs to be
mobilised to fulfil that task.
The inability of a black
man today to perceive South
Africa in political, even
theoretical terms, must I am
afraid, earn him the title of
'honorary black.'
Farrukh Dhondy
Race Today.



S T- Se hens

- ... ___

----- __




_______Letters to the Editor_

Century Eslon Workers

Determined to fight

for Democratic

Dear Sir,
We the workers of
Century Eslon and Cen-
tury Industries Ltd. of
Macoya Industrial Estate
in Tunapuna believe that
the deplorable state of
affairs that exist in these
two factories should be
brought to the attention
of the public.
Chapter 1, Article 11 "The
Declaration of Rights" of the
Constitution of Trinidad and
Tobago states: -
(1) No restriction shall be
imposed on any person
against his will in the
enjoyment of his freedom
of assembly and associa-
tion, that is to say, his
right to assemble freely
and associate with other.
persons and in particular
However, we are being

severely hampered from exer-
cising this Democratic Right
Sby the General Manager.
To date six (6) workers
have been laid off ostensibly
because of a reduction in
production, but we the work-
ers see this as nothing more
than an attempt to intimidate
us in an effort to prevent
ls from exercising our Con-
stitutional Rights as this time
of the year has usually been
the time of peak production.

Nor is Management satis-
fied with taking the bread out
of the mouths of six of our
fellow workers. The General
Manager has been threatening
and badgering workers whom
he suspects of union activity
and has gone so far as to visit
the home of a Supervisor
where he subjected him to
personal abuse in front of his
family in an effort to extract

Whats going on


Trin Data Walls?

IS history about to repeat
itself? Are we simply girls
working or are we in this
day and age being made
to give slave labour?
Any afternoon at about
4.05 p.m. a casual observer
on the Churchill Roosevelt
Highway may see hundreds of
girls pouring out of the gate
backed by a cream building
on which the sign TRIN
proudly displayed.
Does such an observer
know what goes on behind
those walls? We the girls who
work there do not seem to
*know for ourselves.
We know that we string
and solder and the like, but
in the long run who benefits
from all this?
We know of working com-
panions who have had their
vision impaired from the
perpetual staring onto poor
back-grounds; but what has
the company done for them?
We are told that we should
work for the betterment of
the company. But do we
benefit? Do our fellow
Trinidadians benefit anything
What is the true value of the
products we produce?
Are our wages commensur-
ate with the nature and intric-

acy of our work? What does
it cost the company to get
the same things done at the
parent company? Is the gov-
ernment concerned about the
use of its female workers.
We are only simple ordinary
female workers. We will not
have the answers to these
questions, but do the right
people know? Is there a
government agency for look-
ing into these matters? Our
union is hopeless.
Is it right that we should
be told that-working overtime
is compulsory? What shall
become of some of us with
Is it fair that we should
have idle time sheets which
could be used by the whims
and fancy of the company
to misrepresent our time
Is it because we are
women and our bosses all
men, mostly foreigners that
we are in this position? Who
We only hope that the
relevant people take note and
action. Don't cloud our eyes
with mild amenities. We are
not what we produce "units".

Concerned Female Factory

information about theworkers
who had signed union regis-
tration forms.
In his efforts to increase
these profits for himself and
his foreign 'partners' from
Japan he is bold-face enough
to offer us the workers a ten
cents per hour increase on the
already measure pittance of
$1.00 per hour and we
being the source of his wealth.
This ten percent increase
can be considered nothing
less than criminal in these
days where inflation is run-
ning as high as twenty-five
percent. Thus we have not
been able to maintain the
already low standard of living
that we previously had.
Sir, in these two companies
shift bonus is unheard of. So
too is cost-of-living allowances
and any semblance of job
security since workers are
fired .at the whims and fancies
of this little tin god.


Women fare no better at
his hands. They are forced
to sign a letter compelling
them you work the 10-6 shift
which is in direct contraven-
tion to the factory ordinance.
On one occasion a woman
who had just returned to
work after pregnancy was
also compelled to work the
10-6 shift.
Women workers are also
subjected to abuse; one
.woman worker was accused
of streaking when in fact all
she did was to go for some
juice at the other factory a
mere 100 yards away.
On occasions workers have
been fired for not wanting to
work overtime. Half anhours
pay is deducted for being one
minute late. Our health fares
no better.-fDaily we have to
breathe clouds of Vinyl
Chloride a known cancer
giving- agent. The conse-
quences could be fatal but
Williams in his mad search
profit dosen't care we
don't even have a health
scheme far less a Pension

These are the backward
conditions which The General
Manager is defending with
his anti-union stand. Nor is
he alone in this direct attack
on our Democratic Rights.
He is ably assisted by the
manager of Century Indus-
tries, and the production
manager of Century Eslon.
The latter has openly
Continued on Page 11

Rich Man Poor Man,



Everyone is Involved

ON so many occasions
you hear people say "I
don't want to be involved
in politics." They are
involved but probably
In every part of our
life politics is present.
When we comment on
anything, be it the public
service, education, em-
ployment, or food prices,
we are speaking politics.
When the little girls playing
skip say "Upstairs, down-
stairs, kitchen, coop" or
"Rich man, poor man, beggar,
thief" it's politics they play-
As simple as the playing
girls may see these words,
they are dealing with the
society in which we live, that
is to say, a society segregated
in many ways.
They are dealing with a
society in which people are
divided according to their
income and their place of
abode. The children are un-
conscious of the fact, inno-
cent, but it is politics. Every
one- is involved.

It has become a custom
now to look at the front
page of a newspaper and see a
picture of fraud or boboll
printed in black and white.
Mind you these are papers
controlled from above which
can by no means expose all
the ills.
Therefore it should not be
difficult to convince you that
what the daily papers write
about is just a decimal of the
real situation, a minute
particle of the whole element.
SFrom this it could be said
that the writers, readers and
even the picture watchers are
involved in politics.
What people must be
shown is that if they are
suffering multiple disadvant-
ages and enjoy few advantages
with the present government,
then there is no use in being
afraid to show that you don't
care for those who rule. The
emphasis must be on positive
If our duty is to be faithful
to the government, then our
duty is to tell them the truth
Continued on Page 11






Of people who know
how to cope

with rising



c-" ~-`--~--------~



From Page 4
himself as a man apart from
them with his own declara-
tion of assets, was not
renewed until the recent
Cabinet reshuffle.
The gap between those
two events is only explained
by reference to the develop-
ments which had taken place
on the International stage, by
the time Williams made his
staged return, and which
potentially changed the
entire configuration of possi-
bilities'on theinternal political


To Williams the "energy
crisis" and the massive in-
creases in revenue accruing to
this country must have seemed
like gifts from the Gods. In
any event it certainly pre-
sented him with a golden
opportunity not only to
refurbish his own image but
to do so by the infinitely
more attractive means of
presenting the population
with tangible ;and concrete
developmental efforts rather
Than by the fraticidal destruc-
tion of his colleagues and the
For Williams, therefore,
the "energy crisis" from the
very beginningwas seen only
in the context of defensive
possibilities. And the transla-
tion of this defensive orienta-
tion into actual plans and
programs resulted in totally
ineffective, inadequate and


lrA B

I~ I

haphazardly considered
Apart from this there is
also the consideration that,
even had Williams perceived
from the beginning the posi-
tive possibilities for a radical
reconstruction effort rather
than the negative possibilities
for his own defence, it is not
likely that much would have
materialised in any case.
Williams found himself to
be the prisoner of the very
disintegration of the machinery
of administration over which
he had presided and indeed
had initiated by his policy of
creating a cadre of political
elites within the Public


This is the explanation for
whatever paradox there is to
be found in Williams, who as
late as September 1973 was
castigating the Multi-nationals
and warning of the dangers
which they posed to national
Governments, having to turn

in desperation to a wh6le
array of powerful interna-
tional corporations to provide
him with the Administrative
expertise vitally necessary to
any development plans and
particularly to the grandiose
petrochemical schemes which
he envisaged.


In any event, it is now
quite apparent that the entire
portfolio of projects which
the good Doctor announced
with such bewildering speed
during the era of his simulcasts
on TV and Radio has now
come a cropper.
There is therefore, no
option left to him but to
revert to the original strategy
of cleansing himself in the
public view by Pointing to
all the dirt he can find on
others, whether or not they
are in his party.
There is however "one
important difference between
the strategy of the end of
1973 and the strategy as

must be resumed at the end
of 1975. Two vital years have
elapsed, and with their passing,
the country has not only
gained in experience and in-
sight but has also come closer
-.to the election period.
For Williams' strategy this
poses two problems. In the
first place the time at his
disposal is now very short
and he is forced to telescope
in rapid succession the moves
which he has to make. This
leaves him very little time to
judge the impact of events
and to make adjustments.


In the second place these
moves find the population in
a much more critical frame
of mind, one in which all
announcements are taken
with an electoral grain of salt,
particularly since they follow
each other so closely that
internal inconsistenciesbecome
very glaring.
What the combination of
these two factors spell is the

necessity for him to carry
his strategy farther and faster
than he might otherwise have
If he has begun with the
Civil Servants he will not end
there. And it is in this context
that the members of his party
had better understand the
very obscure and ambiguous
warning which lhe was
generous enough to give to
them last Sunday.


In what he chose to call
"The Migrant problem",
Williams warned the party
members, "I am not trying
to separate people. That is
what is happening in every
country with extensive migra-
tion today. and it will happen
here. It will just be there."
"And people will come in
and once they are here they
will have to be accommodated
in one form or another
within the party structure. "
By his protestations of
innocence will he, (he hopes)
save himself and by his
exertions recreate the Party?,
When he fails, and with each
passing day the more sure
does the failure become, he
has no other choice but to
carry his programme to the
bitter, bloody end.
And there will be many
who will not even know when
the axe falls. For them, "It
will just be there."

Hotline to Repression

From Page 3
dilemma of the 5 dismissed
journalists and their families
in a country with limited
scope for practicing their
trade, 'but on the state of
morale at 610 Radio and the
bad programming aired.
No matter what Bain may
say while answering his own
questions on T.T.T., morale
is at an all-time low at 610
Radio. Fear lurks in every
corner and unprincipled
attempts to "curry favour"
and gain advantage show in
complaints and allegations
made against those in posi-
tions but not in power.
The Chief News Editor
position is now vacant with
the dismissal of Maynard
and Rampersad. Meanwhile,
Allick, a great lover of
American country music and
Ferreira, a Funk D.J., wait
in the shadows.
Today, newsreading is in
such disrepute that announcers
with richly toned American
accents completely ignore
mistakes made. The listening
public is offended not only
by the wanton dismissal of
the 5 journalists but by the
poor quality of the present
-'Somehwere the hand of
the PNM is moving. At every
turning, the regime has been
using situations of crisis to
slip through new repressive
legislation, superficially in-
tended to deal with the
actual crisis, but really
planned to block legitimate
and healthyy political and

public self-expression.
Thus the strikes of the
early 1960's were used as an
excuse to pass the ISA, which
vas eventually replaced by
the IRA.
The February Revolution
was used to pass Sedition and
Firearms legislation, both to
intimidate and frame dissent-
ing citizens.
The possible. use of the
broadcast media to voice
dissent was not foreseen by
the regime. The professional
and objective approach used
by the 610 Current Affairs
programming restricted an
overt censorship. The Oil and
Sugar crisis provided Govern-
ment with the opportunity to
carry out a long planned
The Third Five-Year Plan
recognized the problem of
political interference in the
state-owned media and had
promised along with state
ownership a broadly-based
Authority set up under a
Telecommunication Act to
supervise and regulate all
sound and visual broadcast-
ing; its criteria of operation
being to ensure high stand-
ards, the promotion of local
goods and services and the
development of a national
style, image and outlook.
All in vain, as the regime
continues to close off the
sluice gates of public opinion
in the hope that violent
confrontation can be pro-
voked, brutally suppressed
and used as a rationale for
-further repressive legislation
and action.

We goto any

length to do

our job!

We installed suspended ceilings on two of AMOCO'S
offshore production platforms over twenty miles out atse~a some
time ago. It was a new experience for us, but it was all part'of
our job The Industrial and Building Products Division of
L. J. Williams Limited.
Apart from installing suspended ceilings, we also construct
shop fronts and partitions for business places, install NACO
Louvre Windows and cust'omn built Roller Shutters, and apply the
ultra modern 'Flecto finish' to walls and floors.
Also, we supp y Kwikset locks, Gibbons Ironmongery,
world famous E..- Stik 528 adhe-i.;e and Resin -W wood..vork
adhesive Ibiboard laminated plastic sheeting and Ibi Ace
_- decorative plywood and more'
-'-. If vve have a service yo would use, give us a call at 62 32866
We II go o an length help you

-L. J. Williams
Industrial & Building
A rrducts Division


,-,., -
.- C.
i,,.:,r'' ,Y- .;
..r, . .


TWO weeks ago this paper cele
brated its seventh anniversary.
In our,very first editorial we
wrote in part, "Not least we
need analysis of the present. The
Gods do set limits on what men
can do; but the world is still run
by men. Men's actions have
consequences some intended,
many not. We therefore have to
study what men are doing so as
to unravel what is going on and
to determine what we can do
about it.
If this paper can claim
credit for itself in any sphere, it
must be in the fact that it has
consistently presented the country,
friend and, foe alike, with blow
by' blow commentary and
analysis on the actions. of men
and their consequences for the
Seven years is,under normal
conditions not a long time. But
for Trinidad and Tobago these
past seven years have been longer
in terms of experience than the
proceeding seventy years.
Events and occurrences
have taken place during this
period which at the time
shocked, amazed and frightened
us. But they are today part of
our experience and are brought
to bear when we view the events
of the present day.
How much do we remember,
how much have we learnt? This
week we begin a series which
looks backwards through the
pages of previous issues of this
paper to ask that very question?
And, since it is true that,-at
times, a picture is worth a.
thousand words, the series will
consist only of pictures from our

Century Eslon

From Page 9.
stated that he will fight the
introduction of a union tooth
and nail since, to quote him,
"We will not be able to talk
to the workers as we want
and they will be able to sit
on their backsides and draw
But this is not all. Besides
the open exploitation practices
by Management we are
treated with the-utmost con-
tempt by them. Imagine The
.General Manager has the gall
to tell us that he is not anti-
union and that a 'union is not
necessary -,that we should
bring our grouses to him and
they will be tended to.
Sir, this coming in the
midst of the litany of woes
recited above is nothing short
of contempt since other

attempts at joining a union in
the past have been summarily
dealt with by him he dis-"
missed the chief organiser and
juggled around the other
workers so as to destroy
Sir, in the past these
tactics have been successful
but we state clearly here that
it will not be so this' time.
Our solidarity in our efforts
to secure our Democratic
Rights will not be shaken by
any degree of intimidation
that can be exerted by
Management We see clearly
that without a union our
present low standard of living
will deteriorate further and
are determined to put an end
to this state of affairs.
Workers Action Committee"

Council Meeti ng

to decide on

THE next meeting of the
Council of Representa-
tives will take place on
October 19 and will be
devoted entirely to a
consideration of proposals
designed to give Tapia the
capacity to wage a success-
ful election campaign.

n Strategy
The decision to suspend
the regular agenda of the
Council was taken by the
Tapia National Executive
at its weekly meeting last
"Monday night, October.
The decision is in
accord with the mandate
given to the Executive

Everyone is Involved

From Page 9.
by action, words or by what-
ever speaks loudly enough.
We would betray our gov-
ernment by telling them they
are competent when we know
full well that they are grossly
incapable, incompetent, in-
efficient and politically unfit.
We have a duty to perform.
Let us be frank about a trying
and willing but weak and
unable government. Let us
show them -that the best we
can do is oppose them.
Tapia was loving enough to
ask this government to resign.
There is a time for everything
and it is time for a chafige.
Tapia understands the
situation. Tapia comprehends
the problem. Tapia knows
that elections. alone cannot
solve the problems of this
country. That is why Tapia,
unlike other groups, is con-
ducting -nationwide political
and Council by members
at the first Assembly of
the National Convention
held in Port-of-Spain on
Sunday September 28.
Michael Harris, Tapia
Editor, has been requested
to prepare a paper for
the Council spelling out
the constitutional, organ-
isational and campaign
'requirements for Tapia's
participation in the forth-
coming elections.
The Council meeting
begins at 10.00 sharp
under the Chairmanship
of Denis Solomon.

Tapia prefers a man to be
educated politically so that
he could make a political
judgment rather than a man
force to participate in activi-
ties he does not understand.
Some parties believe that
the frustrated man is easy
to get in grip so they condemn
the present world and promise
a better one.
These people have no plans
for running the country, they
are people with plans just to
win elections.

. In the event that these
people succeed, our frustra-
tions would be doubled since
they expose the weaknesses
of the present Government
only to attract attention.
This is another reason why
we should not remain inactive
but come 'out and show
opposition. Friends, do not
be afraid.
Get serious. We cannot
allow the Government to rule
for another five troubled
Who wants another five
years with everyone singing
"Steal Away?" Get involved,
together we all can stop it.
Glen Telesford


The 1969 Budget was presented?

0. 9



Three Banks have agency agreements
with the Board for processing mort-
gages on its behalf NCB Trust,
Barclays Bank Trust Co. and Workers'

For further information
See your district NIB office

"I-- ---"- --- -


Andrea tu fOT
serch a, .
t of r Street

P16Y 'D P 8C 448 ,
Ph. .eigh-

snTIA sAleP a2 l


Constitution Reform

Back In The Headlines

Chanter I The Declaration of Rights '

S. 17 We do not agree with this provision which
authorises the suspension of all Fundamental
Rights and Freedoms during a' period of
public emergency. We believe that it should
be- quite adequate to limit the application
of this section to S. 3 (Protection of right
to personal liberty).

S. 19 We do not agree with this provision which
appears to render all existinglaws inviolate.
Existing laws must be subject to review
under the terms of the new Constitution, at
least in so far as these relate to Fundamental
Rights and Freedoms.

S. 21 We believe that this section should specific-
ally affirm the right of the citizen to submit
for Judicial review any existing or future
law which he believes abridges or infringes
the protective provisions of this Chapter, and
that this right may be exercised even before
any case arises under any such law.

S. 22 We believe that the provisions here should
unambiguously make provision, as. they do
not in the Draft, for Judicial review of
legislation passed under those subsections
which provide for the deorgation from
Fundamental Rights and Freedoms gua-
ranteed by this Chapter.
We are not satisfied .that adequate
safeguards have been made in relation to
such future laws, by providing 2) that they
require a special majority to be passed in
Parliament, and 2) that even where they are
I:id, actions taken under them shall be
siownv to be not only reasonably required
S for the purposes specified and to be reasoa-
ably justified in a society th-,t hat a proper
respect for the rights and freedoms of the
individual, but alo that the manner of such
actions shall not be oppressive.

Chapter II -,Citizenship

We are proposing that this Chapter should
provide for Dual Citizenship. Failing that, provision
must be made for auidmatic resumption of citizen-
ship by former citizens upon renunciation of their
foreign citizenship We ;ire pi,,posing tlhat provision
should be made oI,: ti/.i~ cltllier sex to.confer
citizenship upon tlihii; .pi .Is.

Chapter II The President
We hblic i I!.a! 1ie i'residcnii should be
chosen by the, Senate, as constituted along lines
proposed hereunder.

Chapter IV Parliament

S. 56 (1,2) We do nbt agree with the proposed
size -of die Senate nor with the method of
appointment of Senators. We envisage a
Senati-ofl' considerably more than 30
inmmnbehs. selected, by a wide variety of conm-
Inunity interests.

S. 59 (I) We do not ;agree that the life of tife
Senate should be tied to that of the House
if KR.presenta ives. The length of tenure of'
individual Senators miust be a master for the
coiiflmnity interests which select and pay

THE Joint Select Committee of Parliament has
announced that it is shortly to begin its public
hearings on submissions received by it on the Draft
In our written submission to the Joint Select
Committee; which takes the form of the point by
point critique published below, Tapia has summarized
most of its differences with the Draft, which in all
essentials differs very little fromnthe 1962 Marlborough
House Constitution.

them, subject to a mandatory recall of all
Senators every four or six years.
(2) (e) Revocation of the appointment of
Senators must be a matter for the sponsoring
community interests.

S.60 (1,2,3) These provisions do not apply to a
Senate selected in the manner we are

S.61 (1) We propose that the presiding
officer in the Senate should be drawn from
that Chamber.
(3,4) These provisions are not applicable
under the system we propose.

S.64 (1-7) We propose that a 3/4 majority of
the House of Representatives should be
required to alter any of the provisions of
sections 1-23 inclusive, in addition to the
special majority required in the Senate.

S. 71 (1+2) We do not agree that members of
one House should speak during sittings of
the other. We propose that there should be a
National Panchayat, joint sittings of both
Houses to be held whenever Bills first come
up for debate and at the request of either

S.73,74 The Senate th:a we are proposing
will be entitled to vole, on Bills only when
they are debated at joint sittings of both
Houses, such vote of the Senate to be a man-
datory limitation of tdie Government only
-where the Bill concerned attempts to alter
any of the provisions of the Constitution.

.S. 76 78 The life of the Senate we propose
would in no way be dependent on ihe say of
elected leaders in ithL House of Represci.la-
S. 79 81 'lie Botundaries Comimissioni sliouid
he' appointedd and controlled by the Se;'te.
i.- isttlitted in tnhe-.manner described above:

S.82 Tlihe elections ('onm mission should be
appointed and controlled by the Sc :iitc
constituted in the manner described ::love.

S. 83 We propose thatii no provisions in t f :n-
stitutioni be made Ior this matter, \kilich
should be for thei determination of i',rii;t

Chapter V Executive Powers

S.'89 (2) Senators should be ineligible' for
appointment as Ministers.

S.93 (I) Senators should be ineligible for
appointment as Parliamenlary Secretaries.
S.94 (2) The Leader of the Opposilt ol
should be the member who ,iu best able to
command the support of the largest r.uiber

of those members in the House of Repre-
sentatives who do not support the Govern-
Chapter VI Ombudsman

No special provision in the Constitution
should be made for the creation of such an office,
which should be a matter for the determination of
Chapter VII The Judicature
S. 112. (4-7) No provision should be made for
reference to the Judicial Committee of Her
Majesty's Privy Council of the question of
the removal of a Puisne Judge from office.

S. !16 (4-7) We hold the same view in this case
as with that of the removal of Puisne Judges.

$. 118 There should be no provision for appeals to
the Judicial Committee.

. :TT9' The members of the Judicial and Legal
Service Commission should-be appoiteitby -
the Prime Minister subject to the consent of
the National Papchayat. This procedure
should be adopted also in the case of the
Chief Justice (ref. S. 115 (1).

S. 120 (3) (b) The Prime Minister should have no
veto over appointments by the Judicial and
Legal Service Commission to the office of
Registrar-General or Crown Solicitor. The
power of appointment to the offices of
Solicitor-General and Chief Legal Draftsman
should be transferred to the Public Service

Chapter IX The Public Service

S. 128 The Public Service Commission should be
appointed by the Prime Minister subject to
the consent of the National Panchayat.

S. 132,133 .The Auditor-General should be
appointed and controlled by the Senate,
constituted in the manner described above.

S. 134 We propose the same provisions here as for
the appointment of the Public Service

S. 136- We propose the same provisions here as for
the appointment of the Public Service Com-

Chapter X De'claration of Assets

We are not satisfied that the provisions for
the appointment of an Integrity Commission a.d for
for the compulsory declaration of assets by memLers
of Parliament and specified office holders will ensure
morality in public alffirs. We believe that much more
far-reaching effects would be achieved through provi-
sions whereby lihe Senate. constituted .along tde lines
we hl:ve desciibcd above. is empowered to establish
(ConntlltitCe of liivcsti.atlioi ioi to appoint Coto!Inis-
sionls ol nq'iiiLy iiito question ns of of'fiial lprobh! .
Moc llthain Ill.th we look to Ith whole sclhelie ofoli;-
siilutiolnal changes we aic pioposing to boing .ab.'ut
lie growth of .|poli'ltic l ol a.iiiisaltionl and the tr-ns-
'ornatioi of pol' icl Iic so ;is to crc e > those
popular .inid infloihi.il sanctionsos which arle the ', cal
i.eains ofl eisiito. n icg i negrt public life.