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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00167
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: June 22, 1975
Frequency: completely irregular
 Subjects
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
 Notes
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00167

Full Text


Vol. 5 No. 25


RESE8ARCH INSTITUTE
SFOR Th STDy O I -
1362 EAST- -7,8STREET
ifW 'YORK, 21, N. Y.


SUNDAY JUNE 22, 1975


THE


ARE COMING





SOLE OLE!


ERIC WILLIAMS, in his
long and industrious
political career, which
started, it should be
known, long before 1955,
has played many roles,
put on many masks and
spoken many lines The
truth is,. however, that
his best role was his
first. It was a perform-
ance which ran for many-
years, passed through
many scenes and col-
elapsed only when the
theatre became too
absurd for the crowds in
the pit to take.
Since theri he has tried
many other scrip-ts .and
played many other parts but
for the most part the House
has beep. empty and the
c-eers- of-,aidulati6t -which
once came from ihC folk
with each of his strokes are
absent. The silence,is deafen-
ing, the catcalls are threaten-
ing. -
It is therefore no surprise
to find that in what is
probably going to be his
final performance on the


political stage he should turn
his attention backwards to
that very first performance
and seek to recreate the role
which he played so con-
vincingly then Jack the
Giant Killer.
The curtain opened with
Jack battling valiantly and
all alone against the tremend-
ous Giant of the Caribbean
Commission. His fight, the
script would have us believe,
was not a political one. His
ambitions were of the purest,
he sought only the best
interests of his people and
his nation.
An overnight sficcess, the
superstar was propelled by a
joyously enthusiastic audience
to widen the scope of his
performance and todo battle
in the National amphitheatre.
Answering the call .f dIltit
-Jack let his Bucket down.
For some tnlie dthi e role
grew alniost orpanicall;y. It
seemed as though there would
always be alien .giants
threatening the -peace and
security of Jack's Kingdom
and Jack went forward,
relentlessly demolishing each
in its turn. First there was


the long battle against the
Ugly Americans over- the
return of Chaguaramas.
This was a particularly
strenuous battle, for Jack had
to fight not only the Ameri-
cans outside but also their
;treacherous allies within. And
in one particularly vivid scene
Jack was seen demolishing
the ranks of the enemy
lurking in the bowels of the
Trinidad Guardian with his
spectacularly incendiary
wrath.
After so doing Jack
turned his full attention to
the Ugly Americans. By this
time Jack had recruited quite
a following and one glorious
Sday led what has come to be
kniwn* in the history .of
theatre as the "Long March"
to Chaguaranas. Terfe he
huffed and he puffed and
-t'n alter so fri-htened th '
Americanis that. they- were
forced to pay the fabulous
ransom of 51 million dollars.
Little Jack's biggest battle
however was against the
Colonial Office, the advance
guard of British Imperialism,
which did not want to release


President Perez... the newbogeyman.
President Perez-... the- new bogeyman.


his land and his people from
Bondage. Independence be-
.-came the thceine -.g uoif u
--moement nrnd all and sundry
joined the clamour and, i hi
battle was won.
Many of the audience shed
. tears as after that long battle
for Independence the British
flag came down. It- was
Jack's finest.hour. For soon
after that the curtain came


down on his glorious play.
Now many years later,
\ i tlI lhiI roilo. i ng completely
diminished, Jack the Giant
- .-jib^-_^,IL..,- 1 I --" I !.'- 1
he would retneee that early
thespian charisma. For this,
however, he needs a big, bad
giant and so the Venezuelans
are coming, ole! ole!
SEE PAGE 2


Education Crisis



Remains Unsolved


THE Government have
duly announced their
success in placing all the
Junior Sec.. School
Graduates: Mr. Gomes in
his statement thanked
"all those who took part
in the discussion on the
placing of the 1975
graduates and in so doing
assisted in resolving the
issue." .
The non-issue may have
been resolved but all the
issues still remain. Placing of
the graduates has always been
a non-issue. As far back as
May 5, 1974 (Tapia Vol. 4
No. 10)wehad stated, "Tapia
therefore insists that Govern-
ment immediately assuage
the anxieties of the country
by announcing that, as an
interim measure all 14-year-
olds-will be given two addi-


tional years."
Our concern has always
been with the modification
of the present, manifestly
inappropriate system, to
meet the needs of the present.
In that same issue we said,
."The Government has, it.
seems, never been able to
understand the. inseparable
links that exist between
Education and Economic
,planning. Thus our educat-
ion system is incapable of
providing the citizens with
the skills necessary to create
employment".
In last week's issue we
posed these questions.

What courses are the
students going to pursue in
these institutions?
What percentage of the
6,500 graduates will be going


to the "academic" stream
and what percentage to the
technical/vocational" stream?
These two questions focus
attention on the curricular
'changes involved in the
arrangements made for the
graduates. When we look at
the statement given by the
Minister of Education last
Tuesday for our answers all
we find is silence.

CONTRACTORS
The Minister chose how-
Sever to deal with why even
the very limited objective of
placement has not been met
without excessive bussing.
He warned that "these
arrangements have been made
against the background of
non-completion of schools
many months after they


should have become opera-
tional."
He heaps the blame for
this on the construction
industry and he says, "It is
simply a fact of life which we
all have to livewith".But it is
not so simple at all. In the
first place it is only a PNM
Government that could ele-
vate an inefficient construc-'
tion Industry into "a fact of
life."
But if they say it is then
why have not the planners in
the Ministry of Educat.on
been taking "this fact" into
account when they make
their projections about dead-
lines for project completion
and so on? And if this is
part of Trinidad life after 19
years of PNM rule then
whose responsibility is it.
According to the Minister's
statement:
944 pupils will
be allocated to North Eastern
College (Sangre Grande) and
Point Fortin College.
3,676 pupils
will be placed at St.
Augustine Senior Secondary
School, Rio Claro Secondary,
and South East Port-of-Spain
Senior Secondary School, on


a shift basis.
Now St. Augustine and
Rio Claro are new schools
with the first intake of stu-
dents scheduled for Septem-
ber 1975. North Eastern,
Point Fortin, and South
East are old schools which
have been converted.


SOUTH EAST P.O.S.

One could understand an
arrangement in which all the
Senior Secondary Schools
wee placed on .ift.
One could understand also
an arrangement in which all
the new schools were placed
on the shift system (they are
new and best placed to
experiment). But what is the
rationale behind placing
South East along with the
new schools on the shift
system and not say, Point
Fortin.
The Government must
realise that if they are asking
us to live with hardships
caused by theirbunglinzi then
the least they can do is to
ensure lha I these haidshli's
are ralioiially ;IInd eCitlaIly
distributed.


3OCertts


- -- --


~C I --e ----r ~r~--~c-- ~--plSBIIY~sa~B~ ---C


,UELA





SUNDAY JUNE 22, 1975


THE CARIBBEAN AREA


THE issue of Latin
American recolonisafion
of the Caribbean is not
new. Dr. C.V. Gocking
has already reminded us
(Tapia Vol. 5 No. 13.)
that as far back as 1948
Venezuela was already
making claims to the
Guianas, Trinidad, Aruba
and Curacao. What is new
is the absence of the
British Imperial Power
in the region, the in-
creased capacity of
Venezuela to pursue any
hegemonic ambitions she
may harbour and, of
course, the Prime Min-
ister's increasingly dire
warnings about such
recolonisation.
The first major state-
ment made by the Prime
Minister on the subject
came on the occasion of
his first "farewell" per-
formance back in Sept-
ember of 1973. At that
time he had paid special
attention to the attitudes
of the Latin American
states towards the Carib-
bean and had pointed at
the emergence of "a
scatter of weak and
importunate" mini-states
in the Caribbean.
The next major develop-
ment came with his addresses
in Point Fortin and San
Fewrando earlier this year


when he made open allega-
tions against Venezuela and
Mexico and levelled what
amounted to charges of cor-
ruption and "treachery'
against some of his Caribbean
colleagues.
The climax of his long
campaign on this issue how-
ever only came at the special
Convention of his Party
summoned last Sunday to
listen to the detailed account
of the charges against
Venezuela and the prospects
for the region.
There can be no disputing
that William's warnings con-
tain a kennel of truth. Recol-
onisation is an inherent pos-
sibility given the fragmented
nature of the Caribbean
region and the political and
economic weakness of many
of the Islands. As Denis
Solomon wrote in his article
"Recolonisation; A twenty
year Odyssey" (Tapia Vol. 5
No. 20.):
"If recolonisation is a
danger, it is a danger in
that politics, like every-
thing else, abhors a
vacuum, and that if
a vacuum exists where a
West-Indian Nation
West-Indian Nation should
be then the remedy is not
to curse the Venezuelans,
the Mexicans, the Canad-
ians, the Jamaicans and
the Cubans for doing what
comes naturally, but to
take positive steps to build
a West Indian nation, and


to equip the region, start-
ing with ourselves, with
the political and technical
wherewithal to deal with
the world outside."
In other words given the
internal conditions of the
Caribbean Region the threat
of recolonisation would exist
whether or not Venezuela
were there or whether or not
it possessed the capacity to
rea!ise its ambitions.
What this means then is
that an honest examination
of the issue of recolonisation
must begin with the internal
conditions of the Caribbean
region and its prospects for
achieving "the political and
technical wherewithal" and,
one must add, the "psycho!-
ogical" wherewithal to deal
with the world outside.
That Williams has not done
so and has in fact concen-
trated on building an enorm-
ous and, for the most part,
incredibly irrelevant case
against Venezuela should not
surprise us. For Williams'
performance, as opposed to
his words, in the sphere of
Caribbean integration is
hardly.one which marks him
out as a dedicated protagonist
of West,-Indian Nationhood.
The fact is that Trinidad
cannot escape the responsi-
bility for playing the major
role in the construction of
Caribbean Unity. Our geo-
graphical location in relation
to the rest of the islands
gives us what must be regarded


as an advantage over Jamaica.
In addition we have popula-
tion ties with the rest of the
region which we.could use to
give impetus to any initiatives
which we hope to make.
In any case, whatever the
attitudes of the peoples of
the other islands and how-
ever great the "a-moral"
nature of the "one-man"
despots in the other islands,
if we recognise that ultimately
we cannot divorce ourselves
from the rest of the Caribbean
and that our survival is only
assured by their's, then it is
up to us to make the sacrifices
necessary to bring the other
inlands into closer and closer
collaboration.
Yet in many respects ours
has been a stingy, parochial,
beggar-my-neighbour pattern
of response when what was
required of us was over-
whelming generosity. Williams
cannot escape the indictment
of being the chief intellectual
architect of this policy. The
final answer,itis now obvious,
to the one-from-ten problem
in recolonisation.
It is not enough to rest
our case on the demise of the
West Indian Federation. For
it can reasonably be argued
that political edifices cannot
stand other than on firmly
appropriate psychological
foundations. And Williams
might well have sought to
retrieve his honour by taking
such initiatives, in those areas
open to him, as would foster


and engender the concept ot a
regional identity.
The University of the
West Indies, for a long time
after the demise of the
Federation, constituted the
most significant area for the
advancement of such a con-
cept. It is a major indication
of Williams' total lack of
vision that in 1975 he should
seek to castigate the institu-
tion on the issue of financial
accountability. In the first
place, to the extent that
finance is important and
some of the other islands are
defaulting it is an opport-
unity to demonstrate our
goodwill by financing as far
as is possible their students.
But certainly more impor-
tant than the whole question
of finance is that of the
focus, the thrust, the essential
raison d'etre of the institu-
tion. If the University is to be
faulted it must be faulted on
the grounds that it has failed
to develop into what might
be termed the vanguard of a
new West-Indianism. It has
failed to provide the intel-
lectual and cultural under-
pinnings for the emergence
of the new man in the
Caribbean. And to the extent
that the University has failed
in this then Williams as a
Prime Minister, as a Carib-
bean Scholar, as a Vice
Chancellor must undoubtedly
share much of the blame for
this state of affairs.
With the coming of the
energy crisis and this coun-


Our printing-plant is open at
The Tapia House 82-84 St. Vincent
Street, Tunapuna.

Kindly phone orders to: 662-5126.


PUBLISHING *OFFSET PRINTING-EDITING SERVICE


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.PRINTING & PUBLISHING


I -


PAGE 2 TAPIA








SUNDAY .J- 22, 1975


try's bonanza gains, the
situation changed dramatic-
ally. For it provided us with
the opportunity to come to
the assistance of the sister
islands reeling under the
impact of adverse Balance-of-
Payments problems, without
sacrifices to ourselves, and in
such a way as to lay a solid
foundation for many valid
enterprises of a regional
nature.




HYPOCRITICAL

But the Government's
response was a cheap, hypo-
critical and totally inappropri-
ate one. In the short run
what was required by -the
other islands was effective
support for them in their
balance of payments crisis.
Trevor Farrell in his article,
"How should T&T help the
Caricom countries." (Tapia
Vol. 4 No. 25) has pointed
out that it was entirely
possible for us to supply the
other territories' oil require-
ments and to do so at pre-
1973 prices.
Instead of this, however,
ours was the magnanimous


gesture of providing the
smaller territories with loans
with which to buy their oil
at the escalated prices. And,
as Farrell pointed out.
"anytime loans are pro-
vided to enable Caricom
countries to purchase oil,
they end up paying higher
prices by comparison with
say a developed country
which does not have to
borrow. If oil costs $20
a barrel and you borrow
the $20 at 5% simple
interest, then by the time
you have paid back the
loan then you have bor-
rowed $21."
Farrell went on,
"This procedure will aid
Trinidad certainly. It can
only be held- to aid the
other countries by arguing
that if they have to borrow
to buy oil and you offer
to lend at lower interest
rates, then to the extent
that your rates are lower,
they are "aided". Only
the cynic would regard
this as a case for Trini-
dad's beatification, how-
ever."
But in failing to be gener-
ous in our assistance to our
neighbours in their distress


Publications

Pamphlets by Lloyd Best



Black Power and National Reconstruction
Government and Politics of the West Indies
Prospects for Our Nation
The Political Alternative
Honourable Senators
Whose Republic?



Forthcoming

The Afro-American Condition
The High Season of Crisis (1975)


Latest from Tapia


Participatory Democracy
We Are In a State
A Clear Danger


C.V. Gocking
Ivan Laughlin
- Michael Harris


The Tapia House,
82-84 St. Vincent Street,
Tunapuna,


we lost much m!:re t:, !I he
opportunity to earn their
goodwill, as important as
that is. For by not providing
our aid in oil we also lost the
opportunity to move forth-
with into the field of ship-
ping and to take over the
marketing of gas and fuel
Caricom-wide and to establish
it as the first meaningful
economic enterprise under
regional ownership and con-
trol.
But instead of such
entirely more feasible, more
generous, more regional
proposals, which needed no
international assistance either
technical or financial,
Williams proceeded to an-
nounce plans for a whole
host of gigantic schemes
requiring of necessity large
inputs of foreign technology
and finance.




POLITICAL

Of his entire grandiose
"energy" programme only
two of his schemes might be
said to have had as their
iocus die Caribo ..- --i, .
The first was the Smelter
project with Jamaica and
Guyana, and the second was
the so-called "Food Plan".
And since Williams has now
washed his hands of both of
these projects on the grounds
that Venezuela at every stage
was moving to thwart his
plans it is necessary for us to
examine the feasibility of
these projects in the first
place.
hi a Tapia editorial (Vol.
4 No. 22) after the announce-
ment of the smelter project
we wrote:
"There can be no question
whatsoever that the
aluminium smelter project
could be a major break-


through if we brought it
off. It could take anything
like seven to eight years
for concluding the negotia-
tions, raising the finance,
designing the plant, secur-
ing the supplies and com-
pleting the construction.
So the immediate impact
will clearly not be econ-
omic but political."
This must have been very
clear to Williams himself,
unless he is far more incom-
petent than imagined. But if
in fact the real worth of the
project was political, in that
it deepens the underlying
commitment to Caribbean
economic integration, then
this value is not lost by
Jamaica's decision to enter
into other Smelter projects
with other countries.
The point which we have
to remember is that bauxite
represents the lifeline of
both the Jamaican and the
Guyanese economy. As they
seek to maximise the returns
from their resources it would
be foolish to expect them to
wait seven years for the
Trinidad smelter to come
onstream when there are
possibilities for entering into
arrangements which could
bring other Smelters onstream
in a much shorter period of
time.
And if, as Jamaica's
Prime Minister Michael
Manley has just claimed,
these arrangements do not
in fact jeopardise Jamaica's
potential contribution to the
Trinidad Smelter nor in fact
indicate any dimunition of
interest in it, it is difficult to
understand what validity can
be given to Williams' claims
that the Jamnaican arrange-
ments represent examples of
the recolonisation process.
As far as the food plan is
concerned Williams' argu-
ments are equally incompre-


TAPIA PAGE 3


a,


Your Family is well





fed with





BluenBand





Son Bread


II`-----------------~--------


-.-~---~Ba --


hensible. Trinidad and To-
bago's contribution to the
Caribbean Agricultural scheme
was supposed to be in our
inputs of fertilizer. Yet here
too the question of time
obviously comes into play.
The economic impact of any
such plan lies in the long
term.
Further what is note-
worthy is the fact that while
Williams was making all these
plans for Caribbean bauxite
and Caribbean Food nothing
was heard about Caribbean
oil. Caribbean Partnerships
might involve others bauxite
but not our oil.
Finally, of course, no
examination of Williams'
policies in the field of
Caribbean nation building
could afford to omit from
some reference Williams'
capacity for alienating people
with his rank bad manners.
The Ministry of West-Indian
Affairs is a white elephant and
indeed the entire foreign
service, as Denis Solomon
pointed out, is so badly run
as to be useless with the.
result that the entire field of
external policy is, like so
much else, a one-man show.
And Williams' capacity for
alienating friends and making
enemies is legendary.




FAILURES
'W.en viewed therefore
from the Caribbean perspec-
tive the history of recolonisa-
tion is a history of Williams'
failure to seize the opport-
unities presented him to
embark on those programs
which would have done
much to equip the region
with the political, economic,
technical and psychological
wherewithal to del 'with
any part of the outside
world.
So, as was said before,
it is not surprising that
W 11 i a m s recolonisatiQn
alarums focus on Venezuela's
ambitions rather than Wesl
Indian failures. But the ques-
tion needs to be asked as to
why Williams has raised the
hornet's nest at all and more
particularly, why at this time?
The answer can only be
found in his complete and
ignominous failures here at
home and in his need, as
judgement day draws nigh, to
divert attention from these
failures by searching for
foreign scapegoats.
--- ^-,..-,._.....







SUNDAY JUNE 22, 1975


KEITH HENRY


Control of Touris


A COUPLE of articles published
recently in Tapia and devoted
to very different subjects were
instructive when read together.
Courtenay Blackman stressed the
crucial skills of management in
inducing economic development,
resting on the foundation of
close local knowledge and reflec-
tion.
The other was a statement
on tourism which displayed
small interest in "the best possible
outcome" the raison d'etre of
management. The only course
of action suggested, a veiled
reference to "violent incidents,"
was interesting certainly for
underscoring Blackman's warn-
ing on the previous page about
the uncritical importation of
intellectual apparatuses from
abroad.
But there was also a certain
irony. It lay in a critic of North
American tourism one of whose
major questionable features is its
possible threat to the integrity of
local culture displaying, in his only
articulated remedy, his own assimila-
tion to one of the more lamentable
characteristics historically of American
culture, the easy resort to violence.
To the West Indian arrived in
North American, one of the immedi-
ate distinctions he notes between that
society and his own is the former's
ready acceptance of physical violence,
civil, sporting, even accidental.
Our relative inexperience with
war and civil violence and with games
and sports like football, ice-hockey
and skiing is, to varying extent, both
cause and result. (A West Indian there
is surprised to discover that broken
bones or wounds requiring several
stitches are scarcely more inhibiting
than a tooth-ache.)
Even in this environment, how-
ever, it should be noted that the
context of Afro-American civil
violence, the inspiration for much of
the rhetoric in the Caribbean in recent
years, has been one of final resort
after a century of exploration of
alternatives in the courts, in
religion, in trade unions, conventional
politics, loyal military and civil service,
and non-violent protest. ,
The apparent mis-readings of
Afro-American and also interna-
tional guerrilla example are tempt-
ing. For they possess further irony
one of the ingredients the writer
of the article rightly sees in the
image of tourism, glamour the
glamour of revolution.
It would be folly of course to
pretend that there is any easy social
formula to govern the resort to retri-
butive violence. Its ills are, however,
unmistakable and it is the first course
only of the feckless. Its popularity
rests, among other things, on the rare
willingness to personalize it, to picture
familiar faces as victims. Among them
may even be the face in the mirror.
The uncertainties of violence, its
contagiousness, the difficulty of
breaking its circle, are usually for-
gotten.
And to call upon the favorite
revolutionary text, the warning in
Marx's work against the confusion of
systemic ills with personal malevolence
is weakly observed. The poetry in
Fanon has convinced many of the
validity of his astonishing doctrines


on the psychologically purgative values
of violence.
Is the management and control
of the tourism industry or acquiring
these so difficult as to make this
summons to conflict so unavoidable?
A word on this later. The conventional
wisdom on Caribbean tourism is that
it is, for the foreseeable future, valu-
able to the economies of some terri-
tories if under proper economic con-
trols. It is probably, it could be
argued, also socially innocuous if
under proper administrative and social
controls. The tourist industry else-
where does not obviously deny these
assumptions.
Obviously, when the industry is
accompanied by the excesses associ-
ated with the pronographic empires of
Batista's Cuba (a reality even further
popularized recently in the sequel to
The Godfather), or with restricted
local access to beaches, immediate
correction is essential.
But these are avoidable ills and
neither these nor a good deal else
sometimes evident in tourist econ-
omies are at all integral to the
industry. A reputation for helpful,
efficient service, without subservience,
will deter those who seek satisfaction
of their fantasies.
These remedial developments
are scarcely as improbable or as
difficult as the alarmist chords in the
tourism debate heretofore would
imply. The vast majority of tourists
seem to hanker for little more than a
week's relief from the rigours of
winter and the deadly rhythm of un-
fulfilling work.
A good many of the undeniable
ills of Caribbean tourism are on their
way to dissolution. The highly destroy
tive image, for the native West Indian
child and adolescent, of a world of
spotless, carefree Americans and
SCanadians, is unlikely to survive in a
population as highly travelled or
otherwise exposed as our own. An
increasing number of those tourists
will inevitably at some point be
Black. It is within local power to
make sure that superior positions in
the industry be in local hands. Our
growing sophistication and experience
will progressively remove hotel
service or other catering from the
shadow and habits of servitude.
Some of the dire assumptions
about Caribbean tourism, inspiring the
drastic solutions advanced, seem quite
unrealistic. It is highly implausible,


if


for example, that foreign tourists, as
we read, "demand" imported food.
Local cuisine is unavailable rather
more probably because it does not fit
the established industrial habits, con-
tacts or contracts of the management.
Altering this could hardly be
beyond the competence and fiat of a
local Government. The hotels do not
have to be in the unrestricted control
of non-nationals, nor does the land.
Land speculation on the scale des-
cribed is avoidable. Some of these
problems would exist and have to be
tackled in -any case even if North
Atlantic tourism had never developed.
In some islands, West Indians
who have made an ample living
abroad or at home are investing,
or even speculating, in land, often
with no ignoble motivation but with
complex social results. ("Speculation"
is sometimes, but not of course
always, a concerned and even occasion-
ally desperate alert to avoid market
depletion of a hard-won living. The
market itself has to be regulated).
IThe remedies may have to be
in some measure systemic but will
also, it is hoped, combine the attri-
butes of subtlety and humanity. A


pronouncement that a Canadian resi-
dent in the Caribbean is "racist"
because, cryptically, of his "style of
life" will, at the very least, be un-
subtle when standing adjacent to
West Indian demands in Canada for,
to use the official term, "multi-
culturalism", and for respect and
protection, at school and out of it,
for their cultural background. For
their "style of life", that is.
It would be tiresome to go
through the list of economic tourism
ills outlined in the bill of complaints.
Their common characteristic seems to
be that, given a patriotic and com-
petent local regime, they are almost
all distinctly tractable problems.
At this point, it should be said
that even if the tourism industry were
not socially innocuous under careful
control and monitoring, this would
not dispose of the matter. If, to put
.it in the currently accepted terms,
the contamination of West Indian life
with North American values is the
fear, it still remains unthinkable that
we shall ask those West Indians who
left our shores decades ago, through
no fault of their own, to stay out of
Continued on Page 9


A&MW 70"M


PAGE 4 TAPIA


The M agement ~nr nd







SUNDAY JUNE 22, 1975


Michael


Harris


SChuckouter Wahid





Show we your Motion


THE fireworks which
burst in such profusion
in the Senate Chamber
on Monday last spelt out
a bold message across
the sky, or, to be more
precise, across the pages
of Hansard. President
Wahid Ali just has no
class.
It is not difficult to
sympathise with Wahid in
the awful predicament in
which he is placed. As the
President of what is supposed
to be the "highest court ot
the land" it is only right that
he should expect to be
ti-ited with the courtesy
and respect which the office
should demand.
-The problem is, of course,
that the office can only
command respect if in fact
the Chamber as a whole
commands respect. The fact
is it does not. The Senate,
with its built-in and mono-
lithic Government majority,
is regarded by the Govern-
ment and by the people as
nothing but a rubber-stamp.
Having been used in this
contemptous way by the
Government it is widely
regarded as nothing but a
Party Office and its presiding
officer as nothing but a
branch Secretary.



EXPEDITIOUS
CO-OPERATION

Now this may very well
be a view that does a grave
injustice to Wahid as a man.
But nonetheless the view is
never going to be dispelled
until such time as the Senate,
in the eyes of the population,
is perceived as a body which
is capable of adjudicating on
matters of national concern
in a serious manner and with
the best interests of the entire
nation at heart and not only
those of the ruling party.
This is clearly a difficult
task. Not only is it made
difficult by the numerical
majority which the Govern-
ment holds but it is made
even more difficult by virtue
of the fact that the indepen-
dent senators are in reality
appointed by the Prime
Minister.
While this in no way
should imply any lack of
integrity on the part of those
Ladies and Gentlemen who
are called to serve in this
capacity the fact that the
Prime Minister appoints them
serves only to open them to
the charge that they represent
views,ideologies and interests
with which the ruling party
feels able to cope.
This leaves only the four
Opposition senators,.of all
the members,in any position
to lend any political legiti-
macy to the adjudications of
the Senate and thereby to
earn from the population the


Wahid Ali Denis Solomon
easy accommodations irrelevant


respect which it should rightly
deserve.
In the past however it can
hardly be said that the
Opposition Senators contri-
buted in any great measure
to the political vitality of
that Chamber. And this was
only made so much the worse
when, after the 1971 elec-
tions, there were in fact no
Opposition senators at all
since there was no Oppo-
sition in the Lower House.
Under such conditions one
can readily imagine that the
entire conduct of business in
the Senate slipped into what,
for want of a better term,
might be described as a
period of "expeditious co-
operation."
During this period, it can
further be imagined, certain
conventions and practices
arose which perhaps did not
require of the Presiding
Officer quite the degree of
militant objectivity which he
might have exercised in a
properly constituted and
functioning Chamber.
The advent of the Tapia
Senators who, from the time
they entered, announced in
no uncertain terms that they
were there with the dis-
courteous intention of bring-
ing down the Government,
has undoubtedly shifted the
internal balance of .the
Chamber.
There can absolutely be
no doubt that Wahid was
perspicacious enough to re-
cognise this. It might be
recalled that from the start he
attempted, over the issue of
the dress of the Tapia
Senators, to assert the
authority of his office.
In so doing he is perfectly
correct. Yet to do so without
friction demands the recogni-
tion that the shift in the
internal balance of the Senate
required a corresponding
shift in the actual conduct
of business.
In short, the conditions
could no longer be satisfied
by the conventions of
"expeditious co-operation."
But old habits die hard
and particularly in the realm
of politics 'the comfortable
accommodations of today
can easily become the vicious
traps of tomorrow.
Under such conditions,
"class" can only be deter-
mined by the finesse with


which one can extricate one-
self from the pain ful strictures
of the past while establishing
one's authority in the defini-
tion of the future.


IMPLICATIONS
OF AUTHORITY
Wahid sailed away from
Scylla only to be wrecked on
Charybdis. A case of the devil
and the deep-blue sea.
The attempt by the Gov-
ernment to ride roughshod
over the rights of the Senate
by scheduling both the Upper
and the Lower House to
meet on the same day clearly
manifested its contemptuous
view of the former and this
should have been roundly
condemned by Wahid.
Not having done so, lie
failed to open up his options
for whatever was to come.
He therefore had no alterna-
tive but to act as the chuck-
outer in the Government's
ruthless attempt to stifle all
debate so that the Senate
could conclude its delibera-
tions in time for the House
to convene at 1.30 that
afternoon.
And as a hatchetman for
this purpose he was a miser-
able failure. To have stopped
Denis Solomon on the
grounds of "irrelevancy"
after only about three intro-
ductory remarks served only
to reveal the hand to all who
were observant enough to
see.
But he also focused the
issue of relevancy or irrelev-
ancy on words. Given the
almost infinite manipulation
possible with words there
was thereafter clearly no way
in which Wahid could really
demonstrate in an objective
manner the irrelevancy of
what Solomon was saying.
Realising this he then
sought to use what can only
be considered the most
utterly spurious of arguments
claiming that the issue before
the Chamber was a "resolu-
tion" and not a "motion"
and therefore required no
general debate.
From then on Wahid went
downhill rapidly. His frequent
interruptions, his call for a
ten-minute recess,his blunder-
ing rejection- of the. amend-
ment on no discernible


Lloyd Best
out of order


grounds and above all, his
many histrionic outbursts
protesting the impartiality of
the Chair and urging the
"implications" of his author-
ity, were all too embarrassing
to behold.
And one could understand
why, with such frequency,
he had to resort to dipping
his fingers in his glass of water
and sapping his neck and
brow. Things were much too
hot for comfort in that air-
conditioned Chamber. No
class, no class.
In the end, with all his
machinations, Wahid only
succeeded in carrying the
proceedings far beyond the
point at which they w uld
have come to an end had all
three Tapia Senators been
allowed to speak for seventy-
five minutes each.
Moreover not even those
for whom he worked so
manfully could be pleased by


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no time to speak.


his performance.
When, because of his in-
eptitude, Prevatt had to use
his majority to refuse Best
the hallowed and, till then,
unbroken courtesy o' an
extra thirty minutes of
speaking time, the Govern-
ment revealed to all, their
determination to use their
majority to sweep anything
out of the way.
In other words, they con-
firmed the country's fears that
the ruling elites are fully
prepared to force through a
Cabinet Constitution.
They clinched the Tapia
point that this Parliament is
simply a railroad for imposing
The Voice of One.
The friction in the Senate
will continue as long as the
Tapia presence is there. Surely
Wahid recognizes that the
only real authority is that
which comes from respect
and trust.


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I--------'


TAPIA FekG 5






PAGE 6 TAPIA


The


Voice of The Pe<


Mr. President, Honourable Senators,
We have been summoned here this morning
posthaste for what you might call a sixty-over game.
This, to my mind, is extraordinary if not irregular in
that what we need is a Test Match.
Mr. President, that is what my colleague has
been trying to say in a word; and I think it the limit
of official impudence that whoever is responsible for
orchestrating this occasion could have had the audacity
to anticipate that it is going to finish today and
therefore, to programme the House of Representatives
for this afternoon.

Mr. President: Senator Best, there has been
no anticipation on the part of those respons-
ible for administering the affairs of this Senate
that this debate would finish today and I do
not know it is finishing today but it is going
to be relevant.

Senator Best: Mr. President, I do not see how
you could reach that conclusion when the House of
Representatives is due to meet in this Chamber this
afternoon.

Mr. President: Please sit down. This is the
Senate of Trinidad and Tobago. I speak from
the chair of the Senate of Trinidad and
Tobago. What you are referring to is no
business of the Senate of Trinidad and
Tobago.

Senator L. Best: Thank you, Mr. President.
Suddenly after seven lean years and at least
four years of, shall we say, gallaying, the Government
suddenly breaks the pack; and in two days we are to
have one sitting of the Senate on the morning of
Monday 16, in the hope that we will concur with a
decision of the other place that it is expedient to
establish a Select Committee; and then another on
Tuesday 17, hopefully to make the decision.
I can only say that this vision of the programme
gives me endless vibrations. I ask myself,
What does it mean for the moot before us this
morning? For the prospect' that a Joint Select
Committee of both Houses could contribute
what I think the hearts of the entire nation
hope it could, to the resolution of the constitu-
tional crisis in our land?
Mr. President, I want to begin by congratulat-
ing the Government for being so honest in admitting
that it is expedient to establish a Joint Select
Committee. That is the question. The issue however
is, whether it is democratic and whether this method
of resolving the need for discussion and involvement
of the country recognizes the primacy that we must
always give in a democratic State to the sovereign
people as distinct from the King or the Prime Minister
or the Government or the Parliament, or any clique
of oligarchs.
Given the limitations of a constitutional crisis,
and a revolutionary situation I might add, where the
validity of this Parliament is queried, sometimes even
by the Government, the question we must all ask
ourselves in this House is whether or not a Select
Committee at this stage would represent the best
means of allowing the people to speak.
L think that that is the context in which we
must frame the moot of the morning and I ask the
Leader of Government Business and his Government
whether expediency must continue to be the sole
principle of statecraft in a nation so embattled and
so bewildered such as ours? Does he not know that
this country is tired of living in sin and that the time
has come when you must move from expediency to
principle? That, in the wdrds of the ad., you might
say, we should move up to good taste, to the good
taste of morality in public affairs and if we are so to
do, the question that we must ask at the outset is:
What is a Joint Select Committee?
I took the opportunity earlier on to browse in
our Standing Orders and some of the notices here
caught my eye. Standing Order 70 (1); Standing
Order 72 (9); Standing Order 72 (10); Standing
Order 72 (14); and these read, if I may just remind
the House:
70 (1)
Every Select Committee shall be so constituted
as to ensure, so far as is possible, that the
balance of parties in the Senate is reflected in
the Committee.


Mr. President:


Standing Order 70? 71 or


70?
Senator Best:


70 (1).


Mr. President: You are here dealing with
Constitution and Chairman of Select Com-
mittees. Standing Order 71 deals with the
Joint Select Committees. I hope I am of
assistance to you.
Senator Best: I understand that very well. A
Joint Select Committee is a Select Committee which
is joint. Standing Order 72 (9):

Mr. President: Just in case I have not ex-
pressed myself well enough, the motion before
us refers to a Committee of both Houses
which cannot be a Select Committee, but
certainly a Joint Select Committee. So' that
your reference to Standing Order 70, Senator
Best, is not that pertinent. Reference to any-
thing in Standing Order 71 would be relevant.
Senator Best: Thank you, Sir.
It is very kind of you. Does that mean that
section 72 also is not relevant? It states: Procedure
in Select Committees, as distinct from procedure in
Joint Select Committees. You follow me, Sir. Under
your interpretation Ihope this is injury rime, Sir.

Mr. President: It will be so recognized,
Senator Best. Senator Best, it is quite clear
that 72 refers to Select Committees. There
can be Select Committees of the Senate. A
Joint Select Committee obviously refers to a
Joint Select Committee of the Senate and the
House of Representatives. The injury time is
over.
Senator Best:" Tharik you, Sir. That means
that I can deal only with section 71 ?

Mr. President: Quite right.
Senator Best: I will, therefore, now beg leave
of the House to introduce an amendment to the
motion before the House.
Now that it is clear that only Standing Order
71 relates to our business here this morning, I should
like ......

Mr. President: Pardon me, Senator Best.
The Chair never said that only Standing
Order 71 relates to the business of the Senate
here this morning. I just said that the matter
of Joint Select Committees is referred to in
71 not in 70 or in 72. Select Committees of
this House.
Senator Best: Mr. President, I would like to
beg the leave of the Senate to move an amendment
to the motion before the House in the following
words:

Be it further resolved that given the
overwhelming preponderance of Govern-
ment members in Parliament and
particularly in the House of Representa-
tives;
And given the Prime Minister's under-
taking in the House of Representatives
on September 27, 1974 that the Govern-
ment would "be influenced by the
expression of responsible views held or
expressed by as wide a circle of persons
as possible" in introducing a new con-
stitution for Trinidad and Tobago;

And given the fact that the draft con-
stitution has been drawn up by a Com-
mittee of the Cabinet which has had
the benefit of the views of the members
of the Legislature;

And given the fact that the legislators
will have occasion to make their views
known once again;
And given the fact that the public at
large has had no opportunity to express
its views on the draft constitution;
Be it resolved that special care be taken
to ensure the widest possible representa-
tion of views other than those in the
legislature.


TUESDAY last in the Senate was a bigger day for
public. In an unruffled exhibition of Parliamentary
impertinent design to dictate time-limits to a Morning
None of the protestations of irrelevance
silencing the Tapia Team. In the end, it took a divi
speaking time.
As usual the Noes had it and the Govern
of the four Independent Senators present, voted
The transcript presented here is a record of part of



Be it further resolved that in pursuance
of the above the Joint Select Committee
be restricted to three legislators; one
from the Government, one from the
Opposition and one independent mem-
ber so that the focus of the Com-
mittee's work will be on exposing extra-
parliamentary opinion through the
established procedures of sending for
persons, papers and records.

Mr. President: Senator Best, on a previous
occasion behind the President's chair, I had
pleaded with you to respect the office of the
President of the Senate and, considering that
this is not a simple debating forum but, some
people say the highest court in the land and I
concur in this view, that you might as is the
custom in several Parliaments of the world
consult behind the President's chair on
amendment to motions. I have allowed them
to come during contributions. I am not say-
ing I shall not allow them in the future but it
would seem that Hon. Members are not quite
aware of the implications of the work done
in the Parliament of the country.
If there were in this amendment a
technical matter on which the Presiding
Officer had to deliberate in deciding whether
or not the amendments were in order, would
you, Senator Best, be showing any respect
for the office of the President of the Senate
to hand in a resolution at this time, as it is
now being debated? That is beside the point
and I now say it in public because it is not
the first occasion on which I have had to
make this plea that the office of the Presiding
Officer of a Parliament is an office of imparti-
ality and must be so treated and if the officer
is unworthy he must not occupy the position.
Senator Best, your amendment is out of
order if in my first reading of it I am correct,
and I believe I am. I say this because it says:

other than those in the Legislature. Be it
resolved that in pursuance of the above, the
Joint Select Committee be restricted to three
Legislators, one from the Government one
from the Opposition and one independent
member, so that the focus of the Committee's
work will be on exposing extra parliamentary
opinion through the established procedures
of sending for persons, papers and records.

Let us look at the Standing Order 71:
The Senate may for the purposes of any
Select Committee appoint not more than six
members to sit with members of the House of
Representatives as a Joint Select Committee.
I rule this amendment out of order.
Sen. Best: Mr. President, I am afraid I
should like to challenge your ruling.
Mr. President: Sen. Best, I am maintaining
no challenge of my ruling.

Sen. Best: Mr. President, I am afraid that
we have the Standing Orders before us and I respect-
fully put it to you that you have not interpreted what
you read there correctly, if I may say so.


Mr. President:


Please read it for me.


Sen. Best:
The Senate may for the purpose of any Select
Committee appoint not more than. six mem-
bers of the House of Representatives as a


-TlsPE~~~ ~~~~~ -W -r- 191~ -


SUNDA







TAPIA PAGE 7


)ple :The


is country than the Press reports managed to reveal to the
mmand, the Tapia Opposition blocked the Government's
hitting of the Senate.
2 the part of Senate President Wahid Ali had succeeded in
,n of the House to prevent the extension of Lloyd Best's

t's majority prevailed. But the scorecard showed that all
the people against the muzzling of free discussion.
Morning's proceedings. Everyone is free to judge.



Joint Select Committee.
I see no way in which my amendment runs
counter to that.

Mr. President: Senator Best, the point I
am making is more fundamental than that and
I had hoped that it would be unnecessary in
the Parliament to make the point again: can
non-members of the Parliament constitute a
Joint Select Committee? Does this preclude
what you call the established procedures of
sending for persons, papers and records? I am
making no further explanation on this. I rule
the amendment out of order.

Sen. Best: Mr. President, you are mis-
interpreting what I am saying, if I may say so. I have
said nothing about non-parliamentary members being
on the Committee. Perhaps you may wish to suspend
the House for ten minutes? ...... because if you
look at Standing Order 24 you will see where it says:
Unless the Standing Orders otherwise pro-
vide, notice shall be given of any action which
it is proposed to make, with the exception of
the following: -
(a) a motion for the amendment of any motion;
I am therefore completely in order to have
handed you my document at this point.

Mr. President: I had referred to discussions
regarding the conventions of the operation of
a Parliament and the efforts in the relationship
among members of a Parliament and I did
not say that I do not accept the document
because it is now presented. I did accept it.
Now, let me read the amendment again:

Be it resolved that special care be taken to
ensure the widest possible representation of
views other than those in the Legislature. Be it
further resolved that in pursuance of the above,
the Joint Select Committee be restricted to
three legislators, one from theGovernment, one
from the Opposition and one independent
member so that the focus of the Committee's
work will be on exposing extra-parliamentary
opinion through the established procedures of
sending for persons, papers and records.

We cannot determine in the Senate the
work of another body. It is very simple and
my ruling stands.

Sen. Prevatt: Mr. President, just for clari-
fication and perhaps to bring this to an end
although I think your ruling has already done
so. The position is that all we have asked to
do at this time is to agree to a Committee
from both Houses. If we agree to that, then
the members of the Committee from each
House is determined in the House where the
resolution originates so we are not in a posi-
tion either to say whether it is three or one
or whatever it is but what is clear is that it
cannot be more than six from each House.
When the other place decides how many they
wish to sit on the Joint Select Committee it
has to come back to the Senate which would
agree on the members, and then if they so
agree, to nominate.

Senator Best: Mr. President Sir, I thank the
Leader of Government Business for the clarification
and for making clear to the Parliament and the
country that the Government is asking we to buy cat


ii bag. I am certainly not going to concur in the
Government's . expediency, shall we say? No.
A Government that, in the words of the creole is so,
on the evidence, doo pashay, which for long years
has been known in the public eye to be taking trick
to make luck, left, right and centre; a Government,
as my ,.il-. ,i., has said earlier, which has been
playing hoop; bawling, running and hiding. But there
is a saying in the creole that moon does run till day
ketch it and the time will come when we will put an
end to that process. Joe Louis once said: Thev can
nut but thiy cannot hide.
Mi. Picsidcn t, ite reason why 1 sought t1he
amendment was because there must be, on the most
generous interpretation, serious doubt about the
capacity, it not about the intention of the honourable
Government of this country, to activate the involve-
ment of the population, least of all to activate the
involvement of the population in a Joint Select
Committee of both Houses of Parliament, when, at
every earlier stage in the game, we have failed to do
so; and I say we, because by that 1 mean not only
the Government,but the Government and the Opposi-
tion, inside Parliament and out.
1 do not wish it to be assumed by anybody,
not in Parliament not out, that I am taking here a
partisan view on the question. 1 do not think that
Constitution Reform is the kind of issue on which
we can persist in taking a sectional view. It is totally
irresponsible and I think that any honest'man in this
country, in this Parliament, must pose the question
on the historical evidence of our times as to whether
a Joint Select Committee of any character stands a
chance of winning the involvement of our people in
its deliberations and therefore of binding this Parlia-
ment and this country to whatever Constitution may
come out of those deliberations.,
Is not the Joint Select Committee going to be
another agency of false witness with the Government
and the Cabinet as usual citing them and relating
them, as has been the custom all along the line in the
history of Constitution Reform in this country in
the past as now?
I would not be so rash as to conclude that
the answer is yes.

Mr. President: Hon. Members, not because
of any fault of mine, on U lhis occasion this
sitting started one hour after its scheduled
time of starting. I am not certain whether
Members have had a brunch and I wish to
enquire whether you wish to break for lunch
or whether you wish to suspend.
Question proposed.
Mr. Prevatt: Mr. President, I understand
that there is a consensus that half an hour
will be satisfactory and if this is so then ..we
will go along.
Mr. President: The President said that the
"No's" had it.
Senator Prevatt: The Chair is always right.

Senator Best: Mr. President, I am not going
to rush to any conclusion that it is impossible to
salvage a Joint Select Committee,as a mechanism of
popular involvement even though the evidence argues
strongly against that, oi at leastdebates that'conclu-
sion. But I want to take this House back for a
moment Sir, if 1 may go back a little, to consider
the balance of probabilities, shall we say, in the light
of what has transpired since the constitutional crisis
was first acknowledged by the Prime Minister and
his Government, notwithstanding his earlier state-
ment that there was no crisis, there is no crisis, and I
do not anticipate any.
Senator L. Best: On June 19, 1971, in the
Throne Speech, the Governor-General gave Parlia-
ment, and the country the assurance that a series of
measures would be undertaken:
To ensure that alternative views are heard and
respected.
I am not going to dwell on the actual measures
proposed. I simply wish this House t:; notice the
Government's intention at that point. And then
again, later in the development of the constitutional
issue, at the juncture, where after many tortured
meanderings, the Wooding Commission ultimately
reported or was on the point of reporting, the
Chairman of the Commission gave an interview to
the Press in which he suggested a number of transi-
tional measures by which the coiunir/ could move


fhom the point of the Report of the Commission to
the implementation of a new constitution.
In other words, raising the sane question which
is put before us here this morning, about the method
of selecting a final constitution for Trinidad and
Tobago under conditions of independence. And
again I am not going to detain you with the details
but the Chairman made a number of proposals -
five to be exact, about which I want to notice -not
ihe content but what the country said, if we could
take here, with all the perils involved in taking that,
the editorial opinion in the morning papers. Let us
take the Guardian first. The Guardian responded as
follows:
To take first the Commission's proposal for
radio and Television discussion there should be
no difficulty about it.
And then, reckless of plagiarism: The Evening News
Opinion of January 5:
We expect that just as Government was quick
to react favourably to the Commission's call
for early publication of the document, so will
they accede to the suggestion that free radio
and television time be given to groups and
individuals to express their opinions.

Mr. President: Senator Best, I draw your
attention to two facts. One, earlier in the
sitting I made a ruling on the subject of
"Debating on this Motion the matter of radio
and television time for groups." Secondly,
that in fact there has taken place a debate in
this House during this Session on the report
of the Constitution Commission. I ask you
please to take into consideration the implica-
tions of this; in terms not only of the
Standing Orders of this House, but in terms
of Standing Orders of other Parliaments,and
the convention in Parliaments elsewhere.
There has taken place in this honourable
House, in this very Session, a debate taking
note of the report of the Constitution Com-
mission. In that context, these remarks and
the eventualities are irrelevant.

Senator Best: I have not mentioned anything
about the contents of Lie Wooding Report. I am
dealing with the prospect before this House for
involving the citizens in the discussion of the
proposed Joint Select Committee.

Mr. President: Senator Best, I am not
going to allow anticipation of the work of the
Joint Select Committee, if a Joint Select
Committee is appointed. I do not know that
there is going to be a Joint Select Committee,
and the Standing Orders state specifically
that anticipation cannot be permitted.
a
Senator Best: Mr. President, I do not antici-
pate any difficulties on that account. The point at
issue here. Sir, is that we need not look forward to
any projection of what is likely to happen under
the aegis of the Joint Select Committee. It is enough
for my purpose and indeed for the purpose of this
House, to simply look back through the window -
precisely what I amdoing -I am steering this House
away from looking forward into'the unknown. I am
pointing our noses to what happened on a number
of occasions, the third of which was the December
2 (1973) speech of the Prime Minister in his other
capacity as leader of the ruling party, when he was
talking about the subsequent legislative and admin-
istrative action which was to follow on the act of
reporting by the Constitution Commission. I quote
him here when he said:
Much tien for example might be saved by
dealing first with tire issue of voting age and
the electoral systenl and procedures on which
there are already seems to be a large measure
of unanimity so that the competent authori-
ties can proceed at once without v waiting the
completion of t he public discussions and
Governiment 's decisions on the Commlission's
entire report to the registration o(f iw voters
and the implementation of electoral regula-
tioins.
From the Priie Minister's Speech of December 2,
1973. And I raise that consideration, Sir. because
it opens a chink on what you might call the bona
Continued on Page 10


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JUNE 22, 1975


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SUNDAY JUNE 22, 1975


Throughout the Caribbean the systematic repression of the
political rights and freedoms of our people continue apace.
Repression, of course is not a new phenomenon in our
history. Yet, as we have said before, in the post-Indepen-
dence period it has grown "more bold, more blatant, more
brutal."
The present Caribbean regimes consist of men, so
insecure in their positions, and so utterly contemptuous of
our people, that they cannot, they dare not, expose the
people to political education and themselves to the critical
spotlight of political commentary.
The Newspaper Publication Acts passed in Guyana
and Antigua are patently totalitarian measures. But the
struggle against them and the regimes that promulgated
then is but part the struggle of the Caribbean people to be
free.
Absurdity enters thepicturewhen these totalitarian
measures are given their supposed validity by the High
Court of England after having been thrown out by the
West Indian Courts.
Tapia unhesitatingly joins the Afro Caribbean
Liberation Movement, the publishers of "Outlet" in their
struggle to have this ridiculous judgement thrown out.


Mr. Edward Short.
Lord President of the
Privy Council
Whitehall SW 1A 280
London

Dear Sir,
It has become necessary
for us in the Self-governing
Dependency, of Antigua,
British West Indies to write
to you. So grievious, urgent
and compelling is our com-
plaint that we request a
prompt and earnest response.
As you are aware the
English Privy Council ruled
that it was right and con-
stitutional for us in Antigua
to pay a license fee of
$600.00 and make a cash
deposit of $10,000 or post a
bond for that huge sum
before we can exercise our
freedom of expression in
newspapers.
First we ask you to note
that on Saturday May 31st,
Liberation Day, thousands of
Antiguans, mainly young,
gathered to protest these
prohibitive, and repressive
Newspaper Acts passed by
the Antigua Parliament, re-
jected as unconstitutional by
our High Court and West
Indies Appeal Court, but
upheld by the Privy Council
against the people of this
island-state. The march of
thousands for Press Freedom
is of the greatest importance
both now and in the future.
To consider that in 1883
British Planters in- this self
same island could publish
without restraint, and that
now in 1975 the majority of
the population are being
legally denied their freedom
of expression is to be faced
with a fact-both shocking


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Newspaper Ruling.


and shameful.
The Privy Council has in
fact hung freedom of the
Press in Antigua, in the name
of libel,but on the gallows of
tyranny.
For the Privy Council to
hold that once Parliament
passes a law it is deemed to
be reasonably required,
means that the Privy Council
has given the Antigua Parlia-
ment unlimited authority to
abridge fundamental free-
doms at its own whim and
repressive fancy. This we
cannot and will not accept.
For the Privy Council to
hold that it can aid and abet
the Antiguan Parliament in
requiring the population of
Antigua to pay for the free-
dom of expression, a right
freely granted under our
constitution, is a violation, a
gross violation, a vicious
violation of the concept of
fundamental rights.
For the Privy Council to
hold that Englishmen can
enjoy the freedom of expres-
sion without fetter and with-
out restraints, while Antiguans
and perhaps the English
speaking Caribbean must be
-fettered and restrained in
their enjoyment of a Free
Press is a clear indication
that the highest English in-


stitutions, judicial or political,
are still deeply dyed in that
prejudice which for centuries
has been the major crime of
western civilisation against
people of African descent.
IT after our strenuous
efforts to live as free men
and women, and to enjoy
those rights and privileges
that free men and women
the world over enjoy, the
Privy Council can now decide
to bury its head in the sand
like the proverbial colonial
ostrich, and pronounce us
third-class subjects unworthy
of so elementary a right as a
free :. then it is clear
that ihe British Government
and its ruling class are deter-
mined to keep us bound to
tyrants through whom, they
may continue to derive
benefits for British capital-
ism.
For the Privy Council to
declare that only the rich
who can afford $10,000 in
cash or guarantee, a bond of
$960.00 plus an annual
license of $600.00 can
publish newspapers in this
island-state, is proof positive
that the British Government
through the Privy Council is
determined to ensure the rule
of the rich, and the sub-
ordination of the many poor


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to the few rich. That we
cannot and will not accept.
We therefore urge you in
the name of press freedom,
in the cause of the equality
of all men, and in view of
our imperishable claim to be
free men and women to see
to it that the Order in Council
is not signed with the Queen's
Seal, which signature will
formally and decisively
reduce us all to women and


When Verdicts
are given by the
Attorney General then
e Rat-tat-tat of policeman's
Replaces the Rule of Law.
I


By Ellerton Jeffers


men without fundamental
rights and to foot-stools on
whose head twelve men in
Parliament can walk with
impunity.
We have threatened
nothing. We have issued no
ultimatum. We have not
sought to be strident in tone
or violent in expression. But
we assure you that if we
cannot persuade you to act
in the cause of the freedom
of people on whose backs
and from whose sweat
British civilisation was built,
we will then know that it is
up to us to bear any burden
in order to secure by those
means necessary such free-
dom as you and others will
wish to deny us. The people
of Antigua stand ready to
ensure and secure their own
freedom. We will win.


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PAGE 8 TAPIA









SUNDAY JUNE 22, 1975


ihSA tn -
I".'"
U. T 7-~


From Page 4
the crevices of our society -on- their
periodic returns.
Moreso, their curious and
American sons and daughters and
their sons and daughters and friends,.
like the American Irish in Ireland
come to rediscover their roots, or
indeed, quite unpretentiously, to learn
v.; their parents and grandparents
talked so insistently about. Some will
be sensitive to the expected restraints
of the guest and some will not.
It is trite to remark, of course,
that what is casually labelled Ameri-
canization is often merely a variant in
modernization the mental orienta-
tion that, among other things, crystal-
lizes the concept of "management".
Neither our geography nor our blood-
ties in North America will restrain
the flow of social influence from the
Continent in the North.
To sum it up, it,is not at all
certain that there is a superior alterna-
tive to educating the West Indian
citizenry to fastidiously discriminate,
to welcome the useful and the good,
to reject the destructive and ugly,
and avoid the futility of imitation.
It is untidy and uncertain but superior
in our climes to the alternatives of
censorship' not necessarily of the
wise -a aid brutality not necessarily
of the well-meaning.
The lack of planning and control
hitherto has admittedly allowed some
problems to become difficult to
correct. The Caribbean Governments
are not without leverage nonetheless.
Popular violence certainly does not
spring to mind as their first instru-
ment against residents not many of
whom could have intended depreda-
tion or conspired for quick speculative
wealth.
The Eastern territories are fortu-
nate in that many of the nationals
visiting or resident are from Canada,
a country itself extremely familiar
with the inconveniences of foreign
ownership of its resources or, specific-
ally, with seasonal residents.
SThe phenomenon of large numbers
of Americans purchasing cumulatively
large acreages of cottage land or
beachfront, perhaps most of all in
Prince Edward Island and the other
Atlantic Provinces, is a major issue in
provincial politics. In sometimes
slightly different form, the phenome-
non is no less familiar in Western or
Central Canada.
At the National Housing Confer-
ence in Toronto in 1974, the Mayor
of Vancouver complained, "In Van-
couver, we are receiving a tremendous
amount of money from places like
Hong Kong. This money from other
parts of the world is adding tremend-
ously to the upward trend in land
prices in our area. The time has come
for Governments to take step to
reduce this inflow of capital into
land ..." Maclean's, March, 1975, Page 32
The governing Federal party has
indeed promised sharp restrictions on
foreign equity investment in Canadian
resources. For foreign investment and


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Management of Tourism


ownership is a live and major national
issue. (Incidentally, the operative word
is "promised", for in a dependent
economy, few restrictions at this late
hour are painless).
Anyway, to return to a limited
area of this issue, it is useful to note
that equitable and civilized solutions
to the problems of land values and
local access exercise Canadian Admin-
istrations nearly as much as they do
or will those in the Caribbean.
Recent precedent and parity of
condition both suggest that what can
ultimately be expected in a Canadian
official response to West Indian fears
is basically a concern that their interests
be treated no worse than other
foreigners. They will demand no
more than they concede to American
interests which they are increasingly
less willing to placate.
American interests! The mood is
also ambivalent ip this other-major
source of visitors. Not simply the
intelligentsia, but also the wider
public is perceiving the inconvenient
possibilities to themselves of foreign
investment, even theirs in foreign
countries. The relatively novel experi-
ence and possibility of foreign equity
investment in the United States,
notably Japanese and Arab, have
initiated the popular acceptance of
negative appraisals of trans-national
investment. '
The ambiguous relationship
recently of United States oil company
policy to United States domestic econ-
omic and foreign policy has followed
hard the multi-faceted critical observa-
tions on the national and international
economic de-stabilization accompany-
ing uncontrolled capital flows. Labour
unions mount an advertising campaign
on the 'calculated export of jobs to
Hong Kong and Tai-wan.
The domestic political, and even
constitutional, developments are
equally ominous. Of the major couin-
tervailing forces in American politics
to use the popular analysis (ie.
Business, Labour Unions, Press, Uni-
versities, etc.), Labour is now regard-
ed as seriously disciplined by Business'
new threat of job export supplement-
ing the old one of automation.


In the United Kingdom, develop-.
ments wear, to a significant extent, a
different but equally disturbing aspect.
The representatives of Big Capital and
Big Labour have instant access to the
Cabinet while in the great deliberative
assembly where unorganized interests
and public spirit command greater
allegiance and attention, Members of
Parliament increasingly find themselves
shadow-boxing, ratifying decisions
made elsewhere, ultimately to depart
the Chamber and resign it to inconse-
quence.
Actually, protestations in
defence of international investment
in the three countries most identified
today in the public mind with Big
Capital or international investment
are quite muted. With their restric-
tionist policies at home, the Japanese
have always preferred to keep the
issue dormant. West Germany has
been the source of a recent and
critical television documentary on
international corporations and
Chancellor Schmidt, a man of
technocratic and anti-nationalistic
tastes, has stated coldly that multi-
nationals in Germany could be,
individually, good or bad, well-
behaved or ill-behaved.
In the United States, David
Rockefeller himself, perhaps the naine
most united symbolically with these
multi-nationals, publicly argues that,
in sum, multi-nationals are a force for
good in the world but that it is for
host countries to determine this or
otherwise. Bill Moyers Journal, WNET,
April 20, 1975
The climate of commercial
relations between big powers and
small has obviously altered, in the
Caribbean as elsewhere. We learn that
the United States Ambassador to
Jamaica, talking of the Jamaican
Government's decision to increase its
bauxite revenues, pronounces it as the
"Government's sovereign right" and
suggests that the subject is on the
level of mere "commercial interest."
Contrast (Toronto), April 25, 1975
This language is not the prologue
to embargo and visible commercial
retaliation so readily imaginable in


the recent past. -"Nationalization"
itself has now become an American
word and has been bandied about in
the United States Congress in connec-
tion with oil companies. George
Meany of the A.F. of L. confesses
himself in interview untroubled by
Middle East investment in the United
States, despite his distaste for it, fo-,
as he puts it, it can be nationalized
later.
The argument nowadays is not
so much with local control but with
uncertain and shifting ground-rules.
Over-generous initial concessions
merely introduce this uncertainty.
Which brings us back to the
foreign tourism industry. This industry,
with its indistinct images in the United
States of oversea spending, limited
domestic job creation, tax havens,
gambling, idleness and even provocative
excess tourist affluence and night-
life still evoke memories of 1950's
French hostility and Cuban revolu-
tionary and extirpatory violence is
likely to have fewer avid defenders
than others.
NQr is the United States the
monolith beloved of simplifiers. (The
increasing hold of comprehensive
ideological formulations is perjiaps
another sign that th6 peculiar West
Indian sensibilities are disappearing.
One used to boast that one of the
many glories -of growing up in the
Caribbean was that its social com-
plexities and exposure to other
societies induced strong resistance to
flirtation with slogans).
There are Congressmen and
publicists, and also bureaucrats, who
possess a civilized sense of the worth
of common people across the globe,
and who may be canvassed. There
are others who not only possess it,
but who also have electoral constitu-
encies that would demand considera-
tion of peoples such as ours.
Such, for example, would be
Black Congressman Charles Diggs who
expresses a vigilant concern, in the
American tradition, for the land of
his African forefathers. Another would
be Congresswoman Shirley Chishclm
who cherishes her Caribbean ancestry
and upbringing.


TAPIA PAGE 9







PAGE 10 TAPIA
From Page 7
fides of the Government, or if we can give a more
generous interpretation, on the capacity of the
Government to fulfil their promises in regard to the
expeditious settlement of constitutional issue by
one means or the other.
The fourth example I want to draw to the
attention of the House is from the Prime Minister's
statement made on September 27, 1974, when he
said, and I quote:-
In arriving at a decision as to what is in the
best interests of the country as a whole, the
Government must be influenced by the expres-
sion of responsible views held or expressed by
a wide a circle ofpersons as possible.
To ensure this, ample opportunity must be
provided at all stages for public comment and
participation.
(3) Unnecessary delay must at all costs be
avoided.
(4) The legal and constitutional fact is that
Parliament, and Parliament alone, is the body
which can in fact bring about constitution
reform. "
I simply wish us to pause there, with that as a raw
material for the point I wish to make.
The second quotation I want to make comes
from the Prime Minister's Speech of that day -
September 27, 1974., treads as follows:

Other organizations and individuals have sug-
gested what may conveniently be termed a
"Queen's Hall-type" Conference. There is no
considerable enthusiasm for this type of public
consultation and in the circumstances there
may well be minimal participation. If this
proves to be the case, unnecessary delay will
again be the result. Moreover, it will be difficult
to gain from such a Conference any real view
as to what a large percentage of the population
really means by reform. More than likely one
will fail to arrive at any consensus on the
major questions of reform.
There have also been suggestions that a Con-
stituent Assembly be established which in
effect will be an enlarged Parliament. In order
that this should be done, it would in fact be
necessary to go to Parliament and secure the
necessary majority for a fundamental amend-
ment of the Constitution which could then
permit such a body to function and bring
about a further amendment to the Constitution.
In short, Parliament would be invited to
abdicate its own responsibility to bring about
constitution reform by itself amending the
Constitution substantially so as to enable the
further amendments to be introduced by some
other body. Looking at the matter realistically,
there is virtually no chance whatsoever of
Parliament acting in this way.
The issue here is, first, that the Prime Minister
sees the need for Parliament to act. Let us concede
that, it can be disputed, but let us concede it.
Secondly, the Prime Minister sees the need .....

Mr. President: Senator Best, please take
your seat. We are now dealing with a message
from the Hon. the Speaker of the House of
Representatives and have accepted on the
Order Paper a specific motion. I rule that all
this reference to previous events and again
I draw attention to the fact that there has
taken place in this honourable House during
this Session a debate taking note of the report
of the Constitution Commission. In the light
of this and because your comments and
references are not related to the motion
before the House for the second occasion I
rule your contribution at this point irrelevant
and invite you to continue differently:

Senator Best: I am sure, Mr. President, that
it is not your intention to confine me to now for now
politics. You seem to be cutting me off .
Mr. President: Senator Best, considering
the office of the President of the Senate, I
ask you please to withdraw that remark.
Senator Best: Certainly, Sir, I withdraw it.
Mr. President: Thank you very much.
Senator Best: Mr. President, I wonder why
you wish to cut me off from both the future and the
past; and if I may translate ....

Mr. President: Senator Best, please sit
down for a moment and this will not be
counted in your speaking time.
I have gone over here so many times
since this sitting started. what is before this


SUNDAY JUNE 22, !975


The Senate Divides


Motion made and Question proposed.
That the hon. Senator's speaking time be
extended by 30 minutes (Senator H. Joseph)


Ayes 7


BEST, L.

SOLOMON, D.
JOSEPH, H.
GLEAN, V.

GOODRIDGE, L.
LAMONT, CANON W.
NOEL, DR. J:


Noes 8


PREVATT, F.C.
DANIEL, J.C.

SIMONETTE, N.

DE SUZA, O
OJAH MAHARAJ, B.
ROMILLY, C.
ROGERS, C.

HARRIS, H.


honourable House. I have also repeated and
there are implications in this which hon.
Members must know, that there has taken
place a full debate on that motion taking note
of the Report of the Constitution Commis-
sion. The least that I can say is not much
more can be said but the least can be said
is that it is ungracious in respect of the Presi-
dent of the Senate, whoever happens to be
the occupier of itat post, not only to imply
but to say that 1he wishes to cut anybody
off from anything.

Senator Best: Mr. President, I quote from
Shakespeare and say that we must see the future in
the instant. Be that as it may, the point at issue here
is that in articulating a method of resolving the
constitutional crisis the Prime Minister saw the need
for haste, the need for maintaining the sovereignty
of Parliament and the need for maintaining the
sovereignty of the citizens, that is to say, in guaging,
in his own words, the real view as to what a' large
percentage of the population really mean by reform.

Mr. President: Senator Best, you owe it to
this House to indicate the source and time
of that quotation.
Senator Best: Sir, I was just repeating what I
just quoted.
Mr. President: I know; but still you owe it
to the House to indicate not just by saying
quote where this was said, when this was
said.
Senator Best: In his statement on September
27, 1974, in the House of Representatives; it is
simply a paraphase of the quotation I just gave. I am
dealing with it now. So that clearly the question we
have to ask about the Joint Select Committee is
precisely the question which the Prime Minister put
in regard to the alternatives which other peoplehave
suggested in place of the Select Committee. If we are
interested in haste; if we are interested in the opinion
of the citizenry,their 'real view' as to what constitutes
reform, and if we are interested in the sovereignty of
Parliament then the package of questions that we
must ask about the proposed Joint Select Committee
is whether in fact it would satisfy those same
conditions.


Af Ag Ir
-7-APA' OUCI


SI put it to you. Sir, that, on the eivdence we
have, the'answer must be 'no.'
Mr. President: Senator Best, you are now
enjoying injury-time which will end in a few
Minutes.
Senato- Best: Thank you. Sir, Does that mean,
Sir, that we must move for an extension? (Interrup-
tion) ... Do I continue to speak until the end of
the few minutes?

Mr. President: Sure.
Senator Best: Thank you. Sir, We have to try
as honestly as we can to understand how -the
proposed Joint Select Committee might meet the
demands of the moment, in terms of time it might
take, in terms of the involvement of the citizens it
might permit, in terms of the way it would satisfy
the demands of a constitutional and parliamentary
method of resolving the issue without resort to
violence or some such extravagant form.
Put simply, any method of Constitution
Reform, be it Select Committee, Joint or not; be
it Constituent Assembly, be it Queen's Hall type
discussions, whatever it may be, if it does not
activate the interest and participation of the sovereign
people it does not meet the demands of our time.
It would be like the Bible without the new Testa-
ment; it would 'be like fish brothwithout lime 'or
dhal without choukaying the onion.
You like that eh? Or rum punch without the
Angostura.


Mr. President:
English word, I
Senator L. Best:


This choukaying is an
take it?
I will leave it to your judgement.


Mr. President: I am sure you are not refer-
ring to the choukay I know because that is not
an English word.
Senator L. Best: I am talking Trinidadian but if
you prefer it in English I would say it is like Hamlet
without the Prince.
Whether it be Select Committee, whatever it
may be, we in Tapia insist on one thing, and that is,
that'The Voice of the People is the Voice of God and
the evidence that we have is that the Voice of this
Parliament is the Voice of One.
Mr. President: Senator Best your speaking
time has expired.


SUNDAY, JUNE 22, 1975
TAPIA HOUSE
TUNAPUNA
9.30 A.M.


THE VOICE OF ONE







SUNDAY JUNE 22, 1975







Consumer Co-op Rallies


TAPIA PAGE 11


For Survival


Lloyd Taylor

IN what was a grand
recovery that staved off
the threat of almost
certain death the Con-
sumers Co-operative at
Cumana managed quite
well to clear a debt of
$5000 over the period
October 1972 to October
1974.
That was what a little
over thirty (30) of the Co-op
members heard in a Report
from the Board of Manage-
ment, at their Annual General
Meeting, held at the Cumana
Community Centre last
month. The Report was
presented by Wilfred Keller,
Secretary of the Co-op.
According to the Report
the- situation ijad been
one in which the Co-op


changed Managers five times,
where cash in hand was
$200.00 and stocks almost
completely exhausted.
By the end of November
1973 when the third Manager
left, the shop was indebted
to the tune of just over
$5000.
"With this two hundred
dollars ($200.00) Cash in
Hand," continued the
Report, "and money from
the Board members the busi-
ness was able to operate in a
reasonable manner but by
the time the fourth Manager
left there was no stock, the
Cash in Hand was one
hundred and two dollars
($102.)), and there were
bills amounting to five
thousand two hundred and
fifty-four dollars."
This welcome change in
the fortunes of the Co-op


THE San Souci Old Age
Pension Club, formed
nearly eight years ago, is
now in the enviable posi-
tion of having saved over
$2000.00 from fifty
(0.50) cent, one dollar
($1.00) and two dollar
($2.00) contributions
over the period since it
was founded. The Club
now numbers thirty
strong.
About thirty to thirty-five
persons, among whom was
the Tapia team of Lennox
Grant and Lloyd Taylor,
heard that disclosure about


the Pension Club, at the
Grand Riviere Community
Centre, Grand Riviere, last
weekend.
The disclosure was made
by Mr. Reyes, the newly
elected President of the St.
David Association of Village
Councils, at the Association's
Annual General lleeting.
Mr. Reyes was explaining
why he had previously refused
nomination to the National
Association of Village Coun-
cils, and as well, executive -
level participation in his own
village council at San Souci.
The Old Age Pension Club,
he informed the gathering,


was for most members a
source of justifiable elation.
"The Report shows where
we have come from and
shows how we have rallied
over the years," pointed out
Joseph Lewis, a Committee
member of the previous
Board of Directors, and
generally recognized as a
driving force behind the spirit
of co-operation.



WATCHDOGS

He noted -that members
had left their own Co-op
to shop elsewhere because
"some of us" did not have
the belly to criticise the
service offered. He also
agreed with Mr. Branche,
that a great deal of the pro-
blem stemmed from the fact
that the Board of Management
left the running of the shop
to a certain manager who
did what he wanted.
The past President H.


was the child that he was
bearing. Yet attempts to get
other villages interested in
the formation of such clubs
had not been-successful.





SATISFIED

Mr. Reyes also said that
while he was "not glad" as
such to be returned President
of the regional branch of
village councils, he was
certainly "satisfied", about
it.


Ottley lamented the fact
that there were members who
for the sake of one article
would go elsewhere and not
buy at the Co-operative. He
argued 'hat members outside
must be the watchdogs for
those on the Board.
Others felt that the pro-
blems did not stem simply
from the failure of the Co-op's
members to come forward
and to support. Campbell,
for example, indicated that
he was a firm believer in the
Co-operative to the extent of
doing without goods which it
did not have. He said that if
co-operatives were to move
mountains in the country
then there must be co-
operation.
Another member, Mentor,
said that he was happy over
the ressurection of the
co-operative. But he warned
that "dead flies fall into
something good and make it
stink" in obvious reference
to the bad management
which bedevilled the day-to-



Others elected to hold
office during the new term
were Joseph Lewis of Cumana,
Vice President; Stuart, Secre-
tary; R. Campbell, A/Secre-
tary; Immelda Ashby of Toco,
A/Secretary, Glasgow,, Trea-
surer; Kenneth Simon of
Grand Riviere, PRO; and
Jasmine Mendoza, of Grand
Riviere; lona Lewis of
Ramphal gas, Trustee.
The installation of the
newly elected officers was
performed by Mrs. Elmina
Clarke-Allen of the Com-
munity Development Divi-
sion. Turning to the Agenda
she reported that the Director
of Community Development
was unavoidably absent, that
Mr. Barrow was on vacation,
that Mr. Ferdinand left the
country the day before,
awhile both Mr. Deans and
Mr. MacDonald were in the


Josepn Lewis


day running of the shop.
Towards the end of the
meeting an audited report
of the accounts of the Co-op
was presented by senior
co-operative officer, Cruick-
shank. His report noted that
a $6,000 loan on 1971's
business activity was still
outstanding to Government.
While a surplus of cash
amounting to $4,280.30 and
unaccounted for was treated
as an income.
To date the value of
stocks stand at $3334.86, and
credit to members at $808.77.
In addition an estimated
$2000. is needed to bring
the business back to normal.
In order to meet that target
all faithful members have
been asked to increase their
shares.



deep-south performing similar
installation functions.
She said she recalled
speaking to such an Assembly
last year on the subject of
motivation, and hoped that
she had motivated the mem-
bers by what she said then.
"She noted that several'
speeches" were made, but
was unable to ascertain
whether those present were
reached at all.
The elections of the
officers were supervised by
Mr. Athelston Pascall, an
executive member of the
National Association of
Village Councils. Mr. Pascall
is also a member of the PNM
General Councils, while Mrs.
Elmina Clarke-Allen is the
Welfare Officer attached to
the party.

(L.T.)


Localisation


as


Exploitation


WHEN Lloyd Best
coined and defined the
concept of localisation,
Eric Williams referred to
intellectual fetishes. Des-
pite that, a few short
months later, he un-
ashamedly used the term
to describe the little
game that he was
engaged in with the
foreign branch banks.
He stole the clothes but
the idea escaped him, so that
ms idea of localisation turned
out to be local exploitation
vith the key element of
controll still firmly vested
abroad. The latest demon-
stration of this came over
the last few weeks when the
localisedd" Bank of Nova
Scotia made a fresh share


offering which the "locals",
starved of investment opport-
unities, quickly oversubscribed.



WINDFALL PROFITS

A little look at the history
of this operation is informa-
tive and interesting. When
the foreign bank was about
to localisee" it paid some
rather high dividends which
left its reserve funds rather-
low, then-it purchased its
majority shareholding in the
local company at par i.e.
$1 per share of face value $1.
This majority shareholding
gives the foreign bank control
of the local bank.
Shortly thereafter the local


bank, its reserves quite low,
offered nationals shares that
it had sold to the foreign
bank at $1, at $2. The
foreign bank made a windfall
profit of several millions and
also got a management con-
tract with the local bank in
which all the aces were kept
in its hands.
The local bank has now
upped the offer price to $3
per $1 share unit with a
corresponding increase in the
windfall profits of the foreign
bank and with not a word
from either the Government
or the Central Bank which
should oversee such transat-
tions.
Williams' localisationn"
has allowed the foreign bank
to get a majority sh areholding
in the localisedd" bank while
the nationals of Trinago have
had to pay 200% ind npw
300% more than the foreign-
ers paid Ior similar shares.

S(1:.M.)


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THE L NGEST AY


BELONGS TO


A. Ramrekersingh.
THE West Indies have
made it to the final stage
of the Prudential Cup
series. Their opponents
will be Australia whom
they convincingly de-
feated by seven wickets
last Saturday. This vic-
tory put the West Indies
at the top of Group B,
pitting them against New
Zealand in the semi final
round. 'Like Australia,
New Zealand were no
match for a very profes-
sional West Indian team
which had been sobered
by the near catastrophe
against Pakistan some
days earlier.
Last Saturday, already
assured of a place in the
semi-final, the West Indies,
faced Australia in -a game
which was most eagerly
awaited. Not only were there
many .od scores to be settled
buit it.was a game-which was.
expected to provide pace like
fire -ThomsonI Lillee and
Walker for. the Aussies;
Roberts, Boyce, Holder and
Julien for the West Indies.
In most respects the game
did not live up to expecta-
tions, especially after the nail-
biting struggle against Pakis-
tan. Australia proved
no match for the West Indies.
The new chant of West
Indian supporters at the
Oval -'"easy, easy, easy" -
was an apt description of the
game.
The-most exciting feature
of the match was thebrutal
assault on big, strong, fast
Dennis Lillee by the dimuni-.
tive,-artistic and lethal Alvin
Knlirhll o an_


CHAPEL[, ran


While accepting that the
most exciting part of Kalli-
charan's- innings was the
onslaught against Lillee, one
must not ignore the way in-
which the innings took shape.
Coming after the relatively
early dismissal of Greenidge,
he played himself in without
sacrificing his shots. By.the
time he reached into the
forties he felt that he was in
control. And from there .the
explosion.
Kallicharan once again
demonstrated hat he is one
of the most exciting batsmen
in the world and matched in
the West Indies only perhaps
by the unfortunate Rowe,
One remembers vividly that
when Kanhai and Sobers had
passed their peak the ques-
tion, like that of our politics,
was who we go put? Rowe
and. Kallie have answered
that question decisively.
Maybe soon we may have an
equally decisive answer in
the politics.


Michael


Victory against. Australia
meant that our next oppon-
ents would be New Zealand
who just about scraped home
against India. The margin of
victory against New Zealand
- five wickets was no
indication of how comfort-
ably we won.
The iactcLs -ere similar,
to those use-'' against A'.s-
traiia. iloyu asked them to
take first strike. From here
the West Indies took in front
and remained there.
New Zealand scored 158
at just about three an over.
Not a distinguished perform-
ance. There was only one
partnership of note, that
between Turner and Howarth
which produced 90 runs at
almost four an over. Once
Roberts dismissed them after
lunch there was little resist-
ance from the others.
What at lunch time had
seemed to be the foundation
of a big score collapsed
against some extremely-fine
swing bowling by Julien and
Roberts, leaving Holder to
finish off the innings.
Julien has indeed bowled
extremely well in the series
so far. His ability to move the
ball late and to curve one
back in have proved to be
no end of worry for all the
batsmen whom he has
confronted.
New Zealand's first 10
overs were quite tight, yield-
ing only 21 runs and account-
ing for Fredericks' wicket.
Greenidge, who started off
scrappily and uncertainly,
improved as the innings
proceeded and scored a good
half century.
Our batting hero was once
more Kallicharan. He played
himself in and then pushed
the score along rapidly. Like
the previous game, his last
thirty or so runs came in


.. -,. .
L'i A -, ,r..,


- ",1 '.. "'^.: I .-








' F:'
.. i, -* ":",, ::





LILLEE. Denln i ''L


about ten minutesNo-single
bowler felt his ferocity
though at one point one
thought that Howarth might
do a illee.
,.When Kallie left with his
score on 72 the West Indies
were in sight of victory.
Rather nonchalant batting
by Lloyd and Richards, in
*? !'.'' t. Gre lei? io'.s rls-
riissai, saw the West indies
losing five wickets before
achieving the final victory
and a place in the final.
Of equal interest to us
once we were in command
was the other semi-final,
between England and Aus-
tralia. Luckily we were being
informed of the score at
regular intervals. It was a
low scoring, see-saw match.
After Gary Gilmour,
whom we in the West Indies
saw with the Australian
schoolboys in 1970, wrecked
the England innings (93)
with 6 for 14 off 12 overs,
England struck back through
Snow, Old and Arnold and
seemed likely to pull it off.
But a half century
partnership between Walters
who played his most valu-
able innings in England and
Gilmour saw Australia home
by 4 wickets.
This was Gilmour's first
game in the series and I am
at a loss to understand why

to him in the earlier games.
Those of us who saw him
in 1970 realized then that he
had the potential to become
a good left arm fast medium

the bat very well. Remember
his hurricane century against
the Trinidad school boys and
his 6 for 23 in the same
game.
One week to the day when
we defeated Australia we
will face them in the final.


41


/1


Alvin Klicharran
Alvin Kallicharran


.- -^ '

1-


Bernard Jlien


The ease with which we
beat them last time should
not be the cause for com-
placency. The Australians
are going to fight and fight
hard. The WI may not enjoy
all the breaks that they had
last time but they have all
the resources to win the
final. They simply have to
use them.
The manner of the last
two victories does inspire
great confidence. I feel
certain that on Saturday
afternoon Clive Lloyd will be
receiving the Prudential Cup
and the team prize of E4000.
At that stage we can bring
out the Vat 19 (or Old Oak)
and start the drinking.
June 21, besides being the
longest day of the year,
should be the day on which
the WI win the first ever
World Cup Cricket Series.


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