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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00169
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: July 6, 1975
Frequency: completely irregular
 Subjects
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
 Notes
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00169

Full Text



Vol. 5 'o. 2-


RESEARCH !NSfl,1r T
-OR THE 5TT12Y Of MA.
16i2 EAST 78 tsEt2
NEW *;tR) Q 21. Y.
JUL Ia'7!


SUNDAY JULY '6 1975 30 Cents


Ministry Must Publish


Con mon E entrance


THE much-discussed Con-
cordat between the State
and the Churches is
intended to demarcate
the spheres of control of,
the State and the De-
nominational bodies in
the Education system.
But alongside this
"Formal" Concordat
there has grown up an
informal or "political"
Concordat by which the
Political Elite and its


associates places its
children in the Public
School system.
The rules of placement,
as every parent who has'
sought to get his or her child
into a Secondary school.
could tell you, are first
membership in the oligarchy
in any one of its varied faces
and secondly possession of a
lever or string to those who
hold power in the denomina-
tions the ruling Party,
or the Bureaucracy.


Under the "Formal" Con-
cordat each denomination
controls 20% of the places in
the assisted schools run by
that denomination.
The number of the school
places allowed to the other
branches of the oligarchy
under the "political" concor-
dat varies from year to year
depending on pressure of
demand, the imminence of
elections etc.
Thus far this model has
not been tested and the
number -placed under this
political concordat is not
actually known. But it is
knowable.
Take the Common En-
trance examination results
for any year; (1) Establish


T T P.
7A


,u9i ii

ed


AFTER months of meet-
ings and discussions in
homes, the Community
Centres, at the Echo
Harps pan yard, on the
block; the La Seiva Village
Tapia Group was launched
on Tuesday last.
The meeting was held at
the home of Edris Alben and
was attended by Denis
Solomon, chairman; Dennis
Pantin PRO and Ivan Laughlin
Assistant Secretary all of tie
National Executive of Tapia.
Bartholomew Selvon the
newly elected chairman of
the Interim Executive Com-
mittee called on all members
to "shoulder the work of
building our Tapia Group
here in La Seiva Village,
Maracas Valley."
The Interim Executive has
been given the responsibility
of finalising the Group's
constitution and is to report


-artho- Sehon
Barthol Selvon


r


Daniel Abraham
Dan~iel Abrahalml


to a Members Assembly which
will meet in about a months
time.
Other members elected
are: -
Christopher Abraham -
Secretary
Daniel Abraham Trea-


surer
Veronica Selvon
Shirley Selvon -
tion Manager.


- PRO
Distribu-


Veronica Sevonn


thc cut-off point for that
year.
(2) Take the number of
students below the cut-off
point who have been placed
in schools. (this should in-
clude those placed discreetly
during the course of the first
term) and
(3) Subtract from this the
number of those students
placed under the "Formal"
Concordat.
The number which remains
is, without any great error
the number of students
placed in schools under the
"political" concordat.
This discrimination against
the ordinary people in the
society, those without con-
nections, is possible only


Quarry

Village

Siparia

AT a meeting in Quarry
Village Siparia on Tuesday
July 1st, a Tapia team was
guest to an enthusiastic
audience. Mickey Mathews
explained plans for economic
reorganization, Augustus
Ramrekersingh painted a
picture of Tapia's New World
and Beau-Tewarie explained
Tapia's strategy for mobilising
the country to deal with the
repressive PNM regime.
The ,speakers dealt at
length with the issues and
kept the interest of those at
the meeting alive throughout.
There was an extended dis-
cussion period during which
several questions were raised
about unemployment, opposi-
tion unity.National Insurance,
Local Government and so on.
Residents had many com-
plaints about the lack of
health facilities in the area
and about corrupt practises at
the health centre and they
promised to give ite Tapia
team a run down of their
problems next time.


because the Ministry publishes
only the list of students
allocated to the various public
schools. The Ministry does
not publish the pass list.
There is no justification
whatever for this state of
affairs. The past list is not a
secret document. It was pub-
lished in the bad old days of
the college exhibition exam.
The Ministry must begin
to demonstrate its account-
ability by publishing
(1) The Common Entrance
Pass List.

(2) The list of students
placed under the Concordat
along with the list of alloca-
tions of students to the
different schools the only
information published at
present.
Then every parent will be
able to judge whether his
child has been fairly treated.


Bamboo

Village

Valsayn

A Tapia contingent was in
Bamboo Village last Thursday.
Bamboo Village borders on
Valsayn Park South but has
nothing in common with it.
Water is a big problem in"
the village. It is such a pro-
blem that people who are
building new houses cannot
install sewers. The new houses
are built with outhouses.
People complained about
flooding in the area "anytime
rain fall" and about the sand-
flies that they have learnt to
live with.
The roads in Bamboo
Village are atrocious and
children have to walk over a
mile and then cross the
dangerous Princess Margaret
Highway to go to school.
With all these problems to
live with, the people in Bam-
boo Village said that they
had no idea who their repre-
sentative is.
There was a general con-
census that the time had come
for a change.


Forthcoming


-I


Pass List








P~AGE 2 TAI SUNDA'~ JULY98 6, 1975'


IT has often been said of Tapia,
since our entry into the Senate,
that we are there not to assist in
the process of legislation but to
fight the PNM. The charge is
perfectly accurate. We would not
waste our time there were it not
for the fact that the legislature,
in relation to the overall political
crisis in the country, is, at times
at any rate, an important political
battlefield (and one cannot
always choose the place one is
going to have to fight the enemy);
and were it not for the fact that
we do not believe that members
of the legislature are really the
political zombies they appear to
be, in spite of our authoritarian
constitution and 20 years of PNM
rule.
And yet although the charge is
accurate it is not really a charge at
all, for the very nature of the crisis,
the very definition of a revolutionary
situation, is the fact that no progress
can be made, in legislation or in any
other field, before the prime requisite
is achieved; and that prime- requisite
is a complete change in our political
structure starting with the removal of
the present regime.




INTIMIDATION

Therefore when it is suggested
that Tapia is opposing worthwhile
legislation in order to fight the PNM,
the underlying and totally fallacious
assumption is that a government as
corrupt, as incompetent, as devoid of
popular confidence as this one, is
capable of conceiving, passing and
administering worthwhile legislation;
or to put it another way, that legisla-
tion can remain worthwhile in their
hands.
In public discussion of the
Mental Health Bill it has been
assumed that opposition to the Bill
will be based on the claim that it will
be used for purposes of political
intimidation and repression; and that,
of course, Tapia would be the most
vocal, as usual, in levelling this charge.
Such an assumption says much for
the Government's conception of its
own situation vis-a-vis the population.
A Mental Health Act is neces-


sary, it is said; such an Act must
create the potential for the restriction
of individual freedoms, and such a
potential is a political problem that
all countries must face if they wish
to legislate in this area, indeed in
many other areas both similar and
different.
Let no one think that we are
ignorant of the political theory in-
volved. No one has done more than
Tapia to foster this kind of analytic
approach to problems of politics; no
one has done more than Tapia to
open people's eyes. to the fact that
government is not a process of easy
solutions, but extremely difficult;
that one answer raises six more ques-
tions; and that the keys, if there are
keys, to the process of government
are participation, vigilance and trust.




ARBITRARY

So we do not say that the
Mental Health Bill will be abused
because it abridges freedoms; for all
legislation is an abridgement of
freedom; nor because it lends itself to
political victimisation, because the
defences against political victimisation
must be many and varied in the
political structure of the nation not
merely the adoption or suppression of
one or two clauses in a particular Bill,
or even of a whole Bill.
We say it will be abused because
the present Government are the kind
of people who will abuse it indeed I
hope to show that they will have no
choice but to abuse it; because not
only have they abused all legislation in
the past but they have passed legisla-
tion for deliberately abusive purpose
the Firearms Act, the Summary
Offences (Amendment) Ordinance,
the Sedition Act, the IRA, and the
imminent Criminal Law (Amendment)
Act.
We are not worried because the
Bill, in Clause (12) (1), permits the
Minister of National Security, with
two medical certificates, to turn a
prisoner into a psychological detainee,
and that Ministers of National Security
may therefore detain people in arbitrary
ways; but because all Ministers of
National Security in the PNM Govern-
ment have detained people arbitrarily;
Montano, Pitt, Padmore.


Any suggestion such as has been
made by the Government to the press
that the Mental Health Act will not be
used for political victimisation by
people like Basil Pitt and Underhand
Padmore is completely on a par, as
far as credibility is concerned, with
the "undertaking" given by Karl
Hudson Phillips, Queen's Canary, in
1971 that the nefarious proposed
Public Order Act would not be
abused "as long as he was in power."
Once the potential is there it
will sooner or later be used so long as
the population is not constitutionally
equipped to resist it. And the Govern-
ment has shown nothing but the
greatest hostility to providing the
population with that constitutional
equipment.
In short, any pretension on the
part of the present Government of this
country to be passing "An Act to
provide for the admission, care and
treatment of persons who are mentally
ill .." is a massive impertinence, and
the population has no choice but to
treat it as such. Because, I repeat, the
potential for political victimisation is
only a small part of this Bill. I do not
deny that legislation to facilitate the
care of the mentally ill is necessary,
and that all the overworked profes-
sional social workers who with great
dedication are attempting to care for
the mentally ill need such legislation.
But they need a great deal more than
that.




SECURITY

Care of the mentally ill is not
accomplished by a Mental Health Act.
It is accomplished by the energetic
provision and humane operation of a
wide range of services in the fields of
health and education, transport and
housing; by a reasonable measure of
equality, comfort and security in the
existence of the citizen, in his employ-
ment and in his daily life in general.
The total breakdown of all such -
services is the evidence that the dedica-
tion of the professional workers in
the welfare field is not shared by the
politicians who alone can provide the
framework within which this dedica-
tion is not to be utterly frustrated.
In the present situation all the
Government is doing in asking Parlia-


ment to approve the Mental Health
Act is asking it to assist in sweeping
under the carpet the embarrassing
evidence of their corruption and in-
competence the human detritus of
their inadequate policies in employ-
ment and education, transport, health,
housing and other social services.




CREDIBILITY


If this were not so, would the
Bill have been presented in the sum-
mary way it has been? Would a White
Paper on'Mental Health not perhaps,
have been published? Would the
Government, presenting the Bill, not
have been able to tell us what kinds of
improvements in the social services it
had achieved in order to provide a
framework for its operation? Would
they not have been able to tell us how
many trained psychiatrists and psychol-
ogists, medical social workers, psychia-
tric nurses, had been trained or were
to be trained? Would they not have
been able to give us some idea of the
number, location and equipment of
the "approved homes" which the Bill
gives them authority to create for the
treatment of the mentally ill? An
authority, incidentally, which they
do not need and whose absence
does not explain the lack of hospital
facilities.
Would they not, above all, have
been able to make a general statement
about the psychiatric consequences
of mounting social and political pres-
sures, in order to demonstrate or at
least stimulate the social sensitivity,
as opposed to the professional sensitiv-
ity, to problems of mental health which
is essential to any kind of success in
dealing with the mentally ill?
For the problem is not the
problem of people being mad, but of
people going mad, in greater and
greater numbers. Without any recogni-
tion of this no Mental Health Bill can
have any credibility, but can merely
serve to reinforce the prevalent view
that you can solve problems caused by
years of neglect and indifference by
passing laws to suppress the evidence.


To be Continued.


S. Our printing-plant is open at
SThe Tapia House 82-84 St. Vincent
Street, Tunapuna.

._._._._._._.-._..-_._._.... Kindly phone orders to: 662-5126.


PUBLI-SHNG m OFFSET T PRINTING.fED ITING SERVICE
-ID~~Cr uuL.uuuMS R IE


So to Conceal A




Greater Madness


The Mental Health Bill has, it would seem, been quietly shunted aside. For the while at.
any rate.
Nonetheless whether the Bill is dead or merely dormant the issues which it
raised are still of great relevance. Tapia took a firm stand in opposition to the Bill, when
for the most part, others did not deem it of sufficient-importance or actually welcomed
it.
Beginning with this issue Tapia Chairman Denis Solomon discusses the Bill and
explains why to Tapia, the Mental Health Bill, was just as pernicious as its partner the
Sabotage Act.


Ir -r I -- ~ss~e~


- ~----------


PAGE 2 TAPIA


SUNDA'Y JULY 6,197.5


TAP L ,1 1I L A- I







SUNDAY JULY 6, 1975 TAPIA PAGE 3


Opposition Movement to Defy


Gairy's Newspaper Legislation


IN a special issue of their
weekly paper the New
Jewel Movement, the
young and radical opposi-
tion movement which
played such a prominent
role in the pre-indepen-
dence political uprising
in Grenada, has come
out strongly against the
Newspaper Act recently
promulgated by the
Gairy Government.
The Act, whose introduc-
tion followed shortly after
the Privy Council had upheld
similar Antiguan legislation,
calls for the payment of a
bond in sum of $960 and a
$20.000 dollar deposit, be-
fore permission for printing
or publishing can be obtained.
In its Editorial statement
the paper declared, "It is
clear that the recent move by
Gairy to stifle the voice of
the peoples no accident." It
went on to warn that the Act
was a "conscious, deliberate
move by this mad-man to
remove the most basic free-


dom of expression from the
people."
The Editorial stated that
the position of the New Jewel
Movement on the issue was
"crystal clear". It went on
"We shall not bow to him
and what he represents; we
refuse toprostitute oui sacred
rights in Gairy's political
brothel."
In an accompanying state-
ment headlined "TO ALL
GRENADIANS" the Move-
ment has made what appears
to be a call for opposition
unity in the struggle against
the Act. The statement reads
in part "We must organise
ourselves and stand by to
support each other in this
issue."
Meanwhile Gairy has al-
ready declared his intention
to proceed with the Act
through all its stages. He has
stated that the Act has no
repressive intentions but is
destined to protect the pub-
designed to protect the
public in cases of libel.


(1) No person shall print or publish
or cause to be printed or published with-
in the State any newspaper unless he
shall have previously given and executed
and registered in the office of the
Registrar of Deeds a bond in the sum of
nine hundred and sixty dollars with one
or more sureties as may be required and
approved by the Attorney General,
conditioned that the editor, printer,
publisher or proprietor of the said news-
paper shall pay to the Crown every
penalty which may at the time be
imposed upon or adjudged against him
or then upon any conviction for printing
or publishing any libel at any time after
the execution of such bond, and also any
damages and costs on any judgment for
the plaintiff in any action for libel
against such printer, publisher, or
proprietor and all other penalties what-
soever which may be imposed upon or
adjudged by the court against him or
them under the provisions of this Act.
(2) No person shall print or publish
or cause to be printed or published


within the State any newspaper unless
he shall have previously deposited with
the Accountant General a sum of
$20.000 thousand dollars in cash to be
drawn against in order to satisfy any
judgment in Grenada for libel given
against the editor or printer or publisher
or proprietor of the said newspaper or
any writer therein and shall at all times
maintain the said deposit at the sum of
$20.000 thousand dollars.
(3) The deposit mentioned in sub-
section (2) shall be paid into a deposit
account in the name of the depositor and
shall bear interest at the same rate pay-
able at any local savings bank.
(4) The Minister responsible for
newspaper on being satisfied with the
sufficiency of the security in the form
of Government Bonds may waive the
requirements of the said deposit.
(5) No amount of the principal
sum shall be paid from the deposit
-account except upon the certificate of
the Registrar of the High Court as to
any award of the Court."


"Crash-Programme" Socialism


MANY exiles day-dream.
Forsythe does not. His
faults, if such a strong
term is at all applicable,
are rather those of omis-
sion and abbreviation.
The total analysis about
the utter hypocracy of
the PNP regime is apt. I
have reservations about
the horrors of the past
JLP government (although
personally, I found no
bed of roses) but the
Shearer portrait is fairly
true. Of late, Seaga has
moved so far to the right
that any defence oi his
past virtues seems futile.
What prompts me to
write is this: Forsythe leaves
the second part somewhat
hanging in thin air. He
quotes as supporting evidence
various foreign newspapers
but these are either out of
date or not really relevant
What matters is the present
state of Jamaica as seen by
Jamaicans in Jamaica. (Jamai-
cans abroad do and must
make comment but a dimen-
sion will be lacking in their
observations).
The other shortcoming of
the article is the lack of
analysis of the disparate
forces that have united under
the opportunistic leadership
of Michael Manley. Forsythe
does mention the inner con-
tradictions of the advertise-
ments that lured Rastas and
businessmen to unite under
the PNP banner but there is
more to it than that. Especially
a class analysis of the Jamai-
can society today is necessary.
First the structure of
Jamaican society. Rightly
)ennis Forsythe sees the
minute exodus of some
businessmen as no proof of
radical changes in Jamaica
towards the better. What he
omits co. say is not simple to
grasp. Jamaica has changed


and is changing. The catalyst-
very much unconsciously and
ironically-has been the PNP
propaganda. When the
brambler who ought to have
remained in dentistry but
managed to become secretary
of the ruling party, speaks
of socialism, questions are
asked. Neither he nor the
equally unscrupulous Housing
Minister nor the whizz-kidd
in Trade make an effort to
answer. They emote or waffle
or both.
The Leader has written a
book (again very correctly
analysed by Forsythe) and his
other efforts are equally
borrowed. What is also impor-
tant to note is the cluster of
sycophants that has gathered
around the Manley throne;
they are not solely ex-tiade
unionists or old time PNPs,
they are often a new breed.
Returned from abroad to
gather 'fish head', or 'con-
verts' from capitalism like
the Matalons.
There is Danny Williams
who mismanages the literacy
programme as some sort of
capitalistic figure-head; then
the Fletchers, father and son.
Both good capitalists in their
own way: the father having
finished his tour of duty as
Jamaica's ambassador to the
USA, the son as quasi-
revolutionary Chairman of
the Sugar Authority that
manages to squander millions
in 'commissions' to sugar
brokers in the USA so that
they can sell this commodity
to Iran. There are several
more.
On the other side of the
PNP spectrum is the Garrison
Gang who have the privilege
of bringing 'Burry Boy' their
chief executioner under the
patronage of the Prime
Minister and with appropri-
ate pistol salutes at the grave
side. Exploitation and
violence have become en-
demic. But they have sparked


dissent, too. You cannot
promise only, you have to
deliver sometimes.
About the present situa-
tion we must stress the
following: Unemployment
(correctly again identified by
Forsythe as the number one
evil) has begotten the 'crash
programme', a sinecure for
the dependents of the Garrison
Gang and other female and
infirm followers of the PNP
They scratch dust from one
side of the road to the other
and sometimes they water
flowers. No attempt has been
made in nearly a year of the
programme's operation to
make it meaningful. Neither
supervision nor training nor
esprit de corps is there.
Some of the unfortunates
in this programme may well
be sufferers in the true sense
of the word but their role
alienates them from the
unemployed without patron-
age and makes them a handy
whipping post for the
employer class who prefer
castigating this aspect of the
administration rather than
addressing themselves to the
wage structure of the coun-
try.
This brings me to the final
aspect of my addendum:
there has been an enquiry
into the minimum wage.


Nothing further has been
heard for months. Just hear-
ings. The building industry is
in turmoil, the gas station
attendants have struck, the
Telephone Company is still
on strike and all this adds up
to socialism. (Housing
developers flourish despite, an
eye-wash commission of
enquiry.)
An opposition in the-sense
of better representation for
the people does not exist.
Lightbourne is no force at all-
though he calls his followers
the United Party. He is a


dinosaur in political terms.
Seaga, although possessed of
a keen mind, has made it
clear tath politics for him has
no ideological base; opportun-
ism of another ilk is as bad as
the present brand.
The Marxist-Leninist
Trevor Munroe has been
beaten up (and 1 feel horrified
that no one has been charged
although fifty motorcyclists
were involved) but as a
political force he has a long
way to go (Besides he seems
still to be too Moscow
oriented.) Quo vadis Jamaica?


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~


_


e SIad.


amai






PAGE 4 TAPIA
I RESPOND not to the
topic but to the tone set
by Denis Solomon in his
survey of the history of
European expansion,
(part of his discussion of
the recolonisation of the
W.I.). More than a res-
ponse this essay may be
described as thoughts
arising out of Solomon's
address.
I take the following state-
ment as one of my cues:
'We are in the midst of a
gigantic revolt against the
effects of North Atlantic
technological civilisation,
against the inability of
civil society to harness
technology to human ends
the ideological
struggle between the
socialist and capitalist
camps serves only to dis-
guise the central issue
because the revolt is raging
equally inside both of these
ostensibly opposing camps.'
I will also address myself
to a tone of despair that I
have occurred in all the his-
torical summations that have
been written by 'Tapia-men'
over the years. I choose the
word despair for a special
reason, which will become
clear as I proceed.
An analogy can be made
between Tapia's view of our
history and the history of the
Jews as described in the bible.
There is first an implied
'Fall from Eden': man was
pure and noble (at least as
pure as he could be) until
'galloping technological
change', that serpent, in-
truded.
It was this technological
revolution that gave birth to
Europearn expansion.
The key to the entire
process was galloping
technological change. The
leap was strictly a technol-
ogical one which has not
advanced perhaps not
even sustained the
human quality of our
civilisation'.
To what extent we can
call it 'our civilisation' is
debatable, but in any case
irrelevant in this discussion.
What is important here is the
assumption implied in the
statement, that there was
some 'human quality' in
medieval civilisation. There
are good arguments to the
contrary.




DEGRADATION'

Medieval times were as
brutal as any before or after.
One can say of Europe in
those times, what Solomon
has said of the history of the
Indies ". ... a saga
of blood and thunder, of
murder, rape and plunder."
Eden was fully isolated
and disrupted in Solomon's
analysis when the Europeans,
armed with their technology,
pressed into the far reaches of
the world colonising.
Mankind, in this biblical
narrative, has since descended
into hell. Like the captivity
in Egypt, it has been an
endless darkness of oppres-
sion and degradation.
But wait! Tapia must
shock us. The biblical analogy
stops, for Tapia historians
promise no deliverer: 'Take
up thy bed and walk', they
command. No one has


SUNDAY JULY 6, 1975




Roland Baptiste takes issue with some

of the Comments made by Denis Solomon

in his statement on Recolonisation


(See Tapia Sunday May 18th 1975)






TECHNOLOGY




REVOLUTION




AND CHANGE


obeyed. and why not?
Given the tone of Tapia's
historical analysis, the
historical analysis, the vic-
tims are left in despair the
kind of hopelessness that
breeds dreams of messiahs.
Others have accepted
Tapia type analysis in other
parts of the new world. In all
instances the results have
been non-productive. The
way historical analysis leads
to non-solutions.
There are two typical
paths that are followed. The
first is to assume the role of
God, seek vengeance and
right the wrongs of history.
The strategy appears in many
guises and is very often sub-
merged in extravagant theore-
tical arguments. Nat Turner
type orgies are typical results.
The other path is to revolt
in order to restore Eden. In
this case, vengeance is only
an ancillary objective. In the
end, it becomes quite clear
that Eden cannot be restored.
A new order emerges, how-
ever, which may or may not
be 'better'.
The second path is appa-
rently Tapia's;

'Among us urbanisation,
the break up of the
extended family with its
consequences in rampant
individualism and the up-
rooting of religion and
culture from their cosmic
moorings with all the
twisting of creative expres-
sion which that brings, all
of these are basic planks
of our daily existence.
And now the policy of
pioneer industrial growth
which we have been so
fiercely pursuing since
1950, has anchored this
colonial legacy to the giant
multinational corporations
in ourmidst ...... other
symptoms of the basic
sickness are racism,
religious bigotry, class
snobbery and the totalitar-
ian centralization of power
..... These are the
conditions against which
we in the movement have
launched our revolt. "
They are the conditions
'brought on by rapid technol-
ogical change. If Solomon's
revolt is one to restore the
peace and order of an ancient
time, it must then be a revolt
against technology itself, for


in his analysis it is technology
that corrupted Eden.
This revolt to restore the
tranquility of pristine times is
romantic. Technology is here
to stay. Tapia leads us no
where.
They have the facts; it is
their perception of them that
I question. We must take
another look at history. We
must also look at the role of
technology in the historical
process.




PROGRESS

First let us diverge in order
to discuss a pertinent topic
The idea of progress it
constitutes one of the great
unresolved debates in intel-
lectual history.
The 'ictea of progress'
refers to the belief that man
has moved in his history
from backward barbarism to a
high state of civilisation.
Further, he continues to
move forward towards perfec-
tion. Marxism is perhaps the
most significant social theory
based on this idea of progress.
What Marx did in Social
Science, Darwin did in biology.
Between these two intellectual
giants progress was deified.
Finally, the rapid advances
of science and technology
made the idea the principal
deity among the Gods of
Western civilisation.


There have always been
those who dissented however,
Rousseau is an eminent
example. These dissenters
have always been considered
iconoclastic. The noble savage
idea, for example, so popular
in the 18th century,-.repre-
sented a major refutation of
the idea of progress. And
indeed Tapia would seem to
be a worshiper of the noble
savage. Today the debate is
raging more than ever.
Quite obviously the ques-
tion will never be resolved,
for the issue can only be
aSesSed or? the hbsis of qome
set of values. Surely, it has
become quite clear, part-
icularly in the very industrial
nations, that man has become
slave to the machine.
The struggle to be free of
this new oppression has been
interpreted as a revolt against
technology itself. It is not.
Instead we are witnessing a
new attempt to control our-
selves, a struggle in which
technology will be our ally
To understand this let us take
another look at history.
Change has been the only
constant in history. Whether
change has been good or bad
is neither here nor there. The
fact is that there has been
change, and there always, will
be. An accumulation ofsmall
changes swells into a mighty
movement and precipitates
revolutions.,
In the history of man,
there havebeen two genuine


revolutions. Both occurred as
a result of technological
innovation.
The first was the agricul-
tural revolution. This precipi-
tated a complete change in
the structure of society. It
domesticated man, urbanised
him and introduced new
social forms to his life. There
is no record of the social
dislocations that accompanied
this revolution. There must
have been a great deal.
The second major revolu-
tion was the industrial. Even
before it fully arrived it
began to cause serious disloca-
tion around the world. As
technology began to change
during and after the Renais-
sance, a complex of world
trade and colonisation, with
Western Europe as its center,
developed. This was accom-
panied by a tremendous
jolting of social systems on
every continent.
Three clearly defined social
revolutions (in .the traditional
sense) associated with this
historical movement can be
identified in Western society.




REPUBLICANISM

The first occurred well
before the period that has
been designated the industrial
era. This was the 'Cromwellian
Revolution'. The issues there
were disguised in religious
overalls but it was clearly a
revolt led by an emerging
middle class beneficiaries
of the new commence. Let
us note that their descendants
.cituJ;!v fin danced tic fac-
tories that appeared in
England a century later.
The American Revolution
was another of the conse-
quences of the forces set
afoot by the infant industrial
civilisation. The Americans
objected more to the com-
mercial restrictions put on
them by Britain than to any-
thing else.
The issue of monarchy
versus republicanism, for
examples was an aside, or
perhaps a rationalisation.
Indeed, George Washington
could easily have assumed a
monarchial role after the war
in spite of the constitution.
Washington avoided this
because his was the typical
bourgeois consciousness that
arose in lath 18th century
and which was complimentary

Continued on Page 10.


THE BEST PLACE TO BUY BOOKS


ANY KIND OF


s Stephens
PORT OF SPAIN SAN FERNANDO







SUNDAY JULY 6, 1975


A


Prensa Latina


NICARAGUA' experi-
enced in 1974 the biggest
opposition upsurge con-
fronted by the dynasty
that has ruled the country
for close to forty years.
The rule of the Somozas,
which began in 1934 after
the assassination of General
Augusto Cesar Sandino, who
started to fight in- 1927
against the United States
military occupation, now
;faces an unprecedented
political, instability and an
inflation of over 100 percent.
Nicaragua has a foreign
debt that surpassed the 300.
.million dollar mark in 1974,
while the regime torpedoes
regional agreements for the
defense of basic products
such: as coffee, cotton and
bananas.
The present ruler, General
Anastasio Somoza Debayle,
has repeatedly violated the
regulations and, agreements
of the weakened Central
American Common Market
(CACM).
With a family fortune of
more than half. a billion
dollars, Somoza is a partner
of United States millionaires
including the notorious
Howard Hughes, part owner
of several big airlines, among
other things.
The economic crisis, with
a growth rate stuck at 3.2
percent for three years, has
given rise to growing popular
protests.
S Last year the.. hospital
workers, builders and teachers
struck for wage improve-
ments and trade-union and
civil rights.
Over -the past two years,
strikes have been frequent,
despite harsh repression. Uni-
versity protest movements
arose in Leon, Granada and
Managua against the presence
of the United States Agency
for International Develop-
ment in the preparation of
school programs.
SIn the midst of this situa-
tion Somoza manoeuvered to
prolong in constitutional
fashion his hold on political-
and economic power.
Somoza was elected presi-
dent in the 1967 elections but
his continuation in the post
was prevented by a Constitu-
tional ban on a consecutive
second term.
,The moves to get around
Sthe ban were capped in 1971,
with a pact between the
clan's Liberal party and the
Conservatives, the loyal
opposition. The latter agreed
to change the Constitution in
return for a minority share
of government posts.
The chief executive resign-
ed in the middle of the
following year to make way
for a triumvirate which in-
cluded the top Conservative
leader, Femando Aguero,
who ran unsuccessfully for
president in 1967.
The triumvirs were.shunted
aside when Somoza assigned.
himself full powers as the


End of The Line For





Nicaraguan Dynasty?


General Stniio7a. during [lie la~t clecCion. canipaigie'd fro',n a billerprr ,..'q'gas' T,


head of the National Recon-
struction Committee in the
wake if the December 1972
earthquake that virtually des-
troyed Managua.
The quake, which levelled
80 percent of the capital's
buildings, enabled-Somoza to
wield total power again.'
"Tachito," as he'is called,-
has been in charge of interna-
tional loan applications,
investments and disaster aid
for the quake victims. Each
field of endeavour is proving
to be a source of personal
gain for the regime chief and
his closest associates.
For example, thousands of,
earthquake victims -were
signed on to work in the
rebuilding of Managua, on
nearby farms arid other jobs,
in return for only their
meals. Exports of blood'
plasma sent to aid the
injured, speculation with
emergency shipments of'
foodstuffs and medical sup-
plies and the granting of


Credits to regime favourites;
completed the efforts of the
National Reconstruction Com-
mittee.
Some of those inserted in
the Somoza "bipartisan" gov-
ernment began to withdraw
in 1969 when top former
officials questioned the on-
going dynastic rule.
Conservatives who opposed
the pact signed by Aguero,
business people hurt by the
ruling family's stranglehold
over the economy in partner-
ship with US corporations,
joined with leftwing groups
to form an alliance.
In June 1974 seven out-
lawed parties and the two
strongest labor federations
published a lengthy document
in which they denou ced the
Somoza regime as the coun-
try's worst ill and set forth
ways to put an end to it.
The seven organizations
described the regime as a tool
used by the United States to
preserve its interests in the


region and called bn the
Nicaraguans to stay away
from the polls at the Septem-
ber 1974 elections.,
With hisvictory a foregone
conclusion since the 1972
Constitutional amendments,
Somoza staged the most
fraudulent elections in the
country's history. The loser,
Conservative Edmundo
Paguagua, settled for seats in
Congress for himself and 39
members -of his party.
Official figures placed the
abstention at 31 percent of
the eligible voters, but the
illegal opposition charged that
it was more than 40 percent.
On December- 16, 1974
the same political and labor
groups that had signed the
June declaration met in the
city 'of Masaya, to the south
of the capital, to set up the
Democratic Liberation Union
(UDEL).

The coalition includes the
Nicaraguan Socialist Party


(Communist), leftwing splits
from the Liberal and ,Con-
servative parties and newer
groupings. Also in the UDEL
are two labor federatibrns the
"CTN" and the "CGT.".
Headed by a nine-member
committee, one for each
organization, UDEL pro-
claimed that it is working not
only for the removal of the
Somoza regime but for
genuine change in the shape
of a popular, progressive and
democratic government.
Its main leaders, whose
civil rights were lifted for sTx
months shortly before the
September 1974 elections,
called for the disqualification
of Somoza as president-elect.
The move was turned
down by the Supreme Court
in Managua. The opposition
leaders then came out in
favour of an all-out anti-
regime -campaign because
"the doors have been slam-
med shut upon civilized
dialogue."


Military Police on hand to keep order at a Somoza election rally.


, TAPIAn PAGE 5







PAGE 6 TAPIA


SUNDAY J




NAIPAUL JO It


An Interview wil


Q: Go;don, you were at the Commonwealth
Conference in Jamaica in 1971 which was perhaps
the last occasion on which Vidia Naipaul addressed
a gathering in the West Indies, before his talk last
week in St. Augustine. Naipaul in referring to that
1971 Conference said it had ended in a political
demonstration, all in bad taste.
What was your own impression of that 1971
occasion? In what way would you say it was differ-
ent from St..Augustine last week? How do you com-
pare what Naipaul had to say on both occasions?
A: It was not a political demonstration in 1971.
Naipaul was speaking metaphorically. What he meant
was that people with ideological commitments and
political positions or what they saw as ideological
commitments and political positions used such
commitments and such positions to refute what he
was saying. It was a political demonstration in the
sense that it was a demonstration of a different
conception of politics, a demonstration of some
conviction that politics were possible in the West
Indies.
What comes out of Naipaul most of the time
is that it dosen't seem tobe any point trying to solve
the situation. It is only after a lot of questioning that
one gets some statement from him about the necessity
for education. And by education he clearly means
the kind of thing which has happened to him, but
the relevance of that kind of education to the West
Indian situation he hasn't really demonstrated.
Strangely enough, in his books, the Oxford-
educated person who comes back seems to be totally
irrelevant Indar Singh in The Mystic Masseur;
Kripal Singh in The Mimic Men who went to the
London School of Economics. These characters seem
unable to apply any of the theories they have learnt
to their society. In fact they are frauds. So that he
questions the validity of that education in his novels.
The pathos of that kind of education, the kind of
education which produced Naipaul, myself, yourself,
is fully and sensitively probed by Naipaul. Moving
from primary, through secondary to university, he
tells us all time what education should not be, by
showing us the kind of impotence it produces.
Obviously, ours has to be education for
liberation. But what that education should be like,
Naipaul leaves you to work out for yourself. In a way
this is fair enough. Naipaul,as writer, as satirist, is in a
sense limited to examining deformities. He's tied to



-, .


REID


that function, rather than talking about what should
be done to correct them.
But it's somewhat worse than that. From
that 1971 Conference and from a lot of his later
writing one gets the suggestion that it's impossible to
heal the crippledom. The society which Naipaul
addressed in 1971 had just been discussing such
themes as the relevant use of a Creative Arts Centre,
socialism, urban violence, reggae, dread, black power,
black resurgence. These terms are just metaphors for
wanting a clearer definition of self in a society where
there is a keen perception of the alienating influences
of education, a definite sense of guilt and ,a need to
heal that breach between the privileged and the
destitute, often expressed by middle class youths
becoming Rastafarians. People who have been
involved in this kind of discussion don't take too
kindly to being sardonically informed that they have
no future at all.
Q: So he talked about education in 1971. Would
you say he is on the same theme when he talks, as he
did last week, of the need for intellectual labours in
the process of finding oneself?
A: I think there was something more positive
emerging in his talk the other night. He talked about
the need for a sense of history, the need to under-
stand history, not get lost in it or sentimentalize it,
but the need to face history and to use it to dissolve
myths about ourselves. The need in other words, for
a realistic approach to the past.
I think this is a positive. But if you place it
in the context of what Walcott has been saying about
history, in several statements since 1970 especially;
of what Brathwaite has been saying in his poems and
his essays, you'll see that this is one of the most
prominent ideas in West Indian writing at the present
time. The intellectual labours are in fact being done.
There's no need for Naipaul to call for it. He's just
joining a chorus that includes Lamming as well. But
it's a hopeful sign.
The second hopeful sign was his concept of
myth and ritual. Throughout his works, myth and
ritual have been mocked at. A lot of the humour in
the early books centered on the incongruities which
emerge when myths and rituals crumble. By the time
we get to A House For Mr. Biswas, the attitude to
ritual is one in which I don't recognize a great deal of
reverence. Reverence is not a quality you'll find in a
satirist who looks at and castigates defonnity, and
castigates a deformed person for being deformed,
regardless of what makes that person deformed. A
satirist glorifies his lack of sentimentality that's his
strength.
But the other night Naipaul was talking
about the need to understand ritual aid the need for
a sense of reverence towards it, recognizing that
although, it's dead and can't be revived, it ought to be
understood. He said something to the effect that
people can't always explain rituals, they can't always
understand why they do them.But just the knowledge
that these things arehundreds of years old gives one a
sense of continuity. And he expressed the idea that
now that he's years removed fromn the pericxl of his
childhood when the rituals were real, he can under-
stand it much more and see how things have moved
coherently into place.
All of these ideas are cliches in West Indian
writing. Wilson Harris has been saying that since the
1940s. Myth, continuity, ritual and reverence towards
the past have been talked about since that time. In
Guyana, for some peculiar reason, there were a


DOES Trinidad writer Vidia S. Naipaul have
bean society?
This intriguing questionremains un
career of the internationally acclaimed Naip
large crowd turned out onWednesday 25 Jur
The disappointment caused some boos ani
The distinguished writer refused to e
of the audience which would lead him to give
was: what should we positively do, aspire
Still, an observer of the literary and i
feels that Naipaul's statement on 25 June was
years ago on Jamaica. Rohlehr who teaches
that Naipaul has adopted rather late in the d
West Indian writers.
/ Interviewed for TAPIA by Lennox
remarks against the background of his writi


BALDWIN


number of people who had written books about
Guyanese history in 'the 20th century. There was
the journal Timehri, brought out by the Guyana
Royal Agricultural and Commercial Society, from the
1870s or 1880s till the 1940s, I think. The intellec-
tual life of the country was expressed in Timehri, and
a great deal of work was done on the Amerindian
tribes in Guyana history, folklore, anthropology,
proverbs and so on. The sense of history.and of the
necessity of history regardless of what.it was they
were writing just this sense that this was the basis
on which to build a sensibility, was very powerful.
And it was this kind of thing which produced
Wilson Harris.


I think there was some

talk the other night. He talked

history, the need to understand

mentalize it, but the need to fa

myths about ourselves. The nm

approach to the past.


sLm----- ---I-






LY 6. 1975



S THE CHORUS


TAPIA PAGE 7


h Go don Roblebt


*'


:



i
,,
:.9



~I


any message of relevance to present-day Carib-

nswered after 20 years and 12 books the
ul. Hoping to hear it answered in some way, a
to hear him speak at the UWI, St. Augustine.
much heightened perplexity after the talk.
gage in any kind of discussion with members
some answer to the question. For the question
towards, expect at this time of our history?
other scenes in the Caribbean, Gordon Rohlehr,
nore positive than the one he had uttered four
Nest Indian literature at St. Augustine thinks
y a position shared by several other prominent

errant, Dr. Rohlehr discusses Naipaul's recent
;s and previous utterances.

IL_- -L, I 1


So what Naipaul is saying now is 30 years
old at least. It's just that his position as satirist would
have led him to see this digging into the past as in
itself constituting a certain amount of sentimentality.
Though peculiarly enoughhe does it in The Loss of
El Dorado, in An Area of Darkness, and in The
Middle Passage. It's just that he selects those aspects
of the past that make his case about the destitution
of the society. He quotes Trollope and Froude, but
not J.J. Thomas who refuted Froude. There were
Sewell and Underhill who wrote about the same time,
and they gave a totally different picture. Anybody
who was going to approach West Indian history,
attempting to show the continuities between the

I I b-


king more positive emerging in his

about the need for a sense of

history, not get lost in it or senti-
e history and to use it to dissolve

d in other words, for a realistic


wVALLUO


PATTERSON


19th and 20th centuries, had absolutely no excuse
for choosing only Trollope and Froude.
Naipaul selects his evidence even though he
talks about the need for intellectual rigour and
enquiry. Intellectual rigour and enquiry involve an
examination of all the evidence, not just such evidence
which makes the case that you want to make. This
was the sort of thing which was done in The Middle
Passage.
Q: But isn't this selectivity part of the stock-in-
trade of the satirist as you define Naipaul. Isn't he
limited to selecting those things which he could
lampoon most easily.
A: Yes. But we're in a peculiar situation. Aris-
ing out of this destitution, this lack of intellectual
life in most Third World countries, I suspect, and
certainly in" Black America, is the phenomenon of
the man of letters. For example, W.E.B. DuBois, who
was a historian with a very powerful Marxist frame-
work and very polemical. In fact, I believe Capitalism
and Slavery and subsequent Williams books were
based on DuBois style tremendous quotation,
documentation and a powerful polemical approach.
DuBois also wrote novels, poems and essays. Another
example is C.L.R. James. Then there are Ralph
Ellison and James Baldwin. Naipaul falls into that
tradition of the novelist, the writer, as a man of
letters. Walcott also falls into that tradition. It is very
difficult to know how to deal with this type of
figure ,
Q: But why do you still refer to Naipaul as a
satirist? Isn't that limiting him somewhat?
A: Well, this, to me, is his most persistent role.
As was the case with Swift, the satirist quite often
arrives at reality through the distortion of reality by
the employment of a fictional mask. Naipaul does
this all the time. What is important with this sort of
writer is the core of truth that he's attempting to get
at. Because quite often we get caught up in analysing
the distortions which he uses as his mask. It's a real
problem.
It's a problem which complicates itself
when this writer becomes an essayist, and begins to
talk about the necessity for rigorous research. Because
you don't know the extent to which he sees himself
as making and the extent to which his essay or his-
torical work is the result of actual research. If he
were writing fiction, one attempts to distinguish
between the mask and the core of truth that he's
getting at. But if he is making statements about a
particular society, and he's quoting from other
writers to give his perceptions a kind of intellectual
framework and justification, then it seems to me that
a certain task is imposed on him there, which goes
beyond the task of simply creating a mask and
arriving at the core of truth. He needs to look at as
wide a range of the documents as he possibly can
Then, if he still injects his mask of irony, at least we
know that his enquiry has been based on a fairly ful!
approach to the problem. But when we know that it's
been based on a one-sided approach, then it's our
business to point this out. Otherwise, what we're left
with is the mockery and a sense of paralysis. Because
Naipaul's perceptions often end in a paralysis which
reinforces the original crippledom that has been
illuminated.
In order to illustrate this point about percep-
tion ending in paralysis, let us look at Naipaul's
attempt todeal with the Trinidad situation indirectly,
by introducing Belize, Argentina and the Congo. We
could move, he implies, to Belize at one end of


the spectrum a kind of uncomprehending squalor
- or we could "progress" to Argentina where the
material problems are solved but where so Naipaul
says the society is in its death throes. If these are
the two alternatives, what are you inviting Trinidad
to do? This is what I mean when I talk about
paralysis.
Q: But wasn't he making these references for
specific purposes? I mean, what he indicted about
Argentina was the fact that the intellectuals had ill-
served the society, that they hadn't told the truth
about the history and the people had been fed and
were living a lie. I thought that by his reference to
the Congo he meant to show that revolutionary
rhetoric was being used in the service of what was
quite a reactionary rule. Again, in Belize, I saw him
as pointing to the role of political intellectuals who
thought that, simply by consecrating the term
"Belizean", they could solve all the problems of the
place.
A: So you're saying that this left a vista open
for us to avoid all of these pitfalls. Maybe; but it still
gives us little idea ofhow to avoid them. I don't think
that anyone expected Naipaul to have all, or even any
of the answers. What they sought was some state-
ment of faith that some of these problems could be
courageously confronted: that it was not beyond our
capacity to make rational and humane choices
towards some sort of future. Maybe Naipaul was
trying to tell us that there are no formulae which he
could supply without distorting his own private and
complex vision. I tell myself that this is what he is
trying to say: that one gets to a point where none of
the simplifications of politician, prelate or pundit
works any longer. Then it becomes impossible to
deliver any message, any straight sermon or plan of
action.
On the other hand, it seems to me that
Naipaul's works imply far more than this. What they
say to me is that wilile the "pure,' forms of the past
are undergoing decay, what lies in wait is worse,
whether one terms this future "creolisation", "local-
isation", nationalisationn", or "recolonisation" by
"trans-national corporations." It all amounts ulti-
mately to Mo'butu.


To be continued.


JAMiE


II_ ~Il,-ILII


~d c-







SUNDAY- JULY 6, 1975


Beau


Tewarie


Reports on


the final


Session


of the


Symposium on


EAST INDIANS in the



CARIBBEAN


THE four day symposium
on East Indians in the
Caribbean, sponsored by
the faculty of Social
Sciences and the Institute
of African and Asian
Studies, ended on Satur-
day June 28th with a two
and a half hour panel
discussion on the theme
"Challenge and Change:
East Indians in the Carib-
bean" at the JFK Lecture
Hall,U.W.I.St. Augustine.
Chairman of the session,.
Dr. Kusha Haracksingh of the
Faculty of Social Sciences,
opened by introducing the
panelists and calling for a
"free and frank" discussion.
The panelists were Mr.
Winston Dookeran and Dr.
Brinsley Samaroo, both
lecturers at U.W.I., Mr.
Trevor Sudama, a trade
unionist, and Messers Dood-
nath Singh and Mr. Jailal
Tiwary Kissoon, both lawyers
from Guyana..
Each of the panelists
spoke for about ten minutes,
after which there was an
open discussion.
Mr. Winston Dookeran, the
first speaker, pointed to the
"intellectual framework"
within which discussions
about Indians in the Carib-
bean had been located. From
this framework, he said, had
emerged ideas and theories
about "acculturation, assimi-
lation and integration".
It was a framework, Mr.
Dookeran argued, which al-
ways saw the relationship
between Indians and the
larger society as one of guest
and host respectively. Mr.
Dookeran pointed out that
all of this was history, how-
ever, and felt that while
historical analysis must go
on, "we must not be pre-
occupied with history."
He stressed the need to
examine contemporary Carib-
bean society and the relation-
ships political and econ-
omic between different


groups. East Indians in Trini-
dad for instance, said Mr.
Dookeran, are at the lowest
rung of the economic ladder,
but,.he added, Africans are
not much better off.
In terms of politics, Mr.
Dookeran argued, a class
struggle was emerging in
which, the enemies could be


seen as the multi-national
corporations and the com-
bination of State capitalism
and State power. In the light
of this, he said, one must
think of unorthodox
approaches to the politics. In
closing Mr. Dookeran pointed
out that in any economic or
political analysis of a country


like Trinidad and Tobago, the
question of race cannot be
ignored.
Dr. Brinsley Samaroo' in
his presentation said that the
problem of race was "impor-
tant and real" but informed
the audience that this was "a
problem of history" perpetu-
ated by those who have held


power.
Dr. Samaroo explained
that the racial problem began
both in Guyana and in Trini-
dad when indentured Indians
were brought into both of
these countries to take the
place of emancipated Africans
on the Sugar plantations.
The situation as exists now
Dr. Samaroo argued, is one
of suspicion with both Afri-
cans and Indians fearing
domination by the other
group.
Dr. Samaroo saw the "real
enemies of the-people" as-
the "Indian and African
oligarchs" and gave the
example of those "who took
the side of the multi-nationals
against OWTU."
Dr. Samnaroo said that
Indians had a number of
options in Trinidad and
Tobago and the one he
favoured was an approach in
which Indians and Africans
would seek "mutual areas of
accommodationon thebasisof
respect," seekunity on a class
basis and support political
movements which represent
African and Indian interests.
Dr. Samaroo indicated
that he was "opposed to any
policy of racial exclusiveness."
Mr. Trevor Sudama, in his
presentation, dealt with the
question of "integration". He
prefaced his comments by
stating that the concept of
"integration" assumes an
established order into which
some foreign group must
"integrate".
Any question as to how
Indians are to be integrated
into the system in Trinidad
and Tobago must be pre-
ceeded by a question which
asks just how much voice
Indians actually have in
determining the direction
that this country takes, said
Mr. Sudama.
He added that to the
extent that Indians have or
have not been able to

Continued on Page 9


UNORTHODOX APPROACHES TO POLITICS?


PAGE 8 TAPIA


- ----


s --- -I-


m




































From Page 8
influence the course of events
in this society then to that
extent have Indians been or-
not been integrated into the
society.
The question of "integra-
tion", therefore, suggested
Mr. Sudama, had to do with
the 'power relationships" ot
races within the society. On
this point, the speaker added
that it is the responsibility of
those who control the levers
of power to "share"power in
order to "integrate" those
who do not have power.
Mr. Doodnath Singh, the
first ofthe Guyanese speakers
began by saying that he would
like to deal with three
specific aspects of life in
present day Guyana and the
way they affected the Indian
population there.
The first of these was
what he termed "the para-
mountcy of the party over
the Government" in Guyana,
which he noted was a viola-
tion of all constitutional
provisions.
He related instances
of members of the judiciary
being taken to Papua and
Kimbia House to be lectured
to by party officials. He
mentioned that when one
judge had the- audacity to
question such an arrange-
ment he was firmly put in his
place by the party official
who told him to withdraw
the question.
Mr. Singh pointed out
that the growing relationship
between the judiciary and
the party in power, deprived
all citizens, but especially
Indians, since the Burnham
regime was racist, of justice
in the courts.
Mr. Singh also complained
about the abuse of the
institution of National Service
by the Burnham regime. He
pointed out that National
Service was being used
specifically to break up
family life in Indian com-
munities and to sexually
exploit Indian girls who
found themselves at the
mercy of party hacks.
Mr. Singh also informed
the audience that the army
and the police were being
used to suppress the Indian
population and searches have
become a daily routine in
Guyana. lie also indicated
tliat in a country with a 56%
Indian limajoriy, thdie police
force and the army are
almost lotlally Afric;in.
Mr. Jailal Tiwary Kissoon,
ite other Guyanese lawyer,
said thal one ol' the "con-


INTEGRATION' i U i
INTEGRATION?'


tradictions of the socialist
State of Guyana" is that
there exists in that, country a
privileged few who enjoy
"even more than they can
squander" while at the same
time there exists a mass of
people who must struggle and
toil everyday for their daily
bread.
He added that the majority
of Indians in the country
were in the category of the
toilers, mainly on the sugar
and rice plantations where
they are grossly exploited.
A lively discussion ensued,
with speakers from the floor
raising several questions.
Ricky Singh, the Guyanese
journalist, now Editoi of
Caribbean Contact, said that
the impression was being
given that the Burnham


regime was anti-Indian and
pro-African. He argued that
it was in fact, anti-Indian
and anti-African as well. He
suggested that the Burnham
regime is an elitist regime.
that is making race an issue
to-divide the population for
political purposes.
Ken Parmasad saw both
the struggle in Guyana and
Trinidad as one not of race,
but of class. He gave a
Marxist interpretation of the
economic and political rela-
tionships in the two countries.
Basdeo Panday, Trade
Union leader, said that the
time had come to organize
at community level. He said
that it was now necessary to
"build from the grassroots".
The challenge as he saw it
was for "Indians to change"


Mr. Panday suggested that
the time had also come to set
up alternative structures,
parallel structures to the
ones that exist at present;
alternatives to the courts, to
hospitals and to schools.
In place of the courts he
suggested Panchayats to
settle disputes in the com-
munities: to replace hospitals
he suggested health centres
with volunteer doctors under
houses if necessary; to supple-
ment schools he suggested the
setting up of political schools.
In answer to a question as
to why the organization that
Panday was talking about had
not been attempted prior to
the confrontation of March
18th and a second question
as to whether Panday was
admitting that his strategy of


confrontation was a mistake
and was now embarking on a
new strategy, Panday answer-
ed that the abortive march
was not intended as confron-
tation. In fact, he said, it was
a peaceful march which the
people decided upon when
they thought that more than
-industrial action was neces-
sary to fight their cause.

He added that sugar
workers were in fact organised
before the march and are
organized now.-

Many other members of
the audience spoke or asked
questions and the Lecture
Hall was alive with interest.
About 400 people attended
the session.


POLITICAL MOVEMENTS REPRESENTING AFRICANS AND INDIANS?


_ _11__1__ _~ _


5 -- I -- --







PAGE 10 TAPIA


SUNDAY JULY 6. 1975

A


Technology, Revolution and Change


From Page 4

to the rise of the new indus-
trial, capitalist civilisation.
This consciousness was
republican and democratic in
part, but it was chiefly com-
mercial. It is more than coinci-
dence thatboth the American
Revolution and Adam Smith's
The Wealth of Nations
appeared in 1776.
The classical symbol of
the social changes brought
on by the rise of industry, is
the French Revolution. It has
become the revolutionary's
revolution, for it clearly fits
the Marxian class analysis.
These three upheavals,
typical of the coming of
industry have shown that the
two factors necessary before
profound social revolution
occurs are technological
change and class conscious-
ness.
The mistake that many of
those who have designated
themselves Marxist have made
is to emphasise class warfare
to the exclusion of technol-
ogical development.
This can easily be explained
Technological change emerges
6ut of the day to day work of
entire societies. Revolution-
aries have little control over
this. But in the end, class
consciousness matures after
the appropriate technology
has emerged.
I Ever since Marx, people
have been endlessly predicting
the impending working class
revolution. Marx himself cor-
rectly predicted that the
revolution would occur in the
most advanced industrial
nations. He had seen the
importance of technology in
the processes of social change.
Many ask, why has this
revolution not occurred?
The issues of the Russian
and Chinese revolutions are
also raised. Were they not
socialist or working class
revolutions? The answer is
no; they were not. -
It is the word socialist
that causes mischief here.
The Bolsheviks saw them-
selves as the vanguard of the
workers revolution in Russia.
They used Marxist analysis
to interpret and pursue their
goals, and they really believed
that they were correct.


With hindsight we could
clearly see that the Russian
revolution was another version
of the French, changing a
peasant, feudal society into
an industrial. Tapia is
absolutely correct in describ-
ing the American and Russian
systems as two versions of
the same thing.
The Chinese revolution is a
variation on the Russian.
China is now a disciplined,
ordered society, making per-
haps the best use of its
resources, human and other-
wise, within the limits of
their technology. Certainly
the necessity for a cultural
revolution is an admission of
the existence of an incipient
bourgeois class.
The revolution then that
Marx predicted still lies in
the future but even Marx
could not tell how or when
it will come.
There are four points that
I should like to make here:
Marx had visions of a
society beyond that which
has so far appeared. How
long it will take to arrive is
not clear. However, the
rapidity of change in our
time would seem to indicate
that we will not have long
to wait.,
The second point is that
glimmers of a new technol-
ogy are manifesting them-
selves in the industrial world.
Toffler in Future Shock des-
cribes the new technology as
Super Industrialism
The third point is that just
as industrialism was proceeded
by widespread changes in the
world order, we are experienc-
ing the' early signs of the
breakdown of the present
order portents of a new.
The fourth is that the
social dislocations that will
accompany what I may call
the third revolution (The
Super Industrial) may not
resemble any that man has
experienced thus far. The
French Revolution model
may well be unique to the
industrial period. It is quite
possible then that the revolu-
tion may occur beneath the
loses of revolutionaries, and
they may not recognize it.
What seems to indicate
the coming changes? In the
U.S., for example, white


collar workers now out-
number blue collar workers
by a wide margin. The predic-
tion is that with more auto-
mation the trend will con-
tinue until blue collar workers
will almost be extinct.
This is not a new phen-
omenon. The industrial
revolution freed millions from
farming. Today less than ten
percent of the American and
Canadian populations now
produce enough food to feed
the world.
Another phenomenon that
emerged recently in North
Atlantic society was the
radicalism of youth. In the
Greening of America, Reich
describes this radicalism as
Consciousness III. Reich cor-
rectly saw it as a spin off
from the Black revolt.
This new consciousness
questioned all capitalist
values. Strangely, the children
of the North Atlantic
bourgeoisie were in the fore-
front that consciousness
worked reciprocally, in a
hitherto unseen kind of inter-
action, with third world
.radicalism.
The fact that economic
necessity and repression has
driven this movement to
silence .does.- not deny its
emergence.
Consciousness IIIidentified
the totalitarianism of the
Corporate state the mar-
riage between government
bureaucracy and the Corpora-
tions, a marriage dramatically
revealed during the Watergate
imbroglio. There was a general
refusal by youth to absorbed
into that guagmine. It was an
attack on .capitalist values.
The attack came in guarded
form: anti-pollution, anti-war,
rock music (technological
music), black power, women
liberation, consumer pro-
tection,peace and love.
The basic argument was
that MAN is more impor-
tant than profits and corpor-
ate growth. The movement
demanded that man should
dominate both technology
and the totalitarian state
machine; and also that
humanity should not depend
on the free movement of
market forces to determine
the nature or quality of its
existence.


Your family is





I well fed with




Blue Band




on bread


The Watergate affair saw
the emergence of another
phenomenon; the real pos-
sibility of direct democracy
even in large nations, given
advanced technology.
Those Americans most
loyal to ,their system may
not have seen the possibili-
ties. Every important issue of
the Watergate drama was
broadcast live on television.
When the House Judiciary
Committee debated and
voted on Nixon's case, it was
viewed by the largest televi-
sion audience in American
history only one step away
from a situation in which
each ,citizen would cast- a
vote (via button and com-
puter) from his living room.
Another sign of the coming
age is the continuing erosion
of the nation state. To be
blunt, the nation state is
becoming obsolete. Coin-.
munication has contributed
to this partially. But more
than that, the transportation
of advanced technology to
every corner of by the multi-
nationals, and the intricate
web of world trade that they
have organised continues to
tear away at the sovereignty
of nations.
The energy crisis drama-
tized the situation. There is
still a great amount of doubt,
particularly in the U.S., about
who piccipitatcd the Arab


/
embargo. Many feel that the
oil cartel was responsible.
ITT is an example of a
corporation that now has no
real national identity. The
fact that its president, is
American, does not seem to
be relevant anymore.
A recent book on the
company has been titled
The Sovereign State ofl.T.T.,
and for good reason. An item
of interest here. I.T.T.
operated without any pro-
blems in both Britain and
Germany during World War
II.
It is becoming clearer each
day that national govern-
ments are incapable of solving
major internal problems with-
out ,acting in conjunction
with other states.
The world food crisis, for
example, will only be finally
solved when food planning
is done on a global scale.
Nations, no doubt, will linger
on for centuries yet, but like
kingdoms they would one
day vanish from the earth.
Today we are witnessing
change not a revolt against
anything. This kaleidoscope
of small changes will produce
a completely new world.
Political systems have been
traditionally the last to change
and they usually do so in an
orgy ofblood letting. Whether
this will occur again, one
cannot predict.


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SUNDAY JULY 6, 1975


Grassroots Science




Comes to Education


System in Peru


Unesco Features

TWO slivers of glass and
a bit of wood are enough
to make a microscope
that costs pennies. An
old car battery can
demonstrate electromag-
netism. And basic con-
cepts of physics and
mechanics can be got
across using other junked
car parts. Physics and
chemistry can be taught
using old wire, broken
radios and used light
bulbs and neon tubes.
Indeed, just about any-
thing can be and is used' to
teach natural sciences and
mathematics in PRONAMEC,
Peru's national programme to
improve science teaching,
begun in 1971.



STIMULUS
Starting with primary
school children, lack of
money.is treated as a stimulus
to creating the necessary
teaching materiall rather than
as a barrier to learning about


science. The children bring
to school material put out
with the rubbish or obtained
from the neighbours who are
asked if they have any old
things they no longer want.
Thus the children are
whole-heartedly involved not
only in producing the equip-
ment with which they will
learn about science, but also
in a wider mobilisation of
community energy under
PRONAMEC which is being
helped with technical and
financial assistance from
Unesco and UNICEF, the
United Nations Childrens
Fund.


WORKSHOPS

Many business firms too,
are collaborating with techni-
cal schools, the- authorities
and the local population -
who understand that "every-
thing can be put to use."
The teachers, who until
PRONAMEC too often had
only textbooks to work with,
have become clever craftsmen
able to make audio-visual
and scientific .apparatus out
of just about thin air.
Peru's new education


Publications

Pamphlets by Lloyd Best


Black Power and National Reconstruction
Government and Politics of the West Indies
Prospects for Our Nation
The Political Alternative
Honourable Senators
Whose Republic?


Forthcoming

The Afro-American Condition
The High Season of Crisis (1975)

Latest from Tapia


Participatory Democracy
We Are In a State
A Clear Danger


- C.V. Gocking
- Ivan Laughlin
- Michael Harris


The Tapia House,
82-84 St. Vincent Street,
Tunapuna,


centres have become veritable
workshops for construction
and maintenance of equip-
ment, often developing a
prototype which is then sent
to other schools to be made
in quantity.



INDEPENDENCE
A U-iesco expert, Mr.
Gennan Bernacer, was al-
ready working in Peru before
the programme was launched.
According to Mr. Bernacer,
"PRONAMEC's objectives are
to show teachers how to
eqvip school laboratories and
generally promote science
teaching, hoping that in the
near future the supply of
teaching materials will be
independent of foreign, com-
mercial sources."
The teachers are being
prepared, he said, by learning
how to make the equipment
they need from locally
obtained materials using pro-
totypes supplied by UNICEF.
PRONAMEC carries out
its activities by placing
science units in each of the
education districts into which
Peru is divided, with so far
25 such units in place. In
Lima, a co-ordinating office
includes four co-ordinators
for biology, mathematics,
physics and chemistry and
four district co-ordinators.
Altogether about 100


people are involved in imple-
menting the programme which
aroused enthusiasm at a Latin
American science teaching
seminar held last December
in Naiguata, Venezuela. Re-
presentatives from Colom-
bia, Ecuador and Venezuela
said they wanted to change
science teaching in the same
way in their countries.
Another PRONAMEC pro-
ject is a travelling science
museum that goes around
the country, familiarizing
visitors with fundamental-
principles of science through
exhibitions, in which the
principles are applied to
everyday uses in such appli-
ances as solar cells, electro-
magnets, transistors and
lasers. While in most museums
"Don't touch" is the rule,
in this one the visitors are
expected to handle the
exhibits.
We want the public to


. New World a Moko -* Tapia


T:APIA PAGE 11

take an atile part in the
demonstration they'see,"
said Mr. Bernacer, who con-
ceives of the travelling
museum as a combination of
laboratory, exhibition hall
and creative workshop.


MUSEUM

Here again the material
used is mostly home-made
and includes microscopes
that magnify 100 times,
humidity gauges, incubators
and even slide projectors that
compare favourably with
expensive imported ones.
Apparatus on exhibit in the
museum can be made by the
visitors-themselves at very
lost cost from plans provided
by PRONAMEC.
One such item, the in-
cubator, is something many
of the country-people and
Indians have never seen before
Their enthusiasm for the
"wooden hen" is recorded
in the museum's visitors'
book. Other comments con-
firm that science can indeed
be brought to everyone. As
one man in the provincial
town of Trujillo remarked:
"The travelling museum
enabled me to understand
in three-quarters of an hour
what I was never able to
understand after years of
useless classes."


a Savacou,


1963-1972


* Subject and author entries in one alphabetical sequence
* Comprehensive coverage of all articles
* Supporting cross references


Professionally prepared by a librarian at the University of the West Indies, St. Augustine,
the Index includes an Introduction by Dr. Gordon Rohlehr, Head of the English Depart-
ment, which places the publications in a social and historical context.

Order your copy by filling out and returning the following fonn to the Tapia House
Publishing Co. Ltd., 84 St. Vincent Street, Tunapuna, Trinidad and Tobago (Tel: 662-
5126).
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H


FOOTBALL


ARGENTINA will or-
ganize the 1978 World
Football Championship
and all reports to the
contrary are completely
groundless, asserted David
Bracuto, president of the
national association of
the sport (AFA).
"A few weeks ago the
organizing committee of the
International Federation of
Associated Football (IFAF)
was here," stated the Argen-
tine official. "It passed on
our plans and gave Lus its
support, and now our gbvern-
ment-has declared that the
World Tourney is a matter of
the national interest."
The president of the AFA
pointed out that with this
support and the enthusiasm
with which work has begun
there is no basis for reports
in European publications on
the possibility that another
country may be assigned to
organize the world soccer
event.


. From the European zone
they's always interfered when
it comes to finding reasons
for Argentina not to play
host to the event, but frow
the situation is irreversible:
we will stage a World Tourney
that will be a sensation"
asserted Bracuto.




SUPPORT
The Argentine Social Wel-
fare Ministry,he explained,
already announced a few days
ago the start of work to
remodel existing stadiums
and build new ones in the
designated cities, and by
September or October 1977,
they will be ready in keeping
with IFAF standards.
"So there can't be any
doubts about our holding the
1978 world championship
here" stated the official.
Bracuto declared that he
knows that IFAF president


Joao Havelange received an
offer from Holland and
Belgium to organize the
contest.
"But Havelange simply
stated he would keep the
offer in mind and that
Argentina would cease to be
the site of the event only if
this country so decides," he
explained.
"That will not happen,"
asserted the president of the
AFA, "because in addition
to the government decision
to back us, the local organiz-
ing commission and the sup-
port commission (made up
of state employees) are
working steadily and have just
about completed their
studies."
He insisted that the AFA
enjoys Hav'elange's support as
well as that of the President
of the European Union of
Associated Football, Artemio
Franchi, and with the un-
conditional support of West
German leader Herman
Neuberger, President of the


ING CO., LTD. 91, TUNAPUNA ROAD. TUNAPUNA PHONE 6E


I^- :"


*I -y

as&~Y


David Bracuto, President of the Argentine Football Association.


IFAF organizing committee,
who invited two or three
AFA members to visit the
Federal Republic to see how
the last world tourney was
organized.
The Argentine football
official admitted that at first
there may have been some
doubts but that now organiza-
tional work has begun in good
earnest and all hesitations
have been overcome.
In Mendoza and Cordoba,
two of the cities where games
will be held, new stadiums
will be built, while those of
River Plate and Velez Sarsfield
in Buenos Aires, the Rosario
Central stadium in that city
Sand the San Martin in Mar del
Plata will be remodelled,
according to announcements
made by the Social Welfare
Ministry, stated Bracuto.




COMMUNICATIONS

As for communications,
he held, everything will be
solved properly because the
three-year government plan
approved in 1973 already
included important improve-
inent projects.
"Of course communications
are basic for a world football
tourney. The Argentine gov-
ernment will assign them top
priority and we'll soon have
color television and all that's
\ necessary lor the champion-
ship" stressed the president
of the Argentine Football
Association.
He indicated that the


organizers and the South
American Football Fediera-
tion (CSF) are in agreement
that the number of partici-
pants be raised from 16 to
20.
"However, we' feel that
two of the four new places
should be covered by Europ-
ean teams, for economic
reasons. We'd like to see
teams like England, Spain and
Czechoslovakia, that were
absent from the Federal
Republic World tourney, be-
cause they're an attraction
for the Argentine public" he
stated.
"At first", stated Bracuto,
"we thought that the four
places could be filled with
two teams from Asia and
two from Africa, but that
dosen't suit us from the econ-
omic standpoint. "We talked
about that with Havelange
and it was thought that there
might be a playoff between
European teams that failed
to classify in the first in:
stance with others from Asia
and Africa.
"For instance, if Spain or
Italy, say, fail to classify,
we'd like to see them get
another chance, instead of
teams like Morocco or Zaire,
without any offense; others
c\uld take part that are an
attraction" indicated the
official.
As for the date, Bracuto
said the Argentine organizers
would like the opening to be
May 31 instead of June 16.
so that. the cold here it will
be winter won't harm the
players, especially in Mar del
Plata. 400 kilometers south
of Buenos Aires.