Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00140
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: December 15, 1974
Frequency: completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00140

Full Text

,..' THE jC'Y
I t 4 'Ji 5T-t-

SF.. *.



JUST about one-'year ago, Dr.
Williams stayed on, agreeing "to
continue in office, in the
national interest, giving priority
to the holding, under a new
constitution, as soon as possible,
of general elections in which the
people can freely and fairly
decide' on the party and leader
.to .whom they wish to entrust
theimandate. .... The gene-
ral election should be held under
a new constitution the work
of the Constitution must not be
That was the perspective
set out by the Prime Minister;
it is now history. Nobody now
expects that "The subsequent
legislative and administrative
action" will be "taken as ex-
peditiously as possible." No
time has been saved by dealing
with those issues on which there
seemedto be a large measure of
unanimity ,even before the com-
pletion of the public discussion
and the Government's decisions
on-the entire report.

Now that three years and a
half have elapsed since the
Wooding Commission first came
into being, most people have
settled on the conclusion that
the Government established the
Commission only as a dodge to
buy much needed political time.
The danger of this position is
that it is obviously much too
simple, far too simple for serious
political people.
Clearly the Government was
buying time; that is a standard
tactic in political strategy. The
golden rule for those who hold
command is to buy time, do
nothing and throw the onus on
the opposition. Possession is nine
points of the law, especially
when possession controls police,
publicity and patronage galore -

all the more so when the opposi-
tion consists of mere agitators
or former deputy collaborators
brought up on the game of
spoils. That way you can even
stay in office for 20 years.
When the alternative
appears upon the stage, mere
buying time is not enough.
When Williams summoned
Wooding, he conceded to Tapia
that there was a crisis of the
Constitution and in so doing,
gave the new movement its
chance to reach the centre stage.
The time was a sword with a
double edge and since we cannot
afford to underestimate the
enemy, Tapia cannot buy the
notion that the Government is
simply chinksing.
We cannot believe the DAC
story that the constitution exer-
cise is mere diversion while the
Government proceeds with other
hi the three and a half years
since we have been engaged in
the struggle to present the
country with a superior alterna-

tive to the government's plans regime both so devastated by
for the organisation of the State the February Revolution.
machine, the Tapia Movement That was the plan. All along
'has graduated to the poi;t the Government has been avoid-
where we now stand in the way ing a political confrontation so
of the secret Doctor plan.. as to leave the meat for the
That plan has been to stay last.
in charge of the constitutional Wooding, Cuthbert Joseph
discussion in the hope that by and Prevatt have all been provid-
being able to make some last- -inng-the -darloaess so that the
minute concessions, the PNM Doctor could now enter to bring
would persuade the country to the light.
accept a new dispensation from Now on Friday. 13th
above by exchanging liberal coming, the time has come to
content for Doctor method, speak. But alas, no real conces-
sion can now be made because
of Tapia's presence in the Senate.
( Tapia therefore expects
that the Government will chinks
again on Friday. It is even pos-
sible that Williams may resolve
in the near future to abandon
Williams finally decided in the near future to a
the constitution question and
last September 28 to take the e abidfon earelection.
discussion, to the .illegitimate Ae bido aer on this
Parliament. There he would be -A White Paper on this
free to fashion the constitution matter will be distributed in
in whatever way suited his game Parliament during the Coastitu-
m whatever way suited tion Debate on Fridy.
of refurbishing the Doctor image
and reconstructing the political

Vol. 4 No. 50


25 Cents

Presentation of
Trophies in
the St. Augustine
Football Ieague.

See Story
on 4
Page 12.



-- -- --


Haitian refugees face



dian government is acce-
lerat hg its drive to deport
bact to Haiti hundreds of
refugees living in this city.
during the past three
months, at least 80 refu-
gees have lost their final
appeals against deporta-
tion orders. A number of
them have already been
expelled from Canada. In
,aiti, they face imprison-
ment and possible death.


The baby
can stay,
but this
Haitian couple
have been

There is evidence that
several persons were
arrested by Haitian
authorities after being
deported from Canada.
Others have not been
heard from since they
were sent back.
Leaders of the 13,000-
strong Haitian community in
Montreal warn that 1,500
Haitian immigrants who have
come to Canada since Novem-
ber 1972 are threatened with




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a similar fate. The Haitian
dictatorship says the 1,500
are Communists and subver-
In spite of this clear threat
to their safety, Immigration
minister Robert Andras
declared Oct. 27 that Canada
will not halt the deportation
of the Haitians.
The government -admits
that more than 900 are
appealing Immigration Depart-
ment rulings which deny them
landed immigrant status and
order deportation., Only one
appeal is allowed to Immigra-
tion Appeal Boards before
deportation can be carried out.
* Labour Challenge interviewed
Rev. Paul Dejean, director of a
counseling service for the
Haitian community in Montreal
and a leader of the defence
campaign, now underway.
Dejean was expelled from
Haiti five years ago together
with seven other priests.
Dejean explained that the
government is speeding up its
handling of the cases. "Up
until August, there was only
one appeals court. After
August, two were processing
the Haitian appeals. Now a
third court is being set up to
handle more cases."
The thousands of Haitian
immigrants are refugees from
one of the most hated and

tyrannical regimes in Latin
America. For nearly twenty
years, the Duvalier family has
ruled Haiti with a reign of
terror administered by the
"Tontons Macoutes," the
secret police. Political opposi-
tionists who are caught are
secretly executed. Under Jean-
Claude Duvalier, who suc-
ceeded his father "Papa Doc,"
the repression has continued
unabated. Only now' slightly
more discretion is used. "The
Tontons Macoutes no longer
make arrests in plain daylight,"
said Dejean..
Dejean explained that
fierce repression and economic
stagnation force thousands to
get out of Haiti. Many have
emigrated to Canada looking
for work and safety. Now, by
forcing them to return to the
clutches of the Duvalier
regime, the Canadian govern-
ment threatens their very
lives. Furthermore, because
the Haitians emigrated to find
work, the Canadian govern-
ment makes it nearly impos-
sible for any of them to
claim political asylum in
Canada. "However," Dejean
said, "we say that in all cases,
even if these Haitian workers
were not active in political.
movements in Haiti or outside
the country, the simple fact
that they have lived outside
Haiti means that they are

suspect. Anything can happen
to them."
Labour Challenge asked
Dejean if the Canadian govern-
ment is involved in Haiti in
other ways. He replied, "Yes,
the government through the
Canadian International Deve-
lopment Agency has given
money to the Haitian govern-
ment There are also
accords between Canada and
Haiti. New ones are coming up
very soon I believe aid
agreements, cultural agree-
ments. There are also a large
number of Canadians busines-
ses, mainly in the tourist trade,
which have established them-
selves in Haiti, profiting from
the very cheap labour."
In an Oct. 17 press con-
ference called by those organ-
izing the defence of the
Haitians, Michel Chartrand,
president of the Montreal '
council of the Confederation
of National Trade Unions
pointed out, "They are Black,
they speak French, they are
militant. That's more than
enough reason why the Royal
Canadian Mounted Police
don't like them.". Chartrand
put in clear simple terms, the
racist nature of the govern-
ment's attack. The Haitians are-_
one of the few groups coming
to Canada that adapt quickly
to the francophone population
of Quebec. This factor
heightens the discrimination
they are facing.
Through a series of restric-
tive guidelines, the govern-
ment practises racial and i
political discrimination in
immigration. The new regula-
tions announced by Robert-
Andras, Minister of ManpoweC.
and immigration, on Oct.-22 ^'
are intended to make it even
more difficult for Blacks to
enter Canada. The treatment
of the Haitians in Montreal is
a graphic illustration of what
the government's immigration
pciicy is based on: blatant
raciC i and Canadian national-
(Labor Challenge
(Labour Challenge)

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_ --I 1 3 1 II -- ~-~ ----~---------~-





A return to African Doctrine ?

Tony Hurley

ON the afternoon of
Friday, December 13,
1974, Aime Cesaire, Ilayor
of Fort-de-France and
Deputy to the French
National Assembly, will be
meeting the French Presi-
dent, Valery Giscard
Later that same evening he
will be flying out of Martinique
to receive the honorary degree
of Doctor of Letters from the
University of the West Indies,
St. Augustine, Trinidad.
The-link between these two
events is basic to an under-
standing of Cesaire's own
political consciousness: evi-
dently, the .receipt of an
academic honour can do
nothing to -enhance his
personal, literary or political
reputation, and yet he con-
siders this visit to Trinidad
sufficiently., important to
deprive "his" President of his
presence in Martinique.
What needs to be discussed
-'is""not'so 'much what contri.
bution Cesaire has made and is
-still making to the develop-
ment of political consciousness
in the West Indies as what he
has to contribute, particularly
since the language barrier cuts
him off from almost all peoples
in the English-speaking Carib-
bean as well as from a signifi-
cantly large number of people
even in the French-speaking
Furthermore, we need to
take into consideration the
fact that he occupies a rather
anomalous position within the
framework of politics in the
West Indies as a whole, since
he is a leader of great charis-
matic -force among his rela-
tively small band of adherents,
recognized as a political
leader, or rather as the political
leader of Martinique, but

lacking the realities of political
power to exercise very great
direct influence to effect
change in Martinique.
We need, moreover, to
consider .the fact that he is
more widely known through-
out the world as a literary
figure, as the greatest poet the
French Caribbean has so far
produced, than as a politician.
Cesaire is primarily a black
Martinican (and I stress his
colour deliberately, because of
the importance it has within
the context of his political
orientation), born at Basse-
Pointe, Martinique, in 1913 of
what are normally called "poor
but honest" parents, which
means poor.


References to his childhood
which occur in Return to my
NatiFe Land, his first published
work of poetry, indicate that
his early experiences bind him
inevitably to grassroots ele-
ments throughout the Carib-
His recognition as a political
leader derives partly from his
position ,as Mayor and Deputy,
and partly, and more signifi-
cantly, from the fact that he is
the leader of the PPM (the
Martinican Progressive Party),
which he founded after his
resignation from the French
Communist Party in 1956.
We will consider his letter
of resignation later, but it
should be said now that his
rejection of the Communist
Party was not on purely
ideological grounds, since his
own party has been and still is
oriented towards socialism.
The founding of the party
itself arose out of his desire
to create a specifically local
Martinican political power base
and in fact its support rests
almost exclusively on the

urban black masses of Fort-de-
France, although, because of
the peculiarities of the Martini-
can situation, in the higher
echelons of the party, with
the exception of Cesaire him-
self, we find mainly middle
and upper-middle class lighter-
skinned people.
Curiously enough, a distinc-
tion needs to be drawn between
his "official" political activity
and his personal convictions
which he has expressed in
interviews and in his literary
His policies at the official
level have always tended to be
conciliatory, geared towards
reflecting the feelings of the
majority of Martinicans, rather
than presenting- revolutionary
This explains why he has
supported successively for
Martinique assimilation, depart-
mentalization and now internal
self-government, and both
neglected consideration of the
Federal idea (within a Carib-
bean French-and English-
speaking context) and refused
to push too strongly for inde-


In other words, it is not in
this area that we can find
evidence of his capacity to
contribute towards the awaken-
ing of political consciousness,
although one must be careful
not to attempt to explain
Cesaire's political activity
simply in terms of what it
appears to represent. He has an
acute awareness' of historical
momentum, so that what may
appear on the surface to be
simply conservative and re-
actionary politics are seen by
him to be necessary steps
within an historical process.
For example, his expressed
support for assimilation should

not be interpreted as the.
action of a metropolitan-
oriented conservative, too
assimilated himself to consider
separation from France. He
saw assimilation as a necessary
evil which had inevitably to
fail, which he could use as a
tool to stimulate political
The masses, although they
felt at the time that assimila-
tion was what they' wanted,
had to come to a realization
of the disadvantages and would
then react against closer links
with France. He saw assimila-
tion, therefore, as part of a
dialectical movement which
had to result in autonomy.


However, as I indicated'
before, it is not in the area of
his "official" political activity
that we will see real' evidence
of his revolutionary spirit, but
in his writings.
I said earlier that Cesaire is
a black Martinican. 'That is
what he is, no more and no
less. His blackness plays an
extremely important role in
his political thought: his
politics may be expressed as
the politics of negritude.
His use of the pen as a
political weapon can be said to
have started in 1934, with the
publication of a review called
L'Etudiant Noir, in which the
direction of his thinking could
be clearly seen.
He came out strongly
against cultural assimilation,
which he regarded as one form
of slavery.
Assimilation, the result of fear
and timidity, always ends in
disdain and hatred, and bears
within itself the seeds of strife,
strife between brothers; that is,
the worst kind of strife.
Slavery and assimilation are
alike: they are two forms of
He is already expressing

doubts about Communrin as
a European doctrine and
advocating a return to African
sources, and placing particular
emphasis on personal con-
sciousness as a means of
liberating the personality:
To be yourself, you have to
fight against yourself; you have
to destroy indifference, eradicate
obscurantism, cut out senti-
and amusingly:
shave (yourself); that is the
first condition for creation.
Long hair is an affliction.
It must be stressed that the
ultimate aim ofCesaire's think-
ing is the liberation of all
humanity, so that the political
philosophy which he espouses
may be said to be universalist
and humanitarian; in other
words, socialist, in the broad-
est sense of the term.
Obviously, because he is a
black Wst Indian, he is
primarily concerned with the
strategy for the liberation of
people who share his condition.
The strategy he advocates is
relatively simple; it involves
two stages. Firstly, the acquisi-
tion- of personal consciousness,
and, secondly, the actions that
result from this consciousness,
aimed at spreading and main-
taining this initial liberation.
Continued on Back Page

Aime Cesaire

Get your Bargains & Gifts

For Christmas At

62 Queen St P 0.S.





(AFP) Haiti
may have one of the
largest copper deposits in
the world, according to a.
top Germai expert who
recently visited here.
The copper expert, who
wanted to remain anonymous,
told AFP: "Haiti is a new
Bougainville, which was
discovered in 1970 in New
Guinea, is the largest known
copper deposit in the world.
Borings in Northern Haiti'
during the fist months of
1975 will help establish how
many thousands ofmillionsof
dollars the copper. deposit
are worth. .
A program of exploration
for mineral deposits was
launched a year ago 'by
president Jean-Claude Duvalie'.
with the help of the United
Nations program for Develop-
The Haitian government
will turn over mining to
companies under a new and
restrictive mining legislation
'which permits each company
to exploit- only 100 square
kilometres (40 square miles).

The copper deposits con-
tain a high grade copper ore
mixed with other metals,
silver zinc,, and molybdenum.
There are also large gold
deposits comparable or even
superior to those in the
neighboring Dominican Re-
public and these deposits may
also be exploited.
Development of the new
mineral discoveries could
mean a threefold increase in
the Haitian standard of living
within the next few years.
President Duvalier is said
to be taking a number of
precautions to ensure that
Haiti will get the best profit
from its natural resources.
For instance mining con-
cessions held by foreign in-
terests, over a number of
years have been withdrawn
because they did not fulfill
their contractual obligations.
The copper companies
Kennecott of the United
States, Pennaroya of France
and Comingo of Canada are
-currently interested in ex-
'ploiting Haiti's mineral re-
Exploration: in Haiti by
the government and the U.N.
next yeariwi be extended to
Southem Haiti where experts
expect other major dis-

trialist who found himself
in and out of jail in
exchange for chunks of
his fortune during the
regime of the late


Francois "papa doc"
Duvalier has just given
three-quarters of a million
dollars to the government
headed by the old dicta-
tor's son, president Jean-
Claude Duvalier.
A government announce-
ment here said that the busi-
nessman, Oswald Brandt, a
white Jamaican now in his
eighties who has lived for
decades in Haiti, had given
the money "as a contribu-
tion to the government's
priority programmes".
The money, was being
used to buy equipment to
build and maintain the Carib-
bean republic's almost en-
tirely unsurfaced and often
impassable roads, the an-
nouncement said.
Businessmen in Haiti have
often parted with large.sims
of money to the government
under the 17-year dictator-
ship of the Duvalier family,
The most recent public.
occasion was- three years ago
when a number. of rich\
businessmen and politicians
were invited to a reception it
the Presidential Palace.
On arrival and after a short
speech about Patriotism by
their then 20-year-old head
of state, they were embar-
rassed to find themselves!
being asked,, with little
practical chance of refusal, to
sign over cheques to the
government for sums up to
The money, the govern-
ment' said, was needed to
build "low-cost housing".


This is no white man lan'
an' yet we have ghetto here
we have place where man cyan live good
we have place where man have to sweat shit
we have place where man die wid im eye-water dry up
where he cyan even cry tribulation
where de dry river rocks clog im in

i swim into dis world' from a did a small bwoy
an i never see harbour yet
ship cyan spot no pilot light
i burin' through dis wall o' silence
wid me dread

look how i look pan likkle fun:
herb., soun' system,
running' a groun' wid de don drummon blues
summon de nyah bingeh
but non-a dem come

de eart' cole, you see me hyah,
de goodyear tyre dem tek flight
o' dust, o' nasty water
from de pat 'ole, from de asphalt,
an' lan' pan tap de sufferer dem,
standing' by pan de sidewalk,
inside de wayside cabin dem a-kall
a bus stap, hadvertisin'

you see 'dis root o' bottle
spring balde risin'
from de shaks: you see dis tall
vexation pan me face dat never favour talk
dat wan' to strangle.
priest an' politician; dat want to halt
de brothers in black space, de daughters
in dem dream a Abysinnia, de white
black trenton in im cage

a-barbican, a red hills,
a skyline drive, a babylon .. .
dis rage o' crow dem
walking' pgn de coffin wid it wheels,
stopping' at de station, police
station, haxin' for sergeant brown
when de likkle pickney dem drown

an de hungry belly
mekklin' one wid me skull
wid me white cock o' death'
wid me fuse box o' health
wid me leakin' drum ...

lek a dem pass
wha' de rass:
bus, taxi cab, limousine

i waiting' here:
one day de grass goin' green,
de tyre dem goin' shred thru to de rim

de sheraton hotel goin' flash
out all it light,
it money-makin' room goin' resurrect dem-

self back down to gravel
an babylon gwine hear an
crash down to de groun'

wid i an' i still here
wid i an' i still standing' here
.wid dese blues
wid dese bogle blues
wid dese broken bokkle blues...

I C 0


~-~----------- --




Mr. President:
the Jill before us is to 'amend
the Finance Act to create
fiscal incentives, specifically re--
lief from income and corporate
tax, for the purpose of (1) en-
couraging investment in agricul-
ture and the operation of small
agricultural holdings; (2) en-
couraging local ownership and
control, and increasing employ-
ment, in business and industry,
particularly building and property
development and businesses re-
lated to the tourist industry.
Fiscal incentives, Mr. President,are
a legitimate, indeed an indispensable
means of servicing development plan-
ning. But they do not constitute de-
velopment planning. They are a neces-
say, but far from a sufficient, con-
dition for the effective renewal of the
structure of the econmny.


Therefore, Mr. President, when
we are faced with legislative proposals
for fiscal incentives, particularly from
a Government with an unbroken tenure
of office of eighteen years, we are
entitled to ask for an account of how
these incentives are -seen by that Gov-
ermnent to relate to its development
planning, and of the extent to which
this planning, if it in fact existed, has
achieved its aims.
And we may take it as given, Mr.
President, from the chaos and misery
which surround us, that these aims
have not been achieved.
In addition, Mr. President, the
state of suffering and confusion in
which our country finds itself has
.aggravated, and been aggravated by, a
political and constitutional crisis
characterized by the excessive control
and exercise of power by the Govern-
ment and a continuing default of
political opposition, particularly of
vocal and informed political opposition,
at all levels.
It is therefore imperative that
the Government be brought at last
strictly to account for the conduct of
the nation's affairs in the past eighteen
years. It is fitting, and healthy, that
such an accounting should begin in
Parliament and end at the ballot box.
It is the duty of this Chamber to
do all in its power to bring about such
an accounting. We of the Opposition
do not intend to shirk this duty.
What is the development planning,
Mr. President, which these proposed
fiscal incentives are designed to ser-
vice? More specifically, what are the
developmental goals in the areas of
agricultural expansion, the encourage-
ment of small, farmers, the increase in
food production, the achievement of
indigenous ownership and control,
which they imply?


I must point out here, Mr. Presi-
dent, a relationship which I consider
crucial between planning and execution.
I am enough of an existentialist, Mr.
President, to believe that one can
only be said to have planned when
one has made an attempt to carry out
one's plans. Without execution, plan-
ning is not planning, but dreaming.
An astronaut can plan to go to
the moon; I can only dream of it.
In the same way, Mr. president, a
Government cannot be said to be plan-
ning when it writes down plans on
paper. It must be judged by the steps
taken to put those plans into action.
The more often paper plans are
repeated; the more repeatedly they

come into conflict with the evident
incapacity of the Government to or-
ganise itself and the nation to.carry
them out, the more essential it be-
comes for serious criticism to be heard
and to have remedial effect. In our
case, it is late, but it is not too late.
The plans of the PNM Govern-
ment have largely remain ed paper
plans; declarations of inteic divorced
from serious study of the methodology
of implementation.
There is therefore no lack of
sources from which I might quote the
Government's view of the goals which
these particular fiscal incentives are
ostensibly designed to help us attain.
Five Year Plans, Budget speeches,
election manifestoes abound.


I confine myself to quotations
from the Third Five-Year Plan 1969-73
Page Five of this concerns the prin-
cipal purposes of the Plan in relation
to structural changes:
'The principal structural problems
which have to be overcome if a
process of self-sustained and inter-
nally generated development is to
be set in train can be briefly sum-
(i) a diversification of the structure
of production so that the economy
can continue an internally-generated
process of growth in agriculture,
fisheries, manufacturing and tourism,
irrespective of adverse or favourable
developments in the petroleum sector
of the economy;
(ii) the elimination of structural
(iii) a shifting of the centre of decision-
making in investment, production,
employment, management and market-
ing from overseas-controlled to locally-
controlled institutions.'
In relation to fiscal policy and
the mobilisation of savings, the Plan
states, at page 41:
'Chapter VIII of the Second Five-
Year Plan stated that "The basic ob-
jectives of the Government's fiscal
policy are to increase the rate of
total domestic saving (including both
public and private sector saving) and
to ensure that such saving is chan-
nelled into forms of investment,
which will facilitate the long-run
growth of the economy". This prin-
ciple retains its validity and will
continue to be the basis of fiscal,
financial and monetary policies in
the Third Five-Year Plan.'
At Page 45, the Plan goes on to
'As in the case of fiscal policy, the
overriding objective of financial and
monetary policy will be to promote
the mobilisation of financial resources
and the increase of savings by both
the public and private sectors for
productive investment within the
Let us look at these areas in turn.
First, agriculture. What have been the
results of the efforts to move away
from total reliance on petroleum ex-
ports, and, within the agricultural
sector, to diversify away from the
traditional export crops?

Between 1963 and 1971, the
latest year for which complete figures
are available, the importance of Agri-
culture, Forestry and Fishing, expressed
as a percentage of the Gross Domestic
Product at factor cost, fell from
10.7% to 7.2%. In absolute terms, its
contribution rose by only $13 million
over the nine years.
Agricultural output has increased
only marginally -- far less than the
population's size and needs have in-
creased-- and proportionately to the
rest of the economy it has fallen. No
wonder, therefore, that the 22% of the
labour force employed in agriculture
enjoys if I may use so inappropriate
a word incomes far below those
earned in industry.
As regards the question, crucial
to this debate, of food crops for local
consumption, citrus, vegetables and
other food crops have made only
marginal advances, while the increases
in the livestock sector have been to a
large extent offset by the rising prices
of imported animal feeds on which it
As a result, our dependence on
imported food, evening theareawhere
domestic advances have been greatest
(that of livestock) has increased enor-
mously. To take just one area: the
imports of fruits and vegetables rose
from $9.4 million in 1967 to $16
million in 1971. Forestry and Fish-
.eries, Mr. President, have remained


All this, Mr. President, takes no
account of the world food shortages
and the high external prices which
have hit us so hard since 1971, with
the result that food imports have played
a major role in the present inflation.
Domestic agricultural production
has therefore had to survive on the
periphery of export-oriented market-
ing systems, lack of credit facilities,lack
of infrastructure -- that is to say, the
lack of planning and implementation
in precisely the areas where planning
and implementation of plans were
But above all, Mr. President, the
failure of agriculture was due to the
fractured nature of agricultural land-
holding in Trinidad and Tobago.
First of all, Mr. President, .only
41 9% of the surface of our country is
available for fann land. The majority
of this is under export crops. 46.5% of
the total number of fans occupy only
6.9% of total farm land. These range
from one to four acres in size. 25.7%
of farms are between 5 and 9 acres in
size, and occupy 10.9% of the available
farm land.
At the other extreme, farms
ranging in size between 100 aind999
acres comprise 1.3% of the total num-
ber of farms but occupy 22.6% of the
total farm land.

I -

To summarise, 93.3% of the total
number of farms between one and 24
acres in size share 37.6% of total farm
land. 8.7% of farms, ranging from 25
acres to 1000 or more acres, occupy
62.4% of the total farm land.
This question ofland distribution,
Mr. President, is crucial to the present
debate because one has to ask oneself
against what background of agricultural
holding the fiscal incentives to small
farmers are expected to work.
Willthe prospect of income tax
concessions alone, especially at a time
of galloping inflation, make an agri-
cultural holding profitable that was too
small to be profitable before?
Will the extra income be used in
agriculture, or will it be gobbled up by
inflation, or will it merely assist the
disillusioned farmer to flee the land?
What programme of rationalis-
ation of agricultural land-holding is
intended to be serviced by these taa
The Crown lands scheme, Mr.
President, is notorious in the context
of the Government's attempt to broad-
en the base of agriculture. Party far-
mers, Mr. President, were created over-
night by being given infertile land at
Waller Field while real farmers were
turned off productive land at Diamond
Vale to make way for a dormitory


But above all, Mr. President, the
failure in this area has been political,
in the crudest sense of that term -
nothing has been done to assist the
real farmers of this country because
they were not expected to support the
party currently in power. If you don't
vote forthe PNM, the Prime Minister
told the people of Tabaquite,'crapaud
smoke you pipe'.
SIn -this matter of agricultural
policy, Mr. President, let me mention
two more related planning areas where
failure has been blatant: diversification
and the improvement of marketing
In relation to diversification, let
me mention only two areas-pork
production and rice. The incentives
offered by the Government for the
production of pork, and the marketing
system organised, were so chaotic that
the result was successive gluts and
shortages, leading to complete con-
fusion on the part of the producers
and culminating in the necessity to
import pork products once again.
Rice production, Mr. President,
was allowed to die, because it is always
easier to make grandiose international
gestures than to do serious planning at
home. Guyana, we were told, was to
supply us with all the rice we needed.
Well, Guyana failed to do so, and two
years ago it was announced that rice
must be revived. Meanwhile it has had
to be subsidized to the tune of 11 cents
a pound.
In the 1974 Budget Speech, the
Minister of Finance said 'the Principal
new thrust in agriculture in 1974 will
be in stimulating food production with
particular emphasis on the revitalisation
of the rice industry'. 5000 acres were
to be brought under cultivation. The
Government proclaimed that themajor
task was thl development of the infra-
structure that would assist farmers to
irrigate their lands and transport their
Thus the provision of access
roads, cleaning of irrigation channels,
establishment of new channels and the
building of embankments along the
rivers to prevent excess flooding were
among the major tasks as seen by the
Ministry of Agriculture. It also saw
itself as being entrusted with the task
of improving fariiing techniques and
instituting higher yielding varieties.

Contiicd 0:o Page 8

I ~- I. ~-L-8Bei~s II l~gs~81~

_ --r -EldL- --I -- 6 I ii -III.




Continued From Last Week

McDonald's use of colour and detitil may be
contrasted with Jean Rhys's. Her eye always selects
detail and filters it through the obsessed conscious-
ness of her heroines. Nothing is extraneous, no colour,
no flower, no tree exists that is not transformed by
the particular perception of the narrator. McDonald's
eye is a roving camera, which captures the sharp
outline of things with a greater precision than Jean
Rhys strives for. Yet there often seems to be little
beneath the surface precision. He is well aware of this
problem, which he diagnoses in one of his poems as
the result of "a mild heart". The poem, significantly
named "Colour-Poem", is worth quoting from at
length, since it provides clues to McDonald's chosen
method in The Humming-Bird Tree.
1 make colour-poems of an easy choosing.
Trying to forget, forget, forgive.
I praise the artist, I praise the sun,
I praise back,
I praise white,
Colour-poems, easy, soothing.

Cameos of brightness I collect:
Cane emerald in the ripening sun,
A small Church filled with white dresses,
By lantern-light acartman chopping coconuts,
Red bougainvillaea on a sunlit wall,
Cloud-shadows moving on a wild hill.
Ah, brother man, I know it well!
A mild heart falsifies this art.
The greatest love is never soothing,
The greater truth is bitterness.
Pearl are the tears your mothers wept,
Black are the whips,
Grey is the ash,
Burned villages are ash,
Gold is the sweat,
Red is the blood,
Red, red are the travels of your brothers long ago. (13)
The poet sees himself as collecting bright
colours in the same way that others collect cameos,
carved stone. The "brother ian" addressed is prob--
ably a representative of the black world who, no
doubt, questions McDonald's art as being too precious,
too appeasing and too easy, since it seems to proceed
from no real agwyy, and since neither love nor truth
is worth much without the darker colours of bitter-
ness: and pain to set them in relief. The "brother
man" may in fact be Martin Carter, whose "Death
of a Slave" McDonald's poem resembles at this point.
The "cameos of brightness" require to be offset by a
darker background. Thus McDonald tries to complete
his "mild", "white", drawing-room art by placing it
in relief against a darker agony which is not his, the
agony of the African slaves and their disrupted lives.
But the troubled reverberations of this remote agony
can only serve as vague background to the poet's real
pain, that of one who has inherited the colonizer's
plush padded cell, a guilty helplessness which produces
pale, blue tones.


The Humming-Bird Tree explores the roots of
this guilty sadness and sense of inadequacy. Eleven
year-old Alan has known little real pain. He learns his,
boyhood from Kaiser and it is Jaillin who teaches
him how to feel, a lesson which makes him aware of
his lack of emotional depth. This passage which comes
near the end of his affair with Jaillin places him
I walked behind them to the house. I clenched my
hands and tried to make my palms bleed. But my nails
were not long enough. (p. 113)
Alan has no wound, no essential pain. His voice, like
the religious chant of the Indian drummers he des-
cribes so well, (p. 83) searches for its sadness. The
passage just quoted follows an incident in which,
Jaillin, exasperated by the hopelessness of racial
difference, clenches her fists so hard that:
The nails of her middle fingers had pierced each palm
and made them both bleed. She held her spread hands
slightly towards us. We looked wonderingly at the
blood coming out of the crescent marks. (p. 107) (my
The symbolism is striven for, but it is crucial to the
meaning of the story. Jaillin has unwittingly inflicted
stigmata on herself, to show her willingness to endure
the social and emotional crucifixion which love for
Alan will bring. One notes that her wounds are
crescent-shaped, Islamic, not Christian, suggesting
the equality which she claims for her own race,
religion and culture. The contrast between Jaillin as a
daughter of the village and Alan, prince of the
drawing-room is clear: Alan may have all the money
but Jaillin has all the life, and with life, the capacity
both to bleed and to feel.
This does not mean that life in the village is
romanticised. Apart froih the "epic" passages des-
!cribed above, the village life is little more than:
the bare, unending, unsophisticated fight for living
space, food, a little dignity against outsiders, the
future of children, and in between the distraction of
small passionate enjoyments. (p. 72)


'Ihe village is probably Pasea. which is situated about
a mile away from St. Augustine (p. 56) and can be
approached by crossing the railway line near to the
Tunapuna market. (p. 171). When Alan walks from
St. Augustine to Pasea, he walks from an ordered
world of lawns and flower gardens with "the hedge
clipped into the shapes of birds and animals" (p. 52)
to a world of low-lying ahd unused Government lands,
granted to these Indian villages a generation after
indentureship, mainly because it kept them close to
the sugar estates where people like Alan's father still
found their labour necessary. Alan is both fascinated
and repelled by this world, whose fate is captured
for him in the image of an ox being mechanically
beaten by its owner:
Threads of gluey saliva hung from the ox's slimy
black lips. which torn by countless fierce arrests, were
ragged, ragged Its eves, filled at the corner with dirty
gum, looked dangerous. The ox was taking corn to a
temple of Hosein, lover of men and oxen, near the
village. I felt pity and fear and hatred and love as I
hurried past home, and I didn't know which I reallU
felt. (p. 70) (emphasis mine)
For the ex-slave, ex-indentured labourer, the lash
continues even when the master has forgotten his
motive. The arrests continue under new masters and
so do the denial of perspective and the possibility of
retributive violence. The god himself seems to be
bored and not up to the immense task of saving either
men or oxen., (The juxtaposition of "men" and
"oxen" in the passage above, may be an allusion to
the records of slave plantations, where men and oxen
were both regarded as chattel, and treated in the same
Confronted with this dismal image of Carib-
bean history which he does not yet understand, Alan
begins his schooling. Scarcely rid of his "long, girlish
and golden curls", he feels years and years younger
than both Kaiser and Jaillin, who because of their
hard way of life have "lost much of childhood's
innocence" some time ago. (p. 21). Alan begins to
resent Kaiser's relative maturity and his superiority in
the ways of boyhood, and to assume the role of
social overlordship which has been cut out for him.
Alan's envy of Kaiser's capacity for life degenerates
into spiteful contempt when Kaiser, through Alan's
fault, is eventually dismissed.
Kaiser carried lus red sack of belongings in complete
dejection; it looked heavy as if it was full of stones
and tears. He was abject and defeated to an extent
I had never imagined he could come. His clothes were
unkempt like a clown's. His whole body trailed like
a wounded, weak animal. I found that I despised him.
(p. 142)

This contempt does not lessen: it simply
weathers into a kind of polite patronising tolerance
as the years elapse. (p. 151) There is little future in
the village. Kaiser learns to read and write and
becomes book-keeper for a thriving small business-
man in Tunapuna. Alan is sufficiently a plantocrat
to despise Kaiser's strategy for survival. He dosen't
even recognize it as such.
Kaiser was a little Indian commercial clerk. He was
shallow, poorly educated and he liked his rum. I liked
him with pity. (p.-70)
What Alan refuses to examine is how Kaiser's lack of
values is a result of the very narrow scope which has
been allowed for his development, and how develop-
ment and possibility in Alan's world have been
achieved at the expense of underdevelopment and
denial of possibility to Kaiser's. Alan's social educa-
tion is, therefore,.incomplete.

His education in emotion, however, is suffi-
ciently thorough to shatter him. It is bound up with
Jhis relationship with Jaillin, whose gradual transfor-
mation from girlhood to puberty is sensitively por-
trayed, though she does seem to have been allowed a
surprising degree of freedom for an Indian girl on the
verge of puberty. Indeed, Kaiser functions as a
chaperon to his little sister, by constantly reminding
her that she is growing up, and pointing out her
deficiencies in decorum. When we first see her she is
able to bathe naked with Kaiser and Alan in the
river (p. 20) or talk unselfconsciously about her
breasts which have only just begun to form. When we
last see her as a child she is also swimming naked with
Alan, this time in a dangerous sea and at night. She is
stripped of her girlhood for good when Alan's
father discovers this, and calls out from the shore.
Jaillin retched in the sea. It was so ugly. Then shesaid"-
in a little voice that had notiungin it, fear or anything--
and it touched me like a flame... 'An' I is naked....
boy, I is naked, you know.' (p. 140)
This passage has something of the beauty and desola-
tion of Genesis Chapter III. At this.point Jaillin is
Eve about to be cast out of Eden by God, Alan's
,benevolent and autocratic father. The forbidden
fruit in this case is not sexual intimacy the children
are too young for that but the merest possibility
of such intimacy in the futiire between the children
of master and servant. Alan with characteristic moral
cowardice runs "away up the beach, glad not to have
to listen" (p. 141) to his father, as he casts these two
innocents out of the static white colonial paradise.
But what his father says is sufficient to break Kaiser's
manhood, converting him into an emasculated Uncle
Tom, and to make Jaillin nurse a hatred of all white
men forever.
Jaillin's initiation begins on the afternoon of
Alan's birthday party when it becomes clear that
Alan will always have to choose Judy of the golden
hair to preside over the rites of the ballroom. Though
she later claims her kiss, and against her appropriate
background of the garden with its fragrance of sweet
limes rather than the polished drawing-room, Jafllin





r~,-- -rss~ggp~l~g II,-~ 4~1g~%CC~lss~gp&

'-bar _b~P1~3&d~ ~.rp~BB~D~p~p~srWe~l~ 4 --


of Innocence

Introduction to lan McDonald's

The Humming-Bird Tree"

by Gordon Rohlehr

senses that the relationship is doomed. Kaiser, smart-
ing from the insults of Alan's white friends, begins
from this moment to resent his sister's growing
affection for her young master. Kaiser is both tempter
and go-between. He offers unsuspecting Alan the
sweet-smelting but acrid-tasting hog plum at the start
of the story. (p. 1) This action symbolically prefigures
his role as one whose sour sarcastic joking voice will
lay bare the reality beneath the the pastoral Eden
of childhood.
He is again at work on the day of the village
fete, exacerbating the sore regions in the relationship
between Alan and Jaillin. Jaillin, has painted her
toenails red. (Red, we are later told, is the colour
of the heart, Jaillin's colour). Kaiser comments,
"Boy, Pap vex fo' so. He ask she is she think she is a
whore or what." (p. 71)
A casual statement, it contains a certain dramatic
1T'y, since Jaillin's future career is that of a Port-of-
Spain belly-dancer, which in the eyes of the Indian
village elders is almost as bad as being a prostitute.
Alan then says:
"Don't mind, Jaillin. When you are big I'll give you a
whole manicure set!" Kaiser grinned slightly "Boy, by
dat time you going expec' something back for any
present you give she. An' she not going give you so
easy. She bring up well, boy." (p. 711
Alan does not understand this statement, but Jaillin
does. It is Kaiser's way of telling her that in the adult
world there is no free equal and open interracial
love. Alan's role will still be that of white master and
patron, Jaillin's that of kept woman. Nursing an
ambition to become a foreman on the Holmes
estate, Kaiser constantly smothers his resentment,
converting it into cynical/serious joking.
Then there is the cockfight between Serpent
and Red Feather. Kaiser backs Serpent to win, whom
he describes as "that devil" and as being "quicker
than hell." (p. 89) During the course of the fight a
man says, "Serpent the devil's cock herself (p. 90).
Jaillin, whose colour is red, supports Red Feather to
win. But, much to her chagrin, it is Serpent who
wins. The cockfight exists as a real incident, but it



may also be symbolic of the approaching triumph of
the serpent of prejudice over love freely given and
taken. Alan feels "all empty after absorbing emotion",
and in need of "strongest love." (p. 93). But the
village festival is not destined to end, as did his birth-
day, with the lovers kissing in a pastoral setting.
Here the setting is the severely white-washed mud
huts, the bare hot dusty cockpit under the lone
calabash tree; and Kaiser who acted as go-between
then, now resumes his role as tempter, disrupter of



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Jaillin in her normal, natural and uninhibited
way, raises her skirt to wipe her face, revealing her
navel and smooth brown belly. Alan, who has bathed
naked with her in the river, feels strangely "upset and
empty" at the sight. This is consistent with his grow-
ing adolescent's awareness of sexuality Kaiser
inflames his embarrassment by delivering yet another
lesson on etiquette to Jaillin, whom he accuses of a
lack of modesty and of showing off her body for
Alan's benefit. Jaillin retaliates by saying that Kaiser
is mistaking her for Brown Dove, (who is a negress
and the village prostitute). Kaiser's serious/joking but
quite offensive rejoinder is:
"You don't see he too nice? He don' like to see you
belly expose so. He 'custom to white girl an' you ever
see a white girl lif up she dress an' expose she belly
yet? Even when they marry they don' do that kin' o'
thing. You don' see he looking like he smell a bad
fish!" (p. 94)

Kaiser has won his objective by employing the cruel
technique of contrasting the supposed sexual decorum
of the white woman with the stereotyped notion of
the depravity of the dark one. He even goes so far as
to hint in his last sentence a lack of personal hygiene
on his sister's part. Jaillin, already aware of her social
inferiority, turns now on Alan whom she begins to see
as a prototype of white, Puritan, respectable hypocrisy
"You think I don't hear what you 'custom saying all
the time? They not nice to play wid. That is the word.
Everything we do that is the word: all we vulgar ....
Why you come 'roun' here at all if you see everything
vulgar?" (p. 94)
Yet Alan has said nothing to merit this fair/unfair
attack. Ironically, it advances his own education into
prejudice, and soon afterwards Alan does begin to
look for evidence of vulgarity in his friends. (p. 97)

Continued next week

I-rClp~eL1- d-~T L IL -~P

alp a%


ER 15, 1974




Little need to mention the problems of the fishermen ofMayaro, Cedros, Blanchisseuse, Carenage,, problems of transport, storage and most importantly
of the need to have outlets as dramatized by the Cedros fishermen last year.

From Page 5
And yet in 1974 the problems
remain the same. As pointed out at a
seminar held at the University of the
West Indies on 26th January of this
year, they are:
1. The lack of drainage and
irrigation facilities.
2. The lack of security of tenure
and the small size of land hold-
3. The lack of extension services
to provide technical information
to farmers.
4. Inadequate access roads
5. The difficulty of getting
young people to work on the
farms because of the drudgery and
low incomes.
6. Lack of credit facilities.
7. Inefficient milling facilities.
The farmers in Oropouche have
in. addition a grievance which has been
outstanding since 1963. They have
waited eleven years for claims for
compensation for damage from bad
drainage in the Oropouche Lagoon to
be settled. At the seminar I just referred
to, Mr. President, all the farmers ex-
pressed a total lack of faith in the
capacity of the Government to plan
any increase in rice production.
And only this morning the fol-
lowing statement appeared in the
Trinidad Express:

THE TrinidadIslandwide Rice
Growers Association (TIGRA)
has charged that government
neglect is one of the reasons
foi the worsening of the local
food shortage, and in particu-
lar the low production of
Yesterday TIRGA presi-
dent Ramdass Mahabir criti-
cised Agriculture Minister
Lionel Robinson for state-
ments made at a recent Press
He disputed the minister's
statement that 5,000 more
acres had been put into rice
production and asked that Mr.
Robinson explain how those
figures were arrived at.
Mr. Mahabir stated that

yield per acre was not men-
tioned and asked: "What is
the wisdom of planting a
large acreage when fewer
acres of well drained (not
overdrained) irrigated land
with proper water manage-
ment can produce more rice?"
"When the country was
hit by a food shortage the
Ministry of Agriculture hur-
riedly prepared without con-
sulting the farmers an expen-
sive drainage-plan and exe-
cuted it," he commented.
In the association's view
this had done more harm
than good. "They have put a
few acres of previously un-
cultivated swamp land under
cultivation, but in the process
have drained dry a larger
acreage which grew rice
before," said m Mr. Mahabir.
He felt that because of
the poor water supply in the
rice fields the yield per acre
would not be more than
1,500 pounds of paddy an
acre when it-should be
around 2,700 pounds.
Mr. Mahabir urged the
government to get serious
about food, to stop talking
about a new fertilizer plant
for the Caribbean and start
helping local farmers.
In the area of marketing and
food processing, Mr. President, the
whole country is familiar with the
animadversions of the Auditor General
on the financial operations of the Cen-
tral Marketing Agency. I understand,
Mr. President, that a Ministerial com-
mittee is to look into the operation of
the CMA.
I need say no more, Mr. President
about the organisation of marketing
facilities than this. There is no need,
for example, to refer to the problems
offishermen, from Mayaro to Cedros
to Blanchisseuse to Carenage, of the
need for access roads, of the need for
refrigeration facilities to even out the
irregular volume of the catch at places
like Mayaro; of the need for a fish
marketing agency to encourage the
consumption of fish;of the need for
transport facilities and outlets for fresh
fish in all population centres; of the
need for a Regional Fisheries Com-
mission to regulate our relationships in
the sphere of fishing with Brazil and
When one has said that a Minis-
terial committee has been appointed,
one has said all that.needs to be said
about the both present state of agri-
cultural marketing and about its future
As regards outlets for food pro-
ducts through the processing industry,,
let me merely point out that the local
food processing industry has failed to
reduce the food import bill, since in
most instances there has merely been
a shift in the type of import from
the processed product to packaging"
inputs and raw material inputs which"

local agricultural production has been
too disordered to supply.
So Mr. President, while we are
here considering these fiscal incentives
to agricultural production, the farming
population of the nation is in a con-
dition of despair, arising out of the
total absence of viable action by the
Government to remedy the immediate
problems or to impose any rational
plan for long-tenn improvement.
This applies equally to the tra-
ditional export sector. Sugar prices are
now high. But rather than heaving a
sigh of relief and using high prices as a
pretext for deferring action, it is pre-
cisely at a time of high prices, when
there is a cushion in sugar earnings as
well as in oil earnings, that the neces-
sary work to rationalise the sugar
industry must be done.
Prices will remain high for ten
years, says Mr. Norman Girwar. Shall
we then sell on the world market rather
than on the Britishpreferentialinarkc t?
How much land shall we leave under
sugar? How much more per ton can
we give to farmers? Why don't we move
to ensure year-round work for field
workers? How much mechanisation
shall be introduced, and how fast?


What about the agro-industries
promised by the Minister of Finance
in his 1974 Budget speech, and which
are necessary if agriculture is to be-
come, as it must, the basis of indus-
trialisation? In short, Mr. President,
where is the bold and sweeping in-
stitutional reorganisation within which
fiscal incentives such as these can
make sense?
A large number of inessential
imports must be closed off. The rise in
the price of food products mustbenefit
the local and not the foreign farmer.
Infrastructure must be laid down.
Tourism nust be closely related to
local food production by means of a
revised model of boarding-house type
tourism related to community activities.
Marketing and distribution must
be rationalised. The export crops must
be the object of a clearly phased pro-
gramme of diversification.
All this must be achieved within
a framework of administrative reform
that places the emphasis in planning
within the communities, and of non-
military national service that mobilises
the energies of the whole population.
Then, Mr. President, we can talk
meaningfully about fiscal incentives.
In the areas of industry, Mr.
President, to which these proposed
fiscal incentives relate, the story is
the same. How do they fit into a
complex of planning measures tested
and refined over the past eighteen
years? How has the Government policy
succeeded in placing in the hands of
citizens the ownership and manage-
ment control which these incentives
are seeking to increase?
First of all, Mr. President, where

are the measures to ensure that manage-
ment control will pass into the hands
of citizens? When I say management
control, I mean just that-not the
trappings of management but actual
control over decision-making.
In partial answer I need only
cite the UN Brain Drain study done
for the Trinidad and Tobago Govern
ment in 1968 and suppressed by the
Trinidad and Tobago Government in
1969. It has never been published, Mr.
President. The Report states:
Although the Government has re-
cognised the overall problem created
by the brain drain...the instruments
of specific policy towards the prob-
lem have been partial and condition-
al, and the present complex of
measures contains elements encour-
aging the brain drain as well as dis
couraging it.
The report goes on to say:
'. ..foreign firms have invariably used
foreign managers. .the processes
and techniques used by the firm. .
are handed down.. .one local engineer
did not have an opportunity to use
his slide rule in two years of work
With a foreign company.'

If we are to ensure local manage-
ment control, Mr. President, it is
necessary to free local initiative, enter-
prise and entrepreneurship by putting
capital into backyard enterprises and
by focusing industrial development in
the communities.
At the same time it is necessary
to localise foreign industry in varying
'degrees by forcing the companies to
become local corporate citizens, by
finding the appropriate mixture of
Government, community and worker
participation in ownership, which is
the true definition of localisation, a
word which I observe was much used
by the Leader of Government Business,
although the origin of the concept was
certainly not within hde confines of
his Government.


The Government's plan for
nationalisation, on the contrary, has
involved the.acquisition of a supposed-
ly controlling share of the ownership
of foreign firms, and then signing
away day-to-day control by means of
management contracts and weird
charters of operation.
The most blatant case of that of
Trinidad-Tesoro. As was reported in
"Tesoro of Texas put up only
$US50,000 and took on little risk, and
yet got 49.9%1 of a company valued at
$22million US.
It would seem that while we were
outsmarted here, at least we had con-
trol since we had 50.1% 'and the govern-
ment was talking about how we were
second only to Cuba in national par-
ticipation in the economy. Blut no!
Fust of all, Tesoro got itself a mlanage-

Continued on Page 9



From Page 8
ment contract. This is a device which
gives a group contractual rights to
manage, so that a board of directors is
really quite emasculated. Tesoro's con-
tract gave it control over finance,
technology and marketing that is
This was not enough. The Board
of Directors was to be composed of
nine members, five appointed by gov-
ernment and four by Tesoro. With five
to four, you would think we can out-
vote. Tesoro and control the Board.
Well, no! First of all, Tesoro has to
agree on who is to be Chairman. What
they do is simple. They make sure that
whoever is to be Chairman knows
nothing about finance and less about
-oil., More incredibly still, the rules of
the Board are such that important
decisions require a'two-thirds majority
of the board i.e., six members. Since
we only have five of the nine, it
means Tesoro has a veto on the board.'
This is"meaningful participation". This
is SO ol 1% ad all thitnonsense."

With regard to the sharing of
ownership, Mr. President, the. same
arguments apply. You cannot induce a
company to share ownership by en-
couraging it, in the words of the pro-
posed Bill, to establish "an employees'
profit sharing plan -to which the com-
pany may make annual contributions"
and exempting the company's con-
tributions from tax.

A permissive condition is not
sufficient to achieve a specific purpose.
Worker participation can only be
achieved to the degree that is deemed
desirable-whether 50%, 51% or 100%
-by legislation within the economic
framework of localisation of industry
and the constitutional framework of
reformed local government.
But even within such a context,
Mr. President, attempts to achieve
profit sharing and worker participation
by fiscal measures must be based on
information. They must be related to
business information about the revenue
and expenditure accounts of the private
sector, and 'they must permit pro-
jections of the amounts available for
Only then is it possible to en-
visage for the incentives contemplated
a specific effect in terms of the per-
centage of worker participation to be
achieved over a specific period, and the
degree of reinvestment of the profits
of industry likely to. be achieved by
this means.
Mr. President, instead of attempt-
ing, for this and other purposes, to
upgrade the archaic Companies Act and
other legislation as they relate to the
disclosure of financial information, and
in general to improve the system of
national accounts, the Government has
on the contrary tried to stifle the work
being done by the Department of
National Income Accounting in. this

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The last of the incentives I wish
to talk about, Mr. President, relate to
land development and the building
Mr.:President, the bankruptcy of
Goveriiment planning in the area of
land use and property development in
general is illustrated by the infamous
Chaguaramas Development Plan which,
fourteen years gfter the Government's
first backdown over Chaguaramas, has
made the North-Western Peninsula
the symbol of a second capitulation to
conventional externally-based develop-
ment of the resort-hotel, recreational,
dormitory suburbtype,whiledispossessed
former inhabitants languish in Carenage.
But in addition to this, Mr.
President, we must ask to what extent
the Government has seen the building
industry-and I refer to housing as.well
as to commercial and industrial de-
velopment, for the amendment to the
Stamp Duty Ordinance relates to this
as well- to what extent they have
seen the building industry as the key
to the solution of our problems of
unemployment and development of
local enterprise and local production,
both agricultural and industrial.
The building industry, Mr. Presi-
dent, is one of the chief generators of
inflation, and therefore the one which
is most readily cut back when inflation
strikes. But by the same token; its
multiplier effect is the greatest on all
kinds of ancillary activities.


Therefore instead of the astonish-
ing corruption and astounding vul-
garity of housing projects such as the
Beetham Estate, of which Vidia Nai-
paul said 'the sight of it weighs like
lead on, my soul', the Government
shouldhave launched an immense hous-
ing drive 165,000 units is what Tapia
has calculated as necessary by 1980.
This would kill several birds
with one stone. It would accommodate
tourists; it would create a lot of jobs;
it would provide incentives to plan
and save for the future;it would stimu-
late the production of local building
materials; it would thus save foreign
exchange to pay for machinery im-
ports. It would help businessmen plan
their-industrial investments.
To cite only one example of
local enterprise that would be stimu-

lated by such a housing programme,
Mr. President: the lumber industry,
which has dwindled over the past ten
years to the point where it can hardly
be said to exist, while inferior imported
lumber at constantly rising prices
drains our foreign exchange and ag-
gravates inflation.


Is the Government aware, Mr.
President, that the Architects' Asso-
ciation of Trinidad and Tobago has
developed a-plan for guesthouse tourist
development in Tobago, based on a
close relationship between home ow-
nership, garden good production and
local government reform?
To conclude, Mr. President: the
proposed fiscal incentives which con-
front us here are not designed to
service a functioning set of develop-
ment planning measures. They are
designed to disguise the false premises
of the Government's industrial and
agricultural policies over the years -
the assumption that these policies of
centrally controlled industrialisation
by invitation would lead to the acquis-
ition by nationals of the techniques
and know-how that would enable them
to control industry, and to the creation
of a pool of savings to be used to buy
These things have not happened,
and with present policies they are not
going to happen. The complete failure
of the Government's industrial and
agricultural policies has led, on the
contrary, to increased dispossession.
The population has been provided
with neither skills nor control. Local
initiative, technology and entre-
preneurship, to the extent that it has
been emancipated, has been eman-
cipated by its own efforts and in spite
of the government.
Unemployment is widespread
and increasing. There is no money
in fanning. Living conditions have
worsened with food shortages and
price increases. Any serious fiscal in-
centives, therefore, must, to have any
effect at all, openly acknowledge the
failure of the present Government's
philosophy and practices of develop-
Snent planning, and start from scratch
with new proposals, such as I have
outlined, to put people in control.


Rice Farmers



Tapia news

popular businessman and
Sports Administrator of
Chaguanas was re-elected
for the fifth consecutive
year as President of the
Wes Hall Youth Cricket
League at the League's
Annual General meeting
which was held at Presen-
tation College, Chaguanas
on Sunday 24th Novem-
ber, 1974.
Mr. SheikAli of Sangre
Grande was the only new-
comer to gain Office. He was
elected vice-President in place
of Mr. Hamza Mohammed,
who declined nomination.

Mr. Willie Guadelope who
was nominated for the office
of both President and vice-
President was defeated on
,both occasions.
Other officers elected for
the 1975 season were: Mr.,
Karim B. Khan Honorary
Secretary, un-opposed; Mr.
Edward Vidale Asst. Secre-
tary; Mr. Idris Saqui -
Treasurer, with Messrs. M.A.
Aziz and Daniel Lalla asL
In January this year, after
Mr. Bajnath was re-elected
un-opposed as President of
the League for the 1974
season, a vote of No Confi-
dence was moved against him
by Trever Smith, the League's
former Secretary, and
seconded by Willie Guade-
This motion was declared
un-constitutional by the
President and was thrown out
by him at a subsequent

The Secretary's report for
the 1974 season revealed that
the League had its best year
Administratively and other-
wise as a number of long
outstanding and new matters,
including the admission of
Tobago as a Zone, were well
taken care of by the officers.
Given the same co-opera-
tion in' the coming season
and with the added responsi-
bility which the League is
now expected to be called
upon to shoulder in the new
Coaching Scheme for
Youth cricket throughout
the Nation next year, the
Wes Hall Youth Cricket
League can set a newpace.
The newly- re-electe d
President stated that the
Officers of the League and
the various zones are now
working as a team and
individualism, which was ram-,
pant in the past; is now non-

receive their hams at the
Tapia House, Tunapuna, on
Friday 13th. Those ordering
by Thursday 19th will receive
Theirs on Friday 20th.

Order forms can be
obtained from any member
of the. Tapia National Execu-
tive or from the Tapia House.
A deposit of 50% must
accompany each order.

THE Economics Committee
and the Environment Com-
mittee of the Tapia Council
of Representatives will meet
at the Tapia House, Tunapuna,
at 7.30 p.m. on Friday
December 13th.
These meetings are urgent,
and all Committee members,
as ;,ell as .other interested
people, are urged to attend.

Graduation ceremony

THE Paradise High School of
Eastern Main Road, Tacarigua
are having their annual gra-
duation and prize distribu-
tion ceremony on Saturday
21st December. This will be
followed by a cocktail party
from 5.00 p.m. 7.00 p.m.
On behalf of the branches of
Canadian Imperial Bank of
Commerce, Eastern Main
Road, Tunapuna and Valpark
Shopping Plaza, music for the
party will be supplied by
C.I.B.C. Starlift Steel Orches-

THE Tapia rouse Fund-
Raising Committee is buying
Christmas hams in bulk for
resale at favourable prices to
Tapia members arid friends.
Prices are as follows:
Shoulders (from 5 to 71bs)
$3.00 per lb.
Legs (from 11 to 17 lbs)
3.50 perlb.
Customers ordering by
Thursday Dec. 12th will

.. Naked Horsemen
Ride the Black and
Barren Sky. Man of
Sagittarius on te rise.
the love of a rambling, gambling
adventurous lite makes you a generous
friend, opnmistic and bright. Beware,
Oh Rider, as you rise. [or pride's proud
arrow does not fore:'er fly. with its force
soon spent, it falls back towards- -
the earth again

Gold Seal Slacks, Jacs, and Suits made in
Crimplene for men. These two styles are from
a very wide range now available at fine
stores everywhere.
"Crimplene for Men" and ICI Rounder
are registered trade marks of ICI.


Jl)NDAY. DECEri'.RK 15. 1974


Address to the SeniatO House
October 22. 1974.


Lloyd Best
25 Cents each


Republic ?
Address at the Public Library
June 25, 1974

Come to

for taste that

smacks of the.
c, ,' unntry

v ..,
.. .
.. ,. -.,.., _.. . ...? . ,:.

- it- --,-








----- -- -- --- ---~----

IrAC GKrrrar

St Augustine League ends Season

Tapia Reporter

TAE St. Augustine Foot-
ball League ended its first
season on Saturday 30th
November with the
presentation of prizes
won during the season. A
large gathering of foot-
ballers, friends, sup-
porters and officials were

The ceremony


divided into two major parts.
First, there was a short
feature address by the Lea-
gue's Secretary, Augustus
Ramrekersingh. In his
address the Secretary
reviewed the season's
activities which started on
21st July. He saw it as a
very enjoyable experience
for all who participated;
especially,the footballers.
Organisationally, he felt,
the League was satisfac- -
torily .conducted. This,
however, did not mean
that there were not short-
called upon interested
persons to come forward
and assist in the organ-
isation and conduct of
the League.
spoke' about plans for
expansion during the 1975
season, especially the in-
troduction of a youth
thanked all those who
helped during the season.
Special tribute was paid
to the League's President,
former national footballer,
Ken Hodge; whose untir-
ing efforts were critical
during the entire season.

Finally, Ramrekersingh
raised the question of the
price of sports goods. Most
of the persons who played
football, he said, were poor
and the exorbitant prices
which they had to pay for
their equipment placed them
under great financial stress.

The crowd present gave a
resounding mandate to the
officials of the League to
pursue the matter with the
relevant authorities so that
the pressures may be reduced
The second part of the
ceremony was, the presenta-
tion of trophies. This was
done by the President, his
wife and residents of the St.
Joseph Tunapuna area.
The outstanding team of
the season was the Tunapuna
based Statuna. The team

emerged unbeaten in 14
matches in Group B of the
league and won the League
final against Boozers, the
winner of Group A. Statuna's
victory earned them the St.

From Page 3
For Cesaire liberation in a
colonial context involves
liberation of the mind. He
evidently feels that todo this
some 'violence, if only sym-
bolic, is necessary.
In his first play, Ard the
dogs grew silent, (the dogs
being the colonialist dogs), he
presents us with a symbolic
hero, the strongest and most
integrated he has ever created,
who is nameless and referred
to simply as the Rebel.
The purifying action which
the Rebel perfonns which
permits him to assume com-
pletely his own authentic'
identity is that of killing his
white slave-nun:ter. Although
we cannot say that Cesaire is
an advocate of violent physical
revolution, it is nevertheless
clearly suggested that colonial
influences, attitudes, and
habits of thought must be des-
troyed before colonized peoples
can be truly free.

On Colonialism

It was therefore in this'
spirit that his speech On
Colonialism (of 1955) was
written, in an attempt at
demystification, at revising
conventionally held ideas on
the so-called benefits of
colonization. He discusses the
whole problem in terms of a
class struggle, using as the
basis of his judgement reason
and morality:
The s6-called "European" civil-
isation, "Western" civilisation,
fashioned by two centuries of
bourgeois regimes, is incapable
of resolving the two major
.problems which its own exis-
tence has created: the proletar-
iat problem and the colonial

.Europe cannot be
They can kill in Indo-China,
torture in Madagascar, imprison
in Black Africa, operate in the
West Indies. Colonized peoples
know now that they have an
advantage over the colonizers.
They know that their temporary
"masters" are lying, that is,
that their masters are weak.
What is the principle behind
colonization? It is essential to
agree on what it is not: it is not
evangelization, not a philan-
thropic enterprise, not a desire
to push back the frontiers of
ignorance, of sickness, of
tyranny . The decisive
gesture is that of the adventurer
and the pirate, of the wholesale
grocery, of the arms factory, of
the gold-seeker, the merchant
S with the evil presence in

Augustine League Shield. In
addition, they won the
trophies for the seven a side
tournament and one of the
knock-out competitions.
The other knock-out

the background of a form of
civilization that states that it is
obliged to internally extend its
antagonistic economies to a
world-wide level.
Colonization dehumanizes
even the most civilized of men;
colonial action, colonial enter-
prise, colonial conquest, founded
on contempt for the native and
justified by this contempt,
tends inevitably to change the
person who undertakes it ....
The colonizer,who, in order to
salve his conscience, gets accus-
tomed to seeing the native as an
animal and tactics himself to
treat him as an animal tends
objectively to be transformed
himself into an animal.
It is easy to see what
Cesaire is attempting to do
here, which is simply, with the
end in view of decolonization,-
to look at the reality of
colonization objectively, that's
to say from the standpoint of
hisknowledge of the real situa-
tion in which he lives, refusing
to accept European colonialist
interpretations of historical
At the same time, as a
member of the Communist
Party for about 10 years now,
his thinking is obviously influ-
enced by external ideological
factors, in the sense that he
still regards black sufferers
primarily as part of a world-
wide proletariat.
However, this thinking soon
changes and develops along
more separatist lines. In 1956
he resigns from the C.P., not
out of rejection of socialist
principles, but specifically be-
cause he was disillusioned with
the way in which the Party to
which he belonged, the French
C.P., applied these principles.
In his letter of resignation
to Maurice Thorez, Secretary
General of the Party, he
In numerous countries in
Europe, and in the name of
Socialism, bureaucracies cut off
from the people, usurpatory
bureaucracies, from which it has
been proved nothing is to be
expected, have succeeded in the
pitiable marvel of changing into
a nightmare what humanity has
for a long time embraced like a
dream, i.e. Socialism.
His resignation stemmed
from the realization that the
French C.P. failed to cater for
the rather special needs of
colonized blacks:

trophy was won by the
popular. Post Office team.
Medals were awarded to the-
runners-up in the League
compete tion.
Long after the formal

I have become convinced that
our paths and those of com-
munism, such as it is practiced,
are not purely and simply
identical; that they cannot be
purely and simply identical.
A capital fact before my
eyes is this: that we, colonized
men, at this precise moment in
historical evolution, have out of
our consciousness, taken posses-
sion of the whole field of our
difference, and that we are
ready, at each and every level
and in each and every sphere,
to assume, the responsibilities-.
that result from this new con-
He goes on further to em-
phasise the need for separate
organizations for black people:
I believe that black peoples are
rich in energy, in passion, that
they lack neither vigour nor
imagination, but that their
strengths can wither away in
organizations that are not suit-
able for them; made for them,
made by them, adapted to aims
that they alone can .determine.
Talking specifically about
the Martinican and West Indian
situation, he continues:
Communism has succeeded in
placing around the neck of
Martinique the noose of assimi-
lation; communism has suc-
ceeded in isolating it in the
basin of the Caribbean; it has
succeeded in plunging it into a
sort of insular ghetto; in cutting
it off from other West Indian
countries whose experience
could be both instructive and
fruitful; Communism has suc-
ceeded in cutting us off from
Black Africa the evolution of
which is directed in the opposite
direction to ours. And yet, it is
through this Black Africa, the
mother of our West Indian
culture and civilisation, that I
expect the West Indies to be
regenerated, not Europe which
can only complete our aliena-
tion, but Africa which alone can)
revitalize and repersonalize the
West Indies.
From this point, this year
of 1956, the expressed ideol-
ogical break with Europe is
complete. It is at this point
'that we can say that Cesaire
has reached political maturity.
Significantly, this separation
is reflected in his literary
production. His last volume of
poetry 'is published in 1960;
after that he tunis to the
theatre precisely because lie
finds it a more convenient
and explicit vehicle for coim-
The plays that lie writes int
the sixties, once, Oain. reflect
ti. direction-_ his political

ceremony ended the crowd
remained around chatting,
drinking and enjoying the
music. Even a short, sharp
shower failed to dampen



The two major plays,
Tragedy of King Christophe
and a Season in the Congo,
show an obsession with the
problems faced by newly-
independent black nations.
Both are intended largely as
warnings to leaders of such
In the first, we are shown
the Haitian king and ex-slave
trying to found a nation,
impeded by the remains of
European assimilation, ridicul-
ously creating a court on a
European model, increasingly
alienated from the masses by
his impatience and intolerance.
to -rehtize---imrredmiatelty't-'e-.
glorious future he sees as their
In A Season in the Congo,
he shows Lumumba strug-
gling ineffectually to create a
unified Congo and a unified
Africa in the face of neo-
colonialist interference. Both
heroic efforts result in the
death of the protagonists,
intact anduncorrupted,bu t in
failure in practical terms.
So that a clear lesson
emerges for the modem black
political leader that patience
is necessary, that allowances
must be made for human
nature, that the spectre of
neo-colonialism is never far
away, that certain sensitivity
to the wishes of the masses is
In recent years, a certain
political stagnation has been
evident in Martinique, not
because of Cesaire himself,
but primarily because of the
consolidation of French
colonialist policies.
Cesaire has had to fight
against inner frustrations,
failing health and dwindling
support a.t home, but is still
His visit to Trinidad must
be regarded as an integral
part of this continued
struggle. His coming lhe has
very little to do vwlh the
award of a doctorate. The
opportunity which has been
granted to him by tei coinci-
dence of the visits of Giscai
al) Fold to his native land,
now the show-piece of the
Frenich Overseas IX'pati clients,
is allowing hiii once again to
delimonstrale IIIs love for thll
West Indies, his clontiiined
colIIIIlitinen I to the cause of
black 1 lblati oni and his own
essentially cicauive political

_ __ I~ I-~---- -- --