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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00143
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: January 5, 1975
Frequency: completely irregular
 Subjects
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
 Notes
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00143

Full Text

Vol. 5 No. 1


LIBRARY
RESEARCH INSTITUTE
FOR THE STUDY OF F$.J)NDAY JANUARY 5, 1975
162 EAST 78 STREET
NEW YQ K 21, N. Y.


IN the budget Debate
which concluded in the
Senate on Saturday 28,
the Tapia Team once
again spoke up for the
people who punishing
under PNM.
Ivan Laughlin attacked
the Government for blaming
the parents for the failure of
O Level education. He des-
cribed Mr. Chambers' refer-
ence to "delinquents" as "an
outrage and a scandal."
Following Representations
from the Pensioners' Associa-
tion, Lloyd Best. proposed
that the whole matter of
new pension rates be referred
back to Chief Personnel
Officer.
The Tapia Secretary re-
ported the Association's view
that the Minister's new pro-
posals would increase the
inequality gap between pen-
sioners and public servants
on active duty as well as
amongst pensioners them-
selves.
In the Debate Tapia also
presented figures to show
that the proposed tax reliefs
are going to benefit the
higher income households
-"more. -thanrthe-househn-oIs-at-


BUDGET


WILL PRESS







HAVE.NOTS


the bottom.
For households already
earning $18,000 per year, the
amount given back by the
Reliefs is $537 which the
Minister boasts is only a 13%
tax reduction. But the 100%
reduction for $150 per week


Tousenoila amounts to onlV


$281.
For households earning
$72,000 per year, the gain
is $330; for households earn-
ing $10,800 it is $378; and
for households earning
$12,000 it is higher still at
$426.


IF -a 7 xoi ds, the Hdhlei


the household, the bigger the
gain. This is the same policy
which Tapia brought into
question in the Great Debate
with James Manswell.
Mr. Chambers claims that,
like Tapia, he prefers an
across-the-board dollar in-
crease for all wage and salary


earners but the Government's
policy continues to favour
the oligarchy of a privileged
few at the top.
Above all, what came out
of the Budget Debate was
that the large majority of
the people will not gain any-
thing from the tax reliefs
since the large majority of
the households in the country
earn less than $150per week.
Tapia therefore took the
view that tax relief is not
the way to relieve the pres-
sure now burdening the
country. The only real relief,
we argued, must come from
an expansion of the welfare
sector.
The alternative to the
PNM policy, when the Gov-
ernment fails, must be to
provide citizens with a pack-
age of cheap amenities, on
an equal basis to all.
Transport, medicinal sup-
plies, educational supplies
and community service must
be included in this package.

In the Senate Debate, Mr.
Tommy Gatcliffe, the Busi-
ness representative, said he
disagreed with these policy
conclusions reached by the
Tapia Team.


Stage 1.

* INCREASE the cor-
poration tax on petrol-
eum companies to 65%.
Increase the throughput
tax on the Pointe-a-Pierre
refinery to 30c per barrel.
Abolish the Unemploy-
ment Levy and introduce
instead an Excess Profits Tax
on all business.
Introduce a graduated


savings scheme on the in-
comes of all "have" house-
holds, those which make up
the top 25% of the income
pyramid and are markedly
above the national average.

Stage 2.
Expedite full national-
isation and localisation of
Caroni Ltd; AMOCO; Texaco;
Tesoro; Federation Chemic-
als; Barclays; Nova Scotia;
Royal Bank; CIBC: Chase


Manhattan; First National
City; Trinidad Guardian.
Replace the policy of tax
reliefs by a policy of rapid
expansion of the welfare
sector so as to provide a
cheap package of amenities
and services to all citizens on
an equal basis.
Close the inequality gap
between the National Mini-
mum and Maximum take
home pay.


Consolidate the Budget
for the Army, the Youth,
Secondary & University
Education, Small Business,
Special Works and related
community projects, and
Housing and use the funds to
launch a concerted attack on
the problem of unemploy-
ment.

Create a number of
municipal agencies, charged
to make a multi-pronged


attack on unemployment
and reconstruction.
Begin the reconstruction
with a new living-complex in
Wallerfield, a municipality
for 50,000 youth organized
under the auspices of a
National Service Scheme.
Put the youth to build
their own houses and ameni-
ties, and to open up agricul-
ture in the valleys of the
Northern and Central Ranges.


Where are the


profits going


MAIN accounting query
raised by the Tapia Team
in the Budget Debate
concerned the "earnings
from participation.
Tapia pointed out that
the Government Sector had
expanded to a point where
perhaps $250m. were now
invested in State participa-
tion in industry.
The State is now employ-
ing over 100,000 people and
is the biggest single pro-
ducer in the country.
Yet, we have no accounts
in the Budget for the earn-


ings of Tesoro, Caroni,
Hilton, and all the many
other corporations now under
PNM control.



All we have in the Budget
are the earnings from the
old-style government depart-
ments.
It is funny that the
private sector seems not to
be concerned about this issue
and that business spokesman
are as pleased as punch with
the 1975 Budget.


25 Cents


All council




representatives




Sunday Jan 12




at




TapiaHouse 9am


-- --


I


I


R AL
TA-:PIA







SUNDAY JANUARY 5, 1975


Michael Harris

THERE is only one
prediction that I feel
assured enough to make
for the coming year. It
is simply that there will
be few predictions made
about the year. The art
of punditry, if not yet
dead, lives only to em-
barrass its practitioners.
The cliched velocity of
events has overtaken now
the stargazers and only the
crystal-ball charlatans and
those for whom prediction
is but the articulation of
unrealizable dreams still hold
sway.
Not even those who
predicted that such a time
would come can draw any
satisfaction from the crystal-
lization of their vision. For
what it really means is that
we, the people of this coun-
try, have allowed control of
events to slip from our hands
and peace now rests in the
province of prayer.
Those who are mad will
welcome it, the blind will
not see it until it is too late.
But 1974 will be remembered
as a year in which more
opportunities were lost than
ever before and this at a
time when we could afford
such loss less than ever
before.
PROBLEM
The year presented us
with a fortunate conjunction
of events, both externally
and internally propelled,
which, seized and manipul-
ated with boldness and
imagination, could have
stopped our downward slide
into chaos, turned our faces
in the direction of a more
fertile and constructive
future and imbued us with
the faith and courage to
pursue that vision.
Never were the problems
and possibilities more marked
than at the beginning of
1974. One the one hand the
country was suffering from
the ravages of a galloping
inflation, compounded by
worsening incidences of food
shortages.
Unemployment and its
companion evils had gathered
within their claws close to
70,000 of our citizens, the
majority of them under the
age of twenty-five, yet
having already experienced a
lifetime of suffering.
And as the army of
poverty grew the enclaves of
wealth became more en-
trenched, consistent winners
in the national lottery
through which the nation's
wealth is distributed.
But even wealth itself was
proving to be poor insulation
against the constant irritants
provided by the inadequate
and inefficient services and
utilities, both public and
private, with which the
population had to cope.
Side by side with these
problems, however, 1974
brought with it significant,
and to some extent totally
unexpected, potential for
progress and the systematic
elimination of our woes.
The first of the opportuni-
ties was unearned, a free gift
from the Arabs in the form
of higher oil prices. The


1974: A


FOR


THE CO


ramifications of the Arab's.
action in seizing control of
production and prices is yet
to be realized in all their
complexity.
Yet from the beginning
it was clear that what the
Arabs were doing was posing
the first serious challenge to
the fundamental premises
that underly the entire
economic structure of Wes-
tern Civilization. The impor-
tant fact though was that
while the Arabs action drastic-
ally changed the Terms of
Trade it was above all a
political action.
This was the crucial in-
sight that was needed to
make the most of the
opportunity that was present-
ed to us. That the sterile,
automatic and seemingly
intractable laws of econ-
omics that governed the
relationships between highly
industrialized countries and
primary producers, which
always seemed to work to
the disadvantage of the latter
could be broken through
affirmative political action.

PARALYSIS
Instead our Government,
as always, lacking in imagina-
tion and courage, and with
their impotent fealty to the
metropolitan rules of con-
duct, opted to use our oil as a
defensive political shield, to
proceed with caution and to
watch developments.
Which is to say they did
nothing. Twelve months later
the situation is still much
the same. It is true that
revenues have increased sub-
stantially, but in the absence
of any political initiative to
seize control of the oil itself
and with it the conditions of
production, we are left with
no control over prices.
The result is the morbid
paralysis which now afflicts
the Government, a condition
in which they are mortally
afraid to spend any of the
increased revenues on any
serious development pro-
gramme lest oil prices should
drop and catch them naked.
The second opportunity
which we missed, and possibly
one of equal significance was
in the area of constitutional
reform. With the publication
of the Wooding Commission
report after more than two


years of patient expectation
there existed a precious
moment, in political time at
any rate, when the eyes of
the entire country were
focused on this fundamental
issue.

CONFRONTATION

That this opportunity to
summon the citizenry in
their constituent elements,
was not seized was the fault
of both Government and
opposition groups. More than
anything else ii represented a
chance both to end the
revolutionary drift into civic
dissolution as well to expose
all the political groups under
the painful spotlight of
direct political confrontation.
For most of our political
organizations fear of the con-
sequences of the latter
apparently outweighed the
benefits of the former. And
few were the voices raised


TRY


in protest when the Govern-
ment sought to bury the
issue in its completely con-
trolled Parliament.
All this is not to say that
the country made no gains
in 1974. For the corollary
of our failure to seize the
opportunities that came
before us means that the
Revolutionary Situation;
which has been the single
most important feature in
the State of this Nation ever
since 1968, continued, with
increasing momentum, to
move towards its inevitable
climax.

CAVALRY
Inevitably therefore it left
a country with more acutely
sharpened perceptions, it
continued to polarise the
country forcing men to take
positions between the old
and the new, and it left in
its wake the corpses of many
of those dillettantes, the
lillies of the political field,


who expected to reap with-
out sowing.
And undoubtedly these
have been considerable gains.
The question is at what price
have they been bought?
For there comes a time
in the course of a revolu-
tionary situation when
sharpened perceptions can
perceive no hope, when
polarisation hardens beyond
reconciliation and when the
entire political field is
crushed under the hooves of
the cavalry.
Have we crossed that
point of no return? Hope-
fully we have not, hopefully
time still exists in which by
our conscious efforts we can
retrieve the situation and
move away from the edge of
disaster. The point is that
because of ourlost opportuni-
ties in 1974 the task is in-
finitely harder in 1975.
SWhich, to end where I
started, is why there will
be so few predictions this
time around.


YEAR


The Economics Of




Nationhood

The 1975 Budget
New Policy for oil & Sugar
Race in the economy
Thursday January 9th 1975


Port-Of-Spain



Public Library
8.30
Panellists, AUGUSTUS RAMREKERSINGH, LLOYD TAYLOR
LLOYD BEST,DENNIS PANTIN,ANGELA CROPPER
MICHAEL HARRIS.


TAPIA MEETING


_plClI I


LILLLII-


IL- I- =1 _


PAGE 2 TAPIA


VVASTED








SUNDAY JANUARY 5, 1975


Denis Solomon

THE Government's policy
on education, as illumi-
nated by recent state-
ments, is not only
astoundingly shortsight-
ed and unimaginative, it
is criminally irresponsible.
During his talk to the
graduating students of the
Caribbean Union Teachers'
College last year, the Prime
Minister questioned the
wisdom of producing more
O Level graduates and em-
phasised the need for an
increase in the number of
vocational and technical
schools.
The Ministry of Education
recently announced a halt in
the building of senior secon-
dary schools, for the same
reason.
In his Budget speech, the
Minister of Finance, an-
nouncing his intention to
spend $12 million on
secondary schools and $4
million on technical and
vocational education, includ-
ing farm schools, stated that:
we now have an
over-supply of students
who have O Level passes
in subjects which are not
directly relevant to the
requirements of the econ-
omy. They experience
difficulty in finding jobs;
they become frustrated,
some even become delin-
quent. It is useless merely
to say that jobs must be
found for these students.
We cannot change the
technology to suit the
---- training; the training must-
be related to the technol-
ogy of the type of indus-
tries which we can develop
in order to create jobs.'

All these statements have
been characterized by four
underlying propositions:
1. That an expansion of
technical and vocational
training has become neces-
sary because of the oil
boom;
2. That parents are to
blame for the retention of
'academic' education;
3. That GCE type educa-
tion is necessarily an im-
practical type of educa-
tion;
4. That State-supplied
technical training is indis-
pensable to those trying to
get jobs in industry.

It is in the complete
falsity of these propositions
that the dishonesty and
irresponsibility of the Gov-
ernment lie.
Firstly, an expansion of
technical and vocational
education has not only been
necessary since Independence
and before, but its necessity
was recognized in the
Maurice report.
The currently planned
spate of oil-based industries
is merely the latest phase in
the Government's long-stand-
ing and long-unsuccessful
policy of industrialisation by
invitation.
The reason the expansion
was not accomplished, both
the Prime Minister and the
Minister of Finance would
have us believe, was resis-
tance on the part of the
parents, who want 'academic'
education for their children.
Now any parent old


enough to have a child of
eleven today (let us say a
parent aged thirty-three,
though there are many
younger) was fifteen years
old when the PNM came to
power.
If a government cannot
exercise leadership well
enough in eighteen years'to
counter undesirable attitudes
towards its basic national
policies it certainly does not
deserve to hold office.
In any case, the statement
must be false in a context
where there are secondary
schools of any type for less
than half the eleven-plus age
group or is the government
saying that parents would
sooner send their children to
no school at all than to a
vocational or technical school
if one were available?


ELEVEN-PLUS


Either that, or only the
50% who pass the eleven-
plus examination are con-
sidered by the PNM to be
worthwhile human material.
Apart from the fact that
the retention of O'Level
'academic' education is the
full responsibility of the
Government, parents or no
parents, the distinction be-
tween 'academic' O'Level
education and technical
education at the same level is
false.
There are all kinds of
possibilities, within the GCE
curriculum, for practical sub-
jects.
But even this is beside the
point. It is not the examina-
. ionthalon takes but the
orientation of li teaching,
whatever the subject, that
develops the practical abili-
ties of a student. That,
ironically, is why the GCE
results themselves are so
poor.
If instead of being oriented
to rote learning and verbal
formulae, the nmthods of
instruction emphasised. pro-
blem solving, contained
4 own-initiative projects, and
aimed at self-reliance, confi-
dence and control of the
environment; and if the
schools provided extra -
curricular activities of a
practical nature, the practical
talents of the student would
develop in a way that would
permit him to tackle any-
thing, and would reveal the
the broad areas of competence
of each student.

DILATORY

And as an examination,
the GCE could have been
replaced long ago with a
local or Caribbean examina-
tion. It was not parents who
prevented this, it was the
dilatoriness of Government
planning.
The last fallacy is the
greatest the fallacy that
State-supplied technical train-
ing is indispensable if youths
are to be able to get jobs in
industry.
This fallacy rests on the
distinction, unrecognised by
the Government, between
technical training and tech-
nical education.
The kind of training
needed for the vast majority
of skilled jobs in industry
should be provided by indus-
try, not by the education


NO


JOBS


IN


ART


Gciraia,'%. pain-~ard) and back-
yard judS .,7 c,' ciiallkinds,
aireadid in .cxwenct atid
aireaci zpl i m.,, '11'I iqOI
toifI r acii plttou t' fi
bt %uMMLn~Iftd h-101 M01". L
a and cidL'i


system.
The education system
should provide technical
education e.g. diploma;
courses in various branches of
engineering and technology
which technically trained
workers (welders, fitters,
electricians), among others,
-0o1li (1 d b c-a to ated.-----
hie way the education
system should prepare the
potential skilled workers for
industry in the first instance
is by providing them with a
practical psychological orien-
tation and identifying their
basic areas of competence, so
as to enable them to pursue
technical trainingin industry;
and by providing them with
the basic tools of literate
citizenship that will allow
them, given the motivation,
to follow courses of technical
education later.
FLUCTUATION
The basic solution to the
problem of unemployment
is therefore not educational -
it is economic. It is simple
supply and demand if
industry needs workers, it will
train them.
Ironically, the idea that a
young person cannot become
a welder or an electrician
unless he or she has a course
in welding or wiring at
secondary school age is itself
typical of the kind of atti-
tude instilled in our so-called
political leaders by the
present system of education.
It is their college-exhibi-
tion background that forces
them to see the key to
success in the certificate and
not in the person.
To provide training with-
out industry is much worse
than to provide industry
without training. In fact, it is
impossible, because even a
programme of technical
training carried out by the
education authorities requires
a flourishing industry around
it if it is to be effective.
Part of the student's train-
ing must consist of practice
on the job; the advances in


techniques developed by in-
dustry must feed back into
the training system or the
latter will become inbred and
bear less and less relation to
the tasks of industry.
Most of the John Donald-
son courses are cases in point
-courses in printing fauight
on maciiL s ui_
no longer use; bricklaying
courses four years long with
no experience on a building
site.
Finally, the needs of in-
dustry in the various fields
fluctuate more rapidly than
any school-based training
system could accommodate.
Even assuming a satisfactory
number of jobs overall, Gov-
ernment-run technical train-
ing could never keep pace
with the changes in distribu-
tion of those jobs over skills.
Instead of surpluses of
O'Level graduates, there
would be at one moment a
surplus ofwelders, at another

of electricians, at another of'
bricklayers.
In short, if the Govein-
rnent cannot provide indus-
try, it will be a wasie of
resources to attempt to
provide training, which will
be poor anyway; if there is
industry, there will be train-
ing, and the success of that
training will depend on the
quality of the previous basic
education.
But the Government's
industrialisation policies have
not provided enough indus-
try so far, and they never
will, oil boom or no oil
boom. Even assuming rapid
fruition of all Williams' grab-
bag of oil-based projects a
truly lunatic assumption --
the high-technology sector
will always be the low-
labour-intensive sector.
Therefore when the Min-
ister of Petroleum and Mines
explained laboriously and
sneeringly in the Budget
debate that 'a young man
with an O'Level pass in Art
can't go to Amoco and get a
job there are no jobs in


Art' he was being irrelevant
as well as contemptuous.
There should be jobs in Art
- many of them but the
Minister ought not to look to
Amoco to provide them.
You have to change the
education, says the Prime
Minister, because you can't
change d.e technology. But
:L ': ;. *,:.:.\.'1. :'; : 'echnolc^
you have to change or at
least the deployment of tech-
nology in the service of
industrialisation.
What is required is the
emancipation of local enter-
prise and skills, in the long
run by a reformed system of
basic education, and in the
short very short run by
a vast programme of housing
development which, together
with the ancillary industries
it will create, will provide
work for 50-6000 young
people immediately.
This must be backed up
by a scheme of on-the-job
training and apprenticeship
through rational assignment
of trained personnel to the
projects as teachers, within
the scope of a universal
scheme of national service.
Garages, panyards and
backyard industries of all
kinds already in existence
and already employingyoung
people for a pittance must be
stimulated with money and
advice.
The economic background
to all this must be a domestic
industrial sector brought
into existence by strict con-
trol of imports to eliminate
all non-essentials, creating
fertile conditions for com-
mercial and technical initia-
tive. Exactly the same stimuli
will operate in the area of
domestic food production
and all. i;, related processes.
'Some even become delin-
quent' says the Minister of
Finance complacently. Those
'delinquents'. as Ivan Laughlin
pointed out in his passionate
speech in the Budget debate,
are paying with their lives for
the criminal complacency of
the PNM's education policy.


TAPIA PAGE 3





SUNDAY JANUARY 5, 1975


The cau-ses ef the







February Revouion


MR. PRESIDENT the 1975
Budget is now history. We
knew that immediately after its
presentation. Those people who
make opinion and do so largely
without a real evaluation of the
hard facts of life, were loud and
generous in their praises for Mr.
Chamber's Budget Speech. Where
they -particularly the leaders of
the local business elite were
concerned, it was a budget which
met the needs of all men.
I, Mr. President, find it
difficult to share the view that
P.N.M. Budgeting has at last
begun to seriously tackle ,un-
employment, expansion in
domestic agricultural out-put, in-
equality, inflation and so on. No
Sir, this is not a Budget for the
poor man or for this.nation of
70% scrunters. The new ground
is yet to be broken.
Before I go on to support my
contention Sir, let me in brief recap
the main measures proposed and the
high points of P.N.M. official policy
with respect to inflation, re-invest-
ment, job creation or unemployment,
stimulation of agriculture and the
widening gap between the haves andc
the have-nots.
(A) Inflation on this vital
question the government proposes the
following measures.
(1) regulation of profits
as the margin for the distribution of
largely imported food items
(2) measures to stimulate
domestic food production
(3) subsidies to the tune
of $92 million to keep at constant
levels the prices for flour, rice, locally
produced milk, gasolene and public
service transport.
(B) Re-investment of Profits:
For this Mr. Chambers choses to rely
on government's moral suasion a
fast diminishing political resource
as far as they are concerned.
Hear what he hopes to happen.
That is, that businessmen and other
kinds of risk-talkers, would volun-
tarily heed his call, by recognizing
government's inducement income
tax allowance on dividends to
invest and so cutback on their per-
centage share in dividends.
(C) The minister hopes to
stimulate Domestic Agriculture by the
following.
(1) making a greater
effort to grow more food, -"without
reducing the acreage tree crops or
export crops". Page 51.
(2) by a system of con-
tract and/or guaranteed prices to
replace development subsidies, save
those provided for fertilizers.
(3) by construction of a
rice mill and by bringing 5,000 addi-
tional acres under rice cultivation.
(4) a Food LDvelopment
Fund of $50 million to bring un-
utihsed land under food cultivation.
(5) Proper Marketing (at
last) and continued and available
agricultural credit.
(6) A price and an excess
profit tax on the Sugar industry,
among other things to subsidise
imported sugar (when that becomes
necessary) and to bring sugar lands,
under food cultivation.
(D) Mr. President, in dealing


with unemployment, the minister
proposes the following measures.
(1) Diversification of the
industrial sector to include energy-
based and energy-using industries.
(2) An addition to the
already generous regime of fiscal
incentives through the employment
allowance.
(3) Long term financing.
(4) Reduction in the pur-
chase tax for cars, refrigerations,
stoves etc., and garments.
(5) Substantial minority
participation on the part of govern-
ment in an export company.
He (the minister) hopes, Sir, to
cope with Inequality by the granting
of tax reliefs and percentage increases
in personal allowances.
Mr. President I hope to confine
my attention to this area dealt with
by Mr. Chambers, because this is
where it is hoped much of the pres-
sure, punishment and suffering
directly borne hI people would at
last be relieved.

VESTED INTERESTS

My first contention is that these
measures are good, only in so far as
they go. My second is that meaningful
gains ale noL to1 bc cxLcc',i uii
these policies because, as they stand,
other powerful forces backed by
foreign and local vested interests,
remain substantially in charge.
Mr. President that is the story of
the last 18 years, and in order to
explain the reason for holding the
position I have on this Budget, -i
must in a way present to this house a
cursory glance at the key issues in
P.N.M. Budgetary policy over the
years and to show exactly where our
failure to deal effectively with them
has landed us.
Mr. President, Honourable Sena-
tors, permit me to use a quotation
from the PNM booklet adopted at a
Special Convention at Chaguaramas
entitled Perspectives for the New
Society sometime in November 1970.
It says here Mr. President on page 8
and I quote:
"But social and economic
change will come through peace-
ful means only if our Govern-
ment as well as other Caribbean
Governments reconstruct and
reshape the distorted, unjust,
irrational structures inherited
from our historical past. This
reconstruction nust be guided
by a philosophy and a sense of
direction rooted in the history
and in the potentiality of the
dispossessed peoples of the
Caribbean.
"The history of the Carib-
bean has failed to confer either
power or dignity on the dis-
possessed. The manipulation of
the economy, society and
culture by external forces over
the last fbur and a half cen-
turies has undoubtedly con-
tributed to a certain degree of
material prosperity among many
sections of the population
(moreso in Trinidad and
Tobago than elsewhere, because
of oil); but it had not conferred
upon the masses the power of
self-determination or dignity. "
The reason for this perspective


Hamlet
Joseph's
address
to
the
Senate
during
the
debate
on
the
19755
Budget











Sir, was in response to the upheaval
in 1970 which Tapia termed the
February Revolution. Mr. President,
Sir, permit me for a minute or two to
glance a little at the causes of these
disturbances.
And I want to begin by saying
that these disturbances were the
result of the Government's. failure
since 1956 to come to grips with the
economic and social problems of this
country.
Mr. President between 1956 and
1970 Government's spending was a
little over $3 billion, Looking at the
state of the country in the years prior
to 1970 it is quite clear to all that
$3 billion of worth of expenditure
failed to improve the position of the
majority of our brothers and sisters
here.
Mr. President the figures are
here for all to see. In 1956 the
population was 750,000. Out of that
150,100 had jobs, and 17,000 or 6.3
per cent had no jobs. In 1968 the
population rose to 1.02 million. And
in that year 318,000 persons worked.
But 53,400 others had no jobs a
percentage of 14.

Moreover Mr. President of that
53,400 a little under 25,000 were
between the ages of 15 and 25. In
short Sir, the burden of this pressure
rested on the shoulders of these
people who knew no other Govern-
ment than that of the PNM regime.
The figures show Sir, that a
further 70,000 worked less than
thirty-two hours per week, and of
these 70,000, over 25,000 worked
less than 16 hours per week.
Mr. President, not only was
unemployment a malady in the
social structure of this country, but
even among those employed there
existed a growing inequality in the
national income distribution.
Whether it was in terms of race
or of the professions, the story


remainedd ,he same. A small percentage
of the population was enjoying the
gravy of this land while the large
majority of citizens went home with
little cr nex-t to nothing.
L-t us look at some of the
figures during that period. By 1965
foi c...' i.:. the median income of
professional and technical workers was
$240 per month. Adininistrative
managerial and clerical workers had a
median incoUme of $189 per month.
The nicdian income for service work-
ers was S80 per month. VWhile the
agriculture workers had a median of
only $64 per month.

INEQUALITY

Even if we look at income
distribution from the angle of race

the picture is just as bad. In the pre-
1970 period the median of Whites
was nearly five times that of Atricans
and seven times that of Indians.
In terms of economic sectors
the picture of inequality shows no
change. The figures show that in
1965 Petroleum yielded a median
income of $254. per month as against
Agriculture which yielded only $67
per month.
Mr. President what all these
figures suggest is that between those
years there could be seen a growing
oligarchy living as drones on the
economic prosperity generated by the
toil of tie majority.

The big question Sir, is why
after Government had spent over $3
billion in 14 years, not only did
unemployment and inequality still
exist, but had in fact increased to
such drastic proportions as to generate
the frustration, tensions, and discon-
tent that spilled into the streets in
1970.
Continued on Page 9


PAGE 4 TAPIA







SUNDAY JANUARY 5, 1975


After VenezuelaOil take-over



Now Yankees Pressing Mexico

________f r ____


THE impregnability of
Venezuela over oil ques-
tions, and the vulner-
ability of Mexico, were
both strikingly demon-
strated last week. At the
beginning of the week
the Venezuelan govern-
ment unveiled its propos-
als for the structure of
the oil industry after
nationalisation propos-
als which left no room at
all for foreign capital in
the shape of joint ven-
tures with state concerns,
though some kind of
service or technical con-
tracts were not specific-
ally excluded.
Then at the end of the
week The Washington Post,
in a story datelined in its
home town, quoted United
States government and indus-
try sources as reporting that
huge new finds had been
discovered in southern
Mexico, 'exciting enough to
be another Persian Gulf of
petroleum'.
This was flatly denied by
one Mexican official who,
while admitting large new
finds, described the reports
as 'so out of proportion with
""reality that I could call them
a lie'.
Mexican irritation was
understandable enough. Al-
ready there is dissatisfaction
among left-wing and national-
ist circles (which include a
good-many people in govern-
ment) about the sale of
Mexican surplus oil to the
United States at an un-
declared price below prevail-


ing OPEC rates. This only
started in August, after the
big new finds in the southern
states of Tabasco, Chiapas
and Veracruz converted
Mexico from a net oil
importer into an exporter.
But the timing of The
Washington Post's report,
which coincided with Henry
Kissinger's efforts to reduce
world oil prices, and with
the support he has been
winning from Saudi Arabia
and Iran, was calculated to
arouse deep Mexican suspi-
cions. So was the quoted
opinion of 'industry sources'
in the United States that the
new finds could 'boost
Mexico's exports from
S200,000 barrels a day in
1975 to almost two million
by 1980', before they began
to decline again after 1983.

CONSERVE

Perhaps the final straw
was the paper's calculation
that Mexico's projected
export rate of nearly two
million barrels daily by 1980
would comprise a third of
the oil the United States is
importing now to meet its
daily consumption of 16
million barrels of crude oil
and refined products'.
The size of the Mexican
oil discoveries, and the cir-
cumstances surrounding The
Washington Post report,
remain far from clear. At a
time when Venezuela,
Canada and a number of
other traditional suppliers of
the United States market are
trying to reduce their output


and conserve resources, it
would be very handy for
Washington to assure itself
of stable supplies at relatively
low prices, just across its
border.
On the other hand.
Mexico, which needs all the
foreign confidence it can get
in view of its economic
difficulties and a foreign debt
which could soon reach
15,000 million dollars, might
well be happy for all to
know that it possessed a
colossal collateral of oil.
However, no part of
Mexican nationalism is more
fiercely felt than the take-
over of the oil industry by
Lazaro Cardenasin 1938, and
resentment at being used as a
pawn of United States oil
interests in 1974 is a natural
reaction.
In Venezuela the situation
is very different. Wth the
massive inflow of oil funds
the country has experienced
in the past year, nothing can
stop nationalisation going
ahead on whatever conditions
the government sets within
reason. Clearly the level of
compensation will be a bone
of contention with Washing-
ton, but that bridge will not
be crossed until after the
takeover has been completed
In the meantime the gov-
ernment's plan for the
industry's future structure is
that a parent company,
owned by the state, should
supervise the overall policy
laid down by the ministry
of mines and nydrocarbofis,
which would be executed by
ten subsidiary companies.
These would include four



to deal with exploration and
exploitation in existing areas;
one to explore and develop
new areas; one to deal with
domestic marketing (this
could well be an expanded
version of the present state
oil concern Compania Vene-
zolana .de Petroleo CVP);
one to handle overseas mar-
keting; one to control refi-
neries; one for technical
development and assistance
to the other companies;.and
perhaps a shipping company
to control the tanker fleet
which is to be built up.

KNOWHOW

At the same time the
Venezuelan government has
brushed aside the threat of
reduced exports following
President Ford's proposal to
reduce oil imports by one
million barrels a day next
year, saying it will happily
export to Cuba and Japan, or
just keep the oil in the
ground.
Mexico has one advantage
over Venezuela and other
Latin American countries: it
has the technological know-
how to handle its own oil
industry, thanks to 36 years
of operathig it -- if on a
much smaller scale than in .
Venezuela. It seems likely,


therefore, that even Vene-
zuela will have to contract
foreign oil companies to
handle technical, and per-
haps even marketing, matters
at least in the early stages
until its own personnel are
trained.
Certainly other Latin
American countries are
trying, more or less openly
to find ways of co-operating
with foreign companies with-
out giving too much away.
Brazil, while heatedly deny-
ing any thought of letting
private capital into the state
oil concern Petrobras, 'is
generally believed to be
seeking some means of bring-
ing foreign investment and
know-how into Brazil,
because of its desperate need
for more home-produced oil.
Argentina, Bolivia and
Peru as well as Ecuador have
all found ways of doing so,
and Chile has now said it
will follow the Peruvian
model. But Mexico, so near
to the United States, is the
one country which seems to
fear that, in the end, it will
be unable to resist pressure
to act as a traditional supplier
of a non-renewable resource,
if Washington really decides
to turn on the heat.
(Courtesy Latin America
Magazine)


Annual


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IKIRPALANI'S
NATIONWIDE AGENTS AND STOCKISTS


- I-I ~-----~ I~


TAPIA PAGE 5







PAGE 6 TAPIA


Rene Depestre: Cesaire,the critic Lilyan Kesteloot has written that the Logbook of a Return to my
Narve Land was an autobiographical work; is this a well-founded opinion?
A.C: Yes that's true. It is an autobiographical work and at the same time a book in which 1 try
to discover my identity. In a,certain -ense,it is truer than my biography. One must not forget that it is
a work of youth. I wrote it just after finishing my studies and returning to Martinique. These were my
first contacts with my country after ten years absence and I found myself really assaulted by a whole
gamut of impressions and images, and at the same time driven to anguish by the situation of Martinique.
R.D. How old were you when you wrote this book?
A.C. I must have been twentysix years old.
R.D. Nevertheless what attracts our attentionin the Logbook of a Return to my Native Land is
its great maturity.
A.C. It's my first printed book but in reality one which had been gradually growing. I remember
having written quite a few poems before the Logbook.
R.D. But these poems have never been published.
A.C. They have never been published because 1 was never quite satisfied with them. The
friends to whom I showed them found them interesting but I didn't.
R.D. Why?
A.C. Because I believe I had not found a form that was my own. I was still under the influence
of French poets. To tell the truth, if the Logbook of a Return to my Native Land took the form of a
prose poem, it was really by accident. I wished to break with the French literary tradition and I did not
free myself until the moment I decided to turn my back on poetry. One might say that I became a
poet by renouncing poetry. You understand what I mean? Poetry was for me the only medium
through which to break the regular French forms which were choking me.
R.D. In her introduction to a selection of your poems published by Seghers, Lilyan Kesteloot
names Mallarme, Claudel, Rimbaud and Lautreamont as being among the French poets who influenced
you.
A.C. Lautreamont, Rimbaud offered many insights to many of the poets of my generation. I
must say also that I won't deny the influence of Claudel. The poetry, for example, in Head of Gold
impressed me deeply.
R.D. There's no doubt that it's great poetry.
A.C. Yes, it is truly great poetry. It was very beautiful. Naturally there were many things in
Claudel which irritated me but I've always considered him a great craftsman of language.


R.D. But your Logbook of a return to my native
land bears the stamp of personal experience, your
experience as ayoungMartiniquan. This work also deals
with the itinerary of the negro race in the Caribbean.
and French influences are not decisive in it.
AC. I don't apologise for French influence.
Like it ornot I am a poet writing in French, and it is
clear that French literature has influenced me. What I
would stress however is the fact, that, taking French
Literature as a starting point, I have striven to create a
newlanguage, capable of expressing the African heritage.
To put it another way, the French language was an
instrument which I wished to endow with a new
expressiveness. I wished to write a Caribbean French,
a black French, which although l FrInc, ,uid ocaa
black seal.
RD. Has surrealism been the instrument which
has helped you in the effort to find a new French
expression?
A.C. I was receptive to Surrealism because Ihad
progressed through an interest in the same writers as
the Surrealist poets. Surrealism offered me what I
sought in a confused sort of way. I welcomed its
influence less as a revelation than as an aid to mutual
intent. It was like dynamite to the French language.
It was shaking everything up to the roots. This was
vey important because the traditional weighty, overused
forms were holding me down.
RD. This was the nature of your interest in the
Surrealist movement.
A.C. Surrealism interested me to the extent that
it was aliberating factor.
RD. You were therefore very sensitive to the
notion of liberation inherent in Surrealism. Surrealism
invokedthe deep powers, the powers of the unconscious.
A.C. Exactly. And I reasoned in the following
fashion: I said to myself, "if I apply the Surrealist
approach to my particular situation, I can call up the
forces of the unconscious. For me, this was the call to
Africa. I told myself: It is true that superficially we
are French, we are marked by French customs. We are
marked by iCartesianism,, by French rhetoric, but if
one breaks through this, if one descends to the depths,
one can discover the fundamental Negro,
RD. It was therefore, a de-alienating operation.
A.C. It was a de-alienating operation. This is what
I got out of Surrealism.
R.D. This is how Surrealism shows up in your
work: as an effort to recoveryour authentic personality,
an effort to recover in some form your African
heritage.
A.C. Very much so.
R.D. And a cleansing cure.
A.C. The plunge into the depths. It was a plunge
into Africa for me.
RD. It was for you a freeing ofconciousness.
A.C. Yes. Beyond the social self, one would find
a deeper self which all kinds of layers and ancestral
alluviumhad been deposited.
R.D. And now, I'd like to go back to that time
in your life in which you collaborated in Paris with
Leopold Sedar Senghor and LeonDemas in the little
L 'Etudient Noir. does the Logbook of a return to my
Native Land expresses the first stage of negritude?
It was negritude such as we conceived it
at that time. There were two groups of us. On one side,
left wing types, communists such as J. Monnerot, E.
Lero, Reno Menil, etc., who because they were com-
munists attracted our sympathy. But what soon made


..n..inte


me unhappy about them or perhaps this was due to
Senghor's influence, was that they were French com-
munist. There was nothing to distinguish them either
from French surrealists or from French communists.
To put it another way, their poems lacked colour.
R.D. They were not de-alienating enterprises.
A.C. In my opinion, they bore the mark of
assimilation. At that time, Martinican students either
became assimilated to French right wing groups or to
French left-wing groups. But always assimilated.
R.D. So that what separated you from
Martiniquan communist students was the Negro
question.
A.C. Yes. The question of the Negro. I accused
the communists at that time of forgetting our special
situation as black men. They were active ascommunists,
which was all well and good, but likeabstractcom-
munists.I argued that political issues ought not to hide
our situation as blacks.

IflSTORICAL BACKGROUND


We are black men with a very special historical
background. I suppose that in this I reflect the
influence Senghor had on me. At that time, I didn't
know Africa at all. I soon got to know Senghor, who
told me a lot of things about Africa. I was greatly
impressed by all this. He provided me with many
insights into Africa and its special character. And I
tried to devise a theory which would take account of
my total situation.
RD. You have tried to particularize com-
munism.
AC. Yes, it is an old inclination of mine. And
the communists accused me of what they called
racism, because I spoke about the Negro question.


On my side, I told them: Marx is all right, but Marx
has to be supplemented. I felt that the emancipation
of the Negro wasn't only a political question.
RD. Do you see any connection between the
L'Etudeint Noir movement, the Back Renaissance
Movement in the United States, the Revue Indigene
movement in Haiti and Cuban "negrismo" between
the Two World Wars?
A.C. I was not influenced by them because I
didn't know of them.
RD. Andhow would you explain the emergence,
in the inter-War years, of all these parallel phenomena
of the recognition of African cultural particularity, in
Haiti, the United States, Cuba, Brasil, Martinique, etc.
A.C. I believe that at that particular moment
in history, black men began to achieve a new aware-
ness, and this was manifested in movements which
were not linked one with the other.
RD. There was, for example, that extra-
ordinary phenomenon, jazz.
AC. There was jazz. There was Marcus Garvey's
movement. I remember very well hearing of Marcus
Garvey as a boy.
RD. Marcus Garvey was a.kind of black
prophet whose speeches had electrified the black
masses of the United States. He planned to carry all
North American blacks back to Africa.
A.C. He had built up a mass movement, and in
those years wasa symbol for allAfro-North Americans
In France there was a newspaper called Le Cri des
Negres.
R.D. I believe that Haitians, such as Dr.
Sajous, Jacques Roumain, Price-Mars collaborated in
this paper. There were also six issues ofZLa Revue du
Monde Noir, which had articles by Rene -Maran,
Claude McKay, Price-Mars, the Achille brothers, Saj-
ous, etc.
A.C. I remember quite well that we read the
poems ot Langston Hughes, and Claude McKay, I knew
who McKav was because an anthology of black
North Americanpoetry had appeared in France around
1929-30. In 1930. McKay's novel 3anjo which des.
cribed the life of the dockers of Marseilles came out.
This was indeed one of the first works in which one


SUNDAY







TAPIA PAGE 7


[JANUARY 5. 1975


saw a writer speak of negroes and give the negro some
kind of literary dignity. I have to say, therefore, that
although I was not influenced by Northamerican
blacks, at least I felt that the northamerican move-
ment created the atmosphere needed for the achieve-
ment of black awareness by Negroes. At that time, if
you like, I was under three sets of influences: on the
one hand, French literary influence through Mallarme,
Rimbaud, Lautreamont, Claudel. That's the first
component. The second was Africa. I didn't know it
particularly well. I learnt about it throughethnographic
studies.
R.D. I believe that European ethnologists have
contributed to the elaboration of the concept of
negritude.
A.C. You're quite right. And as regards the
third "component" this was the "Black Renaissance"
in the United States, which did not influence me in
any literal sense but created the atmosphere which
allowed me to become aware of the solidarity of the
black world.
R.D. At that time, you didn't know for
example of the undertaking of the same order being
carried out in Haiti by the Revue Indigene and by
Jean Price Mars with his book Ainsi parla I'Oncle
A.C. No, it was only later I found out about
the Haitian movement and Price-Mars' famous book.
R.D. How do you explain this encounter
between Senghor and yourself, between Caribbean
negritude and African negritude. Was it the result of
a particular happening or was it a parallel achieve-
ment of awareness?
A.C. It happened in this way: in Paris, there
were about twenty odd blacks from different places.
There were Africans like Senghpr, Guyanese Afro-
americans,West Indians, etc. This to me was very
important.
R.D. In this group of negroes in Paris, there
was the achievement of awareness of the value of
negro-african culture?
A.C. . and of the solidarity of blackmen,
We were blacks who had come from all over the
world. We were meeting for the first time. We were
discovering one another. This was very important.
R.D. This was extraordinarily important. And
how did you come to set out this concept of negri-
tude.
A.C. I have the impression that it was some-
thing of a collective creation. I was the first to use it,
this is true. But it is p; biblee that in our coterie we


spoke of it. It was really a form of resistance, to the
politics of assimilation. Up. to my time, up to my
generation, the French and English particularly
the French had pursued an outrageous policy of
assimilation. We didn't know anything about Africa.
Europeans had a complete contempt for Africa, and
as far as France was concerned there was tne civilized
world on the one hand and the barbarian world on
the other. This barbarous world was Africa and the
civilized world was Europe. And so the best thing
one could do for an African was to assimilate him;
the ideal was to produce a Frenchman with a black
skin.
R.D. We experienced this phenomenon in
Haiti at the beginning of the last century. There
exists a whole Haitian pseudo literature by writers
who allowed themselves to be assimilated. The
independence of Haiti, our first independence was a
violent impugnation of the French presence in our
country,but the first Haitian writers did not equally
attack the values of French culture. They did not
decolonize their consciousness.
A.C. This is what is called bovarism. In Marti-
nique we are also in a state of bovarism. I also
remember a poor little Martiniquan who wrote
verses, a pharmacist who passed the time writing
poems and sonnets which he sent to the Flora!
Games of Tolosa. And he became very prous when
his composition was awarded prize.One day he told
me that the jury hadn't even 1ealisedithat these works
had been written by a coloured man. In other words,
he was proud of the fact that his poem lacked the
imprint of personality. He prided himself on what for
me was an overwhelming accusation.
R.D. This was a case of total alienation.
A.C. I believe you have uttered a very impor-
tant word. Our fight was a fight against alienation.
And that's how negritude was born. Since VWst
Indians were ashamed of being negroes, they tried
their best to avoid the term "negro". One spoke of
blackmen, brown-skinned people and in other silly
ways.
R.D. Yes, a real display'of silliness.
A.C. And then, we took the word negro as a
sign of defiance. It was a name designed to express
defiance. It was something of the reaction of an
angry young man. I must add that when we founded
L'Etudient Noir I had really wanted to call it
L'Etudient Negre., but the West Indians opposed
this very strongly.
R.D. Soie 1h Tiugh ife Ii 7fgro Tc
A.C. Yes, too offensive, too aggressive and then
I took the liberty of speaking of negritude. There
was in us the desire to perform an act of defiance,
of violent affirmation in the word negro, and in the
word negritude.
R.D. In the Logbook of a Return to my Native
Land you said that Haiti was the cradle of Negritude.
You said and I quote: "Haiti, where negritude stood
up for the first time." So that, in your view, the
History of our country is, in a certain sense, the
prehistory of negritude. How have you applied this
concept of negritude to the history of Haiti.
A.C. Well, from the moment I discovered the
black Northamerican world, that I discovered Africa,
I ended up exploring the whole of the black world,
and so it was that I hit on the history of Haiti. I
adore Martinique, but it is an alienated land, while
Haiti stood in my mind for the heroic Caribbean, and
also the African Caribbean. I connect the Caribbean
with Africa and Haiti is the most African island in
the Caribbean, is at the same time a country with a
remarkable history; the first black epic of the New
World was written by Haitians, by people like


Toussaint Louverture, Christophe, Dcssalines, etc. In
Martinique, little is known about Haiti. I am one of
the few Martiniquans who know and love Haiti.
R.D. So that for you, the first Independence of
Haiti was the confirmation, the illustration of
negritude. Our national history was negritude in
action.
A.C. Yes, negritude in action. Haiti is the
country where the black man stood up for the first
time, to affirm his wish to found a new world, a free
world.
R.D. All through the nineteenth century there
were men who without using the word negritude
understood the implications of the appearance of
Haiti on the stage of world history. Haitian authors
such as Hannibal Price, Louis Joseph Janvier were
already speaking of restoring the aesthetic and
cultural values of the negro race. A genius Antenor
Firmin wrote in Paris a book called De l'egalite des
races humaines in which he sought to offer a revalua-
tion of negro-african culture in Haiti, in opposition to
the program of total and colourless assimilation
which characterized our first men of letters.One can
say that it is from the second half of the nineteenth
century that Haitian writers, Justin Lherisson,
Frederic Marcelin, Fernand Hibbert, Antoine Inno-
cent, began to discover the singular character of our
country, to discover that we had an African past, that
the slave had not come to earth with the last shower
of rain to fall on Saint-Domingue, that voodoo was
an important element of our national culture in
process of formation. Now we must examine the
concept of negritude a little more closely. Negritude
has had all kinds of adventures. I believe that this
concept has not always kept its original meaning,
its subversive character, and in Paris and other places
there are people who make use of it for ends other
than that which it fulfils in the Logbook of a Return
to my Native Land.
A.C. In reply I would say that everyone has his
own version of negritude. There has been a great deal
of theorizing about negritude. I have avoided doing
so, due to my personal involvement with it. But if I
am asked how I conceive of negritude, I would say
that negritude is above all the achievement of a
concrete, as against an abstract, awareness of a situa-
tion. What I recalled a short while ago must always
be borne in mind, that's to say, the environment
of assimilation in which the negro was ashamed of
himself The atmosphere of rejection in which we
lived, conditioned to feelings of inferiority. 1 always
thought that the black man is in search of an
identity. And it seemed to me that the first thing one
had to do to affirm this identity was to achieve a
concrete consciousness of one's situation, of the
primary fact: that one is negro, that we were blacks
who had a past, that this past offered cultural ele-
ments which had been valid, that the blacks as you
noted, had not fallen with the first rains, that there
had been black civilizations which were important
and beautiful. At the period of history in which we
were living and writing, people could write a universal
history of civilization without dedicating a single
chapter to Africa, as if Africa had offered nothing to
the world. For this reason. We affirmed that we were
proud so to be, and that we did not feel that Africa
was a sort of blank page in the history of humanity,
and finally the idea that this negro past was worthy
of respect, this negro past was not merely the past,
that negro values still had much of importance to
offer to the world.


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SUNDAY JANUARY 5,1975


THE GOVERNMENT's
three-month effort to
force Reynolds Metals to
pay a fair price for the
bauxite it mines on the
southern peninsula ended
in victory last week, win-
ning Haiti a rare national-
ist badge of, honour for
being the second Carib-
bean country, after
Jamaica, to crack the
power of the region's
North American multi-
national mining giants.
Haiti will get around $11
per dry ton, an almost 500
per cent increase in revenue.
This is less than the $14
demanded but it is the same
amount, and on a similar
basis, to the deal between
Jamaica and the companies a
few months ago.

The regime mounted an
unprecedented display of
verbal militancy and abuse
of the company in the gov-
ernment press before last
week's final meeting between
both sides, denouncing the
"pillage' of the company's


low wages and high profits
and even making veiled
threats of expropriation.
This was all a new experi-
ence for Haitians, whose
governments have hitherto
been willing servants of any
foreign capital, and from
whose lips the word national-
isation has never fallen.
Reynolds, which is still
resisting similar demands in
Guyana, probably gave in to
the Duvaliers partly because
of pressure from Washing-
ton on account of Haiti's
sensitive geopolitical position.

The other reason may well
have been the development
which has almost over-
shadowed the bauxite issue:
the disclosure that a vast
deposit of copper, possibly
one of thelargest in the
world according to experts,
has been discovered in
northern Haiti.
The government, which
has been closely advised by
officials from Jamaica, Suri-
nam and Trinidad-Tobaog,lct
it be known that it would
block access to this bonanza


to Kennecott, the, American
company of the foreign trio
(the other two are France's
Pennaroya and Canada's
Comingo) who are in the
running to mine it if
Reynolds did not give way.
But things are not likely
to be as easy as in the past
anyway for the companies:
the regime has decreed that
all mineral resources are
state property, and that there
must be state participation in
all future mining contracts,
which will be limited to 100
square kilometres (40 square
miles) per company.

The reason for this un-
usual surge of nationalism -
mild of course by any other
standard except Haiti's is
the re-ascendancy within the
*,egime of the ex-maixist,
anti-American interior and
defence minister, Paul
Blanchet, and his supporters.
His conflict with the
more reactionary traditional
wing of duvalierism spilled
into the columns of die
government paper, Le
Nouveau Monde, over the


Reynolds issue, when the
paper warned against "un-
patriotic" elements who
"served the multinational
companies" and who regard-
ed themselves as "more
sophisticated because they
have spumed nationalism."
The regime has had to
cope with disturbances in
Jacmel recently and rebel-
lious taxi-drivers in Port-au-
Prince, but the October flood
disaster in the capital and in
Gonaives and St. Marc which
left some 100 dead and
10,000 homeless has given
the Blanchet faction another
opportunity to answer the
unrest by pushing for reform.


MONEY

The respected but power-
less public works minister,
Pierre Petit, took the unusual
step of appearing on televi-
sion to unveil in detail a
seven-year, two million dollar
plan to fight the serious ero-
don above Port-au-Prince
which causes the flooding.
He even dared to say that
his job was being made
difficult because of "a psy-
chosis of pleasure-seeking and
illicit profiteering which has
existed for some time."
The Duvalier family's
thirst for money however
appears unassuaged. An offi-
cial announcement said a
local millionaire industrialist,
Oswald Brandt, had given
$750,000 of his fortune "as
contribution to the govern-
ment's priority programmes"
- a favourite trick of Papa
Doc's. Blanchet was report-
edly forced to obtain the
money from the 83-year-old
Brandt in exchange for keep-
ing his job. The Brandt
"gift" was part of a new
extortion campaign the
Duvaliers have launched
among rich Port-au-Prince
merchants, using the flood
disaster as an excuse.
A few days after the
announcement saw Haiti
openly touting its vote at the
OAS meeting in Quito in
exchange for aid money. The
offer, reportedly opposed by
foreign minister Edner
Brutus, found no takers how-
ever and Haiti's abstention,
along with Guatemala, put
paid to the effort to lift
sanctions against Cuba.
External pressure,much of
it through bad publicity
abroad, is continuing on the
Duvaliers. Frank Church, the
influential chairman of the
US Senate sub-committee on
multinational corporations,
has attacked a $415,000 loan
by the Overseas Private
Investment Corpora-
tion (OPIC), a semi-official
body, to help build an extra-
vagant luxury hotel, the


II


Cas
The-,,. rnhaim, e~


Habitation Leclerc, close to a
slum area of the capital, as an
"outrageous perversion" of
the idea of foreign aid.
Washington, where Con-
gress is this week debating
proposed aid of $8.5m to
Haiti amid demonstrations
by exiles, has also reportedly
tried to persuade the regime
to free some political
prisoners (following a request
from the Senate hearing in
Washington in July on aid to
Haiti) and, for the umpteenth
time, to get it to fiscalise the
notorious Regie du Tabac, the
state commodity agency out
of which the Duvaliers pay
themselves some $18m a year.
The court reply to this
has been the reported passing
of life sentences at secret
military trials on a dozen of
the most prominent of the
100 or so people rounded up
in August 1972, threats to
the many foreign mission-
aries, most of them Ameri-
cans, in the country on the
grounds that they are giving
Haiti a bad name by advertis-
ing its extreme poverty as a
way of raising funds in the
United States, and continued
intransigence towards exiles
and refugees, whom informa-
tion minister Pierre Gousse
dismissed in an interview with
a Canadian paper as all "com-
munists and subversives."
In addition, the consul-
general in Montreal, Pierre
Chavenet, has reportedly
been sacked and put under
house arrest in Port-au-Prince
after suggesting to another
Canadian newspaper that the
Duvalier dictatorship could
be judged as "'the worst
regime ever seen in history."
Blanchet's nationalist tack;-
as at least a convenient
diversion from all this
familiar duvalierist fare if not
a reflection of his own con-
victions, is geared -to cany
him to the presidency, but
the odds against him still
seem too long. Though any-
one opposing his line at
present will certainly look
unpopular, especially in view
of the extension soon of the
mineral prospecting to the
south and Venezuela's
promise of help in looking
for oil.

DIVERSION

However, Blanchet is un-
likely to be able to prevent
much of the extra $10mn. a
year Haiti will get from
Reynolds and which Presi-
dent Duvalier has promised
will be fully accounted for,
from finding its way into
foreign private bank accounts
as usual. And his reformism
is not likely to change Haiti's
status in a recent list com-
piled by UN experts as
second only to Upper Volta
among 32 nations in immedi-
ate danger of famine.
Pessimistic about his
chances of survival against
the conservative interests led
by the ailing Mrs. Duvalier
as much about the sincerity
of his intentions, there is
growing support amorg even
leftist exiles abroad for a
military takeover, either by
right or left, as the only
means to open up the situa-
tion to some kind of genuine,
deep-rooted change. Mrs.
Duvalier's death night well
trigger this off.
lCourtesyLatinAmerica Magazine)


PAGE& TAPIA







SUNDAY JANUARY 5, 1975


From Page 4
The answer has already been
clearly given, and I quote:
"Up to the present, the econ-
omic development of Trinidad
and Tobago has been dominated
to a considerable extent by the
interests of extc-nal capital
protected by the crown colony
system of Government and the
semi-colonial Government which
has succeeded it.
That development had
been based principally on:
(i) Oil, where all the
evidence from the earliest
times has indicated a subordi-
nation of local interests to
those of external capital;
(ii) the production of
export crops, like sugar and
cocoa, in the raw state, for
processing abroad;
(iii) the plantation as the
unit of agricultural production
and subordination of the small
farmer;
(iv) the neglect of produc-
tion of local food crops;
(v) the total neglect in
the past, modified in more
recent years by spasmodic en-
couragement, of secondary in-
dustries.
This pattern of economic
development has brought the
people of Trinidad and Tobago
neither full use of all resources,
nor material prosperity, nor full
employment."
Peoples'Charter; 1956
The problem of unemployment
and inequality could only have been
-successfully tackled, if Government
seriously sought to deliver its promise
to take what in its own language, it
termed, 'oil and sugar out of politics'.
A promise made in the Budget speech
of 1958, 16 years ago.
This meant the creation of a
pattern of social and economic or-
ganisation within these mainline indus-
tries, with the expressed desire to
alter the exploitative conditions
under which our people exist within
them.

STAGNATION

The fact is, between the years
1956 and '69 no such attempt was
made. Control continued to remain
throughout in the hands of foreign
interests. The only measure taken by
Government during this period, was
to increase the percentage of royalty
and taxes taken from these industries.
But in view of the percentages
of the work force laid off by these
industries, the situation was at best,
one of disguised stagnation. In fact
the increase in retrenchment in the
oil industry grew so bad that by 1968
Government had to intervene with a
decision that there should be no
future retrenchment without Cabinet's
approval.
In the sugar industry the situa-
tion was just as bad. Between 1957
and 1967 total employment in farms
employing, more than 10 persons and
in sugar factories fell from 20,148 to
14,019. In addition the number of
cane farmers fell from 10,206 in
1957 to 9,693 in 1968. What is indi-
cated is that in the period 1957 to
1969, labour was being displaced in
the sugar industry at approximately 2
per cent per annum.
Let us understand quite clearly
Sir, what the fundamental structural
problem has been, and what the con-
sequences of Government's failure to
come to terms with it are. In the
Government's Third Five Year Plan
the problem is consisely and simply
stated on page 7.
"Historically Trinidad and
Tobago like all the other
Caribbean countries has had
what might be called a highly
dependent economic system.


I I A




ILW I


The problem of unemployment
and inequality could only have been

successfully tackled, if Government

seriously sought to deliver its promise

to take what in its own language, it
termed, 'oil and sugar out of politics'.

A promise made in the Budget speech


of 1958, 16 years age


This dependence had manifested
itself in several ways, all of
them amounting in the last
analysis to the fact that vital
economic decisions affecting
the country's economy had
been taken externally."

The plan goes on to state:
"This state of affairs has
carried the corollary, that the
process of economic growth has
not been internally propelled.
By its very nature therefore
such growth as has taken place
has been accidental, regarded
fiom the point of view of
the people living within tih
couhiiy.

The first consequences there-
fore of Government's failure to con-
trol these key industries has been our
continued inability to make the neces-
sary rationalisations in their structure
and functioning that would allow us
to embark on the kind of diversifica-
tion without which, any attempt to
come to grips with the employment
problem in this country, is so much
old talk.
Let us look briefly at the case
for control of our own sugar industry.
Meaningful control Mr. President.
(and by meaningful control I do not
mean the absurdity of that type of
participation, wherein a local Chair-
man of the Board has to fly to
London to preside over the meetings
of the foreign shareholders .


CONTROL

Meaningful control Mr. President
would give us control firstly of
profits and secondly of production
decision. From there, extensive
rationalisation becomes entirely pos-
sible, in terms of achieving the
lowest cost per unit of output,
whether this means reduction in the
acreage or reduction in the man-
power or increased mechanisation or
what have you.
The point is that if such deci-
sions need to be taken in terms of
production then our control of
profits would allow us to find
employment not only for those dis-
placed but for additional numbers as
well either in diversified agricultural
production or in industries based on a
greater utilisation of sugar and its
by-products.
The second consequence of
Government's failure to come to
terms with the issues of oil and
sugar, is a production structure that


continues to show a marked orienta-
tion towards the export of these
commodities.
Petroleum accounts for over
75% of our exports and within the
area of agricultural exports, Sugar
continues to dominate. The result of
this is a rather high import food bill
which is growing, because of increased
local- demand, fuelled largely by
increasing population.
Another result is that this
excessive reliance on foreign food
imports has led to the economic
strangulation of many of the small
food farmers who were already in
existence. It is simply a question of
woefully bad resource allocation.
in pl" tc,-ms Mr. President, if
we spend $130 million as we did in
1974 on foreign foodstuffs it is
extremely difficult at the same time
to guarantee the prices which our
farmers receive for their food and
fruit produce. It is clearly going to be
irrational for Government to be sub-
sidising at one and the same time
foreign and local farming.

FOREIGN CAPITAL

The third major consequence of
Government's failure as I have just
outlined Mr. President, is that in an
effort to offset the declining employ-
ment in the sugar industry and in
agriculture as a whole, and in the oil
industry, Government was forced into
an excessive reliance on an indus-
trialisation programme that further
aggravated the dependence on foreign


direct capital.
Mr. President, a number of
points need to be made on this
question.
(A) This industrialisation
policy was adopted by Government as
an easy escape from the hard political
task, of seriously tackling, oil and
sugar, and so win for ourselves the
economic independence to say how
profits must be invested.
(B) This industrialisation pro-
gramme, based on the attraction of
external capital, which brought with
it, 'foreign technology and taste
patterns, served only to emphasise
the bias in our consumption habits
towards foreign imports.
(C) Moreover the programme
was premised to a great extent on the
strategy of import substitution which
meant no change in taste patterns,
and hence, resulted in no attempt, to
utilise local raw materials or to adopt
any new and idigenous techniques.
(D) The type of 'technology
that prevailed therefore, was largely
capital intensive resulting in an astro-
nomical cost for each job created.
264 plants either receiving pioneer
status or assisted by Government
through import duty concessions,
were started. The total investment
for these plants was $178 million
dollars. They provided 7,960 jobs.
The cost per job in those plants
which were granted pioneer status,
was $37,295. And the cost for creat-
ing each job overall, was $22,000.
In 1968 Mr. President, there
Were 53,400 people unemployed. So
according to this absurd policy Sir,
it would have taken $1,175,000,000 (1
billion, 1 hundred and seventy-five
million) to provide jobs for all.
That figure Sir, is, you would
realise, just a little less than the
Budget figure we are dealing here
with today.
(E) Finally Sir, this industrial-
isation programme had the effect of
drastically reducing the numbers of
local self-employed innovators and
manufacturers.
I am speaking Sir, about that
class of itinerant craftsmen who
travelled from household to house-
hold, meeting the demand for ovens,
iceboxes, pots and pans, carpets and
doormats, brooms and brushes, upon
which a meaningful strategy of indus-
trialisation to suit our own needs
might have been based.
The picture is told by the
figures which show a decline in the
numbers of self-employed from 40
out of every hundred wage earners in
1946 to 27 in 1960 to 15 in 1970.
Mr. President in case you may
be wondering, I want to assure you
that I am here to deal with the 1975
Budget. But I have thought it neces-
sary Sir, to give this brief survey of
Continued on Page 10


JOIN






TAPIA








T~ipa House 82-84 St Vihcent Street TnavpUw


TAPIA -PAGE 9C








SUNDAY JANUARY 5,1975


_I


The economic causes of the February Revolution Unemployment and Inequality are still with us and growing worse every day.


U
r e~ 1 ...........a


From Page 9
the problems that faced this country
between ,the years 1956 and1970 and
to look at their root causes, in order
that we may have a guide or some
criterion by which to make our
judgement of the effectiveness of
PNM's Budgeting, in those years since
1970, and of this particular Budget
which we are here debating today.
Mr. President I have said that
the major problems which face this
country just before the February
Revolution, were those of large-scale
unemployment and gross and growing
inequality. And I have stated that
these were caused primarily by this
Government's failure to tackle the
fundamental issue of the rationalisa-
tion of oil and sugar.
Mr. President, you would have
noticed that most of my references
were taken either from the PNM
party documents or from Government
sources. I have done so Mr. President,
in order to show that to some extent,
at least, this Government is aware of
the economic measures that would
have been required to lift this country
out of the morass in which it found
itself in 1970.

UNEMPLOYMENT

I want to proceed now Mr.
President to judge them and their
performance on the basis of their
own criteria since 1970.
Let us look firstly at unemploy-
ment in the period since the February
Revolution. Total unemployment in
1970 stood at 45,800. At the end of
1973 Mr. President, this figure had
jumped to 66,000people.More impor-
tant, in this three year period which
the Prime Minister indicated in 1970
would be devoted to the pursuit of
economic independence for our
people, only 3,700 new jobs at the
highest point were created. This,
in spite of an increase in Govern-
ment spending from $389 million
in 1970 to $537 million in 1973.
Let us explore the reality df
the unemployment figure a bit more.
The increase in unemployment itself
was 20,200. But within this figure
young people between the ages of 15
and 24 accounted for 12,700. By the
end of 1973 Mr. President, the un-
employment figure for youths be-
tween the ages of 15 and 24 was


40,500 or 61.3 per cent of the total
unemployed.
I notice Mr. Speaker, that the
Minister of Finance referred in his
Budget speech to the question of
widening inequality, as a result of
higher wages for organised labour. He
said on page 14;
faut bluly ie coiise-
quence of action taken is tlhar
the higher income groups are
becoming richer and those in
the lower income groups who-
are not organised and who can-
not collectively seek to-increase
their incomes through militant
industrial action have been un-
able to obtain a commensurate
improvement in their position.
The danger, however, is that
the less fortunate among us may
be forced to drift into the towns
a process which by reducing
food production and increasing
the growth in urban slums can
produce very serious conse-
quences for the country."

Mr. President, I am glad to see
that the Minister of Finance under-
stands the danger of the drift to the
towns; but I have some bad news for
him Sir. This process is already well
underway.
Mr. President, between the
years 1970 and 1973 the number of
people holding jobs in the agricultural
sector, together with forestry, hunting
and fishing, dropped from 77,200 to
44,400. ... a difference of 32,800
which came largely from a drop in
employment in small farms, employ-
ing less than 9 persons where the
drop was in the area of 16,600.
The question is Mr. Speaker, is
where did these people go? Well,
clearly some went to swell the grow-
ing army of unemployed that beat the
streets of this land in a futile search
for jobs.
But it is also instructive to
note, that the largest increase in
employment in the period 1970 to
1973 was provided directly by Govern-
ment which increased its labour force
from 67,900 to 98,800 over the
period. An increase of 30,900.
During this same period Mr.
President, Government spent, accord-
ing to the 1973 Review of the
Economy, $32.6 million to provide
8,192 permanent jobs and 66,158
rotating jobs which is Government's


fancy term for gross underemploy-
ment on the Special Works Programme.
The fact is Mr. President, that
while Government has been spending
these millions of dollars trying to dis-
guise the reality of the true unemploy-
ment situation, by creating these
totally unproductive jobs, in its
Special Works Programme, employ-
nlnt Ihas been falling rapidly in odier
areas.
I have already given the figures
for the agriculture and related sectors.
But of equal significance, perhaps is
the fact, that the numbers of people
employed in small establishments,
both within the agricultural-sector
and outside, dropped from 142,900
in 1970 to 122,100 in 1973.
This could only mean Mr.
President that small farmers, small
business men, retailers and craftsmen
were finding it increasingly difficult,
particularly since 1970 to make ends
meet.


PEOPLE'S SECTOR

Whatever happened to the much
touted People's Sector to quote the
Prime Minister, ". .the most profound
concept in contemporary political,
economic and social thought." (Pers-
pectives For The New Society).
But the drift away from the
land and from small business enter-
prises is hardly surprising, not when
we examine the continued inequali-
ties in income as between various
occupational groups.
The median monthly income of
a Professional or Technical worker
employed by the Government in 1973
was $220. That of an Administrative,
Managerial, or Clerical worker was
$205. That of an Agricultural worker
was $87.
Among non-Government work-
ers, a Professional and Technical
worker received $350. as their median
monthly income. Among Administra-
tive, Executive, Managerial workers
the median was $117 per month.
Agricultural workers in non-govern-
ment employ, received $92. per
month. Whilst Service workers received
$42.50 per month.
Further than this the House-
hold Budget Survey suggested that
some 27.34 per cent of the house-
holds had incomes lower than $100.
per month; while 503% received


incomes of below $200. per month.
On the other hand 4.26% had in-
comes equal to or in excess of $1000.
per mth.
The average household income
at that time, was 290 dollars per
month. The reality of the situation is,
that fully 70 per cent of the house-
holds were existing on less than the
average monthly income.
Finally Mr. President I want to
refer to the question of land. The
obvious importance of land in the
context of agricultural development
and diversification, needs no elabora-
tion. The fact is Mr. President, that
up to 1968 half of the land in this
country was still the property of the
state. The other half amounted to
just about half a million acres divided
among some 36,000 landowners,
But merely 0.1% of these hold-
ings accounted for no less than 25% of
all the land held in parcels of over
1,000 acres. One-quarter of the land
was held in only 40 parcels of over
1,000 acres. One-half in 510 parcels of
over 100 acres, while there were no
fewer than 9,400 parcels between 10
and 100 acres. In fact, Sir, only 18%
of the land was held in small parcels
of under 10 acres each.
On top of this obviously lop-
sided distribution, in the size of land
holdings, we must add, that 30% of
the land was owned by companies in
200 parcels and that this amounts to
57% of the cultivable land. More-
over, some 68% of the land in parcels
over 1,000 acres was owned by
foreigners.
Further than this, Mr. President,
population increases in the last few
years, together with industrialisation
projects, together with the totally
irrational location of certain large-
scale housing projects, has contri-
buted to the gradual encroachment of
land formally used for agriculture.
For instance a recent edition

of the Journal of the Agricultural
Society, points out, that the area on
which coconut was planted had shrunk
in the last 15 years, from about
50,000 acres, to only 30,000 acres.
Maybe this explains in part why
Government has had to subsidise the
price of a 16 oz bottle of edible oil,
by as much as 18 cents per bottle.
The facts Mr. President Sir, are
abundantly clear. In the period since

Continued on


]PAGE 10 TAPIA






SUNDAY JANUARY 5,1975


From Page 7


A.C. Universal, living values which had not lost
their vigour. Song was not exhausted. There were
new fruits which could grow from this song, if one
took the trouble to water it with one's sweat, to
cultivate it once again. There was then this fact:
there were things to say to the world. One was not
dazzled by European civilization, and we thought that
Africa had a contribution to make to Europe. There
was also the affirmation of a sense of solidarity.
That's the truth. I'have always felt that what hap-
pened in Algiers, and among black northamericans,
had an impact on me. I thought that I could not be
indifferent to Haiti, to Africa, Since then perhaps, we
have entertained the idea of a kind of black civiliza-
tion spread all over the world. And I arrived at the
idea that there was a negro situation which manifested
itself in various geographical areas, that my homeland
was also Africa. There was the African continent,
there was the Caribbean, there was Haiti. There were
Martiniquans, and the negroes of Brazil, etc., This
was negritude for me.
R.D. There was also a movement before negri-
tude, properly speaking, in the inter-war years as we
noted; if you wish, a pre-negritude movement which
I see in the interest shown by European painters in
African art. Do you see any relationship in this
interest shown by European painters and the new self-


awareness of negroes.
A.C. Surely, that movement is also one of the


components of our
made fashionable in
Braque and so on.


self awareness. Negroes were
France by Picasso, Vlaminck,


R.D. At the same period, art enthusiasts, art
historians, were greatly impressed by the quality of
black African sculpture. In France a man like Paul
Guillaume: in Germany a Carl Einstein. Black African
art ceased to be an exotic curiosity and Guillaume
himself came to think of it as "the vivifying sperm
of the spirit of the twentieth century" ...
A.C. I remember also the Black Anthology
(L 'Antologie negre) of Blaise Cendrars.
R.D. A book devoted to the oral literature of
the blacks of Africa. One can also recall the third
issue of the art review Action which had put together
the opinions and judgements of avant-grade artists
of the time on the masks, statues and other works
of art from Africa. One must not forget Guillaume
Apollinaire, whose lyrical work is cull of evocations
of Africa. To end off, do you believe that the
concept of negritude evolved on the basis of an
ideological and political affinity among its defenders.
Your companions in negritude, the first militants
of negritude have trod a differentpath than you
have. There is, for example, the case of Senghor; a
brilliant mind, a poet of great power, but highly
contradictory on the planeof negritude.

A.C. We were really bound by affinities of
feeling. One either felt oneself a negro or one did not.
But there was also the political side. It wasn't when
all is said and done, a left wing movement. I never
thought for a moment that emancipation could come
from the Right. This isn't possible. Senghor and I
felt that emancipation placed us on the left but we
refused to see the negro question as merely a social
issue. There are people, for example, who thought,
and still do, that should the Left achieve power in
France and should economic conditions change, the
negro problem would disappear. I have never left this
way myself. I thought that this was an important
condition but that it was not the only condition.
R.D. Quite so, for the relationships between
consciousness and the world are very complex. For
this reason, it is very important to decolonialise
people's consciousness, at the same time that one is
decolonizing society.
A.C. Exactly. remember saying to Martiniquan
communists at that time that the black man was, as
you noted, doubly proletariat and alienated; as
belonging to the proletariat on the one hand and as
a negro as well; for one is dealing after all with the
only race whose very humanity has been questioned.


From Page 10

the February Revolution, the period
which according to the Government,
was supposed to be one of national
reconstruction, leading to our econ-
omic independence, the basic pro-
blems of unemployment and inequali-
ity are not only still with us, but
clearly have increased in magnitude.
The question Mr. President is
why? The answer is not difficult to
find. The point is Mr. President, that
in spite of the dramatisation of dis-
content given by the February Revolu-
tion, despite' the fact as I have
shown, that this Government appreci-
ates, to some extent, the economic
requirements for solving these pro-
blems. Nothing! I repeat, nothing!
has been done by this Government in
the period since 1970 to effectively
come to grips with the petroleum and
sugar industries.
What we have had since 1970
and indeed, because of 1970, is what
this Government likes to call, equity
participation. But as the case of
Trinidad-Tesoro demonstrates, even
when they achieve full ownership in
an industry, they turn right around
and give-away the critical privilege of
controlling decision-making.
So that, today we have the
National Commercial Bank owned by
Government and run like a foreign
corporation, in terms of its lending
policies. We have Caroni Limited, in
which the Government has 51% of
the shares and Orange Grove which
they own completely, but in which
the workers are continually fighting
management for more realistic rewards
and for a change in the historically
exploitative relationship with the
whole industry.
And the Government has re-


cently expended $150 million in the
acquisition of the assets of Shell. (And
I want to say Mr. President that this
figure taken from the 1974 Economic
Review Page 60 is some $54 million
more than the previously given pur-
chase price, and I insist on knowing
exactly what this Government paid
for that shell.)
In addition the Government in
1974 spent $6.5 million dollars in the
equity of eight (8) companies. This
figure includes the sum of $1,583
,O00 to purchase shares in Holiday
Inn Hotel. So that; the Government
has been, since 1970 buying more and
more into foreign enterprise and run-
ning further and further away from
the problem.
So that it should not surprise us
Mr. President when we read on page
24 of the Economic Review for 1974
that: "With the exception of
petroleum, domestic production con-
tinued its sluggish rate of growth
during 1974." It should not surprise
us, that agricultural production stag-
nated, nor that the manufacturing
sector stagnated, nor that the con-
struction sector did not show any
significant growth.
When we view this total stagna.
tion in domestic output in relation
to the fantastic price increases during
the year, we then begin to understand
why it is, that unemployment keeps
rising, why it is that more and more
workers are fleeing from the land,
and why it is that the gap between
the Haves and the Havenots is widen-
ing to a degree that poses a serious
threat to peace and security in the
country.
Looking at all these factors we
should have expected the Government
to come to us, buoyed up by the
billion dollar revenues they are now
receiving from oil and propose to us


the radical measures that we so badly
need to effect the change in the
"distorted, unjust and irrational struc-
tures" which the Prime Minister never
tires of reminding us we inherited
from our historical past.
But the Budget contains no such
measures. What it does contain is a
mad scatter brain distribution of
millions of dollars in a desperate
attempt to allow us to sink at a
slower rate. The total cost of the
measures designed to keep down
increases in the cost of living in 1975
is $127.2m and just about a quarter
of this would be spent on food
subsidies.
Two points need to be made.
One, that in the absence of any
measures to close off the economy
from the effects of imported inflation
the increase in the demand which the
Government expects to come through
its measures to reduce taxation on
motor cars, consumer durables, and
clothing may never result, since the
purchasing power of given incomes
will continue to be depleted by the
effects of higher prices for imported
goods.
What this means in effect, is
that from these measures at any rate
we can expect no significant reduc-
tion in the unemployment figures.
The second point Mr. President
is that in spending $33m.to subsidise
foreign food imports the Government
demonstrates that it does not perceive
the opportunities given to it by the
very fact of inflation, to make a
break with the past and to really set
domestic food production on a proper
footing.
Have they considered the pos-
sibility of removing the subsidy on
foreign 'food items and spending the
$33 million instead, to guarantee
the prices paid to farmers for a whole


range of local produce?
The reason why they have not
done so Mr. President, is the same
reason in their 18 years of Government
they have failed to tackle the critical
question of rationalisation in the oil
and sugar industries.
I do not believe that it is
simply a question of technical incom-
petence. More than anything else it
represents a failure of political in-
sight, political courage, political will.
Lacking the political courage to
turn this economy around, they have
resorted to an industrialisation policy
that has led to an increase in the
army of unemployed, that has led to
runaway inflation they cannot now
control, because it is largely imported;

that has forced them to spend
millions of our dollars to subsidise
foreign farmers, has forced them to
spend huge sums of money on their
Special Works Programme which is in
no way related to any total develop-
ment effort and leads only to the
psychological debasement of those
workers employed therein;
has rendered them totally in-
capable of controlling the excessive
profits being made by the business
community;
incapable of inducifig organised
labour to save a greater part of its
earnings which might be used to help
the unemployed and underemployed
thousands in this country, and above
all has led to a class of Haves and
another of Havenots.
Of all these things Mr. President,
this Government stands accused, and
no matter how long it takes or how
far they try to run, the day must
come when they shall have to give an
account of their 18 years of steward-
ship before a jury of all the people.


3 _~, ec-~sl~slc-- 4~ul--~a. I


I I -~Willk- _1LL~ -I CIP-L= I


APIA PAGE I I

























DON'T CRACK NOW


WEST INDIES


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DEFEAT is never easy
to accept, especially
when technical superior-
ity has been established.
But the facts speak for
themselves. India won
the third test match at
Calcutta by 85 runs. It
was all over by lunch
time on the final day.
It was certainly not a
happy new year for the West
Indies team and the
thousands of cricket fans in
the West Indies. India de-
feated the West Indies for
the first time in India.
Reasons for our defeat
are easy to adduce. Over
confidence after two easy
victories in the first two
tests and an overwhelming
win over Central Zone on
the eve of the third Test
match. A funny wicket. The
famed Indian spinners whom
we were supposed to have
mastered by the second test
match. Or maybe, it was
just one of those things. Each
of them being too facile an
explanation for our defeat.
Two up and three to go and
all of a sudden, one lost.
At the end of the fourth
day we were still in with a
chance, thanks to the aggres-
sion of Vivian Richards.
Lloyd and Kallicharan started
the last day with seven
wickets to fall and 164 runs
to go. According to the
experts the wicket was turn-
ing slowly.
Yet in less than two
hours it was all over. Seven
wickets had fallen for
seventy eight runs on the
final day. It was a field day
for the Indian spinners. The
reports say that the wicket


was spinning much more
quickly than anticipated.
Clive Lloyd started the
day with characteristic
aggression. Three fours off
Chandrashekhar. But it went
no further. Once he played
an obnoxious shot and was
bowled, his partner Kallichar-
ran went on the offensive
.and only succeeded in mis-
cuing a pull over mid wicket
to be caught in the slips..
What followed may only
be described as token resis-
tance. Willet and Murray
hung on for a while in what
was a losing battle.

PREDICTABLE

India's first innings fol-
lowed a predictable pattern
on a wicket with some early
life. The batsmen reeled
under the pace attack led by
Andy Roberts. There were
pockets of resistance here
and there, mainly there. 233
was a small score but much
more respectable than Indian
supporters had expected after
the first hour.
But once the West Indies
innings started it ceased to
be a small score. Only a
patient innings by Fredericks
helped us to scrape past
what was considered a
meagre total 7 runs ahead.
The batting machinery
which had battered the
Indian bowlers before sud-
denly broke down. Medium
pacer Madan Lal obviously
bowled well as his four
wickets for 22 off 16 overs
showed. But he is no giant.
It was downright bad
batting very reminiscent of
the final test against England


last year. The wicket was
slow, with the ball not
coming onto the bat not
an easy wicket on which to
play strokes, especially off
the r front foot.
And several of our bats-
men fell into the trap of
driving on the front foot
with the ball not well up. It
was the identical thing which
happened when Greig made
mas at the Oval last April.
Free strokeplay is not
possible on slow wickets and
less spectacular but effective
means have to be employed
in order to get runs. Too
often have slow wickets been
the nemesis of West Indian
batsmen.

WILLET

It was Fredericks a free
scoring but technically limit-
ed player who pulled us
of the hole. He might have
been painfully slow accord-
ing to the critics, when he
scored only 22 runs in the
first two hours on the second
day, but he stayed for a long
time, gradually getting the
feel of the wicket so that he
was able to push the score
after lunch.
India, starting their second
inning 7 runs behind, batted
slowly in the face of tight
bowling, especially by young
Willet. Even the belligerent
Engineer, batted three and a


half hours for 61. Willet

deserves all credit for dismis-
sing him.
Consistently coming down
the wicket and banging the
ball into the covers, he
found the way blocked by
Lloyd and Greenidge. Finally
out of sheer frustration, he
lifted the ball into Lloyd's
hands.

BRAVADO

Vishwanath played the
critical innings of the game.
This diminutive batsman
showed in the WI that he
had ability but during this
series he has been travelling
hopefully without arriving.
But this time he arrived and
steered India to 316, leaving
us with 310 to win in a day
and a half. It was a target
which eluded us.

In our second turn at the
crease we started ominously
with the loss of Greenidge
and Fredericks but Richards
brief moment of bravado gave
us a fighting chance, leaving
Lloyd and Kallicharan to
carry on the struggle.
It was a short struggle as
the Indian finger spinners,
according to Rutnagur, were
able to turn the ball square.
Chandra didn't turn much
only because he concentrated
on bounce. We folded up.


We have lost the game but
there is no reason to be
unduly despondent. We are
still ahead and if the team
rises above the temporary
setback there is no reason
why we can't keep the lead.
The effects good or
bad on the morale and
performance of 4the team
should be evident in the
fourth test match. Skipper
Lloyd and his team must
summon all their resources of
application for the testing
Madras game. We start with
three testing disadvantages:
The Madras wicket is
quite similar to the one at
Calcutta;
It is our least successful
ground in India. We narrowly
escaped defeat seven years
ago.
India's morale is now
high.

PSYCHOLOGICAL

Personally, 1 think that
the WI team possesses the
technical resources to over-
come the obstacles; it is the
psychological resources which
bother me. Traditionally, WI
teams have had the habit of
suddenly cracking up in the
midst of adversity. Yet tradi-
tions can be and have been
broken.
Like Milton's Satan we
must demonstrate an uncon-
querable will.


Augustus Ramrekersingh comments on the India v.s. W.I. Series.