Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00153
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: March 16, 1975
Frequency: completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00153

Full Text





THE Tapia Bandwagon
rolled into Sangre Grande
on Wednesday 12 March
to hold a public meeting
to explain to the people
of the area Tapia's views.
on the current situation
in the Oil and Sugar
Tapia has a wide following
in Sangre Grande and a Tapia
Group was recently launched
in the area. A receptive crowd
stood until "last bus" time to
hear the team of speakers.
The meeting was opened
by Campaign Manager Michael
Harris who explained the
background to the struggle'in
the Southland and why they
had assumed such political


Other speakers developed
on the issues. 'Mickey
Matthews, who journeyed all
the way from Fyzabad for
the meeting outlined the
Tapia proposals for the
localisation of'* -i our
resources industries.
Hamlet "Yaxee" Joseph
spoke of the need for opposi-
tion unity and outlined the
conditions under which such
unity could take place. He
stated that the Government
was bad both for Indians and
Africans and the unity in the
South was a threat to them.
The keynote speaker of
the meeting was Buntin
Joseph, Chairman of the
Sangre Grande Tapia group.
His speech was punctuated
by rounds of applause from
the crowd. Buntin stated that
our economic problems of
inflation and unemployment
could not be solved until
there was a change in our
cultural values and we recog-
nised the need to support and
develop local industries, part-
icularly in the Agricultural


The meeting was brought
to a close by Augustus Ram-
rekersingh 1st Vice Chairman
of Tapia who urged the
people of Sangre Grande to
rally behind the forces of
change in the Country. He
painted a vision of a new and
better world which however.
he said. could only come
through the efforts of the
vast majority of the citizens.

Lloyd Taylor

BOTH Oil and Sugar Work-
ers are now on strike. A
decision to go onto the
picket line was taken by
the OWTU at a gathering
of over 5,000 workers held
at the Param.n.;? Building,
San Fernando -., 'ednes-
day last.
Even as more armed forces
were being deployed at strategic
points throughout the Texaco
compounds, George Weekes
and his lieutenants mounted
another of the lightning rallies
which have lately been striking
the industrial South.
"Today", he told his
audience, "I see white men of
the monthly staff they
are like us, tired of the dis-
respect that Texaco shows to
First Vice President Abra-
ham told the meeting that the


AT the Annual General
Assembly on April 13, the
National Executive will be
proposing to the member-
ship the adoption of
certain amendments to the
Constitution to cater for
the growth and changed
circumstances of the
The drafts of the proposed
amendments are as follows:
Article 6 of the Constitution: is
amended by the addition to
Section (ii) of Subsection (d)
as follows:
(d) A Parliamentary Party.
Article 8 of the Constitution is
amended by the addition of
Section (ii) as follows:
(ii) The Council of Repre-
sentatives may appoint such
Standing Committees as it shall
think fit.
The present Sections (ii) -
(v) to become Sections (iii) -
Article 8 of the Constitution
to be amended by the addition
to the present Section (ii) of
Sub-sections (c) and (d) as
(c) All members of the
Parliamentary Party
(d) At least one representa-
tive of each Standing Conm-

Ministry had made a last-
minute bid to reopen negotia-
tions; and that Texaco had
refused to up their offer to
even 65%. They wanted the
Union to drop the profit-
sharing demand in an exchange
for an improved employee's
"Too late, too late, too
late", roared the crowd.


Nor will the Union now
proceed to the Industrial Court;
ino in 1975. From experience
they know that the Court is a
dead-end alley.
Several speakers complained
how difficult it was to work
with the Ministry of Labour
which seemed to be on the
side of Texaco. Minister
McClean came in for some
heavy pounding, l-ow could_
he have asked the Union to
accept a 20% interim increase,

WHEN they come together
to elect a National Execu-
tive for the 1975/6 term
at their Annual General
Assembly, Tapia members
will be selecting a team
which will almost certainly
be responsible for guiding
the destinies of the organ-
isation through the final
resolution of the national
political and constitutional
These internal elections,
scheduled for April 13, at the
S.W.W.T.U. Hall, Wrightson


an offer OWTU had once
before rejected?
"McClean cannot deal with
Texaco he is just a bearer
of messages. Texaco is the
real and the invisible govern-
ment... "
Grievance Officer Nuevo
Diaz was ready for "a battle
to the finish." He could not
take Texaco's injunction res-
training the Recognition Board
from processing OWTU's claim
to be the representative of the
monthly-paid staff.


Tubal Uriah Buzz Butler
adorned the meeting in a
moment of glory. The Hero of
1937 prophesied that OWTU
would get more than it bar-
gained for.
Every ime I eet a message
I'll pass it on to you". He
resented the unholy war being

waged on the holy members of
the working class and called
for a triumph over fear.
"The traditional enemies of
Labour must bite the dust in
absolute and complete defeat."
President General Weekes
cited Texaco as enemy No. 1
of Trinidad & Tobago. They
were "talking about recognizing
the monthly staff; the question
is whether we should recognize
Texaco", the only company
that still had a foreign person-
nel manager.
Weekes outlined the Union's
strategy. First, Army No. 1 will
be withdrawn from place of
work to serve on the battle-
fields. If Texaco refuses to
heed the demand for peace,
bread and justice, "we will
have no alternative but to call
out the reserves to join the
struggle from next week ... in

Trintoc, Tesoro and T&TEC."
Weekes recalled the Long
March of 1935. Prepare again
as Butler did then. "It will take
blood and sacrifice, but we
can't lose."
"Tomorrow", he warned
the workers, "your job is not
to sit down and listen to the
radio hoping for some miracle
. workers on guard."
The meeting began with a
call to worship led by Rev.
Idris Hamid. "Peace without
justice is no peace."



TAPIA people who are relying
on a lift to the Assembly on
Sunday are asked to call the
office if they are not sure about
arrangements. The number is
662-5126 at 82, St. Vincent
Street, Tunapuna. Somebody
will be on hand on Friday and
On Sunday the vans and
private' cars will be operating
from 14, El Dorado Road,
Tunapuna. Telephone 662-5172.
People may also call Ivan
Laughlin at 662-5729.; Loyd
Best at 662-3829; Syl Lowhar
at 662-7050; or Lloyd Taylor
at 638-4644. In the Far East
Buntin Joseph can be reached
in Sangre Grande at 668-2563.
-in San Fernando, our_
Office Number is 652-4878 at
17 Royal Road. In the Deep
South, Billy Montague is at
Santa Flora, 649-5847.
From Central, the starting
point is Corosal where the man
to contact is Kelvin Ramsumair
In Port-of-Spain, just look out
for Tapia cats. -

Road, Port-of-Spain, are widely
expected to be the last before
the:country as a whole goes to
the polls.
Nominations for the 16
elected posts on the Executive
are open from Friday, March
14, and will close at 12.00
noon of the day of the Annual
General Assembly. Nomination
forms are included on Page 11
of this issue and will be avail-
able also at the Special
Assembly on Sunday, March
16 at the S.W.W.T.U. Hall.
The present National Execu-
tive is as follows:


1st Vice-Chairman
2nd Vice-Chairman
Assistant Secretary
Community Secretary
Education Secretary

Administrative Secretary
Executive Secretary
Campaign Manager
Business Manager
Public Relations Secretary

Syl Lowhar
Augustus Ramrekersingh
Mickey Matthews
Lloyd Best
Paula Williams
Angela Cropper
Ivan Laughlin
Denis Solomon
Ruthven Baptiste
Alston Grant
Hamlet Joseph
Baldwin Mootoo
Volney Pierre
Keith Smith
Sheilah Solomon

- Allan Harris
- Lennox Grant
- Michael Harris
- Arthur Atwell
- Dennis Pantin
- Beau Tewarie


-I- ~-

I~ LL LOmnil

25 Cents

Vol. 5'No. I I


AT the meeting of oil workers on
Wednesday last, George Weekes
evoked the memory of the
,Butler-led march of 1935 and
so endorsed last weekend's
United Labour Front decision
to stage a "Long March" to
Port-of-Spain. Now that oil
workers have joined their breth-
ren in sugar on strike, the fact
that such an event is being
promoted has significant implica-
tions for the assessment of the
political situation in our country
at this moment.
The prospect of thousands of oil
and sugar workers marching from the
Southland down to Port-of-Spain is
one that quite easily fires the imagina-
tion. The range of possibilities is
immense and all sorts of wild specula-
tions quickly replace any attempt at
clinical analysis.
This danger must be avoided.
We can predict the possibilities only
in so far as we can marshall all the
available evidence which would suggest
to us some pattern to the action of
the ULF. Therefore the essential
question that must be asked of the
would-be marchers is "what is their
The United Labour Front is an
alliance of three unions born out of
the desire for greater strength at a
time when they were each locked in
tense negotiations in their respective
However, what begun as an
industrial struggle, has swiftly and
inevitably assumed profound political
proportions. Inevitably, in the first
place, because these unions are in-
volved in the two industries that
constitute the major productive sectors
of the economy.
Inevitably, secondly, because the
dominant presence in each industry
has been a multi-national corporation.
Any challenge made by the unions
raises the whole question concerning
the Government's policy in permitting
the continued presence of the multi-
nationals and concerning the conditions
for any take-over of them.
Inevitably, thirdly because the
three union leaders involved in the
struggle have histories of direct
political involvement and participation.
Whatever their pronouncements to the
contrary, it is difficult to believe that
their present activity is totally divorced
from the wider political concerns.
There is nothing wrong with that. In
any case it is the view the Governpient
has adopted and that fact more than
any other shapes the reality.
Inevitably, finally, because in
bringing oil and sugar workers together
the ULF has succeeded also in bringing
Africans and Indians together in a
context of where the unpopular and

inept PNM Government has kept itself
in office through a ruthless and
cynical manipulation of the racial
schisms that are a very real part of
our society.
The tremendous importance of
this last point cannot be over-
emphasised. The politics of race or,
to be more precise, that politics which
manipulates race, antedates the PNM.
When we remember that one of the
aims of the Butler movement in the
thirties was a unification of the
races, we realize just how deep-rooted
are the racial differences and how
difficult they are to bridge.
But by the same token it is not
farfetched to suggest that there is a
positive connection between our con-
tinued failure to come to terms with
the racial differences in our society
and our failure to reconstruct the
entire social, political and economic


Any honest assessment will have
to admit that what has been achieved
thus far is only a beginning and that
significant differences still exist be-
tween oil-workers and sugar-workers,
and between Africans and Indians,
which, if exploited by the forces of
the Government, can drive the new
movement back to square one.
The differences which divide
oil-workers from sugar-workers are
obvious, having to do with the
different economic positions of the
two industries. These differences will
assume importance only if the differ-
ences between African and Indian are
allowed to prevail.
The differences which divide
African and Indian are also well known
and need no elaboration here. In any
case many of these differences are
healthy ones which can contribute to
the richness of a genuinely multi-
racial society.
So that it is not a question of
eliminating the differences between
African and Indian. This cannot be
done, not at any rate in a short period
of time. What is necessary is the
establishment and acknowledgement
of areas of common interest which
bind the races together in spite of the
This is undoubtedly what the
ULF has done by using common in-
dustrial concerns. But it is clearly not
enough. For if the industrial questions
were to be settled, what unifying
force would there be to hold the
two races together?
The real choices which have
faced the leaders of the ULF from
the start are two. On the one hand,
they might have sought to elaborate
a perspective on politics and govern-
ment and economy and society which


could unify not only sugar-workers
and oil-workers but the vast majority
of citizens in a commitment beyond
the barriers of race and class.
On the other hand, they could
opt to use the unity of the moment
in an attempt to defeat the Govern-
ment: with a single mighty stroke. In
short the choice has been between the
longer, harder, but surer tasks of
sustained political organisation and
mobilisation, and the swift uncertainty
of agitation and confrontation.
Recent developments have
only served to make any march to
confrontation a suicidal venture. For
the Government is even now embarked
on drafting legislation for the national-
isation of Texaco.
Their purpose is clear. First,
they hope further to confuse people
about the issues in circumstances
where the ULF has done little of the
absolutely essential task of political
education. Secondly, by nationalising
Texaco, the Government hopes to cut
the ground from under Weekes and
attract the oil-workers back to the
But above all their aim clearly is
to undermine the ULF and the Afro-
Indian industrial solidarity by remov-
ing what is perhaps the stoutest of its
In addition to nationalising
Texaco, they clearly intend to main-
tain their tough intransigence as
regards the sugar-workers. They have
few votes to lose by continued pres-
sure against the sugar workers. They
will not recognize Shah, they will not
remove the levy, and they will make
only expedient concessions to Panday.
So that if the purpose of the
long March is confrontation, then
whatever happens, the Country stands
to lose. To lose, above all, the best
opportunity we have had for decades
to move out of the blind alley of the
politics of race and to open up a new
dispensation for all our peoples.


Yet, even now, the options are
not entirely closed off. The Long
March may still pass through the
avenue of political organization of a
solid and enduring kind.
The broad strategies for building
such organization we have spoken of
time'and again. It is not necessary to
repeat them here. What ir i-r-ediately
required however is a reassessment of
the tactics that ae currently being
pursued. This responsibility is incum-
bent on all three of the unions
As far as the O.W.T.U. is con-
cerned we urge again the enunciation
of a plan to dispose of the substantial
revenues which they quite rightly
demand. Such a plan must demonstrate
a clear commitment to greaterequality

Long March To What ?






amongst oil workers and must in-
troduce measures which would help
to alleviate the suffering and hardships
of the people of the country as a
There are three main reasons
why such a plan becomes necessary
at this moment. In the first place it
would demonstrate a quality of leader-
ship in the union which would go a
long way to stilling the lingering fears
of the oil-workers themselves about
the advisability of supporting tle
political dimension of the struggle.
Secondly, such a plan, taken to
every corner of the country, would
be one way of conveying to the
population as a whole that the demands
of the oil-workers are not merely
selfish, sectional demands benefitting
no one but themselves.
Finally such a plan anticipates
the move by Government to buy over
Texaco. For in addressing itself to the
needs of the country as a whole it
retains its validity and its political
explosiveness regardless of who owns
Similar reassessment must come
from the leadership of the cane-farm-
ers. The militant action of the cane-
farmers has brought them to a position
of greater strength. Their legal victory
is nothing compared to the respect and
support they have won throughout
the country.
What is needed now-is a recogni-
tion that nothing further can be won
in the short run in the industrial arena
alone. Final victory will come only by
success in the political arena too. The
best tactic now is a period of con-
solidation in which the farmers can
recoup their resources and the leader-
ship can expand its political machine.
The leadership must now exer-
cise the responsibility of explaining
to the farmers why they must now
proceed to cut their canes. If cutting
is not possible at this stage then.the
leadership must take the initiative in
setting up some scheme for the co-
operative production and marketing
of food. But whatever the plan adopted
the aiii must be to put some bread in
the farmers' hands.
If these two unions proceed in
this manner, it would free the sugar
workers' Union from the necessity of
industrial action which is clearly taken
more in support of the other two
unions, particularly the cane-farmers,
than in pursuance of any of its own
Finally the change in tactics of
the three unions would free them all
to pursue openly and frankly their
concern with the wider political issues.
After PNM, we all recognize that
a serious national political organisation
in Trinidad and Tobago must ulti-
mately include one base in organized
Labour. To trifle with this responsibil-
ity would be not only to trifle with
labour's stake in the country's politi-
cal future but to jeopardise that future
for all the Trinagonians.


~ --~-bD.-3~L~LLL~- -~-- ~1



Before the Wooding Commission
reported, Dr. Vernpn Gocking
explored the constitutional
choices in his booklet, Dem-
ocracy or Oligarchy? That
statement, offered in a soulful
but lucid prose, has already
become a classic of contem-
porary interpretation, indispens-
able to the student of our
troubled time.
The following article is an
extract from a forthcoming
companion piece, Participatory
Democracy, in which he medi-
tates on the evolution of the
constitution question beyond
the Wooding Report and the
Prime Minister's celebrated res-

THE best, if not the only strategy for those
in the country who support meaningful
constitutional reform would be to say to
the Prime Minister and his Party who form
the Government;
"Gentlemen, for the better part of the last -
five years you have been advocating the need for
constitutional reform. The time has now come
for action."
The truth of the matter is that the Prime
Minister and the PNM are not so much in control
as on the spot and everything must be done to
make themsee and feel this. They have the power to
act through an almost unique historical accident
the no-vote campaign which has left them with
complete control of State machinery. The
country's constitutional future is in their hands
and they cannot let go of the responsibility. They
cannot dodge or run away. They have to think it
through; they have to see it through and the
country must hold them to it. In the circum-
stances it is the country's duty, by constitutional
means, to persuade, manoeuvre or drive Dr.
Williams to use the State machine which he
controls to bring about the constitutional changes
we need if we are to become a participatory dem-
Most of the thoughts and attitudes recom-
mended here ar.ealready commonplace topics in
the country at large.
Most people realise that the Draft Bill to be
put before the Select Committee of Parliament
has been in preparation for months now, awaiting
the opportune political moment for its launching.
Many have a shrewd idea wiho has been
working on it, probably overtime.
Interested persons will already be reading
the Prime Minister's long speech uf December 13th
and 17th last in the Houseof Representatives
which has now been printeA looking for clues.
They would do well to read toeween the lines and
beyond the speech.
Dr. Williams' position has, in the nature of
things, been one of strength and so far the initiative
has always been in his hands. Those who expect
him to spring liberal surprises, but not liberal
enough, had better anticipate him before, by
running ahead of most people's expectations, he
succeeds in crystallising opinion at positions short
of real, modern-day, faith-in-the-people; participa-
tory democracy which, unaided, he will find it
most difficult to promote for reasons that are
given later.


What is the case for participatory democracy?
Alvin Toffler in his great work Future Shock ,
described by the Manchester Guardian as "An
American book that will .... reshape our think-
ing even more radically than Galbraith's did in the
1950s" tackles this question. The Manchester
Guardian adds that "for the first time in history
scientists are marrying the insights of artists, poets,
dramatists, and novelists to statistical analysis and
operational research."
Toffler writes:
The time has come for a dramatic reassess-
ment of the directions of change, a reassess-
ment made not by the politicians or the
sociologists or the clergy or the elitist.
revolutionaries, not by technicians or college
presidents, but by the people themselves.
We need quite literally, to "go to the
people" with a question which is almost
never asked of them: "What kind of a world

do you want ten, twenty or thirty years from
now?" We need to initiate, in short, a con-
tinuing plebiscite on the fm ure." (Pp. 475-8).
Now Trinidad and Tobago is not a large
country but all the up-and-coming considerable.
technological change in industry and agriculture,
all the many and intricate problems of a multi-
racial society, social, political and economic,
matched only by their infinite possibilities of
challenge and success make Toffler's passages
highly relevant and suggestive. But where does Dr.
Williams stand on these matters?
Writing in the April 1973 issue of Round
i Commonwealth Journal of International
Ai, .A reprinted in the PNM pamphlet -
"PR", iiL says:
"Trinidad and Tobago finds itself rather in
the position emphasized by Professor Rupert
Emerson, that the prime requirement of the
new devf:,pin independent States is not
for more .,' ,,;mu but for discipline, and
that in any country, with tribal, racial or
religious hosrii:-ie&, ',he essential need is
strong and unified management'. "
Look at that word "management". What a far cry
from "popular participation" and "participatory
democracy"! Surely "controlled participation" is
the very most we can expect. What a world separates
from Toffler's vision and insight!
l---- e'JPNM proposals for rei'ornic do not make
any attempt to open up the system. They recom-
mend a Lower House of approximately the same
size as the present and a Senate whose numbers
must be less, and 50% of whose members will be
Government nominees. They reject the idea of
parliamentary committees. Dr. Williams does not
like committees either but his speech shows him
less firm in his attitude than his party. Indeed, the
PNM seems to have strayed from the ideals of the
Perspectives .
It is the Tapia group that keeps the constitu-
tional issue alive. It is the Tapia group that would
open up the system and bring the people into the
corridors of government and power.


Hugh Wooding and Eric Williams, unaided,
cannot lead a constitutional reform movement of
the kind required. They suffer from the limitations
imposed upon them by the age into which they
were born. And they have demonstrated this in no
uncertain terms.
Wooding and Williams have been caught up
by two twentieth-century swift and turbulent
currents of change. And the country is going to
suffer from this on the constitutional issue if it is
not very careful and if more youthful leadership,
in touch with the instincts and spirit of the age,
does not take a hand and make itself felt.
The first current is represented by the
change imposed on us all by the rapidly changing
demands of the modern world. Alvin Toffler in his
great work, Future Shock has done much to
explain the mounting pace and complexity of this
change and the demands it makes in terms of
mind and spirit upon those called upon to give
The second current has its source in the
demands made by the transition from a colonial
world to one of independence. Both Wooding and
Williams have found this difficult to negotiate.
Tney have been confronted by fundamental revolu-
tionary changes occasioned by the collapse of
empire. The situation is entirely new. Past experi-
ence which has shaped and determined their values

m Stoatwatoon


s t 9 y ,

and their attitudes cannot quite chart the new
course; indeed it has often proved a handicap.
Independence is most demanding in terms of the
need for innovative thought and skills proceeding
from minds untrammelled by feelings, tastes and
instincts engendered by colonialism.
C:L.R. James in his Beyond a Boundary
has vividly described the effects of a colonial
education such as his generation received at Q.R.C.,
excellent though it was in its own kind:
"It was only long years after that I under-
stood the limitation on spirit, vision, and
self-respect which was imposed on us by the
fact that our masters, our curriculum, our
code of morals, everything began from the
basis that Britain was the source of all light
and leading, and our business was to admire,
wonder, learn."
It was a great tradition but

"The old order changeth, yielding place to
And God fulfills Himself in many ways
Lest one good custom should corrupt the


The philosophy and practices of Crown
Colony government, with its doctrine of the
incapacity of "lesser breeds" to manage their own
affairs, planted feelings of insecurity and lack of
self-respect and self-confidence even in the very
ablest. Indeed, paradoxically enough, it was the
ablest who were most affected, exposed, as they
were, and with the ability to absorb metropolitan
values. Deep down, therefore, in the souls of these
two able men lurks the inability to quite free
themselves-from feelings responses, rationalisa-
tions, attitudes woven into the very fabric of their
beings from earliest youth. Whatever their intellects
may tell them to the contrary, deeply ingrained
instincts and feelings persuade them that their
erstwhile .fellow colonial subjects lack what it
takes. They lean heavily on the conservative side
at a time when there is need for innovation and
faith in the people's ability to meet the challenge
of the times.
Wooding and Williams can therefore only
wit- great-diffifulty essay to play the role of
leaders along the path to participatory democracy,
in the modern post-colonial era. Their difficulty
becomes all the greater when they are called upon
to move from the plane of thought to that of
responsible action. What is more, their very
integrity becomes their nemesis.




New Role

For The



A Revolution In Higher


"I would not be against
suppressing universities as
they exist now almost every-
where, but I hasten to add
that I am not one of those
who believe that higher
education is useless... There
is no doubt about its impor-
tance in a reformed educa-
tional system."
SUCH is the opinion of
Dragoljub Najman, direc-
tor of Unesco's Depart-
ment of Higher Education
and Training of Educa-
tional Personnel. His view
is based on extensive
knowledge of higher
education around the
world, in both industrial-
ized and developing
In his recently published,
L 'enseignement superieur pour
quoi fire? (Higher Education
To Do What?) his criticisms
and suggestions are not
directed towards any specific
country but towards overall
-trends and particularly a
widespread conservatism. His
observations give rise to a
basic question: can centuries-
old institutions and their
epigone in new nations cope
with the new teaching and
training tasks born of a
changing world?
In 1950, there were
approximately 38 million
secondary school students
and 6.3 million university
students in the world. Twenty
years later, the university
students had grown to 26
million. In 1975, it is likely
that their number will equal
that of secondary school
students in 1950.


The relation between the
number of university students
and the number of young
people aged between 20 and
24 ranged, in 1970, from 17
percent in Europe and the
Soviet Union to 48 percent
in North America. The growth
rate may change here and
there, but temporary checks
cannot reverse a trend that
reflects the current scientific
and technological revolution.
Higher education, originally
intended to train an elite, is
becoming education for the
masses, linked to society's
needs for highly skilled work-
Faced with such an exten-

sion of higher education, the
system cannot conserve its
ancient structure, its teaching
methods and programmes or
its rules, norms and ethos.
Degree holders today do not
always manage to find jobs.
For lack of employment
openings, students are being
stocked up in "parking lot
universities". And indeed, it
is a fact that the universities'
"passing-out tickets" do not
match what the job market
has to offer.
Overcrowding and the
failure to adapt stem from
the fact that forecasts, even
on a short-term, of the
future employment situation
can only be approximate:
one cannot foresee very
exactly how science, technol-
ogy and the economic situa-
tion are going to develop.
Maladjustment to current
socio-economic needs is the
product of academic norms
which link a specific univer-
sity degree to a specific
professional level. As an
OECD study has pointed, by
multiplying the number' of
high-level jobs, economic
development has concomit-
tantly lowered their relative
social status.


In such conditions, the
clamour in the student and
political world for universal
higher education free of
selective procedures is not
consonant with the older
claim of degree holders to
comfortable jobs.
By defining the new goals
of higher education, part-
icularly its adjustment to
society's changing and grow-
ing needs for highly-qualified
executives, Najman shows the
inadequacy of traditional
means of instruction. Rather
than autonomous institutions,
each with its own entrance
and graduation standards,
individual programmes and
educational patterns, he
favours a coherent system
combining both knowledge
and know-how. At each level,
there would be opportunities
for economic and social
activity and for further study
or research.
He advocates an initial
two-year cycle devoted to
developing dte theoretical and
practical knowledge acquired
in secondary education or
everyday activities. Secondary
education, he argues, should

be preparation for a job. He
would like to' see young
people taking part in econ-
omic and social activity
before they begin their higher
education, as is the case in
certain countries, notably
China. Workers, who have
held jobs for several years,
should also be eligible for
higher education Their work
experience would be taken
into account in awarding
academic credits.


The second cycle would
differ from the first only 'by
the higher level of study and
by an introduction to research
work.This would permit the
identification of students
capable subsequently of
devoting themselves entirely
to research.
In the first two cycles,
teaching would be undertaken
largely by part-time teachers,
whose main job is outside
education. Hence they would
be able to give students the
benefit of their practical and
continually developing experi-
ence. Teaching institutions,
varying according to the field
of study, would issue degrees
having equal value through-
out a given country. At the
end of the second cycle, all
students without exception
would take up a professional
During the third cycle,
training would be based on
the actual practice of research
conceived as a team activity
of a multi-disciplinary nature,
dealing with current problems
faced by communities.
Teachers involved in train-
ing and those working with
third cycle students would
enjoy the same rank, salary
-and conditions. The first
group would be "teaching
how to learn" and the second
"how to discover".
Getting a system of this
sort under way would pro-
bably mean saying goodbye
to traditional universities as
independent institutions. En-
joying prestige unrelated to
their present social role, they
seem incapable of reaching
beyond their hallowed walls
to establish contact with the
non-academic world, incap-
able of preparing students
at every level to switch from
study to production, and of
opening thcir doors to large
numbers of adult students.
A higher educational sys-

tein overhauled along the
lines suggested by Najman
would cost no more than the
traditional university system
if modern technology were
broadly applied. It would
provide for increased effi-
ciency, flexibility and, there-
fore, individualisation of in-
Teaching m e th o ds
developed at this level would
rely heavily on educational
commumcations satellites -
particularly for the Third
World countries radio,
video-cassettes and computers.
The computer, says Najman,
is the teacher's dream tool. It
can make a mass-education
system highly responsive to
the individual's needs. It can
provide students with com-
plete courses consisting of
instruction, evaluation and
correction and, at the sane
time, be used for simulation
and demonstration sessions,
bibliographical research, intel-
lectual games and so on.
How much would a widely-
used educational technology
cost? Columbia University,
New York, estimated that for
a clientele of several hundred
thousand students, the cost
of teaching by television was
six cents an hour. For
Mexico's Telescundria, the

cost was seven cents an hour
for 29,000 students. As
regards the computer, special-
ists estimate that costs would
be less than 75 cents a
student per hour as against
two dollars a student per
hour with a university lecturer.
More than technical pro-
blems, what hinders the use
of computers is the prepara-
tion of software, that is, the
programmes used by the
computers, and the resistance
to change from traditional
educational institutions. The
fact is that the new educa-
tional technology cannot be
moulded on old forms. It
implies changes in the
teachers' status, a redistribu-
tion of functions in the
teaching family, and greater
co-operation among the
different teaching grades.
Traditional institutions are
not prepared for the com-
plete renewal of teaching
methods and techniques re-
quired by the new mass
higher education. Universities
are often accused of studying
everything except themselves.
Perhaps they are also guilty
of being ready for every kind
of change, except those that-
directly concern them.

(Unesco Features)






Tapia House 82-84 St. Vincent Street Tunapuna














WE have no quarrel with
the main purpose of the
Rent Restriction Ordi-
nance and I would like to
quote very quickly a state-
ment by Senator Prevatt
made in the Debate in
1972 when he said that:
"7he main purpose of the
Rent Restriction Ordinance
is to protect the poorer
classes who, after all, also
have a right to shelter. They
are not able to buy their
own houses, they are not
able to purchase even the
land on which to put their
house and Government fj,'/l
that these people,are en-
titled to some consideration
from the population as a
whole; certainly entitled to
some protection from the
Government. "
We have no argument with
that. We agree that as Senator
Prevatt also pointed out on
that occasion that the Govern-
ment have in its duties, to
protect, generally speaking, tne
'ship of state' as he puts it.
"If we find" and I am
quoting him "if we find the
'ship of state' is heading for a
shipwreck and we find that
controls are necessary to avoid
this, we must see that the ship
is not shipwrecked."


That was in 1972. It is my
contention in looking at die
condition of the country that
we are heading for a shipwreck.
In Tapia we make a distinc-
tion between the State and
between the Government. The
Government are simply Inanag-
ing the State and therefore if,
in fact, the country is heading
for a shipwreck, what you
have to control is the Govern-
ment. As a matter of fact, if
we want to ensure that we do
not wreck the State then, what
we need to do in this context
is to abandon the Government.
In point of fact, as we
talk here today about the Rent
Restiction Ordinance, when
the Leader of Government
Business has said that the
economic prospects are good,
thousands of workers are
rallying in Skinner: Park inI
San Fernando oi industrial
issues down there, and I link
thai Senator Julien has already
made mention otf that.

The entire policy that the
Government have-on rents and
on housing has to be aban-
doned. By their own admission,
the housing programme has
been a failure.
1 was reading tile reports
o'f the debates in the House of
Representatives where the
Minister of Housing, Brensley
Barrow, made the point that
they are not even beginning to
meet the needs of the country
for housing and, you heard
here today, the Leader of
Government Business say hat
this Ordinance may not I,
colntinue for very inch lo:.,,"


I agree with Senator Julien.
1 think it is going to be here
as long as this Government
exist. Of course, we do not
feel they will be here very
much longer. But ite point is,
that the very policy that they
have been conducting in.
Housing ensures that an Ordi-
nance such as this will always
be necessary and they are
constantly coming here,
attempting to bramble people,
with the need, as they put it,
to assist the low-income earning
bracket of the population by

gI~r.- 1,t. '-

having hde perpetuation of the
Rent Res tric tion Ordinance.
The fundamental problems
that we are facing in country
that is deriving colossal revenues
is still one of poverty -
poverty stemming from in-
creasing inequality. The indica-
tors of that inequality and die
indicators of the poverty, you
can find in income distribu-
tion. We have given those
figures time and again in die
Senate and 1 do not want to
go into dien again. You canl
find it in terms of income
distribu lion.
You can look at it in terms
of the large scale unemllploy-
ment that exists I tilecountry.
You can see it specifically
in terms ol housing. In 1966,,
for example, over one-lhird of
the housing in thc country was
only lair tn o ioo I aui tolti(ingig
'ron thde first issue nof Tapia.
Nearly 7S,000 living units

could not be described as
Senator C. Tll: What is
the date?
Senator Laughlin: The date
of the paper this was in
1969. Those figures were for
1966. I would like Senator
Tull to remember that date
because 1 am going to introduce
data to show that that condi-
tion has been deteriorating.
We look at the situation in
which one-third of the houses
are below a reasonable stand-
ard of living and we realize
that over 50 per cent of the
population are living in those
conditions because the families
are larger, the accommodation
is much smaller and people
have to continue living in that
kind of situation year in year
Ii1 ., n;l of fact, Senator
Prevatt again in 1972 if we
want to look at another indica-
torthe problems we are facing
in terms of poverty, and I am
quoting him again from that
debate when he was speaking
in support of the need to
extend the Rent Restriction
Ordinance said:
"TheI standard of wages for
a person who wouta be
renting a house for $30 a
month is still quite low and

most of these people find
it difficult to pay $30 a
ontllh. Iler'e we to go anyI
finrher down at this stage I
think we would be placing
a sizeable ... "
I want to repeat that word
S sizeable number of
people in great difficulty. "


But we do not need to
look at statistical data. We do
not need to look at the
debates in the past. We will of
course look at die data dial is
coming out ol the Statisiital
'Department to make an inter-
pretation of die prohletis
people are facing Il housing
oi the illcqualitics tlat exists
in housing. We hear, for
example, aboul upper classes,
about low ilcoine 1houtsiig.
about highIl income liousing atnd
about middle Iiicome housing.

The point is that there exist
significant and important in-
equalities in housing.
SYou only have to walk up
to Water Hole and look at
people who are living in really
sub-standard conditions, not
only in terms of the type of
structure they have to live in
but in terms of the amenities
they can get, and you look
across to the West to a place
like Goodwood Park where
people are building houses in
the vicinity of $300,000. The
Prime Minister bought a resi-
dence there recently for
People are building houses
in those areas for enormous

"The point is there
exist significant and
important inequalities
in housing. "

sums of money and you have
that stark reality in Trinidad
and Tobago of housing areas
where people are enjoying
enormous wealth and privileges
and standards of living o' that
kind. Then you.look within a
mile and you see people living
in deplorable conditions and
that situation is increasing.
People have to squat on the
railway lines now and Govern-
ment have their demolition
squads that are knocking down
those units when people have
absolutely no place of simple
I shelter.
So whether you look at it
in lenns of statistical data or
whether you look at it in
tennis of observation, looking
at the country realistically and
measuring the problems that
people are facing, it must give
us an indication of the extent
to which, in a period of in-
creasing revenues, people are
facing severe hardships and the
fact is that those conditions,
in my view, are increasing.
As a smaller oft fact, not
simply in Ivy view, it 15i
increasing if you look al the
very statements die (;ovein-
IlentZ are making and you
mIake a selrous interpretations
of what is said in thie budget
and what they have said at
different ilnes over he last
ill lO `t lis
The basic I'ac oi ithatl is
ieveals is thial the Governilneli
aie nol iliteesled illn dealig

with the questions of poverty
and inequality here. They are
perputating an oligarchic elite
of privilege in this country.
This is what the factors reveal.


They have been here for 18
years. This Ordinance is not
being simply introduced today.
The Government have been
here for 18 years, carrying
out policies and programmes
of housing, etc., and we are
seeing the standard of living
of the country continue to
deteriorate every day the
quality of housing; the pro-
blems of amenities that people

are facing. The point is that if
we have to deal with the
conditions that give rise and
perpetuate an Ordinance of
this kind then we have to deal
with the problems of housing
seriously and we have to deal
with the problems of inequali-
ties and the problems of
poverty in a real way.
It isTapia'scontention that
we have to eliminate this
entire idea of a poorer class of
people. It is a scandal that the
Government have been talking
about a poorer class of people
after 18 years of ruling this
country in which we have
genuinely good economic re-
sources to deal with the fun-
damental problems thlat exist
here. Or that we could be
talking about low income
housing and high income
We cannot have any con-
ception certainly in Tapia
we have absolutely no concep-
tion of any difference in
housing in that way low
income and high income
housing at all. We must have
housing of die same kind for
thle entire popullation. People
Iuist have die opportunity to
have housing of the same kind.
That is our view in Tapia.
Senator Tull: Fverybody
would live in Goodwood Park.
Senator lautghlin: Every-
body in (Goodwood Park, yes,
and all the other Parks. We are
talking about housing
Senator Tull: You will
always riemainal i1 apia, boy.
Scnalor l.autghlin: It is very
comlfoi tl hle ,;and very c.,ol.
Thie fac r !ihat if we con-

Continuiied oil Page 8

AFTER a year, I have finally
found out what Mervyn Morris'
first book of poems, The Pond.
is all about. It is a collection of
poems written in defence of
Mervyn Morris. The precise
nature of the poems eluded me
until I placed together certain
crucial statements made by Mr.
Morris and about Mr. Morris. I
always realized that the poems
looked at love, fear, uncertainty
and death but I had earlier
failed to see the line of continuity
linking these concerns, until re-
reading some of Mr. Morris'
We must begin with these crucial
statements. First, there'is the statement
made in the essay On Reading Louise
Bennett Seriously to be found in Jamaica
Journal, (Dec. 1967. Vol.1 No.1.p.69).
What a work implies, however, is not
enough to justify literary attention: to
be worthy of that, a work must be at
least technically adequate, and should
usually be something more.
Next, look at the statement made
in the essay entitled Walcott and the
Audience for Poetry, published Caribbean
Quarterly (Vol.14, Nos. 1&2, 1968 p.11).
But if we restrict our poets to speaking
directly to this society in general, we
will never get any deeper than Louise
Bennett or The Mighty Sparrow ....
Next, read that statement by Mr.
Morris in the prize-winning essay Feeling,
Affection, Respect to be found in
Disappointed Guests edited by Henri
Tajfel and John L. Dawson.
I am very dark brown, not black as
midnight (or five-past, like that Selvon
character). .. Someone who knew
little about the West Indies might
reasonably assume that my ancestors
were African slaves. So they were, I
think, but on one side only. My grand-
mother's complexion was as near
European pinko-grey as dosen't matter
and her features were scarcely negroid;
she claimed we have Irish ancestors.
After that, look at the essay by Mr.
Morris entitled Black Power and Us, to be
found in Jamaica Journal, (Dec. 1968.
Vol.2. No.4), when he says in part:-
What it means to be black is in the end
a personal thing. But even at the level of
generalisation there are enormous differ-
ences between the experience of differ-
ent socio-economic groups. And there
are, of course, further problems in our
shade-conscious society if we attempt a
simple white-black division, conceding
to the mulatto the right to choose his
side. (p.3).
Finally, keep in mind two state-
merits made by Mr. Gerald Moore in his
review Use Men Language, BIM Vol.15
No.57, March 1974, when he tells us that
Mervyn Morris remains "generally faithful
to the iambic pentameter and to a
general stanzaic regularity" and goes on
to talk about "the formal classicism of
Mervyn Morris", (p.76). Thus, slowly,
ever so slowly, the dark pond of con-
fusion clears and the tense face of a
significant Caribbean poet emerges, and
more than a.poet's symbol hardens now.
Mr. Morris' first collection of
poetry reflects all the statements I have
lsted. He tries to be more than "technic-
ally adequate" and to do this he decides
to master the iambic pentameter and
to arrive at a control over the more
traditionally accepted rhyme schemes of
poetry; to arrive at a "formal classicism".
The collection reflects a poet's determina-
tion to speak, but not to speak "directly
to this society in general", because he
wants to get deeper than the Mighty
The collection states an attempt to
explore the mulatto's attempt to choose
his side. Significantly, though, Mervyn
Morris does not theatrically ask us "Where
shall I turn, divided to the vein?" He
implies that one cannot quite choose, and
that any choice is the wrong choice,
including the middle ground, though he
has chosen the middle ground himself.
This is why The Pond is important
for us all. It states the predicament of
not only the mulatto but of the intelli-
gent, sane being who prefers reason to
hysteria and then fiqds himself accused
of indifference, when in fact he is caught
*ip in the painful dilemma of total self-

awareness which always means excluding
the slogan, the catch-phrase and the long
What annoys me with Mr. Morris is
that he sees it all, both the fraudulence
of the men who peach concern for the
poor while being well-off, and the
fraudulence of abstinence, of walking the
middle path; and yet his poetry never
explodes with the kind of pain and com-
plexity that the realization should
produce. The "formal classicism" inhibits
His pain is more real than I first
thought it to be and I find myself furious
that Morris should opt for gentle punning,
and the mild humour of sweetness and
light. In a word, the poetry is too decent.
It emerges too much like the poetry of
the decent citizen, the poetry of the man
standing aside from it all. But Morris'
concerns, as I intend to show, deserves
better poetry than he gives us, and he
will do his talent justice only when he
stops being afraid to experiment on his
It is my feeling that we need some-
one like Mr. Morris who clearly sees both
sides, who has an element of restraint and
who is a poet; what we do not need is a
coward, a poet afraid of his own talent.
This is what emerges. Morris is afraid to
leave the safety of the iambic pentameter
because the kind of rage and pain that is
rattling about in his head and turning
around his wristmight lead him to writing
good poetry, but poetry that might be
suspect because it has no antecedent.
This is why when he writes more
freely he turns to a man like Larkin so
that the reader can make some connection
with a freer but now well-recognised
technique. The problem with The Pond is
that it raisesissues that must be examined,
and issues that, if examined as they
should, will of necessity break out of
the iambic pentameter. By his settling for
the more accepted forms, the content
appears lame and unimpressive.
Mr. Morris' voice is the voice of
restraint, but that should not make his
poetry so restrained. It is in resolving that
apparent contradiction that Mr. Morris will
give us significant and meaningful poetry.
He does try to write, as in the poeiii
Lecture, without some of the well-tried
techniques. But then Lecture is a failure.
It would seem that when moving
away from the tight formality of the
iambic pentameter one mustmove towards
a tightness of presentation growing out of
a scheme of interlocking sound-patterns




and echoes. What we get in The Pond is
just the linking together of ideas that are
not sufficiently explored because the poet
bridles his fonn so as to be more than
technically adequate. Put differently, the
conservative approach of Mr. Morris is
what defeats the poetry rather than the
fact that the poetry is about the pro-
blei often thinking conservative in the
The Pond, published by New
Beacon Books, who incidentally don't
have the courtesy to tell-us who is
responsible -for the cover design,.
examines both love and death and
attempts to examine the problem of
confronting one's self. As I said before,
the collection is really a defence of
Morris' middle ground position in
Jamaica. It is in the poem Greatest show
on Earth that the poet states his position.
Between the tigers and the acrobats
1 do my act I
sit on Chairs that aren't there
I play for time
(between the tigers and the acrobats)
a dwarf


who owns no whip
and will not leave this ground. (p. 10)
To him the concern of the intel-
lectuals of the Caribbean with the
emotional aspect of black awareness is
one ridiculous circus act. Hence he states
that he cannot leave the ground of reality
and common sense for the fliglits of
fantasy of his fellows. He "will not leave
this ground". That declaration also seems
to suggest that he will not leave Jamaica
and that he will not leave the middle
ground that he hcs chosen. Catch a Nigger
states his position more directly.
At home with his creative curse
live vd inside; and (w.nat was worse)
declined to share the public strain
while struggling with his private pain.
Soon the poetlooks for people; and
scenes in his society that express his
predicament. The best example is the
poem .Vallev Prince, written for ite late
Don Drummond. The message is that one
must not compromise one's vision, even
if blowing it as one sees it, will make one
blow one's mind.

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r I I Ir ~ C3l~pPraS~.7P~I~

6 1975



'The Pond'

Aervyn Morris

Me one, way out in the crowd.
I blow the sounds, the pain,
but not a soul
would come inside my world
or tell me nhow it iuie.
I love a melancholy baib.
sweet, with 1'ie ii lier bell\ :
and like a spite
the woman tinr vi ihore
Cool and smooth aou(nd the heat
she wake the note insid., ine
and I blow me mind. (p.7)
That is howMr. Morris sees himself,
as a victim of a hostile and betraying
;society which he once loved. He, like Don
Drummnond, can't blow it straight. As ihe
says, "But straight is noi the; mvy world'
don't go so; diat is lie." He ia.i' Niou J.
the slogans of blackness, he can't partici-
pate in die "riot of colour"' for what
about his "white box of briks"? His
"white box of briks" presumably refers
to his language, his liberal education. 2t
Oxford, his whole out-look and v:.' eS
gained from assimilating tiee Engiish
To Mr. Morris, love of dte people
could mean death to many a friendship,
as the Black revolution lead: :; our re-
enslavement by new powers. He states:-
New powers re-enslived us all:
each person manacled ii skin, in race.
Suddenly for him, friends take on colour.
As he tells us in the poem 'To an
Expatriate Friend:-
The future darkening, you though it
to say good-bye. It may be you were
It hurt to see you go;but, more,
it hurt to see you slowly going white.
But then Mr.Morris points out that
shouted at by both sides, the radical left
and the reactionary right, maybe it is best
to stay in die middle, since it when you
begin to choose that you are shot down,
Meanwhile the bullets overhead
were troubling him somewhat
and buildings burning either side
had made the middle hot.

He thought perhaps he'd better choose.
Fie cawled to join a side.
A bullet clapped him in the neck -
of course he died. (p.16 To The Un-
known Non-Combatant.)
Furthermnoe Mr. Morris fears that the
wave of Black protest would lead to
total destruction:-
But soon that central fire will rage
too harsh for relics of the whip;
they'll burn this building,
fire these books, this art.
(p.17 The House-Slave).
It is in die poem The Early Rebels
that Mr. Morris traces the circle in which
early protesting rebels become entrenched
members of the establishment once their
youth has passed. He also shows us how
they rationalize their betrayal of self.
Hope drives a chromium symbol now
And smiles a toothpaste passion to the

With colder eloquence explaining how
ihle young were foolish when they swore
They'd see those dunghills dank and
All replaced by bright new flats:
"Let's drink a loyal toast to dedication:
We mean the same but youth is past;
We are the fathers of our nation,
The thinking leaders come at last.
Cheers for the faith of simple minds,
Cheers for the love of humble friends;
Love does not alter when it finds
That we have redefined its ends". (p.21)
It is the later poems in die collec-
tion that finally attract because they are
less on die surface; dhey are not simply
poems of statement. In fact they are
about depth, about states that lie beneath
the surface. The title poem, The Pond
falls into this bracket.
There was this pond in the village
and little boys, he heard till he was sick,
were not allowed too near.
Unfathomable pool, they said,
that swallowed men and animals just so;
and in its depths, old people said,
swam galliwasps and nameless horrors;
bright boys kept away. (p.42)
Soon "lie found himself/there at tie
fabled edge and shimmering in guilt,
he saw his own face peering from the
pool. This is what I mean by stating that
Mr. Morris raises issues that are impor-
tant for all of us. In tdie poem The Pond
lie looks at die problem of confronting
one's self. The problem of looking at the
pool of confusion within and having the
strength to sta'" vradily back at die face
we confront, ".n face. There is
always die eleii'..,, ear in this con-
frontation, and the e, .cnit of cowardice.
What complicates matters is that we have
several selves.
They're lying: lying, all of them:
lie never loved his shadow,
lie saw it was another self
and tried to wring its neck.
Not love but murder on his mind,
lie grappled with the other man
inside the lucid stream. (p.43 Narcissus)
At some point, which is not clear,
Mr. Morris makes a connection between
fear of confronting one's true face and
die fear of facing death, while at die same.
time suggesting diat true love is not really
possible since it is always tied up with
love of oneself. In die poem Castle he
LIVING IS FARING. Tired, he read
the writing on the castle wall,
and braced himself to slay that king
who terrifies us all.
The drawbridge down. the knight spur-
red hard,
galloping into battle;
but as he neared, the bridge pulled iup
with a disdainful rattle.
Too late to stop, he took the plunge:

accoutred well, he couldn't float;
and, loud exclaiming "Death to Fear!",
he drowned himself in the moat. (p.44)
Then there is the poem Journey
into the Interior that really seems to
contain the key to Mr, Morris's central
preoccupation. In that poem he examines
the whole process of self knowledge and
the inner journey into self. The journey
inwards is the night journey no end, that
brings one to an end. To check out one's
entrails brings one to die end-trail, dte
end of the trail. Mr. Morris here seems to
be suggesting that the journey within,
back into one's self, the past, memory,
does not lead to clarity and light, but to
uncertainty and darkness. Yethe seems to
be suggesting that its a journey we must
make, and on die other hand, because it
is a dead end we should not make it.
Either way we emerge as cowards. At the
sane time it is obvious that die predica-
ment as outlined also summarises Mr.
Morris's attitude to die mental journey
back to Africa that many thinking people
in the Caribbean see as important. Here is
ite poem in its entirety.
Stumbling down his own oesophagus
he thought he'd check his vitals out.
He found the entrails most illegible,
it wasn't clear what innards were about.

He opted to return to air and light
and certainty; but when he tried
he found the passage blocked; so now
he spends the long day groping there, in-
side. (p.40)
The same point is made in die last stanza
of the poem Mariners.
we are the sea-searchers
scaling the night
keen in the darkness
fish-eyed in light (p.45)
Once Mr. Morris moves away from
simply stating that he is occupying the
middle ground, lie enters a more complex
and contradictory area. He enters die
forest, away from -
a dry world, crisp and certain
in the sun, where practically anyone
could laugh and prattle all day long,
seeing clear for seeing nothing. (p.39)
It'is deep in the forest that he embraces
"tie gracious maggot in die mind", while
"the bright boat burns on tdie beach''..
The whole debate wi thin Mr. Morris's mind
is at times reduced to a constant contrast
between the man alone and die man
surrounded by die crowd; a contrast
between love of self and love of others; a
contrast between certainty and uncer-
tainty, light and darkness. Not surprisingly
therefore, Mr. Morris is constantly trying
to pin down his exact feelings. His poetry
is his attempt to pin down die debates in


Dear Queen Elizabeth,
Dear Queen, I take a long time since the last
and am hoping you didn't mind;
but, well, queen, I not sure how to start,
but something happening you should know.

But your highness, I will start.

As you know
I coming every day
to die library by the square
and writing you.

Well, the other day, I see this girl,
working here,
she new.
And she tall, taller than me.
And she certain when she walk
and she sure when she talk
and I like she large

And she face
and she hair
making one
from die front.

From the side is a different thing.

And she ban-bam!
moving quick
tight and quick
nutten loose...

his skull. As he tells us in the poem The
Thing Had Wings:-
The thing had wings
that flapped
flapped in the dark of the skull

So he got himself a lance
and he practised tilting

till one day when the thing went flap
he climbed on his practised horse
and galloped into the dark

He rammed the lance in its gullet
and dragged it into the light

But here the thing seemed-beautiful
so he wiped off the dust and the blood
and put it on display
making sure to pin the wings (p.41).
It is because Mr. Morris wipes off "the
dust and the blood" and places his poems
on "display" that his collection is so
tame, so aloof, despite the fact that he is
grappling with the terrors of commitment
and the tugs of divided loyalties.
As I said before, Mr. Morris's con-
cern with the predicament of choice, in an
age when so many prefer that we choose
tie broad and noisy gesture instead of the
silent devotion to sanity, is a real and
important one. Over and over Morris in
his first collection of poems implies that
the final reality is death, ("all flesh is
grass") and that love on the person to
person levelisvery tenuous, and therefore
love of the people, "the grass roots", is
even more so, if not a downright lie.
What is disturbing is thatMr. Morris
should present the case for himself and
other "middle" men who found the black
power movement in the Caribbean forced
them into a corner or forced them to
face some dreadful truth within them-
selves, in such unexciting terms. Despite
what he says, he blows it too "straight".
We get well tried technique and gentle
polished irony andsoft-spoken politeness.
What is missing, is the intensity that
should emerge from one grappling with
the tension of indecision. The problem is
that Mr. Morris is too concerned on each
----occasion-widAiapagf inle--poem ande~so-
fails to capture the true tension that lies
between what is being said, and how it is
being said. Mr. Morris's "creative curse"
is never allowed to produce the kind of
poetry his preoccupations deserve, Sadly,
The Pond demonstrates the triumph of
of "fonnal classicism" over creole

ent no use
ent no use
ent no use
dear queen elizabeth

cos when she smile
as she pass,
as she pass
me dong here,
nuffing Icould do.

And she smile
all the time
every time Ihere.

I think she like me too.

And your highness
how I want she!
Yes your highness
is bad I need she!
And your highness
is have I goin' have she!
(sing) I and she goin' make some children
de children goin' stand up tall

an' when you goin' call dem
dem ent goin' hear you at all!

And that is why dear Queen Elizabeth
fm writing now to tell you
You could call off all the plans
To marry your daughter and me.

Robert Lee

- I c~ I -IIII I

II 1 9 11



Policy Is

To House Campaigr

From Page 5

ceive of the situation in that
way if we see that the problems
that have given rise to the
extension of this Ordinance
every year of the past and
every three years now, if we
look at and see it in terms of
the need to deal with the fun-
damental problems that exist
here, it will make us realize
that income, employment and
housing are related factors.
They are not factors that
are unrelated. They are related
in one whole and it is only
when the Government can
conceive that it is by combin-
ing an attack on those factors
in a related whole that we can
come to terms with the pro-
blems of unemployment, the
problems of inequality and the
problems of the standard of
living that the large majority
of the population are facing
and the severe economic hard-
ships that people are facing in
the country.
In the Third-Five-Year Plan,
in 1969 on page 359, talking
about their housing programme,
they outlined the fact that we
needed somewhere in the
vicinity of 10,000 units
I-anua'y1'yfie--reto-- coam e-o -
terms with the existing pro-
blems in -housing and to come
to terms with the increasing
population. This was stated in
1969. 10,000 units are needed
every year as a minimum.


In 1974 -- we do not have
the figures yet as to how
many houses they built in
1974, but Mr. Barrow was
pointing out that in the period
1971 and 1972 they were
only able to average some-
where in the vicinity of 4,000
houses every .year and of
course this is three years after
this Plan was enunciated. So
the point is that the Plan
acknowledges the needs of the
population for housing.

It acknowledges further
what the problems are. It

acknowledges a range of pro-
blems which include high con-
struction costs, shortages of
land, problems of finance and
so on.
They say here on page 361
that, "many of these difficul-
ties have been recently discus-
sed at a Tripartite Conference
of labour, business and Govern-
ment on unemployment and
as a result it is hoped that they
will be overcome shortly."
This is 1969.
They go on to set out the
measures necessary to come to
terms with the housing pro-
blems, the need for building
materials, tie question of
construction costs which need
to be kept as low as possible,
the need for land development,
the infrastructural development
of land etc., and measures
dealing with finance to ensure
that housing could develop in
some rational and reasonable
They talk about the work
of the National Housing
Authority. They talk about

the way in which they have to
deal with the underlying pro-
blems of housing which they
acknowledge as being very
scvcic aUid dlicy ay dal at is
expected that concentration
on the above steps and those
measures that'I just mentioned
will create the foundation for
a viable housing programme
within the next five years.


That was in 1969 and if
we look at the Budget in
1975, the one given here
before this House a few
months ago, we see the under-
lying problems that the housing
and building construction in-
dustry has been facing in
relation to the needs of the'
population; we realize that
there is a serious decline in
construction, in the number
of houses being built and we
know that the problems they
talked about in 1969 are very
apparent and very real in



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It is clear that not only was
the plan inadequate in the
sense that even though they
acknowledge that 10,000 units
were necessary, they did not
conceive of the Government
and the private sector being
able to put together more
than 5,000 units every year
and by their own acknowledge-
ment they'have met annually
in the period 1971 1972
only 4,000 units.
That will give us some idea
of the grave problems that we
are facing in housing; the
enormous need that the popu-
lation has for housing and the
fact that Government by their
policy in housing are in no
way coming to temis with the
needs of the population.
Not only is the plan in-
adequate bal the implementa-'
tion of what they have set
down in the plan is non-
existent. In point of fact, the
Budget itself indicates that
they have abandoned the
policy which they set out in
1969 in which they said that

they were going to be able tp
provide the basis of a viable
housing industry by 1974.
That policy, it seems to me,
to take into account the
measures set down by the
Minister of Finance in his
Budget Speech for 1975.
The fact is that Govqm-
nent policies and Government
measures have been increasing
the gap between the needs of
the population and the supplies
of those needs in housing. In
addition to that, the infras-
truc ture requirements for
housing are extremely bad;. the
water situation in this country
is very grave.
It is really inconceivable
that Government could be
talking about providing funds
for the population on the one
hand and making the National
Housing Authority the catalyst
to encourage investment in
housing while at,; the same
time not having the important
infrastructure of water to
Continued on Page 9

Our Prices Are Unbeatable Anywhere




,El IASi

Phone: 62-32176, 62-38372

99-101 EASTERN MAIN ROAD, L'tille.



In Trinidad & Tobago



The Solution:


The Govt.

From Page 8

allow that kind of housing to
The Water and Sewerage
Authority is under severe
strain. They have not got the
technical staff; most of the
senior engineers and die engi-
neers who are involved with
the work are resigning. There
are real problems with the
existing supply of water and
there is no programnnm in mind
as far as I can see and as far as
Government have projected
here that is going to resolve
that problem in die near


There is no, development
being allowed in the Mayaro
area. Along the Fast-West
Corridor, the develhument is
extremely restricted. People
who are developing lands, pro-
viding 100 and 150 parcels of
land and can get approval for
tie most five or ten, for the
very most fifteen parcels to be
able to develop in any one
year, from the Water and
Sewerage Authority.
So the problems we are
facing in housing are extremely

grave. The necessary infrastruc-
tural arrangements that will
allow the housing industry to
develop and grow do not
exist and we are going to face
a severe hardship in housing,
in water and those kinds of
amenities this year in particular.
Already we have had barely
a month and a half of the
dry season and the problems
in water are becoming very
acute in many, of the densely
populated areas of the country.
We are facing a situation
where there is; in my view,
very little hope of Govern-
nient's policies in housing being
able to be implemented. As a
matter of fact, I have to stress
here that the problems people
are facing in h. i are
critical and the thiiij, 't
we are going to face tli, d
of ordinance every three years
taking into account Govern-
ment's policy that is going on
now because the housing pro-
blem is in no way going to be
The policies that Govern-
ment have been pursuing in
housing are really nothing
short of gimmickry.. They
have abandoned any kind of
programme a long time ago
and they are living by gimmicks.
The Beetham Estate is probably
the biggest example, of tlat.

We understand; we have
been reliably informed in
Tapia, by workers from that
area that building operations
on that project have been sus-
pended Since December. We
understand that somewhere
around 800 workers are out
of work at a time when un-
employment is increasing and
that applications are also being
refused because of some pro-
blem in which tie officers in
charge are not available to
deal with the application for
people in what they call the
low income bracket.


We are dealing with a
situation in which Government
are living by gimmickry. As a
matter of fact, housing is
really a political question as
far as Government are con-
rerncd. It is largely a matter
..poliucal manipulation. To
get a house you must have a
party caid or a party god-
father. That is really house to
house campaigning with aven-
geance in terms of political
campaigning. That is the situa-
tion in housing.
The Leader of the Opposi-
tion in the House of Repre-
sentatives made the point that
there are numerous National
Housing Authority houses that
are not occupied and we
heard the Minister of Housing
say that this is not true. I want
to know where he is living. He
does not travel around the
country. He can travel to
Aruna. Tobago, lie can see it
all over the place.
Hon. Member: he is living
at Woodbrook
Mr. Laughlin: He is living at
Woodbrook, yes, I really felt
so. We have a situation in an
important area like housing in
which people are facing fun-
damental problems and in
which Government are per-
petuating political manipula-
tion and .gimmickry. They:
arc not dealing with the pro-
blelms of poverty and dis-
advantage that the country is

facing generally at all. They
do not perceive, as I said
before, that housing is an
important lever to solve the
unemployment problem. They
do not see how housing could
provide the focus for the
growth and development of
genuine indigenous manufac-
turing industry., They do not
see how housing could be a
source of higher income; a
fountain of growth for the
population generally.
If we take this into account
and if we realize that the
Ordinance that we are dealing
with is an Ordinance that
exists,because of the inequali-
ties in the society because of
the unemployment situation
in the society, and because of
the needs of the large majority
of the population for proper
housing, then we have to
realize that the solution does
not lie in the extension of
this Ordinance every three


As Senator Julien pointed
out, there is no assessment
being made of the Ordinance'
and therefore, by extension
there is no proper assessment_
being made of the housing
needs and of the fundamental
problems that the country is
That is what this reveals;
that if we are to come here
every three years and every
year in the past to simply
perpetuate this kind of Ordi-
nance and we hear the same
arguments being brought year
in year out, then we realize
that the underlying problems
of the economy and the under-
lying problems facing the
country are not being dealt
If we have to take measures
to deal with the problems that
give rise to the'- rent restric-
tion Ordinance and the need
to perpetuate it, we have to
see that it must stein from a
set of solutions and I want to
sketch these solutions to the

Senate and to the country
generally because, as I said at
the beginning, we are in a very
serious economic. state. We
need to take serious stock as
Trinidadians and Tobagonians
to be able to hold the ship of
state together and to carry the
country out of the mess that
we are in.


The solution therefore if
we are to deal with the
underlying problems specific-
ally in housing lies in the
reorganisation of banking that
could provide genuine finance
for the population;.that is to
say we have to nationalize the
banking industry and reorgan-
ize it in such a way that the
investment funds are going into
those kinds of productive
enterprises like housing and
not into the whole range of
consumer durables that the
banks lend money for.
We have pointed out time
and again that the large per-
centage of loans coming from
the bank go for consumer
durables andnot in the areas
like housing and agriculture.
The only way to deal with
that is that we have to put
the banks into the hands of
the country into the hands
of the local people and to
carry out a policy within that
banking industry, that relates
to the question of economic
reorganization,and relates to the
thrust necessary to deal with
housing, unemployment and
The solution lies further in
the control of imports. We
have people with television
sets, refrigerators, stoves, gad-
gets of all kinds, all kinds of
plastic flowers, and a whole
range of trinketry, living with-
in, literally, a match box
People do not even have the
space to put up their television
.antennae; they have to put it
up on a tree outside. Every-
Continued on Page 10



I Stephens


From Page 9
thing is rammed crammed,
literally, into a match box.
This is largely because, that
is the focus of the society.
That is what people feel is
important. That is what the
banking system encourages. It
does not encourage people to
save and invest in a reasonable,
rational way. You could buy
linoleum this year and paint
your house next year, but-
people do that year in year
out. We have to rationalize
that by controlling these
imports and by reorganizing
the banking industry.
Therefore if we see that as
part of a thrust in national
reconstruction and if we
realize the importance of
setting down a housing pro-
gramme that can deal with
10,000 units in a year which
is perfectly feasible; if we can
gear up the economy; and we
can see the way in which we
can develop the thrust of the
economy to gear up towards
that, then we have to realize
tiat there is a whole range of
building crafts which could be
People are saying that one
of the problems that exist in
the building industry here is
that we do not have the skills.
The people with the skills are
leaving the country. But if the
people with the skills are
leaving the country it is not
simply because they are being
paid better wages abroad.
People are living like dogs in -
New York. People do not want
to go there.
If we had conditions here
where people could have
proper health services, proper
transport services, reasonable
education and so on those are
the kind of amenities we have
to provide so that our popula-
tion could live in a reasonable
environment. This would,
therefore, allow the people.
with the skills to stay here and
to develop those building
crafts, of masonry, carpentry,
joinery, painting, and electri-
cians etc., to allow that to
grow in relation to our housing
thrust begun by Government,

That is what happens once
you begin p housigg thrust
and people see the need that
exists in that kind of situation
for masons and builders of
one kind or another. We can
see the way in which a whole
range of building crafts can
develop and take root and
skills can become important
and significant in the country
The solution, therefore, in
addition to that would lie in
the development of small
'business related to the housing
industry. And we can see,
'therefore, the importance, for
example, of proper apprentice-
ship schemes, on the job
training where people can
learn the skills necessary; not
by an education programme
which set people down in a
youth camp, or a technical
school, away from the real
world, but in a situation in
which a housing programme is
going on and the apprentices
and so on are taking in the
whole range of activities
related to housing and the
building industry taking place
in a real situation.
We really have toabandon
this whole-'junior secondary
school idea where we are
teaching people in a situation
which does not relate in any-
way to the needs of the
population. We have to envisage

a situation in which the econ-
omy is under severe stress.
Housing is under severe stress.
Unemployment is increasing,
and we have to develop a
thrust which will bring the
population into a working
situation that could alleviate
those problems.
So the nucleus of. 'uch a
proposal, therefore, which
would come to terms in the
very near future with the
housing- problem, as we
pointed out in Jhe budget
debate, is setting up a living
complex in Waller Field in a
pilot situation in which people
could see specifically the way
in which the entire housing
industry and the problems

that we are facing with :skill%
and managerial needs etc.,
could develop in a living
We are saying that in rela-
tion to the need to increase
the life of this Ordinance it is
in no way going to focus on
the problems that the country
is facing and in fact that the
problems when you look at the
policies that the Government
are continuing with here -
are going to increase and
expand and we can envisage
a situation in which this kind
of Ordinance will be here for
time immemorial.
It was clear that the Gov-
ertnmoent arc, as T siid before .

living from day to day. They
are incompetent 'They have
failed to implement any of
their policy measures that
they have set down in their
Five-Year Plan, specifically in
relation to housing. They are
impractical in the manner, in
which they have been con-
ducting their business and they
are irresponsible in the fact
thatithey are allowing the
inequalities the gross injus-
tices that exists in this country
to be perpetuated and the
solution, as I said before, is
certainly not in increasing the
life of the Ordinance. The
solution is the removal of the
Government. That is what we
are here for.

We go to any

lengthto do

our job!

SWe installed suspended ceilings on two of AMO.CO'S
offshore production platforms.over twenty miles out at ea some
time ago. It was a.hew experience for us, but it was all part'of-
our job The lndustialand Building Products Division of .
SL.J.Williams Limit6d.
Apart from installing su.p;-r -.is we also construct
shop fronts and partition- : nusinei. ..:es, install NACO
Louvre Windows and cust..-, ., It Roliei Shutters, and apply the
ultra modern "Flecto finish' to vvals and floors
Also, we supply Kwikset locks. Gibbons Ironmongery.
world- famous Evo-Stik 528 adhesive and Resin-W woodwork
..-. ..adhps.ive Ibiboard, laminated plastic sheeting and,Ibi Ace ,
-- decorative plywood, and more'
*.If we have a service Yo could use, give us a call at 62- 32b66. "
~ 'w e'H go to any.length .help you.

n '... A L .WJil ir
"~ ~ -Ll ..


C o The closer you look,
the better we look.

Look close at
*W" Charles
Ac Erllearney


closing down



Frederick St., Branch only


Shirt Jacs Reg. 29.94 Now 14.92

Technic Shoes 48.92 29.99



Participatory Democracy C.V. Gocking
We are in a State Ivan Laughlin

1 Black Power and National Reconstruction
Lloyd Best
2 Black Power in Human Song Syl Lowhar
4+5 Constitution Reform Tapia's Proposals
Government and Politics in the West Indies
Lloyd Best
6 The Machinery of Government and Reform
of the Public Service Denis Solomon
Constitution of the Tapia House Group and
Related Documents
1 Democracy or Oligarchy? C.V. Gocking
2 Power to the People
3 Tapia's New World
4 Prospects for our Nation Lloyd Best
5 Whose Republic?
6 Honourable Senators
Bound Volumes
Vol. 1 (Nos. 15 23)
Vol. 1 No. 26 Vol. 2 No. 13
Vol. 3 (1973)
Vol. 4 (Nos. 1 26)




IN ACCORDANCE with Article 7 Section (iii) of the Constitution of the
Tapia House Group, notice is hereby given of the Annual General Meeting
of National Tapia, to take place at the S.W.W.T.U. Hall, Wrightson Road,
Port-of-Spain on April 13, 1975 at 9.30 a.m.
The Agenda for the meeting is as follows:
1) Executive Reports
2) Amendments to the Constitution
3) Elections to the National Executive
4) Any other Business
Lloyd Best



(Surname) (Other names)
.. ................... ......... .................

Occupation..... .....................................
Place of Work:
......... ..... . ....................

Group affiliation :(Indicate or insert)
TAPIA HOUSE GROUP ......................... TUNAPUNA
TAPIA HOUSE GROUP ...........................TOBAGO
TAPIA HOUSE GROUP ...............................

I hereby subscribe to the rules of the TAPIA HOUSE GROUP.
I enclose $1.00 meinbersNip fee and $ .... Monthly Subscription.

.Signed: .......



NOMINATIONS for posts on the Tapia National Executive must be made
on the form published below. All forms must be signed by both proposer
and seconder.
Nominations are open from Friday, March 14, and will close at
12.00 noon on the day of the Annual General Assembly, Sunday, April
13, 1975. Forms will also be available at the Special Assembly on Sunday,
Ma-wh 16, 1975.
-------------- ----- ----- ----- ----- ----- ----- -----
Nomination Form.
CHAIRMAN ................................... ...... .........

1ST VICE CHAIRMAN ............................................

2N D ............. ...... ..... ........ .......... ..

SECRETARY ................... ..................................

ASSISTANT SECRETARY ...........................................

TREASURER ................... ......... ... .. .......... ..

COMMUNITY SECRETARY ............................................

EDUCATION SECRETARY ............................................

WARDEN ..........................................................

M EM BER .......................................... ........... .

PROPOSED BY ...........................

SECONDED BY .......................

DATE ..................................

DATE RECEIVED ....................................

SIGNED ..........................................
(Returning Officer.)


I pledge the sum of $

to be paid into the Fund by


Signed .......................


I pledge to pay the sum of $ into the Fund every week/fortnight/
month (delete as required) commencing 1975.

Signed ................ .....

NAME (In Block Letters) .....................................

ADDRESS .......................... ... .................

(Tick in Box)

Pledges in the form of cash or cheque may be forwarded direct to:
The Administrative Secretary
'Tapia House Group,
82-84 St. Vincent St., Tunapuna
Tel: 662-5126.
Cheques are to be made payable to:- The Tapia House Group.
Bankers Orders are to be deposited in: The Tapia House Group
Account, Barclays Bank, Tunapuna.

I I I I ,I __ ~_ _~~ ~~~_ ___


Mrs. Andrea Talbutt,
Research Institut for
Study of Man, SUNDAY MARCHI6,1975
162, East 78th Street,
New York, N.Y. 10021,
Ph. Lehngh 5 8448.
-Gn A-nnual

General Assem

S.W.W T.U. Hall

Wrightson Road

Port. of.Spain

Sunday March 16 1975


Augustus Ramrekersingh MORNING
Mickey Matthews AFTERNOON


Opening Remarks Augustus Ramrekersingh
Tapia's April Elections Denis Solomon
Fund Raising Drive Angela Cropper

Chairman's Address

State of the Nation

Syl Lowhar

Administrative Report

From the Central Office
Tapia Membership Drive

Allan Harris
Sheilah Solomon

Community Report

Tapia's New World

Ivan Laughlin

Opening Remarks Mickey

Campaign Report
Tapia Caravan Michael
House to IHouse Education Beau T,
Secretary's Address
Lloyd Best









- d II

The O I:IIng Ele cc ion

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