Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00171
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: July 20, 1975
Frequency: completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00171

Full Text

Vol. 5 No. 29

;'\rSFa ..*t ,NSTTro'T
*, rNe srOY OF or A SlIDAY JULY 20, 1975
NFW YORK 21, N. V.
-e *

skw sA

OUR. newspaper had a
scare last Tuesday July
15 when one of our
creditors sent a Marshall
of the High Court to our
plant on St. Vincent
Street to execute a levy
on our printing equip-
As it turned out, we
were able to raise a loan
for 30 days so winning
time to raise the money.
Now we have no option
but to turn to our friends
and supporters for the
required donations.
Our problem has been
an unwillingness on the
part of this creditor to
accept the proposals
made by Tapia on the
basis of the funds raised
by the efforts of our
extremely energetic
Fund-raising Committee.
We have been paying
$500 per month in liqui-
dation of our debts. This
particular creditor wanted
$1,000 per month on his
account alone. We there-
fore offered to step up
our contribution to $500
from the end of July and
then to $750 three
months thereafter.
When that offer was
rejected, we offered to
pay half the debt at the
end of July and the rest
in stepped-up instal-
nients. The response has
been this threat to exe-
cute a High Court judg-
ment one gotten when
we could enter no
defence having once de-
faulted during the
inflationary terrors of
Those were the days
when, for want of advert-
ising, the little papers
nearly all collapsed while
Tapia held on for dear
life by digging deep in
members' pockets even
to meet the bill for
We are therefore appeal-
ing to our well-wishers to
help us over this quite
extraordinary hurdle.
Kindly send offerings
to The Tapia House, 84
St. Vincent Street, Tuna-
puna, Trinidad & Tobago
- Phone 662-5126. Or
deposit funds to Tapia
House Group Account,
Barclays Bank, Tunapuna.
See Editorial on Page 2.

7,"- @!-4- m.. ..._.-

Prime Minister, -orbes Burnham of Guyana, seen here reviewing a Congress Day parade wvas recently
granted the Jose .Marti award, Cuba's highest citation, while on a State visit to that country. In this weeks
issue Eusi Kwayana documents Burnham's long history of active oppositica to Cuba while Michael Harris
offers some suggestions for Cuba's actions in her new approach to the Caribbean leaders. SEE PAGES 4 & 5.




in N
TAPIA will stage a
National Convention later
this year to launch its
campaign for the next
General Election. The
Convention has been
arranged in three assemb-
lies, the first of which is
scheduled for the Nap-
arima Bowl on Sunday,.
August 24. The other
assemblies are carded for
September and November.
Among the matters with
which the Convention will
deal are: I) Selection of
Candidates; 2) Drafting ofan
Election Manifesto; 3) The
organisational requirements



WD BowlI

of the campaign, and 4) The
preparation of a Draft Bill on
Constitution Reform.
The decision to hold the
Convention arose out of an
extraordinary meeting of the
Tapia Council of Representa-
-tives, the governing body of
the national organisation, on
Sunday, June 22. The all-day
session of the Council, which
comprises representatives of
local Tapia groups plus Ithe
National Executive, con-
sidered reports on perspectives
for the campaign from Cmn-
paign Manager Lloyd Taylor,
Community Relations Secre-
tary Beau Tewarie and Secre-
tary Lloyd Best.

The Council took note of
the growing speculation on
the likely date of the. elec-
tions, especially against the
background of the continuing
turmoil in the country on a
wide variety of issues and the
renewed attempts on the
part of the Government to
further stifle and intimidate
opposition. On the basis of
its review of the political
situation, the Council agreed
to take early measures to
initiate the campaign.
Representatives from the
localities reported that Tapia's
slepped-up programme of
field work had been highly
successful. There was greater



receptivity now that the
country had seen clearly the
.futility of concentrating on
short-term agitational politics.
Tapia's commitment to
raising fundamental issues and
its pursuit of the goal of
political education was begin-
ning to bear fruit.
The biggest issue ofall, for
Tapia, had been Constitu-
tion Reform. Now that the
Government was hoping to
push through Parliament a
Constitution only marginally
different from the 1962
version, the Council felt that
Tapia should present the
country with an alternative
set of proposals designed to
answer the call for a partici-
palory democracy.

30 Cents

0. sun p :fB f'r M-r

IT is not so much the
toil the toll? of sweat
and blood exacted over
the 15 years from succes-
sive generations of New
World and Tapia people;
it is not that. Nor is it
the sacrifices by a multi-
tude of nameless cadres,
members, associates and
supporters in all of whom
the spark of hope has
smouldered sometimes
merely flickered for one
enthusiastic moment.
Doubtless the score-
card of involvement of
commitment, dedication,
fanaticism even is
proud. Yet, even if we
cannot now afford to
crumble, neither can we
pause to celebrate our
own survival when the
future of the movement
is so desperately at stake.
It is on tomorrow not
on yesterday that we
must fix our gaze. The
peace and bread and jus-
tice that we hope to win
for the future generations
demand many stout pil-
lars in unconventional
politics, in constitution
reform and in economic
reorganisation, all acces-
sible only by the elusive
path of moral resurgence
and cultural revival. We
of Tapia never tire of

$ 10,000ooo




repeating and revising
concrete objectives, stra-
tegies and projects de-
voted to that end. How
many times have we not
called for say, a Constitu-
ent Assembly of all the
In all of this constant
movement, the most
direct and consistent
thrust to freedom has
been through the Tapia
paper. Since we went
weekly, we have never
once failed to appear.
Besides, G o r d o n
Rohlehr has noticed in
his recent review of the
Social Science Index,
Tapia has retained its
New World character and
stressed the notion of
continuity with the past.

Our coverage of


is unsurpassed anywhere

for focus and point.

Keel) abreast of the

real currents in the

Caribbean Sea.

Trinidad & Tobago
Other Caribbean
North America
United Kingdom
Western Europe
Bound Volumes 1973
Bound Volumes 1974

$15.00 T.T.
25.00 W.I.
17.50 U.S.
21.00, U.S.
l11.201 U.K.
14.00 U.K
$20.00 T.T.
24.00 T.T.

Back Issues Available
Overseas Deliveries Airmail. Surface Rates on Request
Postage Extra on Bound Volumes.
Tapia, 82,St. Vincent St. Tunapuna,
Trinidad & Tobago, W.I. Telephone 662-5126.


Some of the very radical
groups who dismiss Tapia
"have had their causes
aired in its newspaper."
This is no warrant for
Tapia to indulge in exces-,
sive robber-talking claims.
It is plenty that, while
so many little papers in
the region have failed to
stay the distance, we have
survived the rigours of
revolutionary upheaval,
rode all the vicissitudes
of political and polemical
publishing and. endured
the inflation which has
brought so brutal a
devaluation not only of
money but also of men
and motives and move-
It is plenty but far
from enough. The revolu-,
tionary imperative is that
we survive and continue
to survive with honour.
This therefore is no sensa-
tional promise that -what
you read is the last dying
number ember? of
the Tapia weekly paper.
We will be here if it
means that the entire
membership is pawned
and mortgaged to the
hilt and hauled to the
Chancery Court. We
swear blind.
Creditors can bet their
bottom dollar that Tapia
is firmly pledged to that.
We can only hope that
all of us who are debtors
to the New World-Tapia
Movement will never push
our hard-core beyond
that painful boundary.
We need a greatly ex-
panded advertising
revenue and thousands
more annual (and life)
subscriptions to keep the
paper afloat on Friday
mornings. We now need
donations in the amount
of at least $100,000 to
untangle the ingenious
web of debt and to equip
our publishing and print-


ing operations with plant
enough to earn the bread
to protect our politics
from the magnanimity
of all the guardian angels.
Tapia is desperately in
need of help from archi-
tects, from builders and
decorators, from material-
suppliers and furnishers
so that we may move
quickly to open the
campaign headquarters
we have recently managed
to lease .at a frankly
wonderful site in Port-of-
Now add up the total
of all our budgetary
needs and see how diffi-
cult it is to get those
runs in singles as the
Tapia Fund Raising Com-
mittee has stoically set
out to do.
Both our Chairman
and our Secretary at the
Annual Assembly in
March underlined the
sterling effort being made
by the Fund Raising
Committee to keep each
month's wolf from the
door when their seem-
ingly tireless initiative
attracts none of the


Mickey's Auto Shop

for Genuine Spares & Accessories
Brakes and Iutch Lining
Paints and Thinners

M92GG/108/1 11
_ 4 1 U R,'j

at Reasonable


Our printing-plant is open at
The Tapia House 82-84 St. Vincent
Street, Tunapuna.
Kindly phone orders to: 662-5126.


I -e I~~LJTr-~I ~ L~s ~- -----I -------~-sr


glamour of the morning
To our creditors our'
fund-raisers have offered
a plan, a sliding-scale in
fact, of payments rising
in time with the fruits of
labour. In this guava sea-
sonof pennies, they offer
to pay interest on dim-
inishing balances, to
increase capital repay-
ments as and when the
windifalls come. Still, not
every creditor can rea-
sonably be expected to
have the patience or the
political interest to.wait
on our efforts to fructify.
Even on the politi-
cal front, Gordon
Rohlehr fears that Tapia
"may well be caught be-
tween the failure of the
old generation and the
painful unillusion of the
young, who are learning
to live without hope....."
Why should the world of
finance be any different?
Fortunately, Rohlehr
on this point is probably
very wrong. Wherever we
walk these days, Tapia
hears the sweetest screen
song. It is no accident
that this organization has
survived intact "to pose
the problem of power at
that precise moment
when it counts."
Kindly send offerings
to The Tapia House, 84
St. Vincent Street, Tuna-
puna, Trinidad & Tobago
Phone 662-5126. Or
deposit funds to Tapia
House Group Account,
Barclays Bank, Tuniapuna.
We are at the mercy of
all our people, but that
has consistently been the
fountain of Tapia's faith.

lie ar~ar~kplsaa~ ~ _r~sa~rassl~sPar~---~lrssr

-- - ---- -- - -



SUNDAY JULY 2,0, 1975


SUNDAY JULY 20, 1975


ALTHOUGH several studies I- ve
been completed on the social and
cultural life of the East Indian
communities of Guyana, Surinam
and Trinidad, there remains
something of a hiatus in
appreciating their contribution
to the development of national
cultures in other parts of the
Caribbean region.This is part-
icularly true of the French
Department of Guadeloupe where
East Indians constitute a sizeable
proportion of the total popula-
tion. *
In spite of the virtual
absence of contact with India for
almost a century and having little
or no intercourse with similar
ethno-cultural groups of the
Southern Caribbean, the Hindus
(les Hindous) of Guadeloupe
have, nonetheless, managed to
retain certain intrinsic elements
of their ancestral way of life.

Indeed, Leiris, i n his "Con-
tacts de Civilisations en Martinique
et en Guadeloupe" (UNESCO, 1955),
described one of the more frequently
observed religious ceremonies in this
way: ."Dans les milieux indous des
deux Antilles francaises 1'une des
ceremonies les plus classiques consiste
en l'erection d'un bambou au sommet
duquel est attache un fanion ome
souvent d'emblemes, rite dit en
Guadeloupe, codi etu (mettre un
drapeau) On trouve de tels bam-
bous, appuyes a des arbres, dans
toutes les agglomerations indoues de la
Guadeloupe et l'on voit egalement des
mats points bleuu, blanc et rouge sahg-
Sde-boeuf) pourvusde drapeaux" (p. 66).
In Indian circles of thetwo French West
Indian Islands one of the most common
ceremonies consists of erecting a bamboo
pole on the top of which flies a small flag
often decorated with emblems .... One
finds such bamboo poles, leaning against
trees in all the Indian settlements in Guade-
loupe and one also sees painted masts (blue,
white and blood red) carrying flags.
It is apparent that Leiris was here
referring to the conduct of pujas
(prayer-meetings) at Hindu homes and
temples in Guadeloupe and Martinique.
To fully sense the way of life of
the East Indians of Guadeloupe it
would be necessary to first understand
the culture of the sugar cane and the
role that sugar has played, and to a
large extent continues to play, in
fashioning their conditions of life. In
a microcosmic scale, the Indian pea-
santry drank sugar, spake sugar and
all but lived for the perpetuation of
the sugar economy. Its propogation,
growth, maturity and harvesting
attained a significance that extended
far beyond the lowly plant itself; for
the habits, customs and traditions of
the field labourers were influenced and
moulded by the conditions that were
dictated by cultivation of the crop.
East Indians were transported to
Guadeloupe, as was the case in the
English-speaking territories, in response
to the drift of freed Negroes from the
sugar estates during the post-Emanci-
pation period. The Indentureship
System that came into being was
determined by considerations that
were both economic and social:
the economic objective was to obtain
labour as cheaply as possible to fill
the resulting vacuum in the plantation
economy; the social constraint was to
ensure that the System was sufficiently
humane so as to distinguish it from
slavery. The Indenture or Contract
System was decreed in 1852 to meet
these requirements.
East Indian immigrants to the
French Antilles were originally con-
tracted in British Bengal, Maho and
Pondichery and were assigned to
certain estates where the -majority

East Indians



A Hindu Prayer meeting here in Trinidad.

remained for the rest of their lives.
Jean Pouquet (1960) observed that
this accentuated the rural character of
Guadeloupean society: "L'immigration
de main d'oeuvre apres 1848 a meme
contribute accentuer ce character de
l'habitat rural, surtout a la Guadeloupe
ou les Hindous sont venus en plus
grand nombre qu'a la Martinique."
Immigration of labour after 1848 contri-
buted this character to the rural environ-
ment particularly in Guadeloupe where the
Indians came in greater number than in
The impact on the indigenous
society must have been quite con-
siderable since between 1852 and 1886
over 52,000 Indians migrated into
Guadeloupe (Revert, 1949; Lasserre.
1953), of whom between 7-8.000
were repatriated under the terms of
their contract (Negre, 1964). It is
estimated that those who remained
represented more than two-fifths of
the 'total Guadeloupean population
during the period 1880-1900.
The plantation economy severely
restricted the mobility of the field
labourers and led to a stratification
of society that revolved around the
sugar industry. Lasserre, i n a study
completed in 1953, found that most
East Indians continue to live in rural
areas, close to the sugar estates. Recent
studies (Singaravelou, 1975, per-
sonal comm.) show that a significant
percentage of the Indian labour force,
59.2 per cent, is engaged in primary
activities. This compares with an
average of 33.1 per cent for the total
The largest concentrations (of
Indians) occur in the vicinity of
Capesterre, Saint-Francois, Sainte-
Rose, Port Louis and Lamentin,
where several thousands are found.
Another group, transplanted from
Mauritius, cluster between Sainte-
Anne and Le Moule. Most of the larger
centers are served by village temples
dedicated to particular dieties. For
example, Kalimai is the special diety
at Saint-Francois, and Maliemin at
. Changy.
The sugar factories and planta-
tions were dispersed rather than con-
centrated so that village ties and
loyalties were fostered. The rural
nature of the communities further
served to enhance the position of the
individual within a family structure
and created a form of group solidarity.
However, the small size of the island

and the network of roads that linked
Sthe estates precluded excessive cultural
isolation. Salandre and Cheyssac
(1962, p. 126) observed that the
traditions of hospitality and gentillity
that characterizes the peasantry of
Western France "se retrouvent ampli-
flees en Guadeloupe et en Martinique".
A distinctive characteristic of
rural life is that it has tended to in-
sulate the Indian communities from
the social excesses (le pas de vie) of
Pointe-a-Pitre and Basse Terre, which
at times resulted in the indiscriminate
assimilation of metropolitan values, and
an unquestioning acceptance of life
styles drawn essentially from European
and American experiences. But the
rural communities have not been un-
affected by changes in urban centres.
Speckmann (1963) has shown
that for a plural society to exist as a
viable unit, there must be.a certain
minimum of social interaction. It is
obvious that even with this minimum
of interaction, there must be a degree
of rationalization of beliefs, customs
and social mores, especially in areas
where group conflict is likely to arise.
Interaction between East Indian and
urban Creole traditions is quite com-
plex, and is mainly expressed in terms
of dress, habits and language.
In assessing stages in the develop-
ment of national cultures in plural
societies it is possible to erect a hier-
archy of options open to communities:
A. Cultural Assimilation /- In
which attempts are made to
fit the ethnic groups into a
social and economic system
that is envisaged or has
already been established.
B. Cultural Pluralism. In which
each group retains the basic
elements of its original cul-
ture with only marginal degree
of interaction. Changes would
occur in response to his-
torical developments and the
length of time the group has
migrated from its cultural
C. Cultural Melange or Cultural
Accretion. A potpourri of
cultural elements with a con-
siderable degree of interaction.
The degree of interchange
increases through time and
with the growth of a common
heritage. Cultural Accretion
occurs when there is an
already established basis for

the regular exchange of ideas
and ideals.
D. Cultural Syncretism. Cul-
tural interchange at a very
high level, with continuous
exchange of ideas and ideals.
The bases for common un-
derstanding would have been
determined in spite of the
great diversity within the
Guadeloupean culture may be
regarded as being in its embryonic
stage, forming a cultural mosaic, a
I melange, of traditions of European,
African, Amerindian and East Ind'an
Origin. East Indian culture is cten
considered to be a digestible, but'still
rather exotic, constituent that is
destined to survive only as folklore
than as an element capable of exerting
a profound influence on Antillean
Leiris (1955, p. 67) sees it this
way: Les coutumes des Indous des
Indous des Antilles ."font plutot
figure de survivances folkloriques que
d'elements susceptibles d'exercer sur
la culture regional une influence
notable et l'on peut dire qu'en ce sens
la creolisation des Indous de la Martini-
que etde la Guadeloupe s'est effectuee
a peu pres sans contrepartie."

The customs of the Indians of the Carib-
bean .. may be considered rather as folk-
lore survivals than as elements capable of
exercising any notable influence in regional
culture, and it may be said that in this
sense the creolisation of the Indians in Marti-
nique has been virtually a one-way process.

Although there has been a rather
profound interaction between Indian
and Creole traditions there are many
areas where Guadeloupean culture
manifests itself as a form of accretion
rather than of creolization or assimila-
tion. The culture of a people cannot
be regarded as a static phenomenon,
but as a framework which continually
This is observed in the nature of
syncretic changes which occur in
religious life. Negre (1964), for
example, refers to the worship of a
female diety at a temple at Changy
"ou l'on venere Maliemin, sorte de
deesse qui figure une statue". At these
ceremonies the congregation includes
a number of Negroes who add their
devotions to those of the Indian wor-
shippers. Leiris (p. 64) described a
number of details to demonstrate that
the spirit of syncretism alive: "Ces
quelques details suffisent a marquer
l'esprit de.syncretisme qui a preside a
I'agencement de cette chapelle".
In a wider sense than that
defined by Leiris, music, dance,
songs, sculpture and drama are only
the outward expression, or symbols,
of culture. An indigenous Guadeloup-
ean culture must seek to establish a
rapport between society and the
individual, between man and land.
In searching for such a rapport
it is pertinent to examine the reasons
for the limited presencee" (or impact)
of the Indo-Guadeloupean community.
Initially, the East Indians must have
faced a form of cultural "shock" in
migrating into a society where a
French" metropolitan identity had
already taken root.
Although the acculturation of
the field labourers was not specifically
sanctioned by the French Government
there was much unofficial pressure to
conform to the norms dictated by
metropolitan society, whether it be
manifested in the celebration of
official holidays, in the gallicizing
nature of the education system or in
the acceptance by' Hindus of established
traditions of social behaviour.
Negre (1964) cites the absence
of leadership among the immigrants

Continued on Page 7


SUNDAY JULY 20, 1975




Burnham And Cuba

Flying In The Face Of History

EVER since the Cuban revolu-
tion had established itself as a
--Government, "unjust pressures",
to use Mr. L.F.S. Burnham's
choice phrasing, had assaulted
the Cuban people. On April 7th,
Mr. Burnham received Cuba's
highest award, the Jose Marti
decoration, for consistent support
of Cuba against imperialism and
for a number of other virtues of
which Mr. Burnham was never
really guilty.
Everyone in Guyana knows and
everyone in Cuba should know that
support for the Cuban revolution,
consistent and unflinching support,
came mainly from the People's Pro-
gressive Party and its General Secre-
.tary, Dr. Cheddi Jagan,
A Guyanese revolutionary can
make many criticisiis ab out, the' PPP,-
especial% before the election of 1973
in which year the ruling party (P.N.C.)
and its security forces and Civil
Service seized the votes of the PPP
and, before the face of the world,
declared itself "elected" with-a two-
thirds majority.
It Would be true to say that the
PPP, of which this writer is a keen
critic, lost its lead in Guyana's politics
because of its principled and consistent
support of Cuba at a time when the
imperialists, in particular the U.S.
imperialists and their lap dogs, did
everything possible to discredit Cuba
and its revolutionary leadership.
It was the'"fear of Cuba" and,
"fear of another Cuba on the Mainland"
(see .below) which motivated the
U.S.A. This was also the jackal's dung
on which'all the opportunist cow flies
fattened and thrived. Two of the
persons on Guyana Government's
delegation to Cuba belong to this
circle. They are a certain Mr. Kit
-Nascimento, Minister of State in the
Priie Minister's Office and Mr. Burn-
ham himself.


The Government of Cuba is, of
course, free to give its awards to
persons whom it finds deserving, but
they are not free in making their
citation to fly in the face of history
and quite distort the political perspec-
It is enough to say that Mr.
Nascimento belonged and in spirit be-
longs to the very far right wing of
anti-cgmmunists who have had close
connections with anti-communist cru-
saders in the U.S.A. When the PNC
,broke away from its junior the United
Force, Kit Nascimento arranged to
leave the United Force, join the PNC
and go socialist. Like the State
Department, he had come to the
conclusion that the United Force was
too small to hold the tide against the

EUSI KWA YANA, the author of this article
Movement (Association for Cultural Relatic
Kwayana has had a long history of politic
between 1959 and 1961 was General Secretar
of a three part series done by him on politics in

PPP and that the PNC, with its un-
doubted mass base, was the better
.horse to back.
There has been a concerted
attempt of late to brighten up a
certain period in Burnham's political
history a process parallel to that
which is going on around Mobutu in
Zaire. It will be noted. for example,
that both have recently made their
pilgrimage to The People's Republic
of China and both are relying heavily-
on the weapon of nationalization.
In Guyana, part of this campaign
to turn treachery into tactics was
conducted by the Trades Union Con-
gress and part by the Kabaka, as Mr.
Burnham calls himself. In a radio
Analysis in January, 1975. Mr. Joseph
Pollydore, Secretary of the T.U.C.
explained in his way how it is that the
PPP lost its leadership of the goverfn-
ment of the then British Guiana:
'"True enough, the PPP's regime
was during thepre-independence
period and its Government did
not have full political power.
But the main weaknesses which
led to the PPP's collapse can be
traced to the fact that firstly the
party, unlike the PNC did not
consider the support of the
trade union movement vital;
secondly, it underestimated the
internationally powerful forces
which portrayed communism to
the masses as an ideology whose
design was to deprive people of
their freedom and enslave them."
It should be noted that Mr.
Pollydore was in the hierarchy of the
T.U.C. for many years and probably
saw the T.U.C. for many years used
by these "internationally powerful
forces" directed against Jagan.
Not all of the relevant informa-
tion is available. In this country, the
Government exercises such control
over the archives and public libraries
that it will be hard to find any
material there which discredits the
PNC, especially if it came out of the
mouth of the PNC itself. Examples of
this will be given in the second section
of this enquiry. Fortunately, there are
a few private collections which together
help the -esearcher.
The quotations which-follow
come mainly from Parliamentary
Hansards, reports of debates in the
legislative council during the 1960's
and then from the PNC sources. One
comes from Government during
Burnham's Prime Ministership. The
sources are therefore unassailable and
beyond question. Hearsay is entirely
ignored. So is whatever was said and
not recorded in writing.
An M.P. in Guyana is always
sent the type written record of the
debates in which he took part for
correction, before the final record is
printed. He may then modify it. The
chances of misrepresenting a'member
are therefore slim. What emerges from
a look at the material available to non-

,is the leader of the ASCRIA
ons with Independett Africa).
,al involvement in Guyana and
y of the PNC. This is the first
n Guyana.

officials is a consistent attack on
Cuba over a long period and past
1966, the year of independence. This
was also the PNC's.mass line on Cuba.
The PNC's anti-Cuban campaign
was interwoven with a general cam-
paign against communism or whatever
imperialism described as communism.
Yet in a speech quoted in "Destiny
to Mould" the Prime Minister has said
that the PNC is not anti-communist.
SMr. John Carter, PNC member
speaking at 2:35 p.m. on 9th April,
19624 said:
Parents are afraid for the educa-
tion of their children because
they are aware of the ideology
of the Government. They are
afraid of brain-washing and all
the time Government takes
measures which support that
fear. For instance, we are to-.
withdraw from the University
College of the West Indies.
The same speaker went on:
And when we know of Govern-
ment's plans for bringing seton-
dary school teachers from
Kerala and from places in the
East these things cannot be
overstressed then there is need
for worry and anxiety among
the people in Guyana. -
Mr. Carter recommended that
the PPP follow a rather pro-colonial
line of conduct and instead of attack-

ing the U.S.A. on its attitude and
exposing it. So he said:
I have already made references
to the visit of the Premier to the
United States of America, but it
is a very odd situation in which
we find the Premier of this
country .going to the United
States to seek financial and
technical aid for this country,
and yet find his wife in Cuba
taking part in anti-U.S. demon-
strations in that country going
on side by side. The Premier
makes an appeal to Canada for
help and. again his wife attends
communist Peace Rallies in
Canada. Now those things are
inconsistent, and it is a very
strange way of seeking help,
sympathy and support (A
Member: "What is wrong about
peace?") Members of the Gov-
ernment on these trips openly
associate,. with known com-
munists, and the Government
appoints as its representatives in
various places known and dedi-
cated communists. I want to
know if this is how we are going
to. ensure foreign aid for this
country when these things con-
.Then he complained that the
PPP was practising pro-socialist neutral-
on international issues this.
Government takes only the side
of the communist bloc countries
and the United States are the
"whipping boys" on every inter-
national issue ....
In- the same budget debate at
3.30 p.m..on 10th April; 1962, Mr.
Neville Bissember (PNC),a trusted
propagandist of the Prime Minister and
Continued on Page 6

Sto Comi
I and in our 1
award is to e(
SHowever, we recognize
socialist countries, socialist
the state level, trade, aid, technia
H/ to try to get these governments, ti
S away from imperialism. At the same time w(
..,- another duty, and that is on the basis of proleta
-:_:' t--," ,aline process of national liberation and socialism, to h(
: '~c.-ountries, for instance. And thus nothing should be don4
S endanger the development of the political struggle inside the could
atout this, otherwise these petty-bourgeois regimes will take advantage
(and with awards such as the Jose Marti award) to get credibility, to g
say in Guyana, that they are recognized, they have recognition, that
right path, and create a great deal of confusion and thus halt the proc!


SUNDAY JULY 20, 1975


IN this week's issue, Eusi
Kwayana, the Guyanese
opposition leader, has
succeeded in scrupulously
documenting the twisted
responses by Forbes
Burnham and his Party
towards Fidel Castro and
the Cuban Revolution.
Kwayana did so, of course,
in order to highlight the
apparent absurdity in the
decision to accord Burnham
the highest award, the Jose
Marti decoration, on the
occasion of his State visit to
Cuba during April last.
- Since Burnham's visit how-
ever, two other Caribbean
Leaders have made the pil-
grimage to Havana and have
in their turn been received
with the highest felicitations
by the Cuban Government.
Eric Williams made the
journey and while he did not
accept the Jose Marti award,
he did agree to receive an
Honorary Degree from the
University of Havana. Yet in
Williams' case too, all this
marked the culmination of
what can only be described
as a radical turnabout in
It was Williams, after all,
who in 1965 described the
Cuban leaders as "a bunch
of middle class misfits direct-
ing guerilla bands .... and
claiming to act in the name
of the workers and farmers
.... making a blooming
mess of the Cuban economy."
--As late as 1970 Williams
was still capable of describing
the. Castro Revolution as "a
belated attempt to catch up
with the nationalist move-
ment in the rest of the
Following on the heels of
Williams visit went the
Jamaican Prime Minister
Michael Manley who was so

Well, we per-
sonally do not think
that the Prime Minister of
Guyana deserves such an award
Award, as you know, was given
de Brezhnev of the Soviet Union,
ew to give Burnham the same
uate Burnham with Brezhnev
the fact that it is the duty of
states, by various methods at
I assistance, diplomatic relations
!se states like Guyana, to move
feel that socialist countries have
ian internationalism to continue
Ip that process in all third world
at the state level which might
try. There must be no confusion
of relations with socialist states
ve the impression to the masses,
hey are on the right way, on the
ss of liberation.

overwhelmed with his own
revolutionary courage in un-
dertaking the visit that he
declared at an address in
Cuba that, "there are powers
and Kingdoms in the world
shaking with concern when
they hear of this meeting."
So that it is not enough to
document the fact that Burn-
ham or Williams or Manley
are now rushing after each
other, in order to bask in
Cuba's revolutionary limelight,
after years of active and
vociferous opposition to the
For all that proves is that
they are opportunists of the
highest order, a fact which
hardly required their present
escapades in order to be
More important would be
an attempt to understand
why in fact they are going to
Cuba at this point in time as
well why is Cuba, or more
precisely, Castro, willing to
embrace with such fervour,
these charlatans, all of whon,
he must be aware, are the
leaders of corrupt andt,..tally
reactionary regimes4: their
various territories.
Finally it would be well
to speculate on what all this
fraternal activity implies for
the Caribbean peoples in


It is not difficult to
advance reasons why the
leaders of the English speak-
ing Caribbean are so willing
now to embrace Castro
In the first place one can
readily agree with Kwayana's
implied view that they are all
responding to the shifts which
have occurred within the last
few years in the relations
between the Communist
countries and the Western
capitalist world, in particular,
the United States of America.
For a Burnham, who came
to power with the aid of the
Americans, for a Williams who
once declared that Trinidad
and Tobago was finely
situated on the Western side
of the Iron Curtain, and for
a Manley, who promised the
Americans before his election
Snot to touch Bauxite in
return for their non-interfer-
ence in his campaign, such a
shift in American attitudes
towards the Communit
world, was the sine qua non
of their recent "ideological
For it must be remembered
that it was in 1972 at the
Seventh Heads of Government
Conference that Barbados,
Guyana, Jamaica and Trinidaa
and Tobago took the decision
to resume diplomatic relations
with Cuba.
But if it was the siift in
the world' political scene
which opened the door, it
was the political situation in
their respective territories and
their methods of political
operation which sent them
all rushing in.
As far as Williams is con-
cerned there is the desperate
need to try to refurbish his


....'REV 'LUIO N ..

Cuban Prime Minister Fidel Castro meets with Prime

image, so irretrievably des-
troyed .by the February
Revolution, as both a radical
leader and as the leading
statesman of Caribbean in-
So that it is not surprising
that after the February Re-
volution he was already sing-
ing a different Cuban song.
.Cuba suddenly became "the
first Caribbean country to
challenge successfully the
power of the USA in the
hemisphere, (and) sought to
establish a regime based on
national independence and
social justice, including racial
As for Burnham and
Manley, their's was not so
much the need to recover lost
worlds as it was the opport-
unity to perpetuate their
assiduously cultivated images
as progressive and radical
third world leaders. After all
they both have declared their
countries to be "socialist"
countries. And what better
place to have this confirmed
than in Socialism's finest
triumph Cuba.


But what of Fidel? Could
it be that the man who is
now receiving and bestowing
honours on these jokers is the
same one who once declared
so proudly, that revolution-
aries "must proclaim their
ideas courageously, define
their principles and express
their intentions so that no
one is deceived, neither friend
nor foe."
The signal fact of revolu-
tionary Cuba's entire exist-
ence, almost, has been the
presence of the uncompromis-
ing hostility of the United
States of America and the
hardships wrought by that
country's economic blockade.
To a large extent all of Cuba's
foreign policy has been

devoted towards seekingyways
and means of liberating her-
self from that constraint.
Yet the nature of that
foreign policy, though not
the ends, has undergone
significant change. In 1960
Cuba declared that the duty
of every revolutionary is to
make revolution ard through-
out most of the sixties she
conceived of her role as that
of providing spiritual and
material support to revolu-
tionary movements through-
out Latin America.
In this period of pristine
revolutionary fervour Castro
did not hesitate to attack all
those- whose policies he felt
were inimical to the best in-
terests of the revolutionary
movements in Latin America.
In 1967 he described some
Latin Communist leaders as
"pseudo-revolutionary" and
accused them of being part
of an "international conspiracy
against Cuba."
During this same period
Castro also strongly criticised
the Soviet Union for establish-
ing diplomatic and commer-
cial relationships with "oligar-
chic" governments in Latin
America, and he charged that
by doing so they were helping
to eliminate leftist guerillas
in Latin America.
By the end of the decade
however, this foreign policy
was marked first, by an
abandonment of support for
guerilla initiatives in other
Latin American countries
and, secondly, by a growing
rapprochement with the
Soviet Union.
The first indication of this
rapprochement come in
August 1968 when Castro
made a speech in which he
approved of the Soviet inva-
sion of Czechoslovakia. On
April 22, 1969- the Cubane-
Soviet Friendship Association
was founded. And in July
1972, Cuba joined COME-
CON, the economic organisa-
tion of the Communist Bloc

Subsequently Cuba moved
to establish diplomatic links
not only with the Caribbean
Countries but with Chile,
(under Allende), Peru and


In his efforts to win-
friends Castro attended the
Conference of Non-aligned
Nations in Algiers in 1973.
At the conference he made a
statement in which he
declared that "any attempt
to pit the non-aligned coun-
tries against the socialist camp
is counter-revolutionary and
benefits only imperialist
This statement and his
general defense of the Soviet
Union drew angry responses
from some of the other dele-
gates particularly Prince
Sihanouk of Cambodia and
Colonel Quadaffi of Libya,
who said in no uncertain
terms: "We are against Cuba's
presence in this Conference of
Non-aligned Nations. There is
no difference between Cuba
and any East European
Country, or for that matter
Uzbekistan and the Soviet
Union itself.
Castro's response on that
occasion was an example of
blatant opportunism, which
only served to confirm the
worst fears of all those, both
friend and foe, who were
caught agast by his open
approval of Soviet actions in
Czechoslovakia. This time
Castro suddenly declared that
he was severing diplomatic
links with Israel.
It is possible to end the
whole discussion here by
stating that Cuba is now so
firmly entrenched in the
ideological and economic
orbit of the Soviet Union,
Continued on Page 6


SUNDAY JULY 20, 1975

From Pg. 4

one of the long surviving ministers,
who for many years gave an Indian
"image" to the PNC, explained his
party's position in very unmistakable
They, i.e. the PPP Government.
have sent 40 youths to Cuba to
undergo training. Personally. I
would refuse a free trip to Cuba
(or Red China, but I anr iold that
my friend, the Hon. Member for
Essequibo Islands (Mr. Bhagwan)
recently returned from a trip to
China and must know what
wonderfid things exist there
today. ft is this attitude of the
Government, which has leanings
towards the Eastern European
countries and is sending youths
to be trained in Cuba, that has
scared foreign capital awaycfrom.
this country, because by infer-
ence. it is allying itself to the
Communist bloc. It is no use
saying what a wonderful place
Russia is and what a wonderful
place Cuba is when there,is
wholesale rationing in Cuba
today, when people cannot even
buy butter in the shops. Does
Government want us to follow
the economy of Cuba?Does it
want that kind of living to be
experienced in British Guiana?
Messrs. John Carter,4fterwards
Sir John Carter, and Neville Bissember
were no PNC backbenchers, un-
acquainted with PNC policy. They
both reached important positions in
the Party and the Government.
Bissember was-once a Deputy Prime
Minister, Leader of the House and so
on. Sir John Carter is now our High
Commissioner (Ambassador) to the
United Kingdom, the U.S.S.R. and a
number of other -countries. He was
also Ambassador to the United Nations
and held the chainnanship of the
Namibia Council.
When he came to speak, Mr.
Burnham clarified his position and
said nothing to contradict his front
Let us be frank about it, that
the PPP, like all democratic
parties, supported Castro in his
revolution against Batista. The
PPP, after Castro was successful,
went on to say he was the
greatest liberator of the century.
The People's Progressive Party
has at all times until to-day
accepted and supported every-

Flying In The Face of History
9 -!-

thing that has happened in
Castro, after his .successful
revolution, said he was pledged
to maintains free elections and
what are called the formal dem-
ocratic freedoms. Afterwards he
gave a reason why it was not
necessary to have free elections,
a reason which does not persuade
nme. It may persuade others-
Well, people object to this and
say, "If these people are wor-
shippers of Castro, and Castro
said one thing, and later on said
something else, it is not reason-
able to believe that they are
merely being astute in the part-
icular circumstances when they
say that they will not do this
and will not do that?"
Those are the sane people Who
now tell the Cubans, "We were with
you at the Bay of Pigs and rejoiced
when you defeated the enemy."
These are the same brothers who
now say that they will "continue" to
support the Cuban revolution.
Their attitude when Cuba was-
friendless among Caribbean Govern-
ments was to put an entirely negative
picture of the Cuban revolution to the
Guyanese people and so make the PPP
appear among the African people who
were largely PNC an unpatriotic party.
Many Africans were convinced by the
PNC that' "Jagan wanted to bring
Cuba here."


Was the campaign perhaps con-
fined to the first 'half of 1962? Was it
a parliamentary sparring match by a-
group of bankrupt politicians who had
no political compass? It was not.
At least by October, 1962, the
Guyana (PNC) contribution to the
anti-Castro campaign had reached the
USA, that centre of anti-revolutionary
campaigners. A UPI report on or
about October 12, 1962 quoted a
PNC spokesman in Washington. It
referred to the PNC representative as
having a busy round of talks with
senators and government officials. It
continued, "The opposition leader,
Mrs. Winifred Gaskin, believes that too

many Americans regard Mr. Jagan as
merely a misguided Marxist who can
cause no harm."
The PNC Chairman, for that was
her office, said:
What I want to say most firmly
is that British .Guiana today is
dominated by a bunch of un-
scrupulous, ruthless and dedi-
cated communists. Should the
communist element continue in
power and be allowed to tighten
its grip on the country, then
America may wake up one day
to find that Fidel Castro's
fellow traveller' is solidly en-
trenched right in the Continent
of America.
It turned out that all of this was
not unrelatedto the strategy of the
U.S.A. The interconnection between
the goings on in the B.G. Legislative
Court and the foreign policy of the
USA is summarised in A Thousand
Days. The British had described'
Burnham to the USA as "an opportun-
-ist, racist and demagogue intent only
on personal power." The White House
"wondered at this, though, because
the AFL-CIO people in British Guiana
thought well of him, and Hugh
Gaitskell told me that Burnham had
impressed him more thah Jagan when
the two visited the Labour Party
Leader in London. Then in May,
1962, Burnham came to Washington.
I4e appeared an intelligent, self-pos-
Ssessed, reasonable man, insisting quite
firmly on his 'socialism' and 'neutral-
ism' buit staunchly anti-communist."
So it, was not merely on the
basis of "intelligence" that Schlesinger
reported to the President,
that 'an independent British
Guiana under Burnham (ifBurn-
ham (if Burnham will .commit
himself to a multi-racial policy)
would cause us many fewer pro-
blems than an independent
British Guiana under Jagan.'
And the way was open to bring
it about, because Jagan's parlia-
mentary strength was larger than'
his popular strength: he had won
57 per cent of the seats'on the
basis of 42. 7 per cent of the
vote. An obvious solution would
be to establish a system of pro-
portional representation.

This, after prolonged discussion,
the British Government finally
did in October 1963; and elec-
tions held finally at the end of
1963 produced a coalition gov-
ernment under Burnham. With
much unhappiness and turbu-
lence, British Guiana seemed to
have passed safely out of the
communist orbit.
Schlesinger then went on to say
that Guyana was only a marginal pro-
blem, but that the major problem of
the hemisphere was Cuba. It is appar-
ent that there was some close connec-
tion between these two,problems.


It is therefore not accurate to
regard Mr. Burnham or the P.N.C.
as people who had "supported the
Cuban revolution" in. -its days of
extreme danger, or even after the Bay
of Pigs invasion of April, 1961. The
PNC and its Leader, Mr. Burnham,
made use of precisely the same attacks
on Cuba that the imperialist USA and
the anti-popular, corrupt and criminal
regimes used against it.
To close off this list of quota-
tions, here is a statement made by Mr.
Burnham at his party's congress, in
1968. He is commenting on Dr. Jagan's
(PPP) complaints in foreign countries
of the Guyana elections being subject
to rigging. At these moments, Mr.
Burnham is the supreme Nationalist,
firmly opposing interference in his
country's electionsfrom outside.
Fleetfooted, he runs mewling
and pulling to Mauritius, Britain,
Canada and Cuba. He writes to
American politicians the little
colonial lackey. Mauritians hayep-
no vote here and I do not pro-
pose to give them. Britons have
no vote here and I do not pro-
pose to give them. The Cubans
to whom Castro has given no
vote have no vote here and Ido
not propose to give them. Only
Guyanese will have the vote! We
will permit no meddling in our
internal affairs from innocents or

From Pg. 5
that she has abandoned any
pretense of maintaining a
principled and independent
position and now simply
responds, as befits a satellite,
to the prior changes in the
policy of the Soviet Union.
S..- Frankly there is no way
S- .to really refute any such
suggestion except to say that
it may well be too easy an
explanation of Cuba's present
To make of Cuba simply
another Soviet satellite, while
arguable from the evidence,
is to miss all the subtly
peculiar circumstances that
must be introduced into the
whole picture by virtue of
Cuba's geographical location
and her history.
Cuba's geographical posi-
tion has two important con-
sequences. hI the first place,
whatever the state of the
game between the United

States and the Soviet Union
it is clear that for Cuba the
hostility of the United States
must still be of paramount
The prospect of concilia-
tion between the two coun-
tries, which sparked so fitfully
a couple of years ago, now,
particularly after the right-
wing coup in Chile, may not
become reality too soon, in-
spite of the growing concilia-
tion movement in the U.S.
But so long as America's
policy of political and econ-
omic ostracism continues,
Cuba is going to have to sink
deeper and deeper into the
arms of the Soviet Union. At
the end of 1973 annual
Soviet economic aid to Cuba
was estimated to be around
$700 million, more than
enough to put in hock forever
the Revolution's dream ol
national independence.
So that there is little ques-
tion that, In terms of main.
training its integrity, the
Revolution is in dire trouble.
Yet if the history of the
Revolution is any guide, it is
iot an integrity that will be
pawned without a struggle
In any such struggle to

regain, once and for all, her
manhood Cuba's geographical
position is in one sense a
fortunate one. It is not really
possible for Cuba to become
another Czechoslovakia.


Yet her options are few.
Both the opposition of the
United States and the patron-
age of the Soviet Union are
stumbling blocks in the way
of any speedy development
of new alliances widespread
enough to enable Cuba to
free itself of both the East
and the West.
Cuba therefore has little
alternative but to begin with
her neighbours right here in
the Caribbean Sea. Whoever
they are. If this analysis is
correct, then what we are
witnessing is a desperate
attempt on Cuba's part to
correct the monumental mis-
take which the entire Carib-
bean made sixteen years ago.
Only the cynics will say
that in having to depend on
the league of picayunes who
now strut the Caribbean stage,
is Cuba proving to be the
butt of History's last laugh.


_ --


SUNDAY JULY 20, 1975

From Page 3. East

for their cultural malaise. He indicates
further that this was especially severe
since they were (almost?) exclusively
Hindus: "Ts etaient de religion brahmo-
indouiste. a I'exclusion de tout Boudd-
hisme ou d'Islam" (p. 43). Other
reasons often advanced include: racial
prejudices (Lasserre, 1953). lack of
Sympathy of metropolitan govern-
ments to the development of local
culture, and historical and political
relationship with France resulting in

ndians of Guadeloupe

the subordination of local art fonns.
These explanations provide us
with only a partial answer since the
identity of a people is determined
not only by their present state of
cultural development, but also by the
vision that the society has of itself.
Within the last few years there
has begun to emerge visible signs of an
embryonic culture as expressed in the
gennination of local literature, sculp-
ture, dance and art fonns. This process.

can be accentuated by further cultural
exchanges with countries which have
had similar historical experiences -
Trinidad, St. Lucia. Guyana and
It is only by sharing such experi-
ences that the ideals and aspirations of
Caribbean peoples can be fully
realized. The common spirit of our
peoples and the similarity in our
traditions are interpreted by the
Guadeloupean poet, Guy Tirolien:

Rythmes de calypsos au venture
chad de nos banjos.
Rires du desire dans les visceres
de la nuit.
Bouches privees de pain buvant
I'alcool mauvais de mots.
L'ie pousse vers demain sa.
cargaisond 'humanite.

lles (Guy Tirolien, 1961).
Rhythms of calypsoes in the hot
bellies of our banjos.
Laughters of desire in the guts of the
Mouths deprived of bread drinking
the bad alcohol of words.
The isle pushes towards tomorrow
her cargo of humanity.

Arnold Hood, Tapia Man from La Brea


Laventille and finds

Suffering all

over the Land

dad and Tobago suffer
largely the same pro-
blems: unemployment,-
public disutilities, ameni-
ties which are either non-
existent, inadequate or
have long since failed to
serve the needs of the
localities and so on. The
difference is seldom one
of comparison, almost
invariably it -is one of
a-- ventille in the Port-of-
Spain-South constituency
certainly stands on the lowest
rung of the ladder in this
regard, as was brought home
forcibly to me last Sunday
while on a visit to the com-
munity with Tapia Senator,
Yaxee Joseph, as tour-guide.
Prizgar Lands represents a
proliferation of small, patch-
works dwellings smearing one
slope of the Laventille Quarry
long battered and scarred
by countless gelignite blastings
for its limestone.
The incredible proximity
of each residents home and
cesspit to his neighbours'
'attests to the complete failure
of town-planning, such as
there was, to cope with the
frenzied pace of urbanisation
which governments' policy of
industrialisation and .over-

centralisation in the northern
corridor has occasioned.
It shows up too the yawn-
ing inadequacy of the
National Housing Authority,
a perfect euphemism indeed
as national housing absurdity
pervades Laventille.
John-John seems deter-
mined to keep a Shanty Town
extant in this country. With
its innumenble hovels litter-
ing the foothills of the
Laventille. highlands, their
individual squalor showing
forth clearly and pathetically
under the glare of heaven's
great spotlight the sun, it
appears as though the remains
of the shacks demolished at
Shanty Town were avariciously
gathered and transported
across the Eastern Main Road
to be hastily reconstructed
in John-John!
A picture of poor housing
and over-crowding, of course,
emerges from the few pen-
strokes above, but when you
add to this mass unemploy-
ment, lack of facilities-spoiling,
cultural and otherwise, woe-
fully-inadequate school places,
a hopeless water supply and
no political representation
among other things, the pic-
ture changes to one of suffer-
ing in the land", pure and
All this in the Prime Min-

ister's constituency! Clear
we must ward off the Vei
zuelan attempt at re-coloni,
tion; deal with the mul
national corporations
setting up Surveillance Co
mittees and seek the tend
embrace of our long lost iro
curtain friends since our ov
backyard is -too dirty to cle
up, our own problems fright
fully insurmountable!
Laventille, though, is
isolated example of gove
mental neglect. Residents
any given rural area can cou
on the fingers of one hand
not on one finger, t
improvements their distr
has made over the ninete
years of P.N.M. rule. B
roads, poor transport, eve
rising prices, no sanitatic
unemployment .., the litE
of woes simply amplifies wi
each visit.
The question is why? W
must we tinker with wi
dreams of smelter plan
steel mills, petro-chemic
complexes and developme
projects, which even if th
materialised as they cann4
would take perhaps a deca
-to become fully operable, ar
yet will register no massi
assault on the phalanges
the unemployed who nc
number some 70,C00?
Why must such large nu

bers of our people continue
to live like bees in Lives of
ten by ten decrepit dwellings
squirming over each other as
they go about their daily
chores while public funds
sponsor the prime ambassador
and his cronies on world
tours and house Chinese
entertainers at fifteen on
special diets?
Governments have no
dejure claim legitimacy like
boards of directors, they are
really trustees of the popular
will elected, to perform an
essentially sacred task to
rly guide the destinies of their
people. Where they accomp-
sa- lish this they acquire a defacto
ti- claim to legitimacy; where
by they do not they merit
bm opprobrium and the cruel
ler courtesy of contempt. Third
world governments have yet
to learn this lesson, ours
an being a case in point.
i- So that we are now being
invited, quite magnanimously,
to welcome a benevolent
no dictatorship. But if the
m Doctor, as representative of




his constituency, has been
perceptibly unkind to Laven-
tille if not completely con-
temptuous of it, how benevo-
lent will he be to the coun-
try assuming he accepts this
callous insensitive call to
Will the Bendevolent
Doctatorship crooked till it
bend" give way to a Benevo-
lent Dictatorship? Alas, the
leopard dares not change his

_ ~__ ___ __ __I_ __I s










THE crisis in national
education is the major
item on the Agenda for
this month's meeting of
the. Tapia Council of
Representatives. The
meeting comes off at the
Tapia House, Tunapuna
on Sunday July 20.
Chairman Denis Solo-
mon will open proceed-
ings at 10 a.m. and a
press Conference is sche-
duled for the end of the
day's work.
The Council is expected
to approve a proposal by the
Tapia National Executive to
launch a series of public dis-
cussions oih education start-
ing at the Port-of-Spain
Public- Library next week
Wednesday July 23 and
continuing at three locations
in South and Central Trinidad
the following week.
The Council will be asked
to confirm a panel of

speakers for the series and
to finalise a draft from the
Education Committee outlin-
ing the Tapia plan for educa-
tional reorganisation.

Following a decision by
the April Council Meeting
last year, a Tapia Press Con-
ference first alerted the coun-
try- about the impending
crisis in the Junior Secondary
The prepared statement
published in Tapia on May
5, 1974, asked "what is going
to happen to our children
who are soon to graduate
from the Junior Secondary
Pointing to the "most
serious crisis of all" and
charging the Government
with "criminal irresponsibil-
ity" and now-for-now plan-

we insisted "that, :s an
Interim measure, all 14-
year-olds be given
the two additional years."

we opposed any 1, -plus
examination to selec. an
oligarchy who should be
awarded two additional

we rejected the conti-
.nued ranking of 11-plus
graduates into two streams
of prestige.

we called on the Min-
ister of Education to
produce a White Paper
setting out the facts on
the. current crisis and
spelling out precisely what
the Government proposed
to do.

we demanded that the
Government cease regaling
the public with dubious
figures regarding money
spent and school places
created and instead re-
sume publication of-the
Annual Reports of the
Department of Education.

- I--~

set up

THE Federation of Agri-
cultural and Other Co-
operatives intends to set
up a plant for the manu-
facture of poultry and
animal feed, a warehouse
and a head office on two
ares of land at Carlsen
This information was'
revealed during an inter-
view with the Federa-
tion's President and
Secretar'/Manager who
are respectively, Harold
Docdnath, ard Vincent
The tota' cost of the
programme ou tlined
above is expected to cost
approximate y $120,000.
with the ferdmill alone
accounting t)r close to
60 per cent of the total,
Currently stce s are being

feed mill

taken to fund the project
through negotiations with
the Industrial Develop-
ment Corporation and
the Agricultural Develop-
ment, Bank.
The decision to manu-
facture its own feeds has
come less than three years
after tle Federation be-
gan business activity
largely by buying wh, 'e-
sale agricultural
implements and other
supplies for selling to its
member societies.
Pi 'r to its venture
into business the Federa-
tion had spent the last
25 years of its existence
fostering, promoting and
representing primary co-
operative societies.


* we promised publication
of a full Tapia statement
on Education.

As usual, the Government
did not even take advantage
of the last 12 months to pre-
pare for mitigation of the
crisis caused by their failure
in long-term planning.


/S Stephens

The last few weeks have
shown that whatever officials
do is bound to be a mistake;
the Government has again
painted our country into a
corner and all sections of the
electorate are burning with
The press and the political
platforms are replete with
angry responses The challenge
to Sunday's Council Meeting
is to charge the Tapia plat-
form to point a cool way to
feasible solutions.

Agricultural Fed. to

o Q



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common-law partner by nomina-
ting him/her for your Survivor's
Benefit when you die? If not do
so NOW! You could save pro-

For further information
See your district NIB office





- To'make government responsive to the needs of individual people.
- To increase community control of the resources of each area local area.
- To stimulate individual and community initiatives


- By dividing Trinidad and Tobago into 18-25 municipalities, small and inti-
mate enough to allow real participation
- By giving-the Municipal Councils real power in such fields as





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5so11s-A1!n) puli OMl
jo ppsodumoo o11qndaj Amojpd qmjd pup! auewn '3npi3ooLoop p qltlqlsg o0 -L

- To make education a national adventure in self-discovery and self-reliance and
the basis for a just social order.
- To match our manpower resources with our needs
At present we have an army of unemployed (27% of the 20-24 year olds
and 32% of the 15-19 age group in 1970) unable to fit into the jobs
that do exist (we are said to be short of 37,000 craftsmen, 3,000 techni-
cians, 5,000 managers and professionals and an unlimited number of



School System
- By decentralization of the School System to involve the local community in
the planning and functioning of the schools.
- By a series of experimental schools testing various innovative educational.
- By the speedy development of a Caribbean system of certification.
- By combining exposure to practical affairs with classroom learning. -

- By community-run nurseries

and play schools for the 0-5 year olds

- By comprehensive and co-ordinated work and study programmes for the
whole population beyond Junior Secondary level, involving multiple shift
organization of office, factory, farm (as well as school) work.
- By integration of National Service, Youth Camp and Apprenticeship schemes
into the overall education programme.
Learning Facilities
- By utilizing all spare building capacity (church halls, churches etc.) to give
every child a school 'place'.
- By putting high priority on the provision of libraries, municipal museums and
creative arts centres.
By providing education via mass and community media.



- To put control of the economy into the hands of little people (Localization
does not mean Government purchase of 51% shares in private industry!,

- By national & community control of the lifeline industries (Texaco, Shell,
Fed Chem, Tesoro, Amoco, Caroni Ltd., Orange Grove and Trinidad Cement)
through nationalization and municipal and Union participation.
- By complete re-organization of the crucial ancillary services and utilities:
water, progas, gasolene, kerosene, electricity, telephones, banking, insurance,
advertising, newspapers and broadcasting media.
- By a fully national banking system, based on mobilization of local savings
and offering credit for the development of small enterprises
- By development of a national technocracy capable of dealing expertly with
metropolitan andi international business interests.
- By national creation of all advertising material


- To overcome the impotence of the colonial state of mind by relying on our.
native wit and ingenuity.
- To provide a sure foundation for real democracy.

- By stimulating backyard industry and grassroots technology, intensive food
gardening and guest house tourism.
- By strict control of unnecessary imports
- By a certain amount of public sector involvement in import and wholesale

B *4~ j~Malmo A v~ 1.


- To weld us into a single nation by destroying our present race/class pattern
of income distribution.

- By full employment, emerging naturally from the rest of the Tapia economic
- By an incomes policy involving:
minimum wages below and maximum rewards on top
annual wage and salary bargaining in the enlarged Senate for all
categories of non-profit income
the participation of every family in the country in the profits
of certain localized enterprises

- By expanding the availability of community goods and services:
legal services
community washing machines, homework eentres'etc.,
facilities for the aged.
- By greater community ownership of municipally based consumer co-operatives.
Hi-Lo and Kirpalani's would be effectively localized while
remaining, for some management purposes, part of national


- To recognize and build on the potential and beauty of our own environment
- To rationalize land use so as to feed, clothe and shelter our population out of
the resources of our bwn land, as far as is reasonable.

- By radical reform in the traditional patterns of land use and land tenure.
- By comprehensive regional planning of natural entities like the Caroni River
Basin and the Chaguaramas Peninsula
- By-shifting population emphasis away from the western end of the East/
West Corridor:
Establish, an entirely new living complex on the sands of Waller
Field and possibly another in the Couva Chaguanas region.
Induce business, industry and agriculture to recognize that only
'an import/export colony need, cling to the continental shelf.
Decentralization of government, education and health services..
- By a programme of building at least 150,000 three-bedroom housing units
over a 10 to 15 year period, to:
Stabilize our population in the areas of their commitment,
particularly Tobago
Generate full employment
Anchor life in the communities as the basis;for a participatory
Make systematic planning possible in the construction and
furnishing industries
Build communities within which new habits of life could
Town Planning
- By a thorough renovation of depressed areas beginning with Laventille and
- Byspeedy 'implementation of Scarborough and San Fernando Re-Development

8 a-~W' -
-,-w -r' p


- Because the present chaos'is draining our capacity and will to work
- Because the present chaos is brutalizing the lives of individual citizens, men,
women and children

- By immediate measures
Staggering of working hours
An every-other-day school shift system (6 days a week)
rather than twice a day
Clearly marked lay-bys for taxis
Incentives to taxis and mini-bus operators
Disincentives to private car owners
Road safety education and stiff penalties fqr dangerous driving
- By long-term measures
Decentralization of-government and business (See proposals for
Strong local Government)
Re-organization of the public transport system
Rationalization of the motor-car industry and spare parts
Community control of road maintenance, through Municipal


- because efficient and humane health care is the right of every citizen
- because most of the diseases that threaten us more and more frequently -
polio, gastro-enteritis, typhoid, smallpox could be prevented. They are
spread by poor sanitation; bad water supply; haphazard preventative

- by improving our water supply and distribution as a national priority
- by giving communities more control over their health services
- by re-deploying existing trained personnel and training a new crop of medical
- by incorporating many aspects of health care into our plan for National
- by improving public education about the causes and care of illness, including
mental illness


Why "
- to reduce the equality gap.
- to ensure that no geographical or economic sector is neglected
- to ensure that control of our economy remains in national hands
- to reduce the leakage from profits and other incomes now going abroad
- to ensure that developmentt' projects serve the national interest
- to channel our capital into productive activity.
- to finance the plan as far as possible from our own resources.

- by mobilizing savings from every possible source
- by localising the banking system to allow proper use of savings
- by creating conditions to make possible community and worker participation
- by promoting small business, especially agri-business independent trades and'
artistic services.
- by utilizing technology appropriate to our needs
- by efficient accounting in state-owned enterprises
- by a system of strict Municipal as well as National Budgeting.


To ensure that Tobago's potential and needs are not overlooked because of
its geographical location
To speed up administrative action
To involve the people of Tobago in planning their own development

- By empowering a Tobago Council to
Fix price levels for food items
Review all nationals plans, notably in agriculture and
tourism, which affect Tobago
Provide industrial, agricultural and small business
Carry out such other functions of the central
government as experience shows to be both useful
and feasible
By ensuring that a reasonable numbers of representatives of national interest
groups in the Senate will be'drawi from Tobago

- To bring our people into the corridors of government for the first
time in history
- To afford parliamentary cover to opinion which would otherwise be silent
- To prevent the upper House from being a rubber stamp

- By reaching agreement on the community and special interest groups whose
voice should be heard
- By permitting each group to appoint, pay and change its Senate representative.
- By empowering the Senate to
Appoint the,,President of the Republic and the
Auditor General; the Elections and Boundaries Commissions
Conduct Commissions of Enquiry into matters of
Public concern
Conduct wage bargaining on a national scale
Supervise the Mass Media