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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00138
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: December 1, 1974
Frequency: completely irregular
 Subjects
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
 Notes
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00138

Full Text




Vol. 4 No. 48


**IS T '.[.1,-
.'. ''"" SUNDAY DECEMBER 1,1974
E A T '


FETE
There will be a Tapia Old
Year's Fete at the home of
Sydney and Paula Williamns,
UWI Field Station. Tickets
at $10 per person, including
supper. Drinks will be on Part ofthe
sale. Music by popular DJ Prowd at
Hurricane George Tacia's Sixth
Anniversary
Assembly.
The Tapia House Fund- (See story -
raising Committee is procur- ages sto5-8ry).ry
... I ---pages .5-8). '


I ing a quantity of hams,
drinks and other Christmas
supplies for resale at favour-
able prices to Tapia people.
Inquiries from the Fund
Raising Committee, Tapia
House, St. Vincent Street,
Tunapuna.







THE

THE Prime Minister's
visit to China reveals
once more the whorish-
ness of his Government's
policy. After prostrating
itself to be trodden on.
by British and American
capitalist investment he
goes off shamelessly to
court the favour of Red
China's communist leader
Mao Tse Tung.
It is a courtship without
honour. All along Williams
has been raising the scare of
communism to persecute his
enemies, and to insulate the
country from the threat of
"revolution".
It all began in 1962 when
the PNM fell from grace over
the Chaguaramas sell-out. On
that historic occasion the
people marched in their tens
of thousands to reclaim their
territory from American
military domination.
Pat Solomon,. now High
Commissioner in London,
told the crowd that they
must all be prepared to be
shot down in crossing the
border. Great was the sigh
of disappointment when this
sovereign enthusiasm was
betrayed by the Prime Min-
ister's lukewarm presentation
of a petition to the American
Embassy.
From that moment repres-
sion was conceived. CLR
James, who was largely res-
ponsible for organising the
march, was soon to be
branded a communist. John
Rojas, former President of
the OWTU, publicly accused
Weekes and the Union of
communist activities.
The Mbanefo Commission
of Inquiry into Subversive
Activities was appointed.
Weekes, Young, Crichlow,
Manswell, Primus, Best,
Kelshall and Pierre were
brought before the Inquisi-
tion.


GREAT C RAWL


Later, James was put
under house arrest, and the
ISA was made law. The perse-
cution of intellectuals and
workers' representatives -had
begun in earnest.
The main focus of the
Subversive Literature Act
was to outlaw communist
literature. The little red book,
containing the thoughts of
Chairman Mao, and the
Peking Review were prohibit-
ed on pain of imprisonment.
Under the authority of this
Act the police were even
seizing books on the Indus-
trial Revolution. Clive Phil,
deceased, Clive Nunez and
others were hounded down
for having visited Cuba, and
as late as 1971 there was
official propaganda of com-
munists aiding the guerillas
in the hills.
Needless to say, for years
Brian Chen was being
watched by the police for
his adherence to Red China.
Naturally, there has been
much speculation as to the
reasons for the visit. Some
say that it was purely to
please the Prime Minister's
ego. The midget must have
had an inward hunger to
stand alongside the Chinese
giant in his lifetime.
Some say that he has a


hidden preference for the
Chinese way. Certainly, he
must have been mortified
at being confronted with the
spectacle of an efficient
totalitarianism.
Others hold that he has
come to realise that he needs
to have his head examined,
hence his interest -in acu-
puncture. Judging from the
team which he took with
him he could not have been
too concerned about rice or
technology. Whatever the
other reasons, he is certain to
join that growing band of
faddists who make capital of
the Marxist ideology after
they have visited a few
Marxist capitals.
One very evident condi-
tion which has made the
visit possible is that it would
not offend the Americans as
it would have a few years
ago. If Nixon could go to
Peking, who is we! Anything

they do they monkey must
do.
A similar change in
attitudes took place recently


IN a press release dated 22nd November, Tapia's four Opposition
Senators, Lloyd Best, Hamlet Joseph, Ivan Laughlin and Denis
Solomon, announced that they were calling on Senate President
Wahid Ali to convene the Senate, adjourned since November 5th, to
discuss the recurring breakdown of service in the public utilities and
the socialunrest generated by it in the context of spiralling prices.
The Tapia Senators intend to introduce a motion calling on
the Government to take emergency measures to alleviate these
problems and to ensure a tolerable level of services, as well as to
protect the standard of living of the population against constantly
growing inflation.
The President of the Senate has convened the Clhambcir 1o
Tuesday December 3rd.
In a radio interview on Tuesday last. Denis Soloimon said:
"We intend to introduce, perhaps for the first time, the principle of


over Cuba. As soon as it
became clear that the USA
was intent on lessening ten-
sions with our Caribbean
neighbour, we began to
clamour for Cuba's entry
into the OAS.
Kamaluddin Mohammed,
then Minister of West Indian
Affairs, opportunistically
made the call before his
master could get full credit
for the move, which was in
direct opposition to the stand
taken by ANR Robinson
when he .was Minister of
External Affairs and rabidly
anti-Cuban.
It is said that while Rome
was burning Nero was playing
his fiddle. While Williams has
been on his slow boat to
China the people have been
inflamed by a flurry of
burning issues -- inflation and
the high cost of living, mass
unemployment, particularly
in the oil sector, tne outbreak
of gastro-enteritis and
violence, and the breakdown
of electricity, water and
transport. For six consecu-


tive days the residents of
Belmont got no water at all.
Through our mounting
campaign since the Great
Debate, Tapia has been able
to storm the Bastille in an
attempt to liberate its ca-
tives, and to open the gates
for the February Revolution.
We have called for a sitting
of the Senate to debate the
national crisis.
The President has sche-
duled a meeting for Decem-
ber 3.
Williams will have to
consider whether he should
call the elections now while
he has the time, or whether
he should wait for the im-
plementation of a few pro-
jects now that he has the oil
money.
Any such projects are sure
to be recognized as the bribes
that they are. The country is
going to hold this Govern-
ment strictly to account for
all its misdeeds over the
years.


the Government's accountability to Parliament for its acts and
omissions.
"We are there to oppose and we intend to do so. The Govern-
ment must be brought to account before the nation for the desper-
ate state of thlie country, and the place for that accounting to begin
is Parliament.
"It is very unlikely that the Government will be able to imple-
ment the proposals which Tapia has to make Cobo can't eat
sponge cake.
"The Government's measures in situations o! urgency have
always been repressive rather than constructive. Unilateral Executive
action can only increase repression and aggravate the situation
"It is lthrel'ore necessary to put in train the political dialogue
that is essential to the permanent ik.i .i...i ,n of all these problems."


25 cents.


; I1IP II pai ` ~ ona eeting.1Pr;B~'"L' '''IIII


O-F CHINA






SUNDAY DECEMIMER 1, 1974


How



They




See



It


Mickey Matthews (left) of the Fyzabad Tapia Group at Tapia's Sixth Ahniversary Assembly


In


the


Communities


MICKEY MATTHEWS


POLITICS in the communities
must be gauged against the
background on the larger
national stage, where issues are
raised and joined, and where
there is a wealth of information
through press reports, editorials
and letters to the editor. Politics
in the communities is chiefly a
reverberation of these issues. My
assessment of the politics on
the national stage will start with
events leading up to the Great
Debate.
To the vast majority of citizens
the current merry-go-round of infla--
tion followed by wage increases
followed by inflation made absolutely
no sense, and in politics, as we all
know, only sense can work. And that
is probably why wage negotiations
today are not conducted with the
passion that was known in the early
sixties. What was needed now was a
new rr method, or proposals for one, of
concluding wage bargaining so as to
allow industrial agreements to result
in real increases in incomes and con-
sequently in improvement in the
standards of living.

PAY OFF
The PSA wage claim threatened
to be a rowdy affair and to be accom-
panied by a further deterioration of
law and order, all of which was to be
borne by a public already brutalised
by the complete absence of order and
efficiency in transport, the hospitals,
the schools and even in the Public
Service itself. That is the social back-
ground.
On the political side, it was the
end or the start of most of the major
industrial agreements. Clearly it was
the period of the big pay-off, a
period when the system had a chance
of buying its support..If the negotia-
tions could be conducted in relative
peace and the percentage was high
enough, then with the government
belching platitudes about its interest
in improving the standard of living of
the working class, we could expect
that 'election at the earliest possible
date' that Williams promised when he
returned in December last year. The
options for those of us who are in
politics weren't really very many.
The first was to create as much unrest
as possible, ask for a colossal pay-off
and hope that the system's inability
to pay would lead to a working-class
uprising. It was a job for the Weekes,
the Youngs and the Tulls.
Thosq of us who were not


persuaded by the prospect for a
working-class uprising (and our ranks
should have grown after seeing the
failure of organised labour to raise any
resistance to the IRA in 1971 in
the revolutionary '70s mind you)
realized that a different ball game was
needed. One had to look at the situa-
tion with a political mind. It was
precisely this ability to go into the
situation with a political mind that
generated the tremendous excitement,
all over the country in every com-
mnunity, in every' nook and cranny.
when Tapia called the PSA pay-claim
'robbery with V'.
FINESSE
The Debate itself was something
else. I have never seen anything like
it the excitement, the anxiety, the
passion. One thing that struck me was
the finesse, the canny and statesman-
ship. with which Lloyd made the case
for closing the equality gap. Only Dr.
Beaubrun argued against this 'socialist
stance", as he described it. Even the
reactionary Chamber of Commerce
did not argue against it.
In some societies even the dis-
possessed, the real scrunters in the
land, do not believe that tney are
entitled to a share of the national
cake no smaller than that of the bank
manager. Perhaps our society is not
-immersed in what the Marxists des-
cribe as 'bourgeois ideology', perhaps
every one here is truly interested in
building a society based on equality.
The position occupied vis-a-vis
the. PSA wage-claim was to some
extent absurd. The very day of the
Great Debate two Unions had obtained
44% increases for their members. In
the Siparia County Council offices
some people refused to buy Tapia,
alleging that Lloyd Best had opposed
a wage increase for them. I feel that
we did alienate some civil servant
support, but we will win them on
other issues. Politics works that way -
what you lose on the bend you gain
on the straight.
In any case it was good strategy
for Tapia to drop the issue once we
had made the point about the division
of the national cake and the need for
an incomes policy and for a new
method of conducting wage bargain-
ing.
The decision to occupy seats in
the Senate was echoed in what Tapia
had been saying all along. The moment
we pause to listen to what we were
saying the decision was quite an easy
one to make. The very day of the
Press conference I was arguing in
Forest Reserve that Williams has been
running away from political discourse
If the country talks about sugar he
talks about oil. He never joins the
issue.
Tapia has succeeded, however,


in luring Williams into the issue'of
constitution reform. Until recently
Williams had not committed himself
to it. Before Wooding died the Press
reported Williams as saying in a party.
caucus that he wondered whether it
was wise to deal-in constitution
reform 'now that the energy crisis is
upon us'. He was here establishing the
basis for dropping the Constitution
issue. When Wooding died Williams
could have dumped constitution
reform, but he now saw the opport-
unity of using it to refurbish his
radical image. Wlliams should have
talked about power, to the people and
popular participation as if he were
sitting on the left. But with Tapia's
decision to occupy the strategic Senate
seats he backed away from the issue
-agnh', mortally; "nfrii'dof ft!h:! p .'": :._ -
discourse and the consequences of it.
He is not interested .in the golden


possibilities for the country in con-
stitution reform. But he can't back
too far off since he has already com-
mitted himself to it. And now all the
issues are on. him oil, unemploy-
ment, inflation, education and con-
stitution reform thrown in for good
measure. Tapia is there to confront
him at every round.
In the communities where I
work the people who cannot appreci-
ate Tapia's position are the politicos,
be they from right, left or centre. It is
exactly as that Tapia editorial 'Saints
and Sinners' had it. Our conventional
brothers are jealous of us, while our
unconventional brothers really feel if
we jump in the ring we go get we head
buss. The attempt to throw Tapia out
of the Senate only accentuated those
-.-"-" -B. :.- f~fHt t ,empT p -"s
failed; and as Tapia said two weeks
ago, if we leave we take politics with
us.


I


Bookshop


121


Books..Pamphlets...Tapia selections

Phone 662-5126 or visit our office at
82-84 St Vincent Street Tunapuna.


.-
Literature
Uoyd King
Gordon Rohlehr
Victor Questel
Denis Solomon
Cheryl Williams
Derek Walcott
Wayne Brown
S___________


Economics

George Beckford
Norman Girvan
Owen Jefferson
Clive Thomas
Maurice Odle
William Demas
Roy Thomas
Havelock Brewster
Alister McIntyre

< ______


Politics
James Millette Lloyd Best Vernon Gocking
Dennis Forsythe Fitz Baptiste Vaughan Lewis


-r I -L


-------


VAGE 2 TAPIA


A






SUNDAY DECEMBER 1, 1974


A new Leader for the





Jamaica Labour Party


Alex Gradussov

IT was a foregone con-
clusion that the annual
general meeting of the
JLP would chose Edward
Seaga as the new leader
to replace Hugh Shearer
who resigned recently.
Many Caribbean citizens
will remember Seaga as
the Finance Minister of
Jamaica during the JLP
regime. He was no crowd
pleaser. He was a tough
bargainer. Maybe he did
offend some fellow West
Indians.
But whatever his faults,
no one can accuse Eddie
Seaga of being incapable. He
has brains; he has application;


and he has ambition. The
ambition has been crowned
by his accession to the leader-
ship of the JLP. (Wilton Hill,
the other contender, is hardly
as well known and hardly as
able. What Wilton Hll has
and Seaga lacks is charm.
But then governments, I
hope, are not based on
charm!).
I have known Mr. Seaga
for some years. I have worked
for him and I found him a
fair but demanding boss. And
so it should be. Do your
work and you willbe OK.
He is not very accessible in
human terms, and that, not
withstanding my jibe about
charm, can prove a handicap.
Seaga must learn that rational
thought and reason are not
enough in politics. Not even


hard .work. All that he has.
Now he needs charisma.
Michael Manley, his opponent
in the next election, has
some of it.
Not as much as his fol-
lowers, make out but he has
got it. And brains. Not too
much judgment of men and
affairs. And then the contest
will narrow down to "who
can make the Jamaican econ-
tomy perform'" I think Seaga
has proved that he could. He
did tack and veer a. little
between his sociological -
training and help-the-poor
base, and the desire to be in
with the big financial boys.
But in the end he came
good. He did tax the money
men and he made sure that
they paid. Some say that this
cost the JLP its chance of


Edward Seaga, new JLP Leader
reelection. I think it was more
than that. But the squeeze*
on big business helped to
raise the funds to move the
People's. National Party
machine.Now many business-
men are terrorized by the
"Socialist" slogans of the
PNP. They need not worry
but they do. And so capital
is flowing out of the country
and investment by locals is
at an all time low.

Should we, as I hope we
ought to, adopt a more
Jamaica-centred financial


[THE REcn~


/ BLUES
i woke up this momin'
sunshine int showing' through my door
i woke up this morning'
sunshine int showing' through my door
'cause the blues is got me
and i int got strength to go no more
. . U -.. .. .


i woke up this momin'
clothes still scattered 'cross the floor
i woke up this momin'
clothes still scattered 'cross the floor
las' night the ride was lovely
but she int coming' back for more

sea island sunshine
where are you hidin' now
sea island sunshine
where are you hidin' now
could 'a sware i left you in the cupboard
but is only empties mockin' at me in there now

empty bottles knockin'
laugh like a woman satisfied d
empty bottles knockin'
laugh like a woman satisfied
she full an' left me empty
laughing' when is
laughing' when i should 'a cried

- this place is empty bottles
this place is a woman satisfied
this place is empty bottles
this place is a woman satisfied
she drink muh sugar liquor
till muh sunshine died


i woke up this momin'
sunshine int showing' ur
i woke up this momin'
sunshine int showing' ui
she gone an' left me en
and I should'a died...


ndemeath my door

ndereath my door
ipty

(Edward Kamau Brathwaite )


Belize moves left


VOTERS in the British
crown colony of Belize,
in Central America, have
dealt a painful'blow to
premier George Price, the
ascetic 55-year-old bache-


lor who has dominated
their political lives for
the past 20 years.
An opposition front of
conservatives captured six of
the 18 seats in parliament in
a general election held 3
weeks ago, to break the
monolithic control of Price's
party for the first time in
the colony's 10-year history -
of internal self-government.
Previously, Price's People's
United Party, an old trade
union based movement
similar to those in power
elsewhere in the Common-
wealth Caribbean, had held
all but one of the seats.
The opposition United
Democratic Party, a shaky
alliance of three groups, led
by the outgoing official
opposition leader, Philip
Goldson, drew support from
Belizeans unhappy -about
worsening economic condi-
tions in the sparsely-popu-
lated, sugar-producing colony,
and about a government
whose energy seemed to have
faded with the years.
Price is now likely to
respond to the opposition
groundswell by moving his
government to the left and
to bring forward two young
radical lawyers of .Arab
origin, Assad Shoman and


Said Musa.

Alternatively, he may face
a serious challenge for the
leadership from his deputy
and minister of home affairs,
-Lindbergh Rogers, 46, a


Greg Chamberlain


shrewd and ambitious, if
reputedly corrupt man who
has been quietly cultivating
an "African" image in
racially-diverse Belize. He is
liked by the vocal militant
UBAD party.


remember



EDMUNDO




SALE


R OCKS THE TOWN


ED MUNDO'S

fourth anniversary


SALE


SHOES

SHIRT-JACKS


down to 9.9P

fron 29.99
down to 9 9


0


le 117Y


I


-I--


-r


-I-


I I


TAPIA PAGE 3,


policy, Seaga may be the
man to see good sense when
it stares him in the eye. He
might, however, prefer more
orthodox solutions. With the
USA in recession and the
so-called United Kingdom in
disarray, that might not be
the answer.

GOOD SENSE

All we can hope for is
that men of economic good
sense will be available if and
when the time comes to
advise Edward Seaga on what
steps to take if he should
win the next election. That
he can take advice and
knows when to reject it, he
has proved. Whether the right
advice this time around will
be taken is in the lap of the
gods.
All we can assert is Seaga's
undoubted ability and appli-
cation. No one 'works harder
No one is more suited to
draw the dormant Jamaica
Labour Party out of its
dreams. Let us hope the draw-
ing is done in the right
direction, for the right
reasons and in the right way.


I








SUNDAY DECEMBER 1. 1974


Christopher Laird

SOMETIME in May this
year I first heard of the
then proposed course in
Television that the
UNESCO National Com-
mission was planning (at
the request of TTT) to
run in conjunction with
U.W.I. Extra Mural
Department. At that
time I must confess I
had no idea of the signifi-
cance of that news and
from the vagueness of
the first meetings of the
organising committee I
think it is fair to say
that we were all very
much in the same boat.
Added to this reserve was
the scepticism we have learnt
to cultivate regarding UN
'experts'. This course was to
be run by an Australian
expert and how many of us
had heard of Australian Tele-
vision?
Advertisements duly came
out and we turned up at the
enrolment session at JFK
Hall along with some 60
others. That is where things
started to get serious. The UN
'expert', Allan Kendall, gave
his first talk. That was the
last time we saw him lecture.
Out of that came the first
hint of something that was
to grow into a hard core of
meaning in everybody's mind,
for here was a man who


seemed to have an ideology
of T.V.
I believe it was our
fascination with the idea of
having a definite T.V. con-
cept and the effort to find
out more about this that was
the major factor in the sub-
sequent course of events.

Large Number

At that first meeting the
large number of prospective
students necessitated the
imposition of limiting criteria.
The main criterion was that
only two representatives from


each drama group would be
allowed to take the course
and unattached people would
have to wait until next year.
Even with this proviso the
group numbered about 40
which was at least twice
what Mr. Kendall was expect-
ing to work with.
To accommodate working
members of the course and
also those members like our-
selves (from ISWE) who
were in rehearsal for produc-
tions, Mr. Kendall who
had characteristically offered
to be available from mid-
night if ,necessary had


worked with the organizers to
arrange a schedule which
placed the sessions at night
and on weekends. The main
part of the course took
place at the School Of Educa-
tion Milti-Media Centre on
campus where there is a
miniature Television Studio.
From the first session when
participants were individually
put in front of a camera in
an effort to talk directly to
it, the whole course was
virtually a workshop. At no
time was the theory divorced
from the practice. From early
the participants were divided
into four groups of ten mem-
bers. Each group was balanced
Lo include members interested
in the different aspects of
the course: acting; directing
or writing. These groups set
to work immediately to make
short programmes along the
lines that Mr. Kendall direct-
ed.

New Medium

This involved a large
amount of direct to camera
work. Playing directly to
camera is central to Mr.
Kendall's concept of televi-
sion as a medium which like
all new mediums is seen as
highly credible. All the
techniques that we investi-
gated were directed towards
preserving and capitalising on
the relationship between the
viewer and the presenter as a
person not as actor; on the
credibility of a situation as
truth not artifice. Mr.
Kendall's comment: "I
believed that!" became a
significant factor in the
assessment of our efforts.
The question of role
playing and drama on televi-
sion was in many ways irk-
some to Mr. Kendall but one
of the main areas of the
course's brief was the adapta-
tion of Caribbean literature
for television. It was investi-
gated in some depth by the
course. Always however it was
clear that writing for televi-
sion will only use the
medium to its maximum
effect when it preserves
credibility on the level of
personal relationships be-
tween real and believable
people.
It was on this subject that
1 believe we gave Mr. Kendall
a surprise. He had grave
doubts about the suitability
of poetry on T.V., as lie
thought of wordy, introspec-


tive and rather abstract type
poetry which can't help but
appear rather pretentious and
unreal on a medium with the
brutal integrity of T.V. It was
a surprise to Mr. Kendall to
encounter the type of Carib-
bean poetry that has been
used to such effect on stage
by DEM TWO and ISWE.
This poetry represents a
large and growing body of
dramatic poetry most of it
in 'dialect' which more
often than not satisfies the
criteria of credibility and
direct communication that
Mr. Kendall sees as making
"good Television material."

Gained Respect

During this period also
the group had the unique
opportunity of having a play
by one of its members,
Ronald Amoroso, produced
by TTT. We attended re-
hearsals and shooting of the
play and even tried our hands
at adapting excerpts our-
selves, taping them and com-
paring them to the TTT
production.
Relations with TTT at this
stage were still frosty and in
areas downright unco-opera-
tive. TTT personnel were
supposed to be participating
in the course but found it
difficult to find the time to
attend. After the end of the
first stage of the course, one
director from TTT, Mr.
Shaffick Mohammed, was
assigned to assist the work-
shop and quickly gained the
.respect of the participants.
who vwold with hiinm ad
who began to appreciate,
more than at any time before,
the difficulties a TTT director
is faced with on the job and
the incredible skill and drive
a good director in TTT must
have to achieve any resem-
blance of quality in actual
output.
In turn, I believe, Shaffick
became excited and involved
in the same way we were, in
contact with someone who
actually had a consistent
approach to Television.
When Shaffick joined us,
each of the four groups were
engaged in planning their final
projects. Each group had to
make 25 rrinutes of televi-
sion. These 25 minutes were
supposed to include as many
examples of the areas we had
investigated as possible.

Commercials

These areas were: direct
to camera presentation; direct
to camera and a graphic as
in the weather report or a
children's story with illustra-
tions; in depth interview (not
superficial chat); participation
activity especially for
children; West Indian litera-
ture adapted for television
and Educational television.
In the background also
was the idea that what was
done should point to areas of
future possible programming
ideas for TTT. The areas did
not have to be linked into a
whole programme in these
projects, though one group
managed to include many of
the areas in one 25 minute
programme including com-
mercials.
When these projects had

Continued on Page 10


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I


PAGE 4 TAPIA







SUNDAY DECEMBER 1, 1974





POLITICAL


ALTER


TAPIA PAGE


ACTIVE


I~paa, SxhAnnivra yAssebl


Tapia Secretary
Lloyd Best
:. iAddressing
The Assembly.
Published here
is his text.
The full
Transcript
will appear in
Pamphlet form.

WELCOME to our Sixth Anniversary Assembly
This is manifestly an occasion of. unmitigated
joy; for me, certainly, and I hope for all of us,
it is an occasion of abundant happiness, in a
season of. good tidings; a season which, as
fortune would have it, in compensation for
our chequered and cosmopolitan history,
extends from Eid through Diwali and up to
Christmas. Up to Christmas and beyond; for
then, of course, to bring a measure of unity
out of the diversity, there is still Carnival to
come.
This year, like last year, abounds in politics; the
nation's cup is running over. The season has been
telling if and when it is going to close. Hardly had
our Community Secretary, Ivan Laughlin, warned
our Council of Representatives on August 19, 1973
of the crucial sixty days that lay ahead when the
ruling party put all its dirty linen on display with
the exception of its assets shattering the hallowed
myth that bacchanal and infighting had become a
monopoly of the conventional opposition.
By December, the comedy had turned to farce
what with the Messiah's Second Coming. Since then
the old regime has been busily climbing rainbows
before a captive TV audience. As of now the show is
mounted on a trip on a slow boat to China leaving
the centre-stage to Tapia if the front pages and
the back pages and the editorial pages and the letter
pages and the whispering in the taxis and the arguing
in the rum shops are any guide or any indication.


SINK OR SWIM


Bro. Chairman, there is a -aying in Tapia, that
when the cameras seek you out, when you are in
focus of the spotlight, you can't rehearse. When peas
ready to buss, you can't run then to light the fire.
Tapia must now deliver or forever hold our peace. The
time is now; it is our moment of truth; the die is
cast and we must make history. We must swim or we
will sink. Brothers & Sisters,the time for political
combat has arrived.
The climax of the constitution crisis is in sight,
the consummation of the February Revolution is at
hand. It is the last, the final and the ultimate round;
and the time to be in front is at the end.
Who these days is asking the old question
-whether Tapia is a political party, if the Tapia way
en' go take too long? Nobody is talking about armchair
intellectuals from St. Augustine not after the
googly and the leg-breaks that we bowl them. Who
now dares to challenge our foundations at the grass-
roots?
Just as the Tapia ideals will be with us to the
very end, so the Tapia foundations have been with
us from the very beginning. It has only been a matter
of time before we broke through the media of com-
munication by politics if not by law. Here how the
forecast was made in the Express on May 24, 1969,
when everybody was saying I can't understand what
Best writing:
"It is in the nature of new leadership that it
comes to the fore at critical points of social
and economic change. When, for one reason or
another, major new issues are.brought into


relief by changed conditions, the political
system is called upon to adjust. The old pro-
ceduves and instruments, the tested responses
and policies, and the seasoned personalities are
required to be flexible before the new demands
and to yield some ground. If they do not make
concessions, altogether new policies are pro-
moted and a fresh cast is precipitated onto the
.stage.
"Usually, before the new order is ushered
in, there has to be played out a great deal of
overture while public consciousness of the
gravity of the situation is formed and prepared
for decision on what next. This jouvert exhibits
much ole mas. On the one side, ineffectual
semi-demi by the has-beens, perceiving the
opening and seeking revival or by the would-
be's, forcing entry. On the other, as the situation
degenerates, the incumbents, bankrupt of all
political resource and moral authority, must
resort to play exclusively by tactics.
"We are then faced by the phenomenon
of government by.announcement of plans -
plans meant to accommodate ideas that are fast
gaining currency in the new situation. But there
is no time for thinking through to implementa-
tion. As a multiplicity of interest-groups arise in
the process of re-alignment and mobilisation,
there is a sparking of incident with which to
contend. Those holding power then act out the
farce of rushing up and down trying with their
bare hands to douse the. spreading flames. At
that point the end comes in view.
"The new leadership which emerges is
articulate and clear. One attribute it always
possesses is command of the past, a command
that evokes the entire experience of accumul-
ated frustrations and resentments. The effect is
to alarm the old interests and excite the new ..
"Further, the new leadership necessarily
disposes of energy, boundless energy to service
unceasing claims. Finally, boldness even fear-
lessness, the nerve to challenge the old order on
any ground and to call the shots. Often, how-
ever, the challenge is posed by innovation and
modification of the rules and place of contest.
When this occurs, it lends the vital element of
surprise. So that, when the development dawns
upon the general consciousness, its air of magic
transports the protagonists of change onto a
higher plane of hope and by doing just that,
throws the forces of reaction into total dis-
array."

Bro. Chairman, that was 1969. We have been
writing the script for 1974, calling the tune, naming
the shots. How and why? .became when you are
genuinely building from below, your projections can
be very sure because grass-roots building from the
mud and the grass and the people, never fails you.
That unique method of refusing to see our people as a
faceless, mindless crowd in the square, listening to a
Doctor talk that is the method of unconventional
politics. Brothers and Sisters, my compere once told
me that you can make track for gouti to run but
lappe does make he own road.
Lappe does Iuke he own road. The Tapia
method of political organisation revels in large multi-
tudes of people. All of our proposals for the Constitu-
ent Assembly, for the Big-Macco Senate and for 25
Municipal Councils seek to place the burden of
responsibility for the future of our country on plenty
of ordinary people with no special education and
with'no special title or qualification. We insist ihat
the real enemies of progress, whatever left-wing or
liberal slogans they may be mouthing at thle moment,
are those reactionaries who are instinctively hostile
to any organized assembly of little people.
A lot of well-mieaning radicals are keenly
interested in assembling a faceless and nindlless c ro\ d.
Tapia is totally opposed to that. Ile.ir how the case
was put in the l'xpress'in May of l%(:
"Crowds cannot control 'leaders least of all
when they nieel in political tUniversities. IThey


risk being brambled by rhetoric. But we are a
literate and articulate people and what we need
are small groupings where real conversation is
possible ... We need a Constituent Assembly
of the entire electorate. Hence, the need to
shift from platform and crowd politics to
informal local groups."
That was May 1969. It explains our performance in
1970, It shows we had nothing personal against the
leaders of the Black Power Movement. We had
already learnt the perils of 1956 when we opposed
their crowd method in 1970.
Tapi' s .whole strategy over the six years has
been built not so much on public meetings of which
we have had only 51 over our entire history. Our
foundation has been Thursday night discussions,
house meetings in the local areas and Assemblies
such as this where friend and foe alike have been able
to exchange ideas, size up leaders and engage in
profitable intercourse. This strategy does not depend
on leaders and orators alone. In fact, it could not
have succeeded unless the entire Movement of sup-
porters, friends, associates and members and even of
opponents, accepted some commitment to become
involved in a genuine participation.

PARTICIPATORY POLITICS


Bro. Chairman, Tapia's politics is participatory
politics not just party politics. It is time for a new
advance. The importance of this advance is that it has
been preparing a Movement with the means to wage
the battle for the opposition and for the oppressed by
peaceful and civil means as against the means of
violence and war.
Conventional politics is equipped only for con
frontation either during election campaigns or in
crises such as we saw at the height of the February
Revolution only four years ago. But once the election
is done or the crisis boils over, the crowds simply
disperse and the people lapse into submission and
quiescence, bitter, disappointed, despairing to the
point of cynicism.
The stage is then left to the leaders who have no
means of being effective without the aid of the angry
crowd. The Opposition therefore resigns itself to the
automatic majority of the Government, to their con-
trol of the State machine, the police, the patronage,
the media of communication. In this frustration, in
this paralysis, they can only resort to boycott, to the
walk-out, to one futility after the other.
Tapia's opposition is a horse of a different
colour. Prepared as we are, with men, with plans,
with the routines of organised political life: with the
disciplines iid th' experiences of successive Assem-
blies; with the coherence and the consistency and the
competence of solid long-term building; Tapia has
been able at short notice to introduce a new and
effective style of opposition without any crowd
manipulation, without any threat of riot-confronta-
tion.
Last Sunday, hear what we put in the Sunday
Guardian:
"What has been happening more recently is a
demonstration of how effective opposition can
be conducted within the law and the constitu-
tion -- utilising the absurdities of the situation
to effect ....
"Instinctively, the country understands
that is what Tapia is helping along the way.
The response to our Senate presence has been
Irelineindous and the anxieties about it are
partly evidence of how much people really care
and of how little apathy there really is in the
country."
Bro. Clihairnan,.
I do not se'e an!\ up:llthy among the people of
this cointlr 1not whlin there is real politics, express-
inm, thel views of real people. idenfllable Im flesh and
Continued on Page 6


THE







PAGEL6 TAPIA


Continued Irom Page 5


blood. look at the crowd at the Great Debate; look
how the0L morgue in the Red House has suddenly come
alive! Tapia has been showing how the Senate can be
used to represent thie disadvantaged people in this
country, whether the dispossession is material or
spiritual or cultural. We represent the revival which is
coming, the moral resurgence, the cultural upliftinent.
the spiritual transformation.
Up to now we have represented these new
values on the intellectual plane and in the con-
munities. Now we are doing it by the dramatic ways
and means of politics on the public stage. We have
transported the politics into realms appropriate to a
people who have thrown the powerlessness and the
impatience of slavery., indenture and colonialism out
of the window of history for good.
As it was put to the Assembly here last May:
We have tied them up
"with the kind of quietly effective politics
which does not depend on crisis because it
relies not on the rhetorical exploitation of
despair, anger and indignation but on thought
and insight and wit which can be exercised in
very normal times."
The point, Bro. Chairman, is that this politics
depends on the Brothers and Sisters here assembled
but only to the extent that they are conscious and
they are organised for constructive and positive
action. If we are confident that we are more than a
crowd, ready to be an electoral force and ready foi
the rigours of the reconstruction after we conquer
the machine of the State, then we can proceed to
bring out those celebrated 80,000 people into the
public square.
This is what the old regime is mortally afraid
will happen any morning now. Hear their hysterical
response to my forecast way back in 1969, before the
colossal marches. I am reading from The Nation, on
June 20, of that year.
"Best feels the time will come when seventy-to-
eighty thousand people will come into the
streets. When that happens, Best says, these


TWO fundamental issues have been set ablaze
by the Tapia wind of change in recent weeks.
The first is the issue of the Have-Nots on
whose behalf we have joined battle with the
Haves in a fight that we will carry right into
the corridors of power to reconstruct a world
in justice and equality.
All the pundits said how mad we were to raise
the Great Debate and put the case for little people.
But when from the angle of a humble Tapia House,
we looked at the achievement of the ruling party, the
only creation we could see was "a privileged group
drawn from every race and class." As Dr. Vernon
Gocking put it, "The country has achieved the ideal
of a co-operative multi-racial society but on the basis
of oligarchy not democracy." On the basis of the few;
not the many.
When we checked -it out, and ripped aside the
rhetoric and the old-talk about black-people, about
the working-class, about the left and the right, about
private enterprise and people's sectors; when we
looked behind the perspectives for the new society
and for national reconstruction; when we laid the
People Charter bare; one fact stood boldly and
starkly out, and it is this: there exists an elite in
politics, in government, in commerce, in industry and
in the Unions too. Not forgetting the University.


PENSIONERS' CRUMBS



Too often these elites have used class leverage
and racial leverage to confuse the politics, to conceal
the cosmopolitan nature of their interest and to block
the emergence of opposition which could represent
the vast multitude of little people in the country.
What we pointed out in Tapia was that all the
elites had a lever by which they could protect them-
selves and improve their standard of living. The
merchants and industrialists had their margins, the
professionals had their fees, the Unions their bargains
and the politicians their deals. Outside this system
were the corporations who took their share even
before the national income was counted up and the
large majority of unorganised people or badly
organised people or notionally organised people with
.no recourse but to take the crumbs.
Crumbs for the unemployed and under-employ-
ed, for the casually employed; crumbs for pensioners,


THE POLITICAL


people will not have to be told anything, their
decision will already,.have been made."
Right for once. Once we study we head and
decide we mind and then assemble in the People's
Parliament, we can call the Constituent Assembly
ourselves, demand the elections, call the shots, name
the tunes .. all the things we should have been
able to do in 1970 if the Movement had a constructive
and civil base. Well, we have it now.
Brothers & Sisters, You can see the reason why
Tapia can assemble here today to celebrate our Sixth
Anniversary Assembly without ever a split, without


sugar workers, shop assistants, for farmers, for all who
could not bargain from a place of strength.
The upshot of this was that in 1971/72, no
less than 70% of the households in the country fell
below the national average of S290 per month. The
top 4% of the household received over $1,000 per
month while the bottom half received less than S200
In fact, 27% down below received less than $100
per month.
Put another way, the top 10% of the house-
holds received 38% of the income and the top 20%
received no less than 58% of the income. When you
look back to. 1957/58, the horror of horrors is that
the position had gotten worse after 16 years of
voting a national movement into power.
Since 1957/58, the top 10 of households, the
rich ones, have improved their position by 4'i% and
the top 20% have gained 8% more of the national
cake. The bottom 20%, the very poor households.
lost 1.2% as their share dropped from 3.4% to 2.2%.
The 60% who fall below the national average
lostfrom the policiesof the national movement. Their
share dropped from 27.1% in 1957/58 to 22.9% in
1971/72. In terms of economics, we know what the
Revolution is about. About Haves and Have Nots.
And the figures on income are confirmed many times
over by the figures for the ownership of business, by
the figures on land holding, on housing, education,
employment and all the indicators of social change. I
am not going to dwell on these data which have
already been set out in Who Owns Trinidad &
Tobago?
The first issue then- is Haves and Have VNots.
The second is Political Representation. This issue has
developed largely in relation to the matter of constitu-
tion reform and, so far as Tapia is concerned, in
particular relation to A Temporary Conference of the
Citizens or a Constituent Assembly and a Permanent
Conference of the Citizens or a Big Macco Senate.
Constitution reform only becomes necessary
when the social contract has been broken and when
the people can.see no possibility of representation.
When the Courts are not working, when the Army
mutinies; when Parliament is a farce and the electoral
system is not trusted; when the parties and the
leaders are divided, fragmented, unable to get them-
selves together to represent the general will, it is time
to summon the sovereign people.
"It follows that Parliament is legitimate and
valid only if it assembles for the purposes of
informing the process of government, the bona
fide representatives of all the community


faction, without ruction.While the other side is in
fractions vulgar fractions united we stand in all
our number our supporters, our friends, our
associates, our members in an ever swelling stream.
The Movement is moving with a vengeance. And it is
turpentime in they tail.
It is time for a change. .. that is the cry of all
the people. Time for a change and Tapia must
take the lead to change it. It is turpentime in they
tail politics for Eid, politics for Diwali, politics
for Christmas and politics for Carnival. Man, we go
make mas' with them.


interests. These bona fide representatives may
be assembled within a single party, or a great
number of parties, or no party at all.
"Representation may be fully participatory
as in a tiny city-state where the democracy is
direct. Or it may be embodied in a single elect
personage, be it King. Chief or Elder; or even in
a select group of citizens, be they Elders.
Nobles. Senators ot Representatives.
"Representation also, may result in widely
differing arrangements for war-making and law-
making and for civil and military administra-
tion. It may entail a rich variety of agencies and
institutions for adjoining thle government of tie
State to the politics of tile community: it might
involve markedly different combinations of
these agencies to ensure an adequate separation
or integration of powers within the government
aind an appropriate emphasis as between the
function of goveinmlenlit wluch is to employ
authority and the processor politics uwich is
to create and distribute it amongst competing
groups.
Thlie system of government and politics miay
utilise two legislai\'ve Houises, or one or even
nitonCe; I uly like the one House depeIndeCt
on lhe oiliher or completely independent ol it
It may separate the Judiciaiy Iioi tile I xeculive
and the Elxecutive fro l Ithe L.gieisl:ire;: Ol it
Ilmay comilbinc tlheli all as Propiieta. (Goverii-
ment did in the earliest politics of tile West
India islands. It might elect the Chief Executiv',
the Fxecutive alnd the Legislature all at once oi
by entirely dilTerent routes. The permulatlions
and combinations are clearly infinite.
"Bul whatever the variation, one unllcue
condition has to be fulfilled il the sysleim :is a
whole is to entrench a contract, embody :i
compact and express a covenantiii amiongist sl lie
multitude of the cili/ens. Repi.esncotatiom nmuist
be valid and legillluted in tlihe peiceptlonls of
the people,govern iment and politis sl.t iciu-
late the general will.
"Whenever the expectations of tile people
are systeCi tilicaIll unfulfilled, il hli iis oin a
political crisis wheln 'Paliaiiiitl is un-
representative. when the 'Couilrs ale colilrpt.
the parties iltcapable of arliculalill con11iiuitiitsl
interests, thle (;oveilnintiit incolmpi tellnt to
govern, the leaders obsolhcScentI and onil ol toUch
with the iiiperaitives of thIe cme.


SUNDAY DEC







TAPIA PAGE 7


A ALTERNATIVE


Politics, left, right and'centre; back, belly, front
and side. Up and down; round and round .. until
that day we talked about last November, when all the
people will noise their voices loud and clear for the
walls of Jericho to tumble.
Brothers & Sisters,
We have arrived at this juncture of responsibility
only through systematic preparation. This Assembly is
no isolated happening, this gallop is no sudden break-
away. September 23, last, when the glorious morning
come: November 18, another red-letter day; January


20, Once Upon A Time; April 7, 100 to 1 against the
Government; and May 7 this year when we finally
killed off our old self in painful preparation for res-
ponsibility and power.
Let me remind you what we noticed in May:
That it was one to go, that we were on the last leg,
the country had become tired especially after the
Guerrilla Confrontation had "smeared so much
needless blood across the landscape."
That, after an eternity of despairing and learn-
ing from such isolated little uprisings as Cedros or


Matelot, after many guava seasons of futility, of
betrayal and of barren hope, our people were ready
to throw off their burden of oppression by revising
the social contract and by installing permanent and
enduring new political machinery.
That the only real choice our people could
make was to select an educational, hardwuk, political
party in dashiki, in slippers, and in dungarees. Not a
back-to-front party which begins by whipping up a
crowd hoping to organise it some time after but a
party with the capacity for organisation and the
discipline to offer people something which could
govern and which could last.
That the real power of such a party comes from
the moral authority which it enjoys ever1 among
those who oppose it; from the commitment and the
dedication from its supporters. That, on that scale,
Tapia had no rival in the country.
That in the 65 months of our career till then, we
had selected our people without ever promising any
electoral victory, without offering any deliverance by
magic. We did not rush to form any party, we avoided
too much stress on agitation, picking and choosing
Tapia people for their idealism, their patience, for
their staying power. In other words, letting the Tapia
people choose themselves in the fullness of time.
That if Tapia was a dead party, as one pundit
insisted, we were playing dead only to ketch corbeau
alive.
That Tapia would prevail for the simple reason
that its political capacities would become indispens-
able to the nation at a certain crucial historical
moment. And that we would discover all kinds of
previously inconceivable magic -
"if we are ready at the moment when the call
to service comes, as I can tell you with assurance,
it is coming very soon."
Brothers & Sisters,
That was May this year. We no longer have to
persuade anybody .... all the marrish and the parr-
ish know 'bout Tapia. Suddenly we appear to the
country, to the people as the tongue of oppression
and the voice of hope, quickening the pulse of pos-
sibility and unravelling the knot of access into
greener pastures.


* The Haves against the Have-nots

* Valid Political Representation .


"But a mere political crisis can be cured
when elections will suffice to activate new
parties, new leaders and new representatives in
general so that a new generation of law-makers
and administrators could embark on the reforms
needed to clean the judicial stables, to refurbish
the corridors of the legislature and to galvanize
the Executive into action.
"It is when mere elections, a mere change of
faces by the traditional methods, can promise
no conceivable change in the condition of the
people that the political crisis passes necessarily
into a constitutional one involving the very
make-up of the society and the Shite. When
there exist no replacement parties, or leaders or
representatives, no replacement agencies of the
popular will, when the despairing cry is who we
going to put? It is time for organized upheaval
or cause for unorganized one.
In 1969, Tapia identified the constitution
crisis. When the mark buss in 1970, we immediately
said: "Summon the sovereign people to put the State
together again." Ever since we have been saying it,
even on that famous Tuesday evening in the Senate.
We say summon the valid leaders and make them talk.
Call Tony Pantin, George Weekes, Joe Young, James
Manswell, Ray Robinson, Geddes Granger, James
Millette, Raffique Shah. Put them alongside Eric
Williams, Boysie Prevatt, Basdeo Panday, Ivan
Laugklin, Hamlet Joseph and put the question.
We say make them face the issues and decide; that
what they decide would bind the country.


BIG-MACCO SENATE


A Constituent Assembly is a gathering of valid
political leaders and community spokesmen. Constitu-
tion Reform is not a matter for the king or his ox or
his ass, or anything that is his. It is a matter for the
valid leaders of the people. And if you assemble all the
valid leaders of the people and put the question
before them, it would put them on the spot because
their followers and the country would be watching.
They would have to be reasonable; they would have
to make compromises in the interests of Trinidad &
Tobago; they would have to form realistic align-
ments, not just for the purpose of gaining office for
themselves but moreso to secure the objectives of the
people for whom they speak.


A Constituent Assembly or Temporary Confer-
ence of Citizens would therefore destroy all these.
parties which are failing to give the people proper
political representation, which have failed to create
a valid and effective Parliament, competent Govern-
ment and vigilant opposition. And a Permanent
Conference of Citizens or Big-Macco Senate in which
community leaders would have a permanent place in
the Government of the country would sustain true
party politics based on a spirit of compromise, based
on the opinion of the country and the people.



RT. HON. DEAD HORSE


Needless to say, the Government has been
playing with the idea all along. Everytime there has
been a chance to assemble the community interests
the Government hide and bawling hoop. In 1970,
they called a State of Emergency; in 1971 they
called Wooding. When Woding decided to bring
groups together, they boycotted and then, at the
Chaguaramas Convention, they sent representatives
with no authority to commit the party.
Instead of assembling lthe citizens, the ruling
party has sought to promote a boy standing on the
burning deck whence unfortunately, all but he has
fled. The alternative to tfe Tapia proposal has been a
National Civic Crusade, a one-man party based on
National Consultations,Meet the People, Better Village.
Whitehall Visits and a range of measures which
serve only to keep the Right Honourable Dead Horse
in the spotlight. It is Pussonal Nonarchy gone mad.
In 1973, all the politicians in lthe ruling party
were discredited as corrupt and crooked, as having
not declared their assets. In 1974. all tlie civil servants
have been discredited as incompetent andI incapable
even of finding sites for industrial projects in the new
Municipality in the South. All the plans for the oil
bonanza have passed to the exclusive care oflthe Chief
Executive.
Bro Chairman, Brothers and Sisters,
Let us understand what all of' this means. It
means that the matter of political representation is
going to be resolved by personal intervention 1from
above, It is a straight case of' lhe King against ith
Citizens. Two clear choices, in diamietlic oIppsition
Constitution reform we are goi)iil to hliv'. Alnd
the final perspective for the inew society is 'oin to be


a radical and democratic one, along the lines pro-
posed by Tapia. We are going to have equal rights for
women, stronger local govt, a big and powerful
Senate and a strong Executive. We may even have
Proportional Representation in the bargain. But these
concessions will be coming from above by a method
that will negate the entire scheme. They may very
well come by a route that would make Wooding and
the Party and the Parliament so many pawns in a
game of chess.
In other words, Bro. Chairman, on the issue of
political representation, the quarrel may not be about
objectives but about method which admittedly comes
to very much the same. There is the method of the
old from abov.. And there is the method of the
new from below. For me, that spells an irresist-
ible force and an immovable object. Something has to
give. We are heading for a showdown.
Now that Tapia is making the running, every-
thing is ready for the final drama. The Government
deluded itself into thinking that by taking the
constitution issue into Parliament, they could make
the concessions in their own good time and at their
own good pace. Who could be so idiotic as to have
expected the Government so brazenly to flout the
country'< wishes on the Wooding Report :njd not
to have some ulterior plan to legitimate the exercise?
That plan was to concede at the end a lot of
wliat the country wanted so that what we lost in
method, we would gain in content.
Tlat was the plan. And Tapia's presence in the
Senate. in Parlianment hlas now put a colossal spanner
in tlie works. Any concession tlie Government makes
now will redouln to tlie Tapia credit. Concessions
are therefore going to be very difficult to make
especially since we will be pulttinii dynamite 111 their
behind, turpentine in their tail o i aill ite issues.
economic, social, cultural as well as colstiiluioiial.
The Tapia Move to the Sen.llae \\as outl lilastel
stroke. Those in lTapia \\ho would have counselled
against it u111st see tll.1 our eitr1 \ could i lo1 hlavc
been ainticipatcd h\ tile G(overimenll I t .ild could ()Il\
have come s ;i re;tl surprise to tIupse the p1,11 so
cai.'elull IJiil. They IitIus see th11:11 at I .pl ca.n onl
le,,itii;ul i e l 111 I P m1 1:1111l lt' i 1 lith clI llu se ,of ~ c so.
\\e became hlie valid spokesmen lor thie uiintr) in
which alise w \\ le eoin to win lthe next elections.
IThe\ 11m is lt ppleciile i llil It I 11 Inei isel because we

Continued on Page 8


itlii R I, 1974







PAGE 8 TAPIA


From Page 7 ,TH]

feel confident of our political superiority and strength
that we have gone into the lion's den and we have
this confidence only because of the popular response
to Tapia.
The one real risk is that Tapia must now employ
the arts of political orchestration in an arena which
we do not totally control. That is in the nature of
the business and the restraint on abuse or excess is
something which only our internal political organisa-
tion and discipline can successfully guarantee a place.
So even as we prepare for elections, for Government,
for office and for power, we must be careful to
maintain the democratic and the participatory
character of Tapia so that our leaders in government
and politics will keep their feet on the ground, their
roots in the grass and their commitments to our
people.
But prepare for elections and for government,
for office and for power we must. We have no choice
now. We are deep in it and the only way we can
emerge with honour is to accept the challenge and
move to represent our people with all the political
resources at our command.
PREPARATIONS for Government are in some
ways more difficult than preparations for
elections, the latter being familiar to the entire
country. The work involved here falls under
three heads.
At the base is the work of the Planning Com-
mittees in economics, in education,in sport and the
whole range of interests approved by the Tapia
Council of Representatives. This work must now
proceed apace to fill out the sketches set out in
Power to the People and in Tapia's New World
following the Assembly on November 18 and
January 20 last.
In education for example,we need fundamen-
tal study. The Government has simply been regurgi-
tating received doctrine without any sense of experi-
mentation, without any creative imagination, without
any real purpose. The same is true in economics
where the only answer is still to shop about the
world for partners without any plan for activating the
little people.
And then there is the inflation, the breakdown
of the utilities, the mounting pressure on the average
man in the street none of which the Government has
been bothered to face up to. Our Study Brigades and
our Planning Committees must now present real and
constructive alternatives. Our White Papers on Oil
and on the Budget and our Ten Year Plan for
National Reconstruction and for Tobago, if the
appropriate resolutions are adopted by this Assembly,
will all provide some of the needed focus.

PLANNING COMMITTEES


To push the work to its logical conclusions, we
need far more Committees. We need Doctors and
related professionals to fill out the health plan; we
need the architects and related tradesmen to fill out
the programme on housing and town planning; and
so on. The lawyers to look at law reform, the aca-
demics to propose for the University. There is no
limit to our burdens and the time to saddle the
responsibility is now. Now, so that when we take
charge, we will be ready to govern and govern well.
The second head under which we must prepare
for Government is of course Parliament. While we
are there, we may as well acquire those arts of
choreography which are valuable in that medium. The
time may come before long when the cost to the
Government of Tapia's Senate presence will become
prohibitive and then they will have to engineer us
out. But while we are there, we must develop and
employ every skill to articulate the hopes and aspira-
tions' of the New National Movement with our com-
mitment to a participatory economy and a truly
equal place for every creed and race.
The third head of preparation is that of Execu-
tive responsibility. Already we have a National
Executive, responsible for formulating the policy of
Tapia in conjunction with the other members of the
Council and which from day to day, carries out the
Tapia plan of action in the community. From that
Executive, we must fashion an Executive capable of
administering the instruments of State.
In April last, I alerted our Assembly to the way
in which I thought a Tapia Government might pro-
ceed to organise the State. The proposals.have been
published for study in Prospects for Our Nation. It
is obviously too early to concretise them but it is
high time that we begin to group our responsibilities
in a way that would lead smoothly and naturally to
the most efficient assignment of tasks at the level of a
Tapia Government. Our presence in the Senate
should help in this connection.
My proposal was for 9 groupings in all.


SUNDAY DECEMBER 1, 1974



E POLITICAL ALTERNATIVE.

Preparation for Governing

Preparation for Elections


Parliament
Public Administration
Local Government & Police
Justice and Legal Affairs
Planning & Reconstruction
Economics and Finance
National Welfare & National Service
External Affairs & Defence.
Perhaps the most important reason for elabor-
ating and studying the proposal is that it contains a
certain revolutionary vision of the organisation of the
State. For example, defence and national security
under a Tapia Government would become an external
matter. Finance would be subordinate to economics
while national welfare and national service would be
twinned to demonstrate to citizens both their right
to a just share of the welfare potentials and their
responsibility to contribute service in return. Also
important is the Tapia plan to civilize the police by
devoting a large part of police resources to essenti-
ally local government work.If these unconventional
measures are to be implemented, prior mastery of
them is a must. So much for the preparation for
Government. Preparation for elections is also the
order of the day. The trumpet has sounded.
The party that we need will not take
its final shape until all the institutions crack and
people take alignment on the fundamental question
of what kind of Trinidad and Tobago they want for
the future. Tapia expects every race to split, every
class, every colour, every Union, every political
party.
In the last analysis, there will be two sides and
no more. Those for the New World and those for the
old regime. Our country is tob wise to let fragmenta-
tion stand in the way at such a crucial historical
juncture. Once the country selects a horse to ride"
against the old racist and neo-colonial regime, the
large multitude of the citizens are going to back it for
all they are worth. The entire country knows that we
can't afford -to fail;'that we can't contemplate
another five years of this iniquitous dispensation. We
must make our bid for freedom; or forever be in
chains.
That re-alignment is coming soon and we in
.Tapia must be prepared for it by refusing to ack-
nowledge any of the stock categories of political
classification. It is enough if we articulate the hopes
and the dreams of the dispossessed, the disadvant-
aged, the psychologically brutalized, the entire
universe of people who are seeking the new dawn,
matters not whence they come. Black or White,
African or Indian, rich or poor, have or have nots -
Tapia's only conditionfis that they disavow the old


regime, repudiate the old and opt for the New World
We will take them any way the) are sinnr or
saint.
To this end, our National Executive ha ip-
vited here this afternoon many Trades Union leaders
and political figures. We want them all to know that
Tapia is very wary of the concept of sinners and
saints. We know that the first assault on the old
regime was made by the militant Unions in the dark
days of the 1960's when there existed no hope fora
Movement to bell the cat. Then in 1968/69 the New
World Mbvement played its part followed by the
Black Power Movement; and only months ago, by
the uprising in the Sugar Beltr

CAMPAIGN STRATEGY
--~-i _


We in-Tapia have made our own contribution
to the building of an enduring opposition Movement
but the Movement is infinitely larger than we. The
only reasonable course for us to take is to leave room
for collaboration with other forward looking group-
ings in the country, to make bridges that men of
goodwill can cross. Whatever preparations we make
for the coming election will have to take account of
this.
Notwithstanding those very valid considerations,
Tapia must now move expeditiously to bring into the
open the local support that we have won by our com-
munity, intellectual and political work over the
years. That is the immediate task. Nothing must get
in the way of the rapid mobilisation and organisation
of Tapia people on every street, in every district, in
every town, constituency, and region. The Cainpaign
Manager-will-be-outlining-his-strategy-to-get--this-
political campaign going; and the Community ~crc-
tary will be getting in touch with Tapia people to
pass on his plans for sustaining and expanding national
political organisation.

Bro. Chairman, Brothers & Sisters,
There is another saying in Tapia which is this.
After ole mas is new politics. I agree, Is time for the
change. It is time for the change and the Tapia way
depends on all of us. The.ole mas is at its height
now. New politics. Sound the reveille; ring the bell
and call the people. Call them and organise; there is.
no other way.
The perspectives are clear for all the world to
see. For the first time in many years, the prospect of
a political alternative is real. And the motive force of
that alternative can only be in the Tapia House.


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SUNDAY DECEMBER 1, 1974


THE MAUSICA





SCANDAL



S~0 T *m Ii.


Lloyd Taylor

PERHAPS nothing better
illustrates the Ministry of
Education's almost com-
plete lack of direction, of
policy and of concern
for the future of the
teaching profession of
this country than the
recent callous chucking
out of four of the young-
est members from the
teaching staff at Mausica.
For Alfred Wafe, Elmo
Phillip, Gerry Samuel, and
Ronnie Wilson, all of whom
returned with the full breath
of self-confidence to their
jobs at the beginning of the
current term, it came as a
complete surprise to hear that
after four years they were to
be returned to their substan-
tive posts in the teaching
profession.
Disagreement

.._ _Wlt-*. iLh .L~ -lap r.r~isa -


offered, without prior notice
or warning given, it is clear
that there is more in the
mortar than the pestle.
It is true that here has
been disagreement among
teaching and administrative
staff about the functioning
of the institution in several
or all of its aspects, and this
might have been the reason
for the teachers removal.
But if so, it is the duty of
the administrators to bring
the issues to light, and foi
the offenders, if they are
offenders, to be brought to
book, with of course provi-
sion for their defence.
This manner of proceed-
ing is all the more impor-
tant since it raises the whole
question of professionalism
and professional conduct,
especially in the public
servicewhich is notorious for
the passing of the buck,


witch-hunting, scape-goat
parades, and imre recently
an increasing amount of
intimidation, victimisation,
and terror.
The objective of such
tactics is to protect the boss
men who are normally party
hacks. It encourages obse-
quiousness, and if you play
Gene Miles then you suffer
lingering death.
In the particular circum-
stance of the four ex-Mausica
lecturers-there is nothing (or
at least nothing has been
brought to light) to suggest
that they have been perpetra-
tors of offences that warrant
such drastic and dramatic
removals.
In the first place they
are all trained teachers. Three
of them attended Mausica,
as students, and in addition
were called, on the com-
mendation of the current
Principal, Daphne Cuffie,
from their substantive teach-
ing positions to serve at
Mausica. Wafe, Wilson and
Phillip are also graduates of
the U.W.I., St. Augustine. A'f
the time of their removal
they had four years' experi-
ence on the Mausica staff.
This summary dismissal is
even more unjustified in view
of the fact that from C.L.R.
James' time to now no
special set of provisions or
guidelines for ascertaining
one's capacity for training
teachers have been formally
laid down.
Conventions

According to the old con-
ventions it was enough that
you be simply a good teacher
who did exceptionally well in
the teacher training pro-
grammes.
On the evidence available
the removal of these men has
left real gaps in the teacher
training programme as it now
stands. Wafe for one had


acted as the -Head of the
English Department while his
senior was away on study
leave.
Ronnie Wilson had drafted
the social arithmetic aspect
of one existing syllabus in
Mathematics, and Elmo Phil-
lip, who was been the most
senior lecturer in social
studies, has been selected for
the Diploma Course in Educa-
tion with emphasis on Social
Studies.
It is clear then that while
these four lecturers were on
temporary secondment from
their substantive posts, three
of them for four years, that
is to say, in a professional
twilight zone, they made the
unfortunate decision to take
seriously the profession of
teacher training, daily ;acquir-
ing skills, expanding their
individual capacities and in
general making up for the
gaping holes in official educa-
tional policy.
Dilemma

... -_I" ow-Utlhe-J.o.rmervalausiea_
lecturers are faced with the
dilemma of having to
adapt their,skills almost over-
night to meet fresh and
different demands those
of the school class room.
Clearly something is amiss.
Yet when the Chief Educa-
tional Officer was asked by
Wafe, Philip, Wilson and
Samuel to explain the
apparent irrationality of their
removal all he couldsaywas
that it was in the best
interests of the teaching
profession of Trinidad and
Tobago.
The answer was a silly one.
Neither was it adding to
one's understanding of the
situation to insist that the
Ministry of Education was
regularising the situation with
respect to acting and tempo-
rary appointments when in
fact none of the temporary
replacements at Mausica are


superior to the previous in-
cumbents either on paper or
in experience.
The only reasonable con-
clusion that can be inferred
from all this is that there is
in fact dissatisfaction with
the functioning of the institu-
tion, and for this the lecturers
are to be made responsible.
Only some months ago a
senior Minister of Govern-
ment called for the closing
down of the college.-
It is also clear that in such
a context the removals are
nothing short of acts of
victimisation in which men
are being held accountable,
by implication, for the un-
defined failures of an entire
institution.
And in the absence of a
course of remedial action
characterized by reasonable
behaviour and therefore stres-
sing the need for setting
professional standards of
conduct, it seems equally
obvious that the objective is
to abolish the institution by
systematically down-grading
- -its--status, thus making it
difficult for it to function at
its fullest potential.
If the Government after
almost ten years of support-
ing Mausica as the darling of
teacher training institutions
now finds that its perfor-
mance does not warrant the
current outlay for its con-
tinued existence, then that is
a matter equally for the
people of Trinidad and
Tobago. The Ministry instead
of pussy-footing on the issue


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must let the public know
what is going on.
Where we feel duty bound
to take a firm stand is on
what appears to be certain
senior administrators' callous
disregard for the professional
instinct of men who have
standards to live up to.
Background

For without going into
the years of unrest, dissent
and strife between students
and staff, and between staff
and the Principal, which
form part of the background
to the sudden eviction of
the former lecturers, it seems
pretty obvious that some
measure of victimisation is
involved.
The consequences such
action holds for professional-
ism based on competence,
self-confidence, and a fearless-
ness to insist on what is
correct is rivalled only by the
recent condemnation of
Eugenio Moore and Dodd-
ridge Alleyne, top-level public
servants; to the-cold stor-age-
beneath the foothills of
Crow's Nest.
These are some of the real
issues behind the current and
all pervading disenchantment
within the public service
today. It is the one thing
that the percentage increases
in salaries can't change. Until
the regime is replaced we are
not likely to find within the
public and teaching services
genuinely free exercise of
initiative.


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TAPIA PAGE 9


I






SUNDAY DECEMBER 1, 1974


PAGE 10 TAPIA


From Page 4

been rehearsed at the Multi,
Media Centre the course
moved complete) to TTT.
There Shaffick, for whom
this activity was an extra
commitment, worked at the
controls with his lightning
grasp of situations and inde-
fatigable energy in marshal-
ling wayward technicians,
overcoming numerous techni-
cal hitches and doing a
number of jobs at once.
Allan Kendall followed
every production every step
of the way, advising on the
numerous script rewrites, on
different positions, move-
ments, and camera angles,
and guiding the constant re-
thinking of concepts that
many of us had brought into
the studio only to find that
they didn't work in television
terms. With their work and
the unflagging energy of the
participants as a whole (the
course suffered 'virtually no
dropouts) the projects were
one by one, bit by bit put
in the can over a period of
three weeks.
Near the end of the course
we had two outside lecturers.
Mr. Justice Braithwaite spoke
on Copyright and informed
us that there was no special
provision in local law to deal
with copyright for written,
performed and recorded
original work of the type we
were concerned with. He also
told us that Trinidad &
Tobago were not signatories
to any of the international
conventions on copyright. He
described our copyright pros-
pects here as not merely
dim but as "total darkness".

Lack of Policy

The other talk was given
by the acting programme
director of TTT, who admit-
ted that TTT had, up to now,
no policy regarding program-
ming, that finance was a
major consideration and that
the company was feeling the
imperative to rationalise their
structure and aims in a way
never before felt in its history.
At this stage Allan, in an
effort to show what was
possible with even TTT's
limited facilities, produced a
25 minute programme of his
own. It was a programme for
pre-school children based on
a script hastily adapted from
one of his Australian pro-
grammes and using members
of the course as both pre-
senters before the cameras
and production assistants
behind the cameras. Entitled
BOXES, the programme
suffers from the lack of
available studio time but
nevertheless achieved so much
considering the inexperience
of the presenters and despite
the mysterious disappearance
of an earmarked film clip
that it would if shown -
open a lot of eyes as to the
possibilities of local children'
television. It certainly opened
the eyes of the TTT person-
nel who helped bring it
about and who were quite
excited by what it promised
in terms of meaningful and
professional studio produce,
tion.
The last production by
the course was an ambitious
two hour programmne scripted
by Allan and, using the
participants of ttie course in


an effort to put on video
tape the principles and tech-
niques that had been dealt
with in the course. The
purpose of this tape, which
was to include examples from
the final projects as well as
from Allan's Australian pro-
grammes, was to serve as a
training film for future
courses, to act as a record of
the present course's activities,
and to allow TTT personnel
who had shunned the lessons
of the course to perhaps
view it privately and thus
become exposed to some of
the ideas involved.

Self Criticism

The making of this pro-
gramme was beset with such
a variety of technical and
institutional difficulties that
the more suspicious were
heard to numble 'sabotage',
but Allan persevered and a
programme was made which
excluded much of what was
planned but contained
material so real, so brutal in
its examination both of Allan,
the course and TTT that it
would be dynamite even if
shown on the air.
What makes it so impres-
sive is the fact that it prob-
ably took television further in
its truth for Allan personally
it was the first time he had
performed in front of the
cameras than he had
previously envisaged. During
the self examination that the
course had stimulated, he had
carried his concept of televi-
sion to its logical conclusion
in the realisation that TV is
not only a merciless medium
for the presentation of or-
ganised programmes but also
as an instrument of self
criticism and self exposure
for the television worker.
After the recording of
that programme the partici-
pants of the course formed
themselves into a body
calling itself the Television
Workshop. Members paid a
nominal 25c membership and
elected two representatives
from each of the four groups
to act on a steering com-
mittee the responsibility of
which would be to co-ordinate
the activities of the workshop
and negotiate with TTT and
other 'clients' concerning the
expressed intentions'of the
course organizers, including
TTT, not to let the course's
efforts go to waste.
Subsequent discussions
with TTT, whose management
denied knowledge of more
modest proposals made by
UNESCO and Allan before
he left, has yielded an under-
taking by TTT to provide
the facilities of the organisa-
tion in the production of any
programmes, whether they
be 'specials' or series of any
length up to 25 minutes. TTT
has assigned Oswald Maingot
to liaise with the Workshop
and to handle studio direc-
tion. The four production
units are at present at work
preparing a wide range of
programmes which will
severely test the integrity of
TTT's offer.
So what has the course
achieved? What started as
apparently 'just another


summer course' has laid the
foundation for real television
in Trinidad & Tobago eleven
years after the station's
inception. I believe the most
meaningful criterion which
can be used to judge achieve-
ment in our society at the
moment is how much work
comes out of the talk and
what quality that work pos-
sesses.
For one team to make a
programme a week in the
industry is considered ade-
quate work for experienced
hands. In the seven weeks of
the course six programmes
of transmission quality were
completed. Forty people
began the course, close on
forty completed it, and
formed themselves into a
group which if it succeeds
will be the source of local
expertise in television for the
future.

Hard Work

Our encounter with a
theory of Television has
added another medium to
the creative work of the-
people. For the first time we
see what Television is and
can be.
Many people involved in
the arts in Trinidad & Tobago
feel at present that creative
work must be directed toward
the mirroring of ourselves,
that the facile stereotypes of
ourselves that we have
allowed to develop and be
peddled for many years will
only lead us deeper into
self-delusi6n and 'permanent
mas'; that only with ruthless
self examination will we see
who we really are and realise
the degree of commitment
and hard work necessary to
create the society we want.
Also our lack of real heroes,
which are really those isolated


haid working struggling souls,
has only perpetuated the
heroes of slaves; the con-man
and the robber.
Television with its im-
mediacy and built-in credibil-
ity is the ideal medium for
this mirroring. If it can be
done through TTT all well
anu good. But there is
another aspect of this concept
of television that so intrigued
us; that Television as Allan
sees it is really a very
individual means of com-
munication. The importance
is placed on maximising the
communication between pre-
senter and viewer (not
viewers). In the context of
the community and of the
co-operative spirit some of us
see as so important a part of
our tradition and as so vital
to our future, this intimacy
may be the key to adapting
what we learnt to our situa-
tion.
Everything we learnt from
Allan is absolutely right and
very necessary if we are to
make maximum use of Televi-
sion, but maybe we can carry
that view further to try to
include the community and
share the experience more.

Open Dialogue

Two things (not exclusive)
are needed to help this: .
Firstly what is presented
on television must be of
immediate relevance to the
community and to do this
the community must be able
to share more in the making
of television.
Secondly the viewer must
have maximum opportunity
to share his experience of TV
with other viewers whether
by direct shared viewing or
by perpetual open dialogue
opportunities presented and
stimulated by the medium.
It is my opinion that TTT


Television Workshop


cannot operate that sort of
television, for many reasons.
The simplest and least offen-
sive is that it is nationwide
and has a large investment in
traditional broadcast televi-
sion.
The answer to the problem
is community closed circuit
television which will fill the
gap left by the now defunct
Rediffusion; This will operate
locally and there will there-
fore be centres all over the
country operating an elefnen-
tary studio for the com-
munity.

Community TV

The equipment need not
be elaborate. %-inch video
tape equipment is inexpen-
sive and admirable for the
job, by reason of its great
portability. These centres will
make studio television,' but
will mostly be concerned
with outside camera work so
that the community speaks
to itself.
Naturally there would be
constant exchange of
materials among the centres
throughout the country.
These centres would be
financed in a way similar to
the old Rediffusion, viewers
would pay for the extra
channel on their sets. Any
advertising would be of the
community service type.
This idea is feasible finan-
cially and technically but
the only problem would be
Government licence. At the
moment that would come
at a price too high for a
service such as I have out-
lined to operate with any
integrity.
So in the meantime, there
is a group of creative people
thirsting for real television
and whether it is done with
TTT or not they will make
programmes. For exposure of
'these programmes they will
have to as Mr. Sonny
Rawlins, TTT General
Manager, says accept the
conditions laid down by the
only outlet TTT.


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Address to the Senate House OUR S Address at the Public Library
October 22. 1974. 25 Cents each June 25, 1974


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TAPIA PAGE 11t


SUNDAY DECENMER 1, 1974





lirs. Andrea Talbutt,
Research Institute for
Study of Man,
162, East 78th Street,
NE.U YORK, Y.Y. 10021,
Ph. Lehigh 5 8448,
U.S.A.


PRINTED BY THE TAPIA HOUSE PUBLISHING C., LTD. 91 TUNAPUNA RD. TUNAPUNA.


REJOICE




BUT DON'T


UNDER


-ESTIMATE THE


Augustus Ramrekersingh

THE taste of victory is
indeed sweet. It was
pleasant music to the ear
when the radio announcer
informed us at about 6
o'clock on Wednesday
morning that the West
Indies had won the first
test match against India
by the handsome margin
of 267 runs. Just before
lunch on the fifth day
the match was over when
the eighth Indian wicket
fell.
Tuesday was an anxious
day for us in the West Indies
in that many 'wondered
whether we would make it.
We were poised for victory.
But we knew that very often
in the past victory had
eluded us in similar situations.
The bitter memory of the
second and third test matches
against MCC this year was
recent enough to make us
pause and hope.
Early on Wednesday morn-
ing, therefore, our fears and
misgivings were allayed by
the joyful tidings. One up in
the series after one game and
in the lion's den to boot.
The critical day in the
game was the fourth day. We
started the day 69 runs
ahead and with 9 wickets
intact. The question was
whether we would survive
the onslaught of the Indian
spinners and put up a win-
ning total. First innings' hero
Kallicharan did not last too
long after the resumption but
the key question was deci-
sively answered by the in-
form Gordon Greenidge and
skipper Clive Lloyd who
exploded for 200 minutes.
and 163 powerfully hit runs.
Before the end of the
fourth day we had not only
rushed to 356 for 6 but had
taken the vital wickets of
Gavaskar and Solkar -
prickly thorns in our flesh


three years ago.
The WI went into this
match with only five special-
ist batsmen but after a
limited first day this defi-
ciency did not seem to
matter too much. 212 foi 2
was a good score. Greenidge
with a splendid 93 in his
debut and Kallicharan with a
polished, undefeated 64 had
given us a sound start.
Catastrophe struck next
day. 8 wickets fell for 77
runs on a rain-affected
wicket. Incidentally, the
decision to leave the wicket
uncovered was quite strange,
for the Indians do not
possess the resources to
exploit those conditions.
Kali scored 60 of the 77
runs, and from the reports,
in a masterly fashion. He has
really established himself as
a world class batsman with
the technique to cope with
almost any situation. He is in
fact a man for all seasons.

SEE SAW

With Gavaskar and Engi-
neer going early, Mansur Ali
Khan out of touch and
Vishwanath only scoring 29,
India fell 29 runs short of
our total. It was a see-saw
innings. At lunch on the
third day they looked com-
fortable with the score on
155 for 3. But led by
Vanbum Holder the WI pace
attack broke through and
only a rearguard action by
Prasanna and Abid Ali pre-
vented us from gaining a sub-
stantial lead. Once again the
Indians' distaste for fast
bowling was demonstrated.
The decision to play three
quick bowlers was vindicated.
Once Gavaskar and Solkar
went early, it was a question
of whether India could save
the game or whether we
could get 6 nore wickets.
We were in the fortunate
.position of only having to
claim 8 wickets to win since
Khan and Engineer were not


likely to bat and did not in
fact do so.
The overall Indian res-
ponse was, ,118, a meagre
* response. Once again our
pacemen were decisive, claim-.
ing all 8 wickets to fall. Tuis
* time the rout originated with
Boyce late on the fourth
day.
It has been a good victory
for us but it is no excuse to
grow over-confident. That has
been our mistake too often
in the past. When we mauled
MCC in the first test earlier
this year most people thought
that it was.easy pickings and
the final result was a humili-
ating defeat in the fifth.
The team needs to be
relentless in its efforts, never
under-estimating the opposi-
tion. We are far from con-
quering the Indian spinners.
They may find other more
favourable pitches. The WI
team nust make hay while
the sun shines, or should I
say, when the rain falls.
The victory is not without
problems:
Will we again play five


INDIANS


specialist batsmen or will we
include a sixth, preferably
Rowe, at the expense of one
of our spinners?
Will Baichan, a steady-
ing influence, replace
Richards? Personally, I think
that Richards deserves
another chance. He is a good
batsman, an excellent fields-
man and a useful bowler in
times of stress.

DEBUT
Wll Fredericks be fit
enough for the second test on
December 11? If he isn't it
will be a loss, though
Baichan's problem would be
solved.
A few final comments. It
was unfortunate that Clive
Lloyd had to spend the final
day in bed with fever. IH-
played a great part in the


victory on lhis eobut as wi
captain.
Gordon Greenidge had a
splendid match. His form in
India has surprised me, for I
did not think very much of
his ability to cope with good
spin bowling. In addition to
his aggression, he has an
almost insatiable appetite for
runs. It is ludicrous to
suggest, as some Indian
critics have suggested, that
the reappearance of Bishen
Bedi will cut him, and, in
fact, the West Indies, down
to size.
We are thousands of miles
away from the scene of play
but we all look forward with
eager anticipation to the
second test in a fortnight.
And every West Indian is
wondering about the possibi-
lities of having a ball by ball
description of at least a part
of the match.


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