Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00170
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: July 13, 1975
Frequency: completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00170

Full Text

SUNDAY JULY 13, 1975



IT was the poet of the Black American experience who
asked the question, "What happens to a Dream deferred?"
And as the islands of the Caribbean celebrated the second
anniversary of CARICOM this past week it was a question
which we the Caribbean peoples might well have asked of
the dream of a Caribbean Nation.
The Caricom Council of Ministers from all reports
was an occasion on which all delegates present took the
opportunity to 'reaffirm in the strongest and most optimistic
language they could find the support of their various coun-
tries for the idea of CARICOM.
The Jamaican Minister of Tourism and Trade,
Percival Patterson, stated in no uncertain terms "Jamaica is
not going back to an isolationist policy; it is going forward
to real and meaningful economic integration."
Trinidad's representative Errol Mahabir was, confi-
dent enough to predict' that'by the end of the conference
CARICOM "will emerge a stronger vibrant organisation."
All the'protestations of confidence were meant to
stifle the rumours that had been emerging of late to the
effect that the whole Caricom ship was being rent asunder.
If the protestations of health are true then they are to be
'Our concern however has always been for more
than the sanctity of economic links as important as they
are. Xnd one fears that the strength of an arrangement like
CARICOM must be judged on questions and issues far more
substantial than whose potatoes are not being fairly treated
in whose markets.
Within recent weeks the fact remains that relation-
ships among the Caribbean Heads of Government have
deteriorated to a significant extent. The charges levelled by
Trinidad Prime Minister against his colleagues, whether
[ true or false, are not such as to foster the atmosphere of
mutual respect and trust necessary, for taking the Caribbean
People from CARICOM to Caribbean Nation.
In such an atmosphere it becomes all too likely
that CARICOM, if it survives, will be used by Caribbean
leaders as a surrogate for the real thing, an excuse for not
taking all the steps necessary to foster the construction of
a political entity.
Our position remains the same as it was in July 1st
1973, when we wrote in our editorial;
"We are dedicated to Caribbean integration because
we know it is historically and humanly right. The Carib-
bean is the only part of the New World where black people
have real political power and with thlt the tremendous
opportunity to supplant a civilization jteeply rooted in
imperialism and race.
We would therefore look with horror at a concep-
tion of Caribbean integration 'which is chinksed at the
hannonisation of fiscal incentives, at the establishment of
marketing protocols, common tariffs, development banks
and investment companies.
We are not going to settle for the short-armed
caudillos which the ditherings of colonial liberalism are
now visiting upon the Caribbean peoples nor are we going
to be content with any half-arsed economic community."
',2,. _, i

1 ` -

30 Cents

Vol. 5 No. 28


Now the

P.N.M Chickens are

Coming to Roost

AS the Education crisis
which currently grips this
country worsens, as the
Government scrambles in
desperate futility to find
a solution, any solution,
which would afford them
some breathing space, as
t h e denominational
boards, sensing- the Gov-
ernments weakness, in-
sist with more and more
gusto on their own paro-
chial interests and as stu-
dents spill into the streets
in protests demonstra-
tions it would benefit us
all if we should pause for
a moment to reflect on
the lessons to be learnt
from the current situa-
There are several. But
perhaps, given the .entirely
understandable anxieties of all
those so directly involved in
the chaos which now charac-
terises our education system,
the most important is the one
which can most easily escape
our attention.
After almost twenty years
of PNM mismanagement,
corruption, and broken
promises it should come' as
no surprise that so many of
us tend to adopt if not a
cynical then a despairing
attitude towards politics in
any shape or form.
To be honest the cynics
have a point, up to a point. It
is not that politicians as a
breed are inevitably bad. But
politics does in fact embrace
a far larger congregation of
human concerns than any
other pursuit. This fact has
two apparently opposite
In the first place, with the
best will in the world, and
with the best plans, programs
and organisation in the world,
no politician, no political
party, no Government can
ever be immune from error.
And, by the very scope of its
purview, apolitical error tends
to.have more grievous con-
sequences than any other.
Yet at the same time the
possibilities for concealing
error, or deflecting the res-
ponsibility for such error
away from one's person or
party are also greater precisely,
again,because of the scope of
Politicians have, or are
supposed 'to have, a grasp of
the whole. Their's is the res-
ponsibility and privilege of
having more information at
any given time, on any given
area of concern, than any
section of the community.

What this means is that in the
first place they enjoy from
most of the population an
almost automatic grant of
This grant of trust is very
important to a politicians sur-
vival. In the first place an
error made in any one sphere,
unless it is the most colossal
of blunders, does not auto-
matically discredit a politi-
cian, since people, by and
large, appreciate the scope of
his activities and, in the
absence of any evidence to
the contrary, assume the
politicians capacity and "
sincerity in his other spheres
of endeavour.
Moreover, this trust, based
as it is on peoples acknowl-
edgement of their own limita-
tions, their own limited
points of view, their own
limited -command of the
information, enables any
politician, if he is astute
enough and if he so desires,
to so obfuscate any fault
beneath suc.i a cumulus of
irrelevant data that he appears
to be a veritable genius.
It would be appreciated
that not only faults can be
thus garbed. The common-
place can also be elevated
into the realm of positive
virtue if it is carefully
To be specific then the
opportunities for manipula-
tion, let us call a spade a
spade, are open to any politi-
cian and particularly so in
those societies in which the
political framework is bereft
of centers of power and
authority and information
capable of challenging the
interpretations of the profes-
sional politicians and where
the general levels of political
education and experience are
And, we might as well
sink to the nadir before
rising out of the morass,
given the nature ofdemocratic
society, (this whole argument
obviously does not apply to
totalitarian societies) and the
fact that representation, no
matter how broadly based,
no matter how surrounded
by controls is inevitable, then
we are faced with the fact
that for politicians manipula-
tion is always an,option.
The willingness to cling to
the straight and narrow is not
enhanced when we consider
that the only way to reduce
the temptation towards
manipulation is to ensure that
the political education of the
population is deepened and
the avenues for participation
in the political processes are
widened. But to do this is at
the same time to create more
critical judges of ones per-
And most politicians, and

certainly those in the Carib-
bean, are really quite ordinary
men. For such as these there
is really very little choice.
Manipulation is thrust upon
What recourse does a
population have against the
manipulation of its leaders?
In the short run there really
is none. For by its very nature
manipulation implies that the
truth is hidden from view.
The sad fact is that the
people can be fooled much
of the time.
But in the long run mani-
pulatipn is an exceedingly
dangerous game for any
politician to play. The very
ease with which it .can be
played is the poison which
addicts. And having success-
fully hidden one grievous
fault it becomes so much
easier to hide another and
Nonetheless there comes a
point in time when one is
forced into manipulation and
charlatanry not because of
any gains to be made or any
losses to escape but simply
because the ihanipulations of
an earlier day take their toll
in terms of .narrowing the
range of possible options one
can adopt. Expediency is a
jealous ally.
Subsequently the balance
of probability moves against
the manipulator. The accumu-
lation of error becomes too
large, too patently obvious
to be simply manipulated out
of eyesight and much too
large, much too intractable
for any last minute attempts
at serious amelioration.
When that time comes the
manipulator is faced with a
situation in which he can
neither go forward nor back-
ward. The resources for
manipulation shrink relative
to the problems that have to
be hidden. And that trust
which is the basis of both
good politics and bad is
rapidly eroded away.
For the PNM the chickens
are now coming home to roost
and it is a mighty flock.
Free Secondary Education
for all. Remember the rally-
ing cry in 1961. The messiah
was opening the gates of
privilege so that all his people
could enter in. But it was a
Trinidad and Tobago can-
not now afford to give free
secondary education to all its
childrenbeyond the age of
fourteen- It could afford to
do so even less in 1961. The
most that could have been
done then was what did in
fact take place. Such second-
ary education as was available
was made free.
It is not that the people
would have failed to under-
stand and appreciate the

truth had they been told
then. It was just that for such
a little bit of obfuscation
there were such great gains
to be made. For the PNM
elections are always round
the corrter.
But such are the lies that
bind. For by the time the
1968-1973 Education plan
was published there was -no
way to admit then what the
plan really said.
For behind .all the talk
about Senior Sec. and Junior
Sec. and Academic stream
and vocational stream and
conversion and non-conver-
sion, what the plan really
said is that only 3540% of
our students can receive free
secondary education beyond
the age of fourteen.
That is the plan. But how
do you explain this to people
who have been told all along
that a free secondary educa-
tion, past the age of fourteen,
is :c right of their child.
You cant. Too many risks
involved. So you don't. You
simply introduce the plan and
hope that the inevitable back-
lash will be averted as long as
possible. But that cannot
happen. For the storm does
break according to plan. And
all of a sudden the whole
country realises that come
September 60% of the sixty-
five hundred graduates of the
Junior Sec. School will be
turned out onto the streets.
And as the protest mounts

and the heat of parental anger
is to be felt all over the
country you are forced to call
an inglorious retreat. You are
forced to change the plan
from day to day. Indeed
planning is no longer a word
to be used.
The plan calls for 40%
of the graduates to move on
to further education. You
make an offer of 70%, and
when this does not satisfy
100%. In otherwords free
secondary education for, all.
Around you run around
then trying to squeeze more
children into overcrowded
schools and you shift here
and change there and the
South East students take to
the streets. "Hell no we wont
And you ask the denomina-
tional boards to convert but
they dig in their toes and wont
give an inch. And the Minister
of Health attacks the Boards
forgetting that he is a member
of a Government which signed
a Concordat with the Boards
and proclaimed it to be such-
a victory.
And the teachers and the
parents refuse to settle for
half measures and keep asking
all sorts of embarrassing ques-
tions which 'you cannot
And you would like to
run but you cant and the
walls come tumbling down.
And the chickens keep
coming home to roost.


Pamphlets by Lloyd Best

Black Power and National Reconstruction
Government and Politics of the West Indies
Prospects for Our Nation
The Political Alternative
Honourable Senators
Whose Republic?


The Afro-American Condition
The High Season of Crisis (1975)

Latest from Tapia

Participatory Democracy
We Are In a State
A Clear Danger

- C.V. Gocking
- Ivan Laughlin
- Michael Harris


SUNDAY JULY 13, 1975


Students from South East Port-o-Spain Secondary take to the streets.

From Shift -System Politics

To Make

Beau Tewarie

OF all the developments
during the continuing
escalation of the present
education crisis, the
recent demonstration by
students of the South
East Port-of-Spain Gov-
ernment Secondary,
prompted directly by a
decision of the Ministry
of Education to remove
that entire school com-
munity to- another loca-
tion, is perhaps the most
The decision by the
Ministry, the demonstra-
tion by the students, the
response of the guardians
of law and order, the fact
that the Ministry backed
down on the issue all
of them are equally dis-
turbing though for
different reasons.
The fact that grown men
can sit down together and'
actually come up with such a
monstrous idea is totally
beyond comprehension.. It is
another fine reminder that
the government regards our
people as a mass of statistics
rather than as human beings.
For, such a decision to have
been taken, human con-
siderations sociological,
psychological or educational
- must not have been admit-
ted into the deliberations at
It is -this same brutal
attitude- which' must have
prompted the Minister of
Education, in his television
address to the nation a few
weeks ago, to unleash a vicious
plan which sees juggling
statistics into available places
as a solution to the crisis.
The fact that students
resisted the attempt to .trans-
plant them into another com-
pound so vehemently, must

suggest to the Minister and
the Governmeit that there is
something more than mere
school places which is at
The students at South East
argued that they had endured
a lot of noise and discomfort
while buildings were going
up in the compound and
they did not understand why,
now that the noise had
gone and the buildings are
ready for use, they should
be asked to leave.
Obviously the students feel
that they have invested
something in the school.
Obviously too, school for
them means more than the
mere fact of attending classes
somewhere. The buildings
that they have inhabited, the
school compound, the en-
vironment, the particular
atmosphere that is part of
their school experience and
the climate that they have
helped to create, have all
become important to them.

Anyone who has attended
a school like Q.R.C. can tell
you that it has a certain
psychological atmosphere and
a sociology all its own, a
cultural climate even, that is
unique. This is what gives
the school its "character".
This is what gives the in-
dividual student- a sense of
belonging, because there is
something to belong to.
But the sense of history
and of tradition thathas given
Q.R.C. and other similar
institutions their "character"
is sorely lacking in most of the
Government Secondary
Schools. And it could not be
otherwise, because these
schools are new, the oldest
of them being slightly over a
decade old. Years of transient
generations must pass through
these schools to give them
something all their own. And

each community which
inhabits the school, at any
given time, will add a little
to that something.
The students.perhaps were
unable to articulate, this
but one suspects that un-
consciously it is one of the
many reasons for theirprotest
and rebellion. In any case:
educational planners should
be very sensitive about this
sort of thing.
If the government had
given any thought to human
considerations, it would have
occurred to them that the
teachers and students at South
East are people who together
make up the school com-
munity there. It might have
also occurred to them that
South East was made upiof a
group of children callously
thrown together by the Com-
mon Entrance lottery who
are desperately trying to build
a community in the midst of
a concrete jungle.
One of the ironies of the
government's blunder is that
it is going to bring the com-
munity closer together as the
sharing of a common experi-
ence, especially when it is a
crisis, often does.
It is difficult to believe
that the many competent
technicians and education
experts at the Ministry. of
Education did not raise pro-
tests about the South East
Secondary affair. In fact, I
am almost sure that they did.
The problem is that the
-Minister and the Government
do not wish to hear these
things. They merely want
their problems solved; which
is to say, that they want the
holes patched until the next
1 But the government will
continue to make decisions
like this, because, isolated in
their mansion of centralised
directives and Cabinet "notes"
they cannot sense the yearn-
ings of a nation struggling

desperately to find its feet.
The fact that students at
the school felt it necessary
to march or demonstrate is
something which must be
understood in its true per-
spective as well.
From the reports, it would
seem that the students got
wind of the idea that they
were to be transferred, and
they approached the principal
asking him to confirm or
deny the rumour. When he
told them that they were, in
fact, going to be transferred
to the Woodbrook Govern-

ment Secondaryit was then
that all hell broke loose.
In other words it was a
spontaneous uprising which
spilled out into the streets
when a student leader or
leaders suggested that they
march to the Ministry of
Education on Alexandra
It is obvious that these
students understood quite
well that neither the teachers
nor the school administration
that is, Principal and Vice-
principal could do any-
thing to help them.
Students understand quite
well the powerless positions
that teachers and principals
hold in the system, in rela-
tion to the Ministry. Any
clerk at the ministry can
phone in a directive that most
principals are willing to
The South East students
were being affected directly
by a governmental decision,
they knew that there were no
avenues available to them to
voice their protests. They
knew that the Principal and
staff were powerless to
challenge a Governmental
decree. So they marched into
the streets. It is as simple as
It is important to under-
stand how and why Principals
and teachers are constantly
abused by the Government.
Most teachers are afraid to
challenge the government or
the Ministry on any issue.
They are afraid of victimiza-
tion. This is a genuine fear.
After'all the government con-
trols their jobs, their salary
increases, their promotions,
their transfers, their scholar-
ships, and their study leave
In the highly centralised
system that exists now Princi-
pals are made to feel that
they are the representatives
of the Government and the
Ministry of Education in the
school. It is suggested that
their job is to carry out gov-
ernment's directives and
Continued on Page 10

-Shift Education

Our coverage of


is unsurpassed anywhere

for focus and point.

Keep abreast of the

real currents in the

Caribbean Sea.

Trinidad & Tobago $15.00 T.T.
CARICOM Area 25.00 W.I.
Other Caribbean 17.50 U.S.
North America 21.00 U.S.
United Kingdom -11.20 U.K.
Western Europe 14.00 U.K.
Bound Volumes 1973 $20.00 T.T.
Bound Volumes 1974 24.00 T.T.
Back Issues Available
Overseas Deliveries Airmail. Surface Rates on Request
Postage Extra on Bound Volumes.

Tapia, 82,St. Vincent St. Tunapuna,
Trinidad & Tobago, W.I. Telephone 662-5126.

PAG 4I~ TAPIA SUNI)AY- jLY 13;-975

WE don't have to look for evi-
dence of the collapse of the
social services, particularly the
health services. The last Annual
Report of the Ministry of Health
was in 1962, and that says, vain-
gloriously in the opening para-
graph that "epidemic diseases
'have been abolished in Trinidad
and Tobago." In 1970, we had
had epidemics of typhoid and
gastroenteritis, and were in the
throes of an epidemic of polio.
Since the development of the
poliomyelitis vaccines, the eradication
of polio is not a matter of research or'
of politics but of pure public adminis-
tration. And yet, at a time when polio
had been abolished elsewhere in the
world, we have epidemics.
This negligence was compounded
by the steps taken to deal with the
epidemic first, the knee-jerk reflex
of covering up the facts from the
public, and then the primitive nature
of the rules devised to control the
disease. Instead of making sure child-
ren were in school and then immunis-
ing them, you threaten parents that if
children are not immunised they will
not be admitted to school. You have a
- child under your hand and instead of
immunising him against disease you
turn him away and deprive him of
both his health and his education.
In a sphere closer to that of the
present Bill one has only to consider
the short supply of trained psychiatric
social workers, so vital to the operation
of the Bill. Such professionals are
being produced in the Caribbean, but
the Government is taking no steps to
recruit them. Where is the provision
for such recruitment in the 1975-
One of the health measures
which has recently received much
publicity is the enforcement of regula-
tions for the medical examination of
food vendors. An admirable decision
but no supporting provision of staff
to do the examining. So only when at
Carnival time there is a tremendous
rush of applicants for vendors' licences
does the Government suddenly take
desperate steps to get staff.
So let us make no mistake about
it the purpose for which the law
was presented -to us at this time, as
apart.from the good or bad potential of
the clauses comprising it, is precisely
to sweep out of sight the human
wreckage resulting from twenty years
of non-existent social policy. Whatever
the possibilities of the Bill on paper,

that can be its only effect.
This must be seen in the context
of statements and newspaper corres-
pondence about the unsightliness of
beggars and destitute individuals in
the streets of our towns; of five years
or more of police harassment of
"vagrant" (i.e. unemployed) youth;
about lies and half-truths about drugs;
about unnatural crimes and unnatural
punishments, and unailtural publicity
for both.
I have only to cite the statement
of His Worship the Mayor of Port-of-
Spain, Mr. Lakshmidatta Shivaprasad,
that concentration camps should be
built to house the destitute. This kind
of reaction means that Mr. Shivaprasad
is not the Mayor of Port-of-Spain:
Jimmy Breslin said of Richard Nixon
that he was "the President of every
town in the U.S.A. that does not have
a bookstore." Mr. Shivaprasad is the
Mayor of every citizen of Port-of-Spain.
who had a roof over his head and no
worries about his next niieal.

So quite apart from the potential
of the Bill as manifested in its
theoretical provisions, there can be
no doubt that in the present condition
of social services, the present officially
encouraged attitude to the drop-out
and the dispossessed, and the present
constitutional structure of the nation,
the only effect that the Bill can pos-
sibly have will be the removal of the
most detectably eccentric individuals
from the streets to institutions in
which their afflictions can flourish in
discreet social oblivion in other
words to psychiatric hospitals which
do not exist as such, and into the care
of professional staff who have not
been appointed; to be released, if at
all, to the mercies of after-care services
that are overburdened, understaffed,
underfinanced and demoralised.
Is there any operative concept
in the society, however vague, as to
what insanity is and the problems of
defining it and treating it? I am not
saying this is a problem that can be
solved. It can never be solved: it will
always be subject to legitimate social
tensions and disputes, and the best
thing one can hope for is that these
disputes will take place in good faith.
The trouble in this instance is
that it has never even been raised;
practically all we know about mad
people is that they bother us. "A
person found wandering at large on a
highway or in any public place, and

who by reason of-his appearance,
conduct or conversation a Mental
Health Officer has reason to believe is
mentally ill or in need of observation
may be taken into custody and
conveyed to (a) hospital or ward ..."
says Section 13 (1) of the Bill.

In other words, it you wander
about the road on foot, out of evident
touch with reality, you are ipso fact
suspected of insanity and clapped
inside; if you wander around the
woild in an aeroplane, out of evident
touch with reality, you are ipso facto
suspected of statesmanship and
This may be not' so great a
reduction ad absurdum as some may
think; I cite without comment the
case of former President Janio Quadros
of Brazil, who as long as he held
office was thought to be sane, but as
soon as he inexplicably went into
retirement was known tobe mad.
The poiiu I an making is that
the public debate centring on this Bill
thus far, has noti had any reference to
the central problem of defining
insanity and its several effects, and
therefore accepts the unstated notion
that the professionals those Mental
Health Officers and Psychiatric Hospital
Directors empowered by the Bill to
commit people to asylums have an
adequate idea themselves.
No doubt they have ideas, and
far more informed ones than I have;
but until those ideas are the subject of
a constant debate and exchange of
information between the professionals
on the one hand and the lay public
on the other, in other words in a more
satisfactory constitutional situation,
the powers given to the professionals
and in particular the Psychiatric Hos-
pital Director are far too great in
practice, even though they may be
irreducible in. the context of the law
it el f.
In other words, it is necessary
that not only the professionals but the
society as a whole know damn well
what it is doing when it decides to call
people crazy 'and commit them for
i reatineit. .
I have no wish to attack the
professionals, indeed I respect them.
Dr. Miclhael Beaubrun is doubtless a
competent and dedicated man. But
just as he is handicapped in his task as
a professional by the legislative and
administrative inadequacy of the gov-
ernment of .the last Iwenty years, so
am I, in my capacity as a legislator,
liandicapped in my functions by the

constitutional inadequacy of Par.ia-
It is no doubt his frustration, of
which he sees the Bill as an alleviation,
that leads Dr. Beaubrun, though a pro-
fessional, to play politics in his attempt
to get it passed, by making alarming
statements about the danger of rape
and murder by psychopaths at large.
It is certainly the lack of real
public debate that enables him to get
away without being questioned as to
how many crimes of this kind are com-
mitted by people known or even
detactable as insane prior to the
offence; and, conversely, how many of
the unfortunates whose insanity and
destitution are patent are in fact
potential criminals.
I am not saying that Dr. Beaubrun
is concerned only about preventing
crime and not about providing care for
the unfortunates I know. Dr
Beaubrun and I know that this is not
so. The point is that in the present
climate he feels such a statement is the
only kind that can have any weight.
What is less easily explicable is
his incursion into politics with his
statement on the Best-Manswell debate
that the kinds of increasing inequality
of income deplored by Tapia in
other words, the lack of a fair
incomes policy linked to a welfare
sector is a desirable thing from the
point of view of motivation of the
population to work.
Tapia has not been backward
in criticising the -unions, but an
opinion that relates motivation so
closely to income gaps in a society
ridden with unemployment and despair
cannot be the. serious opinion of a
professional psychologist or psychiatrist
My professional connection with
psychology is restricted to education,
but I know that even there motivation
is the vaguest of all psychological
Dr. Beaubrun is entitled, as is
anyone, to'a conservatism of outlook,
but the conservatism (or liberalism, or
whatever) of a Psychiatric Hospital
Director in the context of such a Bill
as this is unlikely to be counter-
balanced by any other force in a
society where constant political debate
- the constitutional prerequisite for a
bill such as this is lacking.
If the only possible reaction
left to the Government in the face of
neglected social services is the introduc-
tion of panic legislation, it is the duty
of Tapia to, assist the public to
understand the political realities which
determine the effects fall legislation.

Our printing-plant is open at
The Tapia House 82-84 St. Vincent
Street, Tunapuna.

Kindly phone orders to: 662-5126.


So to Conceal A

Greater Madness

Tapia Chairman Denis Solomon continues from last week his examination of the
Mental Health Bill.
This week he examines the inadequacy of health and social services without which
sioport the Bill is mere window dressing.

.. & L~$

_ ~ _~_~l~~-CI-~-----~---~----. ---


I-~- II I
-- --


SUNDllAY A)LYk~ 13; 1975


~BR" Ia 7 BP~ 1. p UB dLIS N


I! ii P-1 I

y~LE -
r~l~b~- ~


'I ~ ~ IU I J
F 1..ii~lir~ijj~:::' I
I ~n
~.- .
4~ :-

THE People's Progressive
Party is most happy to
be taking part for the
first time in a meeting of
fraternal Communist
Parties of Latin America
and the Caribbean.
We express our grati-
tude' to all those who
have made this possible.
And to the Communist
Party of Cuba and its
great leader, Comrade,
Fidel Castro, go our
special thanks for hosting
this Conference' and for
making all the elaborate
preparations in spite of
the many difficulties they
faced and the many
arduous tasks before
Despite setbacks as in Chile
and Uruguay, important and
significant gains have been
made particularly during the
past five years in Bangla
Desh, Portugal, Mozambique,
Guinea Bissau, Greece, Peru,
Panama, Argentina, Cambodia,
Laos and Vietnam, to name
some of them.

What greater gift could
the workers of the world have
received than the final defeat
of the U.S. imperialists and
their lackeys in Vietnam on
the eve of May Day, 1975.
Imperialism is in retreat and
rent asunder by internal con-
In our own hemispheres,
its aggressive policies and
machinations have Tailed
against the first free territory
of the Americas. Revolution-
ary Cuba stands as a bastion
of socialist strength a con-
stant reminder that there is
an alternative road leading to
peace, freedom and socialism.
We agree with the main
.line expressed in the Docu-
ment; namely- that the main
enemy of the peoples of the
Americas is U.S, Imperialism;
US imperialism; that it is the
duty of all the Latin American
Communist parties to take the
lead in uniting all the possible
forces against imperialism; to
isolate, weaken and destroy
The Document also cor-
rectly points out that while
our immediate goal is'anti-

imperialism, we cannot lose
sight of-our objective of
socialism, the attainment of
which will not be realized
without. he observance of the
democratic rights and civil
liberties of the people.
This point cannot be over-
emphasized. History is full of
examples where despite cer-
tain positive anti-imperialist
steps by' governments,
attempts; were made by them
at the same time to halt or
even to betray the revolution.

in this regard, it is impor-
tant not just to look at the
establishment of ,diplomatic
and other relations with the
socialist states and the expan-
sion of the public sector by
some nationalisation. Equally
important is consideration of
.the nature of the state.
In Guyana,. for instance,
nationalization is leading to
state capitalism coupled with
corruption, extravagance,
racial and political discrimina-,
tion and without basic dem-
ocracy at the trade union,-
industrial and central and
local governmental levels.
A minority regime is
rapidlyexpoundingthe military
bureaucratic apparatus, not
so much to defend national
sovereignty and territorial
integrity as to hold down the
vast majority of the people
and ,to deny them their fun-
damental rights.
For example, the army and
police are actively involved
in tampering with the elec-
toral process and in breaking

We must not forget that
the deepening crisis of capital-
ism, the widening gap be-
tween the developed imperial-
ist states and the developing
states in Asia, Africa and
Latin America and the conse-
quent worsening social and
economic -conditions of the
peoples have intensified the
national liberation and class
struggles, and have forced and
are forcing bourgeois-led
Social-Democratic and Chris-
tian-Democratic regimes to
make changes. All shades of
the liberal bourgeoisie are
calling for change. But what
kind of change?

ON April 7th last, Prime
Guyana, on a state visit
country's highest award,

to Cuba
the Jose

Forbes Burnham of
was accorded that
Marti decoration.

Last month, Cheddi Jagan was the only leader of a
Marxist political party in the'Eastern Caribbean, present
at the Congress of Latin American and Caribbean Com-
munist Parties Jheld in Havana.
Here we present an edited version of Cheddi Jagan's
address to the Havana Congress.

In the Commonwealth
Caribbean, where develop-
ments have always lagged
behind Latin America, a
similar process is 'developing.
The collapse of the West
Indies Federation in 1962
was the political expression
of the failure of the Puerto
Rican strategy of economic
planning for development.
What has also failed in
Latin America, and part-
icularly in Chile under Frei-
the Alliance for Progress and
the ECLA model is now
being introduced in the
English-speaking Caribbean.
"Joint ventures" isthe order
of theday.
And for the benefit of the
US transnational corporations
and for the penetration of
US monopoly capital in a
formerly exclusive British




preserve, was created in 1968
the Caribbean Free Trade
Area, now the Caribbean
Common Market (CARICOM),
.the Caribbean counterpart of
the Latin American Free
Trade Association, and the
Central America Common


In Guyana, in 1970, the
PNC minority regime talked
merely about -"meaningful
participation in bauxite" like
Frei's "Chileanization of
copper". But under intensive
political and ideological pres-
sure, mainly from the
People's Progressive Party, it
moved to nationalization.
Here too it is imperative
to make arnobjective appraisal.

With the failure of the first
UN Development Decade
(1960-1970) intense internal
political pressure and clamant
calls for national control of
natural resources and the
creation of a New World
Economic Order, petty-
bourgeois reformist regimes
are forced to make intemal
-changes, even to move to
nationalization, and to take
certain progressive steps in
foreign policy.
The recent recognition
of Cuba by Guyana and
other Caribbean States which
previously had a hostile
attitude to the Cuban Revolu-
tion must also be seen
against the background of the
changed position of US

Continued on Page 8




I _~ C 4 ~ JI ,I~a~gg

- ---- -"

- ---------- ----~~I~CID~C~IP~F~~n

__ n~ --c. --

QTTNr~nAV IfTI.V 1-3 1057


Q: I got the impression that he was suggesting
there was some correct role for intellectuals in this
process of finding self-knowledge. though one could
only infer what this correct role is from all that he
said the role should not be. What did you make of his
warning against using self-knowledge as a form of
political assertion?
A: From what I gathered, Naipaul saw this self-
knowledge as involving a private process whereby the
individual makes a descent into self to understand
himself. But for Naipaul the attempt to translate
what one learns thus into politics corrupts both the
individual and politics. There is this powerful sense
of politics as a corrupting influence,as something
which will taint that quest for self-knowledge. This
again is a feeling which grows powerfully out of a lot
of modem literature in particular Orwell, Solzhenit-
syn, Pasternak and others. It seems, therefore, that
the problem still arises: that havingmade this enquiry,
having analysed self and society with intellectual
rigour and honesty, what does one do with what one
has found?
This is where we are now in the West Indies:
we have analysed and analysed the situation and we
know what is wrong. There is still work to be done in
every field, but we have a fairly good idea of what is
wrong. Our problem is implementing this self-
knowledge. How do I translate my self-knowledge
into positive choice? What kind of alternatives can I
create through my political activity? How can I
influence the movement of politics? Somewhere along
the line, in Naipaul, a wall of irony comes up between
self-knowledge and the political situation. He sees
with clarity the possibility of self-knowledge being
corrupted, and it leads to a kind of paralysis.


Politics, it seems to me, requires a kind of
faith which self-knowledge ought to reinforce rather
than undermine. It's quite possible that the person
who translates self-knowledge into political action is
going to be in a tragic situation, where the realities
keep defeating the necessity for personal honesty all
the time.
In spite of this the challenge of faith still
remains. A challenge of faith which lies beyond all the
analysis, a faith in which one has to commit oneself
somewhere along the line. Maybe such commitment
could be to an ethic of personal efficiency in one's
job which would be a revolution in the West Indies.
If you got every worker committing himself to what
he would consider an honest day's work, that would
be a tremendous revolution. Maybe that's the kind of
choice that people would have to make, but it would
still require faith. I cannot divorce the quest for self-
knowledge from a desire to use, this self-knowledge
creatively in terms of politics.
Q: But to get back to the JFK Auditorium last
week, the large crowd of mainly Indian people who
turned out to hear Naipaul; his address and the
questions he was asked afterwards. I'd like to discuss
hbw you were struck, overall,by the occasion. Do
you think more could have been got out of Naipaul
in a different setting?-
A: I was very moved by his style of presenting
the lecture itself. It was a subdued, and quite sincere
style of presentation. I wasn't moved at all by his
approach towards the question-time; I didn't like it. I
see his problem the problem of being cast in the
role of a performer. It's a very difficult thing for a
writer in particular, for whom truth is a very complex
thing. Normally a writer has a conviction that his
writing constitutes his truth, and if his writing
comes out sopainfully and takes so much of hard
work, how do you expect him to crystallise that into
easily digested capsules for you to take away? I could
see that this was Naipaul's problem both here and at


It seemed to me that at Mona what he did
was to retreat behind the mask of irony and to treat
the whole thing as not being serious. In other words,
to talk less seriously than he writes. Here, last week,
his presentation was serious. Touchingly, he talked
about his father and that link which one sensed all
the time in A House For Mr. Biswas. That I liked. It
was when he was asked to make statements which
had not been prepared that the feeling of being called
on to perform seemed to arise again and he retreated
again behind this mask of irony.
Q: He did put on a kind of performance, didn't
A: Well, he performed; he trivialised everything
while claiming people were trivialising it. The whole
style of approaching the answers led to a trivialising
of the thing.
Q: But I think it was also true that some of the

A I_


questions had already been answered, eloquently, in
the course of his talk.
A: Still, he could have amplified on what he
had already said. Normally in a lecture you make
those points in a skeletal form which you are hoping
people will take up and develop later on. You don't
just simply take the position that "I made every
point in my lecture." In that case, you should enter-
tain no questions at all, if matter arising from the
lecture cannot be amplified. "Integration" and "race"
were matters on which people wanted to hear more
even though both are tiresome concepts.
I didn't know on what level one could have
questioned Naipaul. I didn't know what kind of
question, phrased in what kind of way, could have
elicited a civil answer. I felt that at some point
Naipaul decided "look, now they will want me to
perform", and right away the mask of irony comes
up. He adopts his BBC latter day coffe-house style of
evasion, mamaguys everybody, and at the end of it
nothing is said.
Q: But Naipaul did say, and the chairman con-
firmed it, that he hadn't come expecting to speak to
a large audience. He'd come expecting to speak to a
small, seminar kind of group, where there would be
more intimacy.
A: Well, the organizers were wrong then to have
this kind of occasion.
Q: I wonder if Naipaul's attitude could be
explained by the fact of his being placed unexpectedly
in the setting of the JFK Auditorium that night. It
did seem to me that Naipaul got some idea from
early that evening of what was wanted of him, as he
put it afterwards, and that he was determined not to
respond in the way that some people in the audience
clearly wished him to. Certainly,' there were some
present who wanted him to issue statements, from
his position of Oracle almost, in support of positions
they hold. Did you sense anything like this?
A: Yes, the writer as cult figure, as cult leader,
as shepherd as oracle as you say. In a way this is
what has happened to the detriment of Edward
Brathwaite but not to the detriment of his writing.
Brathwaite is a man who in his personal life retreats
from this kind of encounter. Throughout Walcott we
see this quest for privacy: the writer who is being
sandwiched into a position by this or that section of
a crowd, when the writer wants to keep his perspec-
tives free and open, to keep himself free to use his
intelligence as freely and as widely as possible.
For years, in teaching West Indian literature,
I have seen that students group around writers in
terms of race Indians blank Brathwaite; Africans
show a preference for Brathwaite on the grounds
that he's talking black people's business. The whites,
who are normally not very many, quite often flock
around Jean Rhys the idea of the alienated white
in the society. People in between flock around
Walcott and Wilson Harris because these two writers
seem to be talking about the mulatto. This defeats
and frustrates me a lot because my point is to
indicate the richness, complexity and underlying
similarity of the various aspects of the Caribbean
experience as reflected in the work of different
writers. I'm not too certain that Brathwaite is saying
anything all that different from Walcott. Though
Brathwaite dosen't use the concept of "mulatto",
he uses the concept of "creole" which, to me, is not


iennIe G

On West

Q7 ai 8s

/ Naipaul a

Would you consider going back to Trinid
I probably could go back now and
one who is not drawing sustenance from the
I didn't read the local papers, I took no
activity. I was there as someone who is not
In a general sense, you have made a philost
Yes, this possibly may be one of m
a kind of expatriate a man who's got a f
got a foot in so many different places and
world with a lot of sympathy I am un
anything or against anything: I find it is vi
have probably been rather feeble and non-in
and subscribe to everything that the groul

all that different from what Walcott means by
mulatto. In many respects, what Walcott means b}
this concept of "mulatto"'is that one should draw
on all the forces, and grow out of all the various
"grounds" that are in the society; to write, then,
informed by the full cross-section of influences that
exist. And what Brathwaite seems to say is that
you've got to give a far more positive identification
to that African element, simply because it has been
regarded as not existing. This more positive and quite
specific identification of the African presence in the
New World has disturbed a lot of people who had
assumed that there was no such thing.
Q: Naipaul spoke in terms of "we" at several
points when he talked of Trinidad Indians, and this
surprised me somewhat. Given his known stance of
almost disdainful detachment from the Caribbean
and its people, I didn't understand what this "we"
identification signified. Did you?
A: Regardless of whatever stance he has taken
outside of the group, we have to be careful, because
there's this whole question of masking again. The
apparent distance between himself and any ethnic
identification has been a matter of mask.I don't think
he has ever denied his roots in Hanuman House. He
wants to make it clear, however, that he is an
intelligent Indian, who is not simply prejudiced or
chauvinistic in talking about "we"; thathe is the kind
of man who looks at his own group critically. And
I think he does. I don't think there is anybody I know
whose criticism of his own group has been more
unflinching and more rigorous than Naipaul's.
But I don't think that means he would say
he isn't a member of that group.
Q: He did say, in answer to a question, that he
had been formed by the 18 years he'd lived in Trinidad
and all that had happened after, and he's past 36
now isn't he? And one wonders if he needed to say
'"e" to identify with all the strivings and aspirations
however wrong-headed he might view them of
Indian people in the West Indies.
A: Well, there was one line in his piece on Malik
published in the Sunday Times which struck me as
fascinating. It was in that brief section he devoted to
the 1970 march to Caroni when he used words to the
effect that the Black Power marchers almost contami-
nated the Asiatic countryside. I found it a strange
interpretation of what seemed to be a romantic but

LILY 13. 1975

an/ Concludes # is

' Witb o don Rohleb

-Indian W itet And

Vid Naipaul.

eek Roblehb Discusses

, Political Wo ld As Seen In /i Woiks.

ngI i

n Himself

i and working there?
live without becoming involved, as some-
sland. I spent a few weeks there recently:
part in any kind of political or cultural
involved in any way.
)hy of non-involvement, It seems.
great failings.'Because of my position as
ot in so many different places and who's
vho's able to look at different parts of the
ble to take decisive action on behalf of
fy hard to be against. I am aware that I
olved. I find it very hard to join a group
believes in. Naipaul in New Zealand 1972

genuine gesture: namely that the march was a viola-
tion of something that that was pure and whole.
It was a notion, very current in 1970, that
the movement consisted of lazy, unemployed or un-
employable blacks. Many people did not have a shred
of compassion for that tremendous distress which
existed and exists, ana which led the marchers to
make the kind of identification which they attempted
to make. The idea that these marchers were going to
Caroni to contaminate Asiatics if twisted or intensified
somewhat, is not so different from the idea that
"they coming to rape we women" which is where a
slightly hysterical mind, beginning from the point of
view of contamination, can end up.
-This is a misinterpretation of what that
particular gesture of 1970 meant. What has happened
since then, is that the counter-movement to 1970
has occurred in 1975; the same farmers and workers
in Caroni feel the need to march but are divorced
from the same urban unemployed. The two things
happen separately, and are countered and defeated
separately. So the vague hope held out by the Caroni
gesture in 1970 and the ULF gesture in 1975 are
frail possibilities of something the society probably
wants, but which has to become far more real than
it has been.
Q: So if there were any of us who were taking
Naipaul's disdainful stance towards Trinidad and the
Caribbean and all of this "third world's third World"
as an indication that he wishes to hold himself
severely apart and aloof from the mess that exists
down here, then we were only being taken in by this
mask thatyou speak about?
A: I don't know. I don't know how he is going
to make the transition between the use of a word
such as "we"which implies some sort of identification
with the' people here, and confronting the real
situation. When I say "we", I mean we who are living
here now, working here now and attempting to dd
something now in this situation. I do not think that
Naipaul means this at all. The relationship of a writer
to hit society is often a complicated affair. The pro-
blem is compounded in the West Indies by the fact
that not many writers have been able to live here. If
Naipaul wanted to live here, he couldn't do it. So one
can't hold the view that if a man isn't living here he
can't be part of our mess. Certainly in so far as
Naipaul continues to talk about it, to write about it,
in so far as-it continues to bother him, one might say

that he has identified with it in some sort of way. 1
don't think, though, that one can see this as being a
political identification. By political I mean taking a
positive, creative role in a particular movement. I
don't see how this could be done without his actually
being here. Nor do I see him as the sort of person
who would do this. But does one want to demand this
from a writer? In some societies, particularly those
which have undergone revolution, the writer is forced
into taking a particular stand, and that quite often
kills a lot of good writers.
Q: What did you think bf Naipaul's reference
to those West Indian writers who have dried up after
only a few books? I think I remember your making a
similar observation once about Martin Carter who
dried up after a few poems. Would you say the
destitution of the society, as Naipaul put it, has had
anything to do with this premature drying of the
creative stream?
A: It's not simply the destitution of the society
in the case of Carter. It's the failure in faith. He had
placed his faith in a political movement, one defined
in fairly rigid Marxist terms with a greal deal of-
rhetoric, and1what shattered him was the viciousness
with which Britain struck back. It was a soul-shatter-
ing experience, the first of its kind in the West Indies,
in that it came just after the franchise, when self-
government that is to say, some sort of transitional
relationship between pure crown colony and indepen-
dence waslooked forward to. Within a few hundred
days or so, the whole thing is shattered, the leaders
are imprisoned, statements are issued to the effect
that so long as Jagan retains his policies, Britain is
not going to allow him to be in power again. That
split Guyana in a way that Guyana hasn't recovered
from. And these are the forces particular political
pressures in Guyana which caused Carter to dry up.
Q: Naipaul did suggest as well that this pre-
mature drying up might be due to "a limited talent
at work or at play. "
A: Yes, fair enough. But if you check on the
publishing trade, you'll find that the West Indies is
quite remarkable. A significant writer is normally one
in about three, four, five thousand perhaps. Look at
the publishing trade the number of novels that are
published, the paper which is consumed on all kinds
of popular literature. A great deal of literature is
churned out each year according to formula. These
writers are writing to make money.Then you have
people who are writing to express something. When
you add all these together, it's a very small percent-
age of people who produce anything at all of any
Now, in the West Indies, 'with the majority
of people still not having got secondary education, we
have produced N.aipaul, Walcott, Brathwaite, Harris,
Lamming all of whom have performed significantly
on a world forum. -How many people are writing?
Maybe it's about one hundred. And we've got a
number of significant writers. If there is a lack of
talent, it's a universal thing.
The destitution in the society is what impels
people to write rather thah what inhibits them from
writing. Most of modern literature grows out of a
sense of waste and destitution. T.S. Eliot's The
Wasteland is written 'out of a total disillusionment
with European civilization. B&ckett questions every
area of achievement in Europe, particularly its philo-

sophy, which is based on the concept of Cartesian
rationalism: "I think therefore I am". The concept
of a destitute society is something which is quite
universal to modern literature. You'l-find it in all the
existentialists Sartre, Camus etc. You'll find it even
in the titles of some of the books Nausea, The Out-
sider -the sense of the individual not only being
removed from a society, but somehow being removed
from his natural functions as an individual.
So that it is not peculiar to start with a sense
of a society and a civilization itself as destitution.
Modern literature does not allow one the illusion of
believing in superior and inferior civilisations. Destitu-
tion is an universal phenomenon.
Thus rather than cite destitution or lack of
talent as reasons why some writers have produced
only one or two books, I would argue that the very
fact that a man might have wanted honestly to
express what he felt about a situation in writing is a
positive for our society.

What we must then question is the honesty
of the effort, and whether there is any achievement at
all. Obviously there are good writers and bad writers.
If a man writes only one good book, it is a contribu-
tion towards the construction of a tradition. Take
John Donne, one ot those writers who have gotten a
niche in the great tradition; most of his poetry
was baa. It's only about twenty or twenty-five of
his poems that the critics consider. And bulky
writers like Wordsworth, Tennyson or even Milton are
terribly boring. These people have built a tradition
not by cutting down their writers who have written
one book, but by including them within the whole
edifice of their tradition. It would worry me if no
writer were able to make any kind of statement, if
the destitution and pressures in the society were so
great as to defeat any kind of statement.
Walcott in a review of Denis Williams's
Other Leopards has made the point that schizoids
often have more to talk about than other writers.
I think that Naipaul ducked that very important
question: "If you think that the West Indies is void
or nothing, how come you write about it all the time
if your theory is, that this destitution or this
nothingness inevitably defeats writing." The answer
he gave last week is that his writing is a triumph over
this sort of thing. There is nothing peculiarly West
Indian about that. From earliest times the notion of
art as a triumph over time, death, chaos, and human
limitations, has been propounded. The concept of art
as an arrangement of chaos, and of tragedy as catharsis,
as a way of imposing form on the chaotic nature of
human experience, is the most conventional notion
of the artist that there is ...
Q: But do you thinkNaipaul really believed that
that his art was a triumph over the limitations of
the society? Couldn't it be that he was advancing that
view, slickly, as a .way of ducking the question?
A: I think he believes it. I think the figure of
Biswas painting his signs and of Kripal Singh writing
his memoirs as a way of organising chaos is a very
real figure, but a conventional figure. It exists for
example, in Beckett's trilogy. It's there in Dostoevsky's
Notes From Underground, and in -Ellison's Invisible
Man. The whole concept that you need a strong social
framework,a- definable culture and tradition in order
to write at all needs to be carefully examined. Art has
generally grown out of chaos. Of course, you need
intelligence to move beyond a particular point; you
need to read beyond the initial surface experience
of the society; you need to supplement your actual
experience with vicarious experience which you learn
froin literature and other writers. If Naipaul's assert-
ing that the society, is against the artistic function in
that people don't buy books, well, yes, that's one
thing. But if he's saying that there's something wrong
with the experience itself that defeats writing, then I
can't accept that at all.

You need to differentiate between kinds of
artists. There are artists who need this society,
generally those rooted in the folk like calypsonians,
who need to be buoyed up and sustained. Samuel
Selvon is such a writer. He has withered through loss
of contact with the society on which his sensibility
fed. There are other artists who derive greater in-
spiration from literature than from life.
Another thing which defeats the theory
about destitution is that people coming from a com-
plex tradition such as the British are today writing
very little of value. Any writer whom you could put
on an English modem 20th century literature course,
who seems to say anything of value, is either a
British colonial or an Englishman who can't tolerate
England and who broadens his experiences by travel.
This business about the destitution of the society
leadingg to a limitation of statements is an idea we
nave to refute completely.


From Page 5

imperialism to the question
of peaceful coexistence in
general with the socialist
As regards Cuba, political
considerations weighed more
heavily than purely economic
considerations for the US
ruling class, and thus there
were contradictions and
vacillations with respect to
the lifting of the OAS block-
ade on Cuba.

In the Caribbean, however,
because of the small size of
the CARICOM market (about
4 million) US subsidiaries,
like their Argentine counter-
parts, and the localbourgeoisie
wanted the door opened to
the expanding Cuban market.
In such a situation and in the
face of popular internal pres-
sure the recognition of Cuba
became a political necessity.
Clearly what is being wit-
nessed in the composition of
the petty-bourgeois regimes
are two distinct trends. In
the case of Latin America
and the Caribbean, the trends
are more polarized because
of the aggravated nature of
the national liberation

In some cases there is a
rightist trend towards authori-
tarian or even fascist dictator-
ship. Where pro-imperialist
economic planning strategies
and policies, domestic and
foreign, are pursued, there is
the worsening of the condi-
tions of the people due to
higher, tax burdens to meet
the costs of increasing debt
charges and a burgeoning, and
most' often, corrupt bureau-
With the inevitable dis-
satisfaction and discontent,
nationalism leads to suppres-
sion and denial of civil
In other cases, revolution-
ary nationalism is taking steps
against imperialism. Whatever
the motivation for these
steps, they must be regarded
as positive; they help to
weaken imperialism and must
be supported.
Such support, however
must be critical support, to
ensure that the Communist
Party plays its vanguard
role, and is able continuously
to exert pressure so as to
influence the course of
future development. It must
be the duty of all fraternal
communist parties to ensure
that basic democracy is pre-
served and that no steps are
taken, whether legal or admin-
istrative, to liquidate the


Guyana presents a unique
case in the continent. When
the PPP .was in the govern-
ment for its second term
(1957-54), the People's Na-
Stional Congress (PNC), taking
a strong anti-communist and
anti-Cuban position, adovcated
democratic socialism. It col-
laborated with Anglo-Ameri-
can imperialism and the
Central IntelligencejAgency.
The same CIA methods and
subversion that were tried

SUNDAY JULY 13, 1975

Jagan at Havana

and tested in Guyvana in 1963
were used in Chile a decade
later in 1973. It came to
power on a minority vote
(40 per cent) and in coalition
with the ultra-righit United
Force (12 per cent) in Decem-
ber 1964 when the PPP
polled 46 per cent.
US-imposed pro-imperialist
domestic and foreign policies
led to the early 1970's to
serious economic conse-
quences and a grave crisis of
confidence. The 1966-72
Development Plan, based on
the Puerto Rican model, pre-
maturely collapsed in 1970.
With emphasis placed on
infrastructural (roads, sea
defences, airports and air-
strips, stellings and public
buildings) and not industrial
and agricultural development.
the productive forces did not
develop sufficiently to cope
with the rapidly expanding


Consequently, unemploy-
ment increased and now stands
around 30 per cent of the
labour force, and is even
higher among youths. Under-
employment too is grave.
This has led to a large-scale
rural-urban migration" and' to

a grave crinle siluatio)n.
Also production did not
expand sufficiently to meet
debt charges wlicl increased
from G$10 million in 1964
to G$46 million in 1974 on
a rapidly expanding national
debt which escalated from
G$127 million to G$813
million in the same period.


Simultaneously, the bureau-
cracy has rapidly expanded
from 10 ministries under the
PPP government in 1964 to
27 in 1975 with big salaries
and allowancesfor the benefit
of a ruling elite. Personal
emoluments (salary payments)
have skyrocketed from G$27
million in 1964 to over
G$100 million in 1975.
The burden of debt pay-
ments and a too-heavy admin-
istration was placed on the
backs of the workers with
increased taxation and cuts
in social services. Budgetary
allocation for the latter
declined from 45 per cent in
1964 to 35 per cent in 1975
with grave consequences for
the health and welfare of the
Erosion of living standards
has led generally to discon-
tent, and particularly to dis-

Burnham accused

illusionment in the rank and
tile of the ruling party.
The regime's response to
growing criticism and dis-
satisfaction is repression,
denial of civil liberties, and
extensive electoral fraud in
1968 and 1973. At the 1973
general election, the amny
in tervened, seized ballot
boxes, transported them to
army headquarters where they
were tampered with. And
this year, dhe armed soldiers
and policemen were used to
attempt to break the strike of
the sugar workers.
At the same time, certain
anti-imperialist steps have
been taken which we have
helped to bring about. We
see as our duty constantly to
apply mass pressure for the
completion of the anti-
imperialist national revolution.


Unfortunately, demagogy
in the fomr of "co-operative
socialism", namely, the false
idea that socialism will be
achieved by means of co-
operatives, offers the excuse
for not, dismantling the im-
Sperialist'socio-economic struc-
ture. It also poses The
danger of developing form of


signing secret military


PRIME Minister of Guy-
ana, Forbes Burnham,
who, on a recent visit to
Cuba was presented with
that country's highest
award for, among other
things, his "consistent
struggle against imperial-
ism," has been accused
of signing and maintain-
ing what amounts to "a
military pact between
Guyana and the United
States of America."
The charges were levelled
last week at a press confer-
ence held in Georgetown by
representatives of the Working
Peoples Alliance.
The Alliance, a combina-
tion of various radical groups
in opposition to Burnhams
Peoples National Congress,
includes in its ranks ASCRIA,
led by Eusi Kwayana, the
Ratoon group and IPRA.
(Indian Political Revolution-
ary Association).
The Alliance's charges stem
from the discovery of certain
clauses in an agreement be-
tween the United States and
Guyana which was signed by
Burnham on the occasion of
the return of the U.S. military
airbase at Atkinson Field to
Guyana on May 26th 1966.


The Alliance is charging
that the agreement gives to
the United States the right
a) to fly its armed forces
into Guyana and to use the
Timehri Airport on a tempo-

with U.S.A

rary basis, for unlimited
periods of time and as often
as they wish.
b) to bring into Guyana
not only armed forces but
contractors and other work-
ers and to put down installa-
tions of any type,
c) to have any personnel
brought in under the agree-
ment exempt from Ihe normal
immigration requirements,
d) to have its personnel
bring in any materials free of
duly and to make purchases
in Guyana free of duty.
In addition all these rights
extend for "at least seventeen
years" ill other wolds at least
until 1983.
The Alliance also charged
that Burnllhau "perh aps unwil-
tingly" has tried to mninimise
the grave implications of lhe
agreement t.
Referring to a speech given
by Burnhlam in Guyanai in
January 196(6. three montilhs
before tlie defense agreement n
was signed, they pointed out

that on that occasion he had
stated that his Government
"will not tolerate the estab-
lishment of any military base
aimed at aggression against
any of our neighbours or any
nation in the hemisphere."
The Alliance however feels
that any such position is
directly contradicted by the
agreement which clearly states
that it concerns "practical
future co-operation with res-
pect to the defence of the
Western Hemisphere and to
the maintenance of interna-
tional peace and security."

The embodiment of this
principle in the agreement
along with all the other rights
given to the United States
therein makes Guyana one
with all tlhe other "client
states" in the hemisphere.
The Alliance revealed that
in a letter sent to Prime
Minister Forbes Burnhant they
demanded that the Govern-
ment should repudiate the
treaty and publish all political
and military agreements will
the United States.
The letter to the Prime
Minister also slated that it
was the considered opinion
oft the Alliance that "tlh,
neo-colonial i elClionslhip"
which the tre.ilv revealed liha
its r lle ctio1 in i "lthe luppri-s-
sion of liberal origanis:alioiris.
the exploitation of lihe
Imasscs, the L lcsppiession r l
ilforillalilonl ;a d st.1111iii 11' ouil
of revoluliollary erilicisil

Guyana unlike any other
country 'in the hemisphere
presents the unique opport-
unity for a rapid completion
of tihe national liberation
revolution. There is no
immediate danger of a mili-
tary coup as the army is not
of the traditional Latin
American type, but is the
creation of the regime itself.
And there is no strong ultra-
rightist force which can act
as a base for CIA subversion.


Only political opportunism
prevents a determined move
forward. Even the limited
anti-imperialist steps are
compromised, as for instance,
by the appointment of Philip
Bros, the subsidiary of the
giant South African Anglo-
American Corporation, as the
sales agent of the nationalized
Guyana Bauxite Company.
And the training of techni-
cal personnel, police and
military officers in countries
such as Brazil, Malaysia,
United States and the United
Kingdom, and the building of
a highway linking Guyana and
fascist Brazil with technical
help and aid from the U.S.
genderme in Latin America,
poses,a danger to the anti-
imperialist direction.


And unless the tendency
towards military-bureaucratic
form of rule and the deliberate
administrative strangling of
the PPP is counteracted by
other processes taking place
in favour of the involvement
of the masses and democrati-
zation, there is also the
danger of the anti-imperialist
process being retarded and
of the inhibition of the un-
folding of the full potential
of the anti-imperialist and
democratic movement.
Nevertheless, the balance
of forces continues to change
in favour of national libera-
tion. Leftist elements, which
attacked us before 1973 as
revisionist and non-revolu-
tionary but against which we
always took a critical and
principled position are now
working with us a process
which was facilitated by
attitude and behaviour of the
Chinese government in Guy-
ana. Also with two other
small petty-bourgeois parties
we have a working relation-
ship for united action.
The trade unions which
were compromised by ORIT
and the CIA are in a state of
flux. Faced with growing con-
tradictions, their actions in
certain circumstances cor-
respond to our positions.


The perspective is opening
up for the broadest unity of
action of the patriotic forces
in the struggle for democracy
and against imperialism.
Similar trends are develop-
ing in many areas of the
Caribbean. Consequently, we
of this part of the hemisphers
which is somewhat isolated
from the Latin American
mainstream look forward to
receiving firm solidarity from
Ithe other Latin American
Communist parties for the
struggle against imperialism
and for democracy.

-- ---


SUNDAY JULY 13, 1975

Beau Tewarie gives hs impressions of

the final .Session of the Symposium on



MANY things which are,
perhaps, well known to
most of us became all the
more apparent after the
panel discussion on
"Challenge and Change:
East Indians in the Carib-
bean" held at the J.F.K.
auditorium on June 29th.
There is a definite problem
of race in this society; sus-
picion, jealousy and racial
antagonisms are rife.
(2) Race and politics in the
perception of many and in
the minds of a good few are
still inseparable.
(3) There is something in
the everyday experience of
Indians in this country which
encourages a fair number of
them to see themselves as
victims of racism within the
(4) With very few excep-
tions, Indians in general are
hostile to the oppressive and
racist PNM regime.
(5) Some Indians tend to
equate PNM oppression and
racism with African oppres-
sion and racism.
(6)-There is no such whole
eAtity as the "Indian Com-
munity It is a fragmented,
suspicions, insecure, leaderless,
group searching desperately
to find its bearings, very
much like the whole nation
(7) The generally low level
of comments, observations
and questions and the spurious
reasoning which characterized
the session reflect an almost
total lack of political educa-
tion and a failure to come
to terms with the extent to
which our weaknesses have
been exploited by political
(8) The Indian community
is merely part of an entire
society looking for easy
answers and simple solutions
to what are, in fact, very,
very complex problems.
(9) Many Indians feel a
genuine sense of disposession
in this society, which tends
to reinforce the minority
psychology and encourages
them to see Indian problems
as separate from those of the
larger society and as such
they tend to lack a national
(10) Because the issue of
race is such a sensitive one,
both' Africans and Indians
have a tendency to be less
than rational in their approach
to the whole problem of
(11) There is a 'certain
naivete in the country's
understanding .of power,
power relationships and the
structure ofpower here.
(12) There is a stirring in
the Indian community which
political opportunists and
ruthless political aspirants
may well attempt to exploit.
The Indian community must
be careful that it is not stirring
in its sleep.
Against this background I

would like to make a few
other observations which seem
to point in an altogether
different direction.
As the population of this
country in general, is young
(75% under 34 years of age)
young leadership and potential
young leadership is beginning
to emerge everywhere in the
society. The Indian com-
munity is no exception.
Young Indian leadership
can be divided into three
categories. The first is that
growing number of young
Indian intellectuals who feel
that they have a special res-
ponsibility to the Indian com-
munity as a separate entity.
The second is a small
group of "Marxists" who
believe that the problem of
race can be easily dismissed
when it is replaced by the
problem of "class" and who
talk about a "class struggle".
They find the class analysis
more meaningful than racial
The third category, also
growing in number, can be
classified as those who recog-
nise that the bulk of the
Indian and African population
is suffering at the hands of a
repressive elitist regime that
has perpetually exploited race
in its own interest and who
understand that to think in
terms of race is the one way
to ensure that this regime
entrenches itself more firmly
in command. The destiny of
the two peoples, they see as
inextricably bound together.
The emergence of young
voices, together with growing
political consciousness, height-
ened by conflicts in the sugar
belt, have made Indians in
general, like the rest of the
population, much more vocal
and militant now, because
they too, like the bulk of the
population, feel locked out
of the political system.
As such they form part of
the majority of the dispos-
sesed population here who/
are demanding a larger say
and the right to participate in
and influence, the political
process in their country,
which is to say that the
Indian population, like the
whole country, is crying out
for representation and partici-
While the country -as a
whole is raising a resounding
cry for participatory politics
perhaps from different points
of view and even in separate
racial camps, many young
Indians and Africans are also
beginning to understand just
how both races have been
used manipulatively in the
As a result this group of
young people understand in-
stinctively that for us to make
a breakthrough in Trinidad
and Tobago, it is necessary to
transcend the barriers of
race, once and for all.
Yet, there are many arro-
gant -and idiotic attitudes

which still persist. One African
man, during the course of
Saturday's discussion, said
that if Indians want to share
power, they should join the
PNM; and one Indian man
said that Indians should take
power and look after them-
selves for the next twenty
From the cautions res-
ponses of the majority of
people in the auditorium,
however, it is pmy impression
that the majority of the Indian
population, like the vast
multitude in the country, are
open to rational persuasion.
In any case I believe that the
country has been too highly
politicised over the last few
years to fall for the same old
bag of tricks.
I may be naive, a supreme-
optimist and all that, but I
suppose, for the sake of my
own sanity, and my hopes for
this nation, I have no other
Finally I would like to
make two.other observations
I was, frankly, quite surprised
that the panel discussion
turned out to be so overtly

political and

that politics so

dominated the afternoon's
In retrospect, however, it
is quite understandable. In
the absence of any valid
political forum in which
people can express their
views, complaints, protests
and so on, new avenues are
being sought, created and
In a situation in which
government is almost totally
devoid of politics, politics is
fast becoming the pre-occupa-
tion of our daily lives. Every
discussion, therefore, turns
into a political discussion,
every occasion becomes a'
political occasion, every forum
is transformed into a political
While politics was ever
present, what was noticably
absent from the discussion
however, and what is
absolutely necessary, is self-
examination and self scrutiny.
There was a marked ten-
dency to blame any and
everybody else and a failure
to accept any responsibility
.for anything at all. It would
seem that this is becoming a
cultural trait in this society.
This is fine if one wants to

whip up sentiment or find a
scapegoat, but it is totally
inadequate if one wants to
tackle problems honestly and
solve them.
The Indian population, the
African population, the
Chinese, Syrians, Europeans
every manjack in this
country has to understand
that this nation is ours now.
Any problem here is our pro-
blem and we have to deal
with it ourselves.
We are responsible for our
destiny here and we must
grow up and act as though we
are capable of looking after
ourselves and, most important,
we must deal with our pro-
blems honestly.
The sole obstacle to this,
is the regime which now con-
trols the state. In order to
move that obstacle it is neces-
sary to close ranks.
If Indians and Africans
are still suspicious ofdomina-
tion by the other group in
any sphere, then the greatest
security for both, is active
participation in the move-
ment for change that is going
to bring the old regime
tumbling down.
Africans and Indians can
achieve nothing by talking
about each other. We havefto
talk with each other and we
must work to set up the struc-
tures that will allow equal
and fair participation for all.
It is my firm belief, how-
ever, that the largest number
of people here, all kinds of
people, want a chance to
make this land into a real
home. I feel strongly that the
vast multitude of us will do
exactly that.

SWegoto any.

length to do

our job !

SWe installed suspended ceilings ontwo of AMQCO'S
offshore production platforms over twenty miles out at'sea some
time ago. It was a.h'ew experience for us, but it vWas all part'of
our job The Industial and Building Products Division of
:' L. J.Williams Limited.
S Apart from installing suspended ceilings, we also construct
Shop fronts and partitions for business places, install NACO
Louvre Windows and custom. built Roller Shutters. and apply the
ultra modern 'Flecto finish' to walls and floors
,- -, Also,'we supp/ Kwikset locks. Gibbons Ironmongery,
'-..- --.. world-famous Evo-Stik 528 adhesive and Resin-W woodwork
adhesive Jbiboard- laminated plastic sheeting and Ibi Ace
-.-decrative plywood, and.more 7 .
S- f.wIehaye- service you could ise, give us.aoeall at'62- 6. ,,-
W---: lt g to an length to help'fou. .

'luina c-.I -.

7-V E-'

SUNDAY JULY 13, 1975

From Page 3

defend the government's
position whenever necessary..
so they are caught between
seeking the interest of the
school community and loyalty
to the Ministry of Education.
It is perhaps because the
students at South East tinder-
stand the system and the
power relationships within
the.system so very well that
they decided to demonstrate.
Besides, what other ave-
nues are there for protest in
this country any way? How
can one react to abuses suf-
fered at the hands of the
system? One cannot march,
demonstrate, hold public
meetings, what can one really
Yet we all know that the
students were breaking the
law. It was an illegal demon-
stration. So the forces of law
and order came out to do
their duty.
Can one imagine police-
men with night sticks block-
ing the way of demonstrating
students who are marching
to the Ministry of Education
with a legitimate grouse be-
cause their teachers and their
Principal are in no position
to help them?


How can the police inspec-
tor who reminded the stu-
den'ts of the brutality of
March 18th in San Fernando

justify his statements? Have
we reached the stage in this
country where the forcesof
law and order have to pro-
tect the. government from
the children of this nation
with night sticks and threats?
The truth is that the gov-
ernment would like this entire
nation to be a nation of nice
docile children who .follow
all the rules that the authori-
tarian administration lays down.
And anytime we docile child-
ren get out of line, we get our
arses cut and more severe
laws are laid down to keep
us further in check.
This is the pattern. The
government does not wish to
be challenged by any of its
rebellious children, be they
young or old. And as it lacks
moral authority, it is quite
prepared to use physical
Yet the government, ever
mindful of the political
dimension, gave in to the

students' demands. Because
children, even rebellious child-
ren, have parents and parents
have votes. In any case, edu-
cation is a real problem for
the government. The_ can
cope with crises elsewhere,
but not in Education. Educa-
tion is this government's
pfide and joy. They have
built more schools, they have
created more places, they
have a 15 year plan, they
have opened up the system.
Nothing must go wrong with
Education now, especially
with the politics of Ed ucati on.
But the whole plan has
already gone haywire. Al-
ready they are talking of
revising the plan. And the
only reason that the plan has
gone haywire is because they
have been playing politics
with it.
So there is a clamour for
100% Junior Secondary
Graduate placement, the gov-
ernment anxious to please
says okay 100% placement.
Scrap the plan! Until elections
Now that they have for all
intents and purposes, scrapped


the plan, a. myriad of pro-
blems is sure to follow. Come
September the Education pot
that will simmer throughout
ite long vacation, is going to
begin to boil and perhaps
blow up like a volcano.
iThe South East affair is
only the first of these. And
they have backed down. But
on how many more issues are
they going to back down?
The whole country senses the
utter weakness of the govern-
ment's position and everyone
recognizes the political game
that the government is play-
ing, so now everybody is
going to try to cash in.
That is why the denomina-
tional boards are in such a
strong position and that' is
why they are organising the
parents now so that they can
flex their muscles later.
What, in heaven's name, is
going to happen. to the plan?
Already there is talk about
the two tier system versus the
comprehensive school system.
Is there going to be some
debate about this now, when
Ralph Romain extolled the
virtues of the two tier system

to principals and teachers in
Secondary Schools some
years ago, after the Maurice
plan for Comprehensive
Schools was discarded.
And will the denomina-
tional boards now have their
way? Will the elitist schools
continue to function in the
same way? And finally, how
will Educational Policy for
this nation be affected? In
other words, what is going
to happen to Education,

All of these questions, all
the rumblings and fumblings,
all of these blunders could
have been avoided, if the
government of this country
was genuinely interested in
quality Education andhad the
guts to take the hard steps
necessary to bring this about.
The signs now are clear.
The entire education system
is falling apart and the whole
thing needs to be reorganised.
No meaningful reorganization
will come however, as long as
the present incompetent
regime can hang on to the
power of the state.

Out In The

Wide World

Roger McTair

Out in the wide world
I long for the mad concupiscence
of home.

No romantic notion this.
Just a hankering for that vibrancy
chaotic and crude
that sculpts my hot streets.

Out in the metropolis,
the universal city, I need
a close communion; blood-
shot eyes of friends, niggers
in jiggers, streetcorner

# i ___ i_

pontificators, classic rumdrinkers,
legendary woman-fockers and
creatively constructed posturers.

Out in the wide world
style and swagger
suffer, barely exist;
while home, style replaces function,
overwhelms direction,
effect masquerades as subtlety.

I have a place in this wide world -
Home. Chaotic and vibrant,
a sweep of hot, sad, hungry streets

Spinning the trinity of I
Ching in this neo
colonial caribbean whirlpool

the sunken navel of the mainland.
Scattered islands tell a future
in gold, in cane, in oil,

golden people, sweet beaches, oily
leaders playing remora
waiting on a monster.

Shark pool terrestrial molars
in the gulf's mouth,
the seine's corks drawn towards the beach

tyrant, hurricane, volcano, earth
quake the banded stars enthrall
us in reflected dreams.

Step fisherman island stones,
lead us over Mexico's paria serpent
seer and dragon protection.

Trapped we beat the water's skin
calling the swordsman to the circle,
cut us loose, cut us loose, we done los'

bass cut cutter cut cutter bass
cutter cutter cut bass
fly, fly, flying fish.

February blossomed
to the tramp of feet;Power
in the air.
Mandancing left his razor home
and marched the streets
a man among men,
Stokeley's spirit marched
with the hard, hot happy crowd.

Where this march going? Mandancing
Thru Belmont, a brother say,
thru Woodbrook, maybe
San Juan, we might end
in Arima.
Leh we go, Mandancing say.

Where are the marchers of '70?

Pinkeye sits under N rville parlour;
quiet. A sad survivor.
He marched too. Like Pinetoppers,
like remnants of the Silkhats
gang. Like Navarrones; lik
young bad brothers from D9be; like
badjohns, badmen from Bl',ont,
St. Anns, Carrplace, John-John, Basilon; points
East, points West; brothers

M arch-February

- Remembering
Roger Mc Tair

In Boissiere, Boothill stands, quiet;
quiet the pacified
streets, his head
bad, smoke drifting in his mind, he
on soft
The world turns,
slow, hazy,
a hologram; nice,
nice and warm.

Boothill march too,
thru Waterhole, thru St. James
thru territory, thru turf
you would invade with a tank,
encompassed now with greater meaning.
Where this march going?
Thru cane to Caroni.
Cane blowing,
slow; leaf glistening
at the wedge
of sun, nicking its edges

at the breeze; leaf
like money, without memory,
without loyalty, without
fear; if we
stand side
by side by side, why?

Why your eyes Caneburn shinyblack
with fear?
Why marching's rash certainty
so clammy in your palms?

Side by Side-? Remember?

The house where Pivot, New World met, was razed;
just mounds of twisted steel, charred wood and
blackened stone.
Points East, Points West, and north and south,
the memory of marching flares in the People's eyes.
Mandancing, Pinkeve, Boothill waiting,
waiting -
Waiting for the rhythms of moving feet; waiting
to move.

The world turns slowly: quiet.
The streets are nice' and warm:
a hbklogram ofn emory: marching
side by side. Remember!

Flying Fish

Chris Laird

Look! Look at us flash silver and
see escape in a rainbow scale.
Divide us, cut us up, eat us,




- -- -





SUNDAY JULY 13, 1975

P.T.S.C still in a shambles

Whatever Shamshuddin say!


TAPIA recently analysed
the figures revealed during
the tour by Public Utili-
ties Minister Sham
Mohammed, of the
PTSC's Port-of-Spain
headquarters, and showed
mat the hard-pressed
travelling public could
not expect an adequate
bus service before a
further two years. Even
if a number of unlikely
-conditions were fulfilled.
It was expected that there
would soon be an attempt by
the Minister of Sham to
project an image of concern
and go-getting activity and
with the aid of the, now, two
"national newspapers" to.
bramble the people once
But it was never expected
that the Minister. of Sham
would be as bold-faced as he
was when he spoke in Tobago
on the first of the month on
the occasion of the handing
over of some new buses to
the Tobago fleet.
Whereas Mr. St. Hill the
man who should most be in,
a position to know indicated
that an adequate service
-would.- -xeuire 635 buses

Minister Sham displaying his
great expertise reduced this
figure to 550.
The difference of 85 buses
was not explained. Perhaps
Minister Sham calculated that
in two years time, at the
present rates of increase in
unemployment, there would
be fewer people capable even
of travelling by bus.
Of course Minister Sham
was speaking in Tobago to a
captive audience of Govern-
ment officials who by now
have learnt how to sleep with
their eyes open whenever a
Government Minister speaks.
But there are important
questions which the wider
audience has to put to Min-
ister Sham. The Government
loan to the PTSC, according
to the draft estimates for
1975 is $25 million of which
$12 million had been ear-
marked for the purchase of
200 additional buses.
But Minister Sham also
announced that the units
were costingsome $40,000
apiece fully assembled. Yet
200 units at $40.000 would
give a bill of $8 million. So
clearly the first question, is
where is the other $4 million.
But in addition to this is
the fact that while 200 buses




We've got what you
need at minimum cost.


were earmarked to be bought
at what seems to be a grossly
inflated estimate of prices to
this date, only 77 of them
have been acquired.
And now one hears that
talks were going on between
the Ministries of Finance and
Public Utilities with the hope
of releasing funds for the
purchase of additional buses
under something called the
Omnibus Renewal. Fund. If
that don't sound like a lot of
bullsham what does.
The final exercise in sham-
mery was the Ministers proud
announcement that the Cor-

portion was given a guarantee
of one years supply of parts
with the purchase of the 77
new buses.
But it should be obvious
that i one year supply of
parts will not go far among
the existing 221 buses 71 of
which are already inoperative
in any case.
Among transport firms a
guarantee of at least a five
year supply of parts would
be considered the bare mini-
mum but when one is scramb-
ling to create a shamage any
straw will do.
But the fact is that in spite

of all of Minister Shams hot
air the P.T.S.C. is in a shambles
and as Minister responsible
for this service one day soon
Sham will be called upon to
answer all the questions that
have arisen daring this shame-
ful governments shameful
years in power.


H.A.T.T to sponsor

SConference on

L Household Worker

Hazel Brown P.R.O.
THE Housewives Associa-
tion of Trinidad and
Tobago will sponsor a
National Conference on
Household Employment
on Wednesday, July 16,.
at the Port-of-Spain Town.
Hall from 1.00. p.m. to
6.00 p.m.
This National Conference
follows the publication of
the HATT report on the
status of the Househpld
worker in Trinidad and
Tobago. The report published
in March this year generated
quite a lot of controversy.
Among the recommenda-
tions made in the report was
one which called upon HATT
and other interested organisa-
tions to sponsor a National

recommendations of the,
Some of these other recom-
mendations were:
a) That all Households
employing household work-
ers, adopt a voluntary code
of standard -
b) That the Minister of
Labour take steps to have
enacted at an early date,
legislation establishing mini-
mum wages and conditions
of service for all workers in
Trinidad and Tobago.
c) That the National In-
surance Board Act with
urgency to increase the num-
ber of household workers
covered by the scheme.
The report also included a
draft Code of Standards
which suggested the adoption
of minimum rates of pay for
household workers of 75 cents
an hour for general workers

and $1.00 an hour for other
categories of workers.
The National- Conference
will be divided into two-ses-
sions. In the first session there
will be an address to the
delegates by the President of
HATT Mrs. Faith Wiltshire,
which would be followed by
a Panel Discussion on the
subject, "Household Workers,
who needs them and why?"
This would be followed by
and address by an economist
on the, topic of a "General
Minimum Wage".
The second session will be
mainly occupied by group
discussion of various topics.
At the end of this period it is
hoped to deliver a Confer-
ence Report. Co-ordinator for
Conference for the month
of June to consider the other
the Conference is Helen

San-Fernando Hospital Blues

THE recent experience of
one Mrs. Taylor and her
son at the San Fernando
General Hospital, gives
dramatic testimony to
the state of Health Ser-
vices in this country.
a Mrs. Taylor, who is fifty
years old an lives in St.
Charles in Usine Ste. Madleine
woke one morning feeling
very badly after a night of
pain and discomfort. She left
home that morning to go to a
private doctor.
At the Doctor's office the
receptionist refused to let her
see the doctor immediately
because her case was not an
"emergency". Mrs. Taylor,
who by this time was in really
terrible pain, decided not to
wait in the line of patients
so she left the Doctor's office
and headed for the San
Fernando General Hospital:
There she was examined
by a doctorin the Casualty
Dept. who ordered her im-
mediate admission to the
hospital. Mrs. Taylor was

taken to a ward with her
papers of admission only to
discover that no beds were
available in that ward.
At about 4 p.m. that
afternoon Mrs. Taylor's
daughter, after beingin formed
by neighbours that her
mother had been ill that day,
arrived at the hospital only
to find that her mother was
still awaiting a bed.
When the daughter pro-
tested this state of affairs she
was asked by a nurse if she
had brought any linen. She
was infonned that the Hos-
pital had no linen and that
she would have to go home
and get. At about 6 p.m.
when she returned with the
linen her mother was finally
placed on a bed.
But this was not the first
time that this family had.
been subjected 'to such
anxieties and stress as a result
of the total inefficiency of
the health system.
A few months ago Mrs.
Taylor.son was a patient at
the hospital and needed to

have a blood transfusion.
Hospital authorities informed
him that there was no blood
available at the Hospital and
as such he would have to get
someone to donate the blood.
At this point a hospital
clerk told a member of the
family that he would give
them a pint of blood if they
would pay him $50.
This is the kind of thing
poor people in this country
have to face everyday. A
woman in pain is left- to
suffer because no linen can
be found. A man's life is
worth $50.
The Health services in this
country are so grossly in-
adequate, our priorities so out
of joint that we have now
reached the stage where the
animals belonging to wealthy
people receive better medical
attention than the multitude
of ordinary people in our

Mrs. Andrea Talbutt,
Research Institut for
Study of Man,
162, East 78th Street,
New York, N.Y. 10021,
Ph. Lehigh 5 8448.

.. .
C-.- mom

- :


Trinidad Theatre Worrksop.

Stages Chekhov



* ,-1 1

THE first full length play by
Chekhov to be produced in
Trinidad will be presented by the
Trinidad Theatre Workshop at
the.Little Carib Theatre for a ten
night run from July 10th. The
play is "The Seagull", which is
one of the Russian master-
dramatist's great works,- along
with "The Cherry Orchard,"
"Three Sisters" and "Uncle
One-act plays by Chekhov
have always been popular in West
Indian theatre,. especially his
best-known farce 'The Bear",
which was produced on local
television last year in an adapta-
tion, but although this playwright
is probably the most popular
with ensemble companies along
with Shakespeare, none of his
masterpieces have been staged
'The Seagull" which Chek-
hov called a comedy, examines
the loves of a group of people at
a summer house in Russia, who,
two years later, find their loves
and lives autumnally changed. It
lovingly examines the. interlook-
ing affairs of its characters
particularly that of a young
actress for an older writer, and

the 'love-hate relationship of an
older actress for her son. But
each character is examined with
tender detachment. It has be-
come a modern classic.
It is part of the policy of
the Theatre Workshop to present
such modem classics as well as
original West Indian theatre, and
over the years it has staged "The
Blacks" by Genet, "Krapp's Last
Tape" by Samuel Beckett and
"The Lover" by Harold Pinter.
"The Seagull" will be the
third production for the year
from the Theatre Workshop. It
has already presented 'The Joker
Of Seville" and a programme
featuring the poetry of Lerpi
Clarke and the drumming 'f
Andrew Beddeau.
"The Seagull" company
comprises Albert Le Veau, Helen
Camps, Christen- Krogh, Michael
De Verteuil, Norline Metivier,
Carol La Chapelle, Errol Jones,
Hamilton Parris, Ermine Wright,
Stanley Marshall and Winston
Costumes for the production
will be designed, by Christopher
Lynch, John Andrews is lighting
designer and the production is
directed by Derek Walcott.

Little Animals And Big Predators

~ -0 -e

As lar as I know we have some little animals up there at
Mausica......... By wrecking property the students are just caus-
ing us nIore expense. Ministry of Education spokesman quo-
ted in the Express, Thursday, July 10.
Records and Projects
212. An audit inspection revealed the following unsatisfactory features:
(a) Food Stores. Adequate records of purchases and issues of stores were not maintained.
Dietary records were not produced for inspection.
(b) Linen Stores. The system employed for the control, issue, movement and accounting for
obsolete and unserviceable items did not facilitate satisfactory verification of stocks.
Action taken with regard to unserviceable and missing items was not in accordance
with financial instructions.
(c) Kitchen Extension. This project which commenced in the year 1969 was not completed.
From available records it was established that expenditure exceeded the original
estimate of $80,000.00 by the sum of $21,815.50. Costing records were not produced
and the use made of certain materials purchased for this project was not established.
While the estimate required eighty-nine (89) gallons of paint, three hundred and
seventy-five (375) gallons were purchased.
(d) Security Hut. The estimate for this project, a single room hut, was not seen and it
was not possible to relate expenditure of $6,003.28 on construction and $3,288.98
on electrical wiring to the estimate. The records showed that twenty (20) gallons
of paint were used on this project.
(e) Cold Storage. A contract to install this unit was awarded in October, 1973, requiring
completion in ten (10) weeks. This condition of the contract was not fulfilled and
evidence of completion has not been seen.

e i pS g s

ES E4~ 8

4 A Augst 31




/' t


- -~Uu- -- -------------

, ', ~ '