Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00134
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: November 3, 1974
Frequency: completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00134

Full Text

Vol. 4 No. 44

IC 0o '7?4

IT is now three weeks
since Tapia made its
dramatic and unconven-
tional entry into the
Senate, or as we called it
then, "the Lion's den".
Yet in those three short
weeks more political
excitement and interest
have been generated in the
Senate than had been
in that Chamber's whole
Nor has the excitement
been- confined within the
walls of the Senate alone.
Tapia's move has proved to
be the virus that has infected
the population and threatens
to engulf the whole nation
in a raging fever of keen
anticipation and renewed
In short politics in this
country born again. When
the Tapia Senators, conscious
that their mandate was
limited to the issue of Con-
stitutional reform, offered
to resign after the constitu-
tional debate the public
response was swift and ow.

able to represent
the people L

The Tapia Office was
deluged .with letters and
phone calls from people in all
parts of the country insisting
that they should stay there
even in the face of the
Government's overwhelming
majority and the improb-
ability that Tapia could ever
swing enough votes to have
any of its motions passed.
The reasons for this
support are not hard to find.
As one of the letters which
we received (see pages 4 & 9)
pointed out. "We all of us
have been waiting, watching
to see who will bell the cat."
In other words the Country
is at long last perceiving
what they have waited for,
for such a long time, a
real opposition.
But not simply an
opposition, but a viable and
credible alternative- to this

q I

Government. For a long time
people have admitted that
Tapia possessed the men, the
plans, dhe organisation and
the intellectual capacity to do
a far superior job of running
the country than the Govern-
ment. In fact everybody
knows that the Government
has been borrowing Tapia's
plans freesheet.
What the people did
not see, or thought they
could not see, was the
political skill and courage
necessary to jack-up this
Government and put the
soundest political cutarse on
their skins. When Tapia
entered the lion's den people
understood instinctively that
they had found what they
had been looking for.

Friend & Foe

Everybody, friend and
foe alike, can see that it is
Tapia that is calling the
political tune and the Govern-
ment jumping around in panic.
The turpentime burning their
tail already.
Moreover, as Tapia has
predicted time and time again,
the institutions of the land

are splitting apart as people
Line up either on the side of
the new movement or the
old order. Beyond the
conventional categories of
class and race what is dividing
men and women is vision
and a sense of possibility or
the lack of these
Horace Charles

So we have no doubt
as to who the people are
behind the nasty intrigue
aimed at pulling"Tapia out
of the Senate. Horace
Charles is merely the tool not
only for the Government but
for conventional operators
whether they are in the
Unions or among the pro-
fessionals or even in the
so-called opposition parties.
These are the forces in
the country who are quite
prepared to see the system
remain exactly the way it is
and are therefore deathly
afraid of politics, particularly
when that politics is grounded
in the participation of the
little people.
They believe only in
magic and authority and
cannot comprehend the

political process of hard
work, careful planning and
patient building. Their
inveterate recourse to magical
now for now solutions really
shows how mortally afraid
they are of Williams. For
them the solution will ever-
lastingly be the shrill cry of
impotence to God, the Devil
or the Governor General.
We in Tapia are not
Gods but we could not care
less what the Devil or the
Governor General decides. We
could not care less because
wherever valid political forces
are, there will valid representa-
tion be. Tapia is willing and
able to represent the people
in the Senate on matters of
bread and butter or on
matters of life or death.
But Tapia does not
need the Senate. All that our
move to that strategic posi-
tion did was to help people
to perceive that after fifteen
years of laying solid political
foundations and six years of
organising the political alter-
native, we were prepared and
ready for the final battle.

has been
with letters
and calls to stay in
the Senate

That battle is not far
off. Now that Tapia is making
the running the election
could be on us as early as
Christmas or Carnival. Tapia
told the Government in the
Senate earlier this week that
it is a mistake to postpone
elections. But it really does
not matter. Anything they do
is a fatal mistake.
On November 17 Tapia
holds its Sixth Anniversary
Assembly to put the machine
in final shape. And while all
Tapia people are preparing
for this occasion Williams will
be on his way to China. Like
others who also went to
China Nkrumah, Sihanouk
and Obote, Tapia promises
Williams that when he is
ready to return there may
be nothing here for him.
What he has left he may
never regain, not for all the
tea in China.


pages 5-8





page 3

25 Cents

Council Reps.

reminded of

Monthly Meeting


Nov.10 19

9.30 a.m.


Paula Williams



THE Executive of the
Tapia House Group met
today and considered a
letter from the three
Tapia representatives in
the Senate Lloyd Best,
Hamlet Joseph and Ivan
Laughlin which expres-
sed their willingness to
resign their Senate posi-
tions if the Tapia House
Group and the public
were convinced that their
usefulness in that body
had been exhausted.
The three Tapia
representatives expressed
the view that, though
they had not been able to
gain access for political
opposition views on the
matter, of Constitutional
Reform,'they had never-
theless succeeded in
winning an unqualified
political victory for the
country, and that they
could still see for them-
selves an important role
in speaking for the
Opposition on the press-
ing matters of Economics,
Social Justice and Cul-
tural Expression which
are -due to come up in
The National Execu-
tive accordingly decided
(a) Notwithstanding
the Government's use of
its goliath vote to block
a hearing for Opposition
Groups and other interests
not, represented in
Parliament, the Tapia
presence :in the Seriate.
has already been san'c-
tioned by Public
(b)) That the; Tapia
representatives should re-
tain their position in the
Senate for as long as
Public Opinion continues
to show approval of such
presence, so as to make
the voices of the little
people heard on the
issues of.bread and butter
and the issues of life and
death; and
(c) That this deci-
sion would -be taken for
ratification to the Council
of Representatives of
Tapia, which meets on
November 10, and the
Sixth Anniversary As-
sembly which meets on-
November 17.

WHEN the Central
Government is aot work-
ing, the case for local
government is stronger
than ever. Hamlet Joseph
told the Senate so last
Local Government, he
said is what keeps party
politics alive. The PNM had
made a mockery of the
County Councils and the
Municipalities; to postpone
the elections now would
only make matters worse.
Yaxsee had opened the
Tap4a innings on a day when,
after the excitements of the
Constitution Debate, the
Senate threatened to revert
to its dormant State.
Ivan Laughlin however,
put a spanner in the works.
Speaking with tremendous
power and conviction, Ivan
lamented the further break-
down of proper democratic
routines, the erosion of
democratic foundations, the
sinister invasion by lawless
"If the Elections Com-
missior and the Boundaries
Commission are not ready,
let us proceed with the
arrange ,ments that we have".
It is sheer nonsense,
Ivan ins sted, for the Govern-
ment to come here and claim
that they were postponing
the elections because time is
too short to put into effect
the new proposals for
Speaking last, Lloyd
Best said he was prepared to
concede for the sake of the
debate that the intentions of
the Government were as
honourable as anybody else's.
"Then, it is case of sheer
incompetence, of utter
political incompetence", the
Tapia Secretary concluded.


Taking the three reasons
advanced by the Government
for the postponement of the
Local Government elections,
Uoyd Best told the Senate
that the first reason was
irresponsible, the second
untrue and the third impolitic,
if not naive.
It was completely
irresponsible, he explained,
to say that the elections
should be postponed because
the Boundaries were not
ready. "Did the Commissions
not know that the elections.
would be due?" "Was it not
the duty of the Government
to see that the Commissions
did their work in time?"
Outlining the history of
the constitution debate front
October 1.969 the Tapia
Secretary showed that tne
Government had been raising

the issue of the.voting age
and electoral reforms only to
drop it again whenever it was
-Lloyd Best reminded
the House of the Prime
Minister's speech on Decem-
ber 2, 1973 which had
promised that "legislative and
administrative action should
be taken as expeditiously as
possible ... without
awaiting the completion of
the public discussion and
Government's decisions on
the Commission's entire


It was untrue, he
concluded, that electoral
regulations were holding up
the Local Government elec-
tions. The Prime Minister had
said that "Much time, for
example, might be saved by
dealing first with the issues of
voting age and the electoral
system and procedures on
which there already seems to
be a large measure of unani-
mity, so that the competent
authorities can proceed at
once . to the registra-
tion of new voters and the
implementation of the elec-
toral regulations".
"It is untrue", the
Tapia Secretary repeated. "It
is a low dodge, a bad ruse".
The Government was so
incompetent, he stated, "it
even lacked the arts of
political dissimulation". It
did not even have the skill to
save itself from doom.
Tapia's advice to the
Government, Lloyd Best
continued, was that they
should call all the elections
now. "It is a fundamental
blunder to put the elections
off; in six months time, they
will not have a chance to
The real reason for the
postponement of the election,
concluded the Tapia Secre-
tary, was that the Local
Councils had already become
mere expenditure com-
mittees of the Central


The real government in
the local areas now took
place under the control of an
informal political machine
built around 169 Community
Centres and 457 Village
Councils and run from the
House of the Chief Executive
(Prime Minister).
Lloyd Best cited a work
by a University sociologist to
show how the Village Coun-
cils had displaced the County
Councils as the centres of
Local life.

The results, he told the
Senate, "have been total
administrative confusion, a
neglect ofTobago, complete
waste of money,a destruction
of all self-help and initiative,
and the creation of a gigantic
scheme of private national
consultation between the
Chief Executive and the
people, by passing Parliament,
by-passing the party and
emasculating Local Govern-
It all began, explained
Lloyd Best, with the Meet-
the-People tour of 1903 and
the abandonment of serious
long-term planning for the
now-for-now policies ol
crash programmes for which
the Village Councils are
systematically the objects of
"Meet the People, the
farmers, the manufacturers,
the party: Better Village. Best

Village, Village Olympics:
Special Works Programme.
Special Programme Works;
Consultations, Conferences,
Simulcasts. Steelband tents,
hosay yards. They all made a
piece." The one ihing they.
had in common, the-Secretary
added, was the Chief Execu-
tive at the helm.
It is impolitic to say
that the Govt has big plans
for local government. Already
we know what they are.
"They are putting -the
elections off because the
elections do not really
matter. But when God ready
'o kill bachak, he does give
them wing to fly."

And so the Bill was
passed. In the language of
the Senate, "Whom the Gods
wish to'destroy, they first
make mad".

Read rmore

thav i:n


read TAPIA

every week

4, S 7 B s.

__ ~ _____1_~ __i_ __1_~__~____


Education for votes

Chinky schooling in Caroni

". .. all extensions to
the school system should
be geographically distri-
buted so as to equalize
educational opportunities
according to regions and
so as to centralize and
concentrate the more
expensive higher Educa-
tional. facilities, including
Teachers' Colleges". -
Third Five Year Plan p.
We stand for proper
planning, rather than
anything vie-ki-vie". -
Prime Minister, Trinidad
Guardian 14/10/74.
In 1960 Caroni with
11% of the population had
7% of the secondary schools,
St. George with 43% of the
population had 60% of the
secondary schools. As a
consequence of the Govern-
ment's school building pro-
gramme of the sixties and its
policy to "equalize educa-
tional opportunities accord-
ing to regions" only one
secondary school was built
in Caroni which was already
under supplied, while St.
George, which was already
over supplied, got six.
The effect was that in
1970 Caroni, with 11% of
the population and 12% of
the secondary school age
children had 7% of the
secondary schools and 6% of
the secondary school places,
while St. George with 42% of
the population and 43% of
the secondary school age
population had 50% of the
secondary schools and 52% of
the secondary school places
The effect of the
implemented policy of the
Government, then, was to
worsen in 1970 the inequali-
ties in educational opportuni-
ties according to region
already evident in 1960 and
before with respect to
Caroni and St. George. The
effect of the Government's
implemented policy was
directly opposite to its
stated policy.
It may appear to the
superficial observer that the
facts surrounding the Govern-
ment's school building pro-
gramme contradict the Prime
Minister's assertions. As a
matter of fact we would like
to believe that the shameful
neglect of Caroni has been
the result of "vie-ki-vie"
policy of the PNM of un-
critically following the
Colonial policy of building
secondary schools in the

The neglect of Caroni
in education is of a piece
with the neglect of the agri-
cultural sector of the
economy and the agricultural
areas. Both these phenomena
are incomprehensible if
viewed in the context of the

Denis Solomon
IN HIS- determination
that debate in the Senate
should remain as banal as
it was futile, Wahid Ali
ruled the word "maco"
(or macco, or mako, or
makko, or makwo, or
maquereau) out of order,
as not being English.
English for him is evi-
dently what is contained
between the covers of the
Oxford English Diction-
This is a foolish criter-
ion, since it would rule out
all regionalisms not contained
in that august work. Are
Australian parliamentarians
not to 'make reference to
"bludging" or "shooting
through", to describe the
state of the nation as "din-
kum" or to use "farewell" as
a verb? Must Welsh or Scot-
tish MP's eschew those words
which their constituents
understand best? Above all,
is Tapia to be debarredfrom
making reference to the
National Panchayat?
Perhaps Wahid would
argue that "bludge" and
dinkumm" feature in the OED
as Australian regionalisms
but maco (or macco,...etc.)
does not feature as a Trini-
dad regionalism. The ques-
tion that must then be asked
is: does anything appear in
the OED as a Trinidad
regionalism? The answer, of
course, is no; and this fact
automatically disqualifies the
OED as a criterion of accept-
ability for parliamentary
usage in this country.
In any case the word
"mackerel" does appear (page

Government's stated plans
and principles in its various
five year plans and the
official pronouncements of
its ministers.
We begin to understand
this neglect if we rip away
the veil of pious official

statements and gaze directly
upon the covert policies with
which the Government has
tried to deal with what the
Prime Minister himself has
called "this recalcitrant
It has been a policy of

chunks instead of periods?
Must sporting MP's make
pleas for legalisation of
rooster-fighting? As the police
never "go" but always "pro-
ceed", must senators never
"come" but always "arrive"?
But if we must turn
the language of debate in
our Parliament into English,
we have a far harder job to

M10, Vol. VI, 1961 Edition)
with approximately the same
meaning as "maquereau" has
in one of its senses in
Wahid's other reason
for ruling the word out of
order is the impropriety of
one of its meanings. This is
also a foolish reason, since
a word with two unrelated
meanings is two words. Are
parliamentarians to make no
reference to Buller Street?
If your name is Crapp are
you ineligible for appoint-
ment to the Senate? Is the
common Trinidadian pro-
nunciation of "third" to be
ruled out of order? Must the
letter "p" never be named?
Must the population,
beset by rising prices, feel
the pinch but never the prick
(at least as far as Senate
debates are concerned)?
Must the Government, at a
loss for remedies, grasp at
straws but never snatch?
Must school days be hence-
forth divided into slices or

benign neglect ol' those eaicaS
which have denied it poiliicai
support. This covert policy i,
the common currency of
conversation in the corridors
of Balisier lHousc. We do not
see this as evidence of any
sinister design on the part
of the party but as a direction
in which the party was
disastrously propelled by the
less noble elements within
its fold. Any Government
would be open to the seduc-
Tapia therefore pro-
poses to deal with this
problem not by promising
those neglected by this
regime the goodwill and
favours of the next but by
Continued on Back Page

do than merely eliminating
slang words. We would have
to overcome the affection
for authority that causes us
always to turn "government"
and "cabinet" from common
into proper nouns (i.e. to say
"Government" and "Cabi-
net" instead of "the Govern-
ment" and "the Cabinet");
Wahid and many others
Contiiiied on Page 11

- ___ _- / l e s~srf c ^ r/j^ /n^

Ze g-Nr

Table 1 Distribution of Secondary Schools, 1960
Education District Population No. of Schools of People %. ol Schools
St. Patrick 108,200 2 13 7
Victoria 172,500 7 21 23
Caroni 90,500 2 11 7
St. George 361,500 18 43 60
North Eastern 38,600 -- 5
South Eastern 23,300 -- 3
Tobago 33,300 1 4 3








November 1st. 1974

SHOES dawn $9.99

SHIRT-JACKS mwl 29.99
do'n i 9. 99

.Wah'id your SIMIP 1S.Show'ing-





Bell The Cat
Picton Street,
14 October 1974
Dear Sir,
GREETINGS on your decision' to take up the
cudgels of the country as a whole. We all of us have
been waiting, watching to see who will bell the cat.
Be that as it may, there is a lot of advantage
being taken of the small men.
Enclosed sir, are three clippings which have
been the source of constant worry to us hard-worked
ex-policemen. In the colonial days we were given
something to sign which in those days you could not
ask a question.
Today the elderly ex-policemen are facing the
the result. I trust that in your term in the Senate you
will at least try to right this wrong.
The Legal Department says that a law is irrevoc-
able. What about a Pension's Amendment?
One is shortly to come up before both Houses
for people who have left the service or are in the
course of leaving all under Pensions Amendment.
Thanking you in the hope that you will try
your best to help us in this situation.
Yours sincerely


Voices from the

Correspondence...Complaints... Comments... Cries... Communications

Many Roads

Milford Rldd,
Scarborough, Tobago.
9 October 1974.

Dear. .. ,
I WISH to extend heartfelt congratulations to
you and your appointment to the Senate. Despite that
many people would say, I have always been of the
opinion that there are many roads to the square. I am
sure you and your team are capable of making a valu-
able contribution on behalf of the citizens of this

Robinson Ville.
Dear. ..
THANK the Lord but don't pass the ammuni-
tion at least not yet, word for word I followed the
debate, jolly good.
I think however. one of the points you missed
out on was John Citizens or the Public's utter disgust
with the PSA was due to the fact that they are willing
to take all and give nothing or very little.
Their incessant "stepping out", "not in yet",
"was here a little while ago", "at a Conference,
Seminar, Debate", etc, their "come back tomorrow,
next week, next year".
Nobody but nobody can deal with a query im-
inediately. The whole d. thing should be frozen
and employ not one more. Diminishing returns!
I have been unable to visit any Tapia meetings
but follow closely all the doings. Good luck anc
accept this letter "God Bless"! I am a firm believer.
Yours sincerely,

Senate Service

Prada Street,
St. Clair.
9 Oct. 1974

Dear ,
HEARTY congratulations on your nomination
to the Senate and with every good wish for a long and
fruitful term of service.

Great Debate
St. Clement's Village
Nap-Mayaro Road
San Fernando
Dear ..
I LISTENED to your presentation over Radio
610 and I'm very much impressed. Keep up your
good work. Could you kindly send a copy of your
paper presented at the Great Debate so that I can
allow a friend who is away to have a look at it.
Yours faithfully,
Verona D.




of all

Tapia Supporters



Tapia House


Sunday, November 17,1974

Bharath Street,
23. 10.74.

Dear ..
THE Management and Members of our Club
beg through this medium to extend sincerest con-
gratulations to you and the other members of your
group on your appointment to the Senate.
We in our humble way, wish you and your
members health, and strength in the struggle for suf-
fering humanity.

Turpntin InDy aa

Phone 662-5126 for details on transport, lunch, resolutions and tickets for friends
Or just drop by at 82, St Vincent Street, Tunapuna or 17, Royal Rd, San Fernando

"Onward ever, Backward never."

Onward Tapia



I ., I, ii I ~t$l

.. I ~



IT IS now clear to all the world that our Movement must move rapidly to
demolish the old regime. The February Revolution is speeding to its climax;
agitation, action and politics are the order of the day.
This is precisely the stage at which we risk turning attention away from
Jasic aims towards the glamour of strategy and tactics.
But change will not become possible merely because we successfully out-
manoeuvre the ruling clique and transfer State power to Tapia. How we lie down
will depend on hovwwe have made the bed.

Nowhere is greater preparation needed for national reconstruction than in
the area of family life. It is pointless advocating economic reorganisation or cul-
tural revival, social equalisation or moral resurgence unless we envisage what
part the family is to play in the transformation we propose.
To open up the discussion in Tapia, we reprint here a piece by two Hun-
garians, both rebels against rigid Marxist creed and victims of the communist
state machine. The article was first published in Telos, an American periodical.
The authors are: MIHALY VAJDA and AGNES HELLER.






UNLIKE THE utopians, Marx did not des-
cribe communist society in detail, since he
claimed .that men themselves shape human
relations in the course of human activity and
social struggles. Fixing the concrete structure
of the future in advance would have meant
the confrontation of an ideal with reality. But
this omission does not mean that Marx did
not presuppose values without whose realiza-
tion a communist society could not even
have been imagined.
These values deny alienated human and
social relationships. Yet they are not simply
negations. Marx based the denial of existing
social relations on positive value presupposi-
tions. The goal is not simply the substitution
of new social forms for existing ones. The
main objective is more fully human individ-
uals and social relations.
The abolition of private property and the
"destruction of alienated collective authority,which
are recurring themes of Marxian communism, are a
function of the same positive value presuppositions.
Neither is a goal in itself. Both are means and proces-
ses meant to bring about a "humane" society, since
the end of private property and the state are funda-
mental preconditions for the elimination of (1) the
fetishization of human relations into relations among
things, (2) the subordination of men to other men
(social division of labor), and (3) the relation of men
to other men as mere means.
Since social regulation must always exist, this
goal can be realized only in the course of working out
new types of human relations. This in turn presup-
poses (as is obvious to us) a relatively high degree of
development of the forces of production.
Does the process of total social transformation
automatically satisfy the preconditions which would
permit the realization of its goal, ie., the positive
and non-alienated regulation of human relations?
Does purely political and economic activity create
the types of men necessary for a really free society?
The communist transformation of the relations of
production and the transformation of alienated
power structures into "social", local governing struc-
tures can be accomplished only if our conscious
revolutionary intentions are also directed toward
transforming everyday life. Indeed, all these factors

are mutually conditioning. The transformation of
production relations and the dissolution of power
relations are unimaginable without the conscious
revolutionary reconstruction of everyday life, and
vice versa.
Engels posed this problem in his Origin of the
Family, Private Property and the State. According to
him, the destruction of private property and the
withering away of the state must necessarily accom-
pany the dissolution of the monogamous family.
Engels argued that in a communist society the mono-
gamous family would turn into a marriage partnership
but added that nothingcertain can be said in advance
about this development since the new forms are yet
to be worked out.
Why do we regard the family as the organiza-
tional center of everyday life? Obviously, human
reproduction does not occur only in the family: a
major part of our everyday activities do not take
place within the family and are not related to it. Yet
it is the family that "brings up" new generations
and teaches them the types of activities necessary in
everyday life. Indeed, this transference of everyday
life activities is the most important part of family
education. Furthermore, the family is the "operating
base" of all our everyday activities: we "go out" of
it, we "return", to it, and it is our spatial locus, our


Last but not least, the family is the origin and
determination of the most immediate relations be-
tween man and man and between man and woman.
As Marx wrote, "In this relationship ... the extent to
which the human essence has become nature for man
or nature has become the human essence of man is
sensuously manifested, reduced to a perceptible fact.
From this relationship one can thus judge the entire
level of mankind's development (Bildungstufe). From
the character of this relationship follows the extent
to which man has become and grasped himself as a
generic being, as man."
It has been suggested that within communism
it is possible to separate the task of bringing up new
generations from the constant framework of intimate
relations between men and women (i.e., in the form
of child care centers organized by the state or by the

whole of society as the basic units for forming new
generations). This notion is not only utopian but
also implies the impoverishment of human life in at
least one essential respect. Thus, it stands in opposi-
tion to the value presuppositions of communism: it
would eliminate from life the internal connections of
adults and children as organic parts of universal
human relations. Furthermore, it implies the introduc-
tion of a new division of labor, the separation of a
stratum of educators. The rejection of this view, how-
ever, is also connected with the rejection of the
alternative that the children's upbringing must always
take place within the framework of the monogamous
bourgeois family.
It is not necessary here to consider the history
of the bourgeois family, since we are concerned with
communist societies. From this perspective it will be
adequate to analyze the bourgeois family's function
and its contemporary predicament. The bourgeois
family was originally built into the total structure of
bourgeois production relations and property relations.
One of its prototypes is the petit bourgeois family as
a productive unit which, however, is declining both
in terms of its function in total social production and
in number.
The other prototype is that of the upper
bourgeois family, which stands outside the organiza-
tion of production although one of its basic tasks is
to insure the smooth functioning of capitalist property.
This is accomplished by educating one or more child-
ren to run the factory or business-The foundation of
both family types is the transference of private
property by inheritance.
The original structure of both types of
bourgeois family is in a state of transition. Today, as
a result of changes in the structure of modern
capitalism, the majority of bourgeois families are no
longer organized around production but around con-
sumption. Thus, even within capitalism, the economic
function of the family is diminishing. The phenomena
usually described as the "dissolution of the family"
or "crisis of the family form" are probably connected
to this change. What are these phenomena?
(1) The end of monogamy in the strict sense.
Divorce de jure (or at least de fact) is universally
accepted, although some attention has been paid to


George Beckford
Norman Girvan
Owen Jefferson
Clive Thomas
Maurice Odle
William Demas
Roy Thomas
Havelock Brewster
Alister McIntyre


Bookshop Tapia selections

James Millette Lloyd Best Vernon Gocking I)Dnnis
S Forsythe Fitz Baptiste Vaughan Lewis

Phone 662--5126 or 'isit'iwr ,i r:!
82-84 St Vincent Street Twilaipinla.

Lloyd King
Gordon Rolilehr
Victor Qiestel
DIknis Solomon
Cherl I W\'illiams
I)erck Walcott
\WaVnell Brown

rd~P~I~SS~g~B~1I~S I~P~ '1 C1889 ~B I

~P~~"PP" I 1 -~-111 '' ~Ss '~"T~rP~F;"PIII IPr" ~-I ~P~$t~B~






From Pagt 5

its socially negative characteristics. The most drama-
tic manifestation of this phenomenon was the sugges-
tion in Sweden and Denmark to legally abolisli mar-
riage as an institution.
(2) The almost complete de jure elimination and
the de facto reduction of male authority in marriage
This is connected to so-called women's emancipation.
the gradual widening of the circle of occupations
open to women, the achievement of political equality
by women. etc.
(3) The transfonnation of moral norms relating
to sexuality, which improves die situation of women
and is connected to the increase in divorces.
(4) The practical disappearance of the multi-
generational family: the narrowing of the family to
the "nuclear family".
From the viewpoint of the basic value of free
choice of human ties, this process must be considered
positive even if it leads to insoluble conflicts which
society is powerless to solve even when it seeks to
eliminate them in an organized manner. One such
basic conflict flows from the contradiction between
the freedoms of divorce and raising children. The
financial problems involved are easily solved if the
society is sufficiently affluent. This is not as serious a
problem as the disruption brought about by di"orce
in the lives of many children.
Another basic problem resulting from this dis-
integration is loneliness. The nuclear family reduces
the possibility of intensive, many-sided relationships
(in societies where, almost without exception, human
ties outside the family are merely functional). This
problem is all the more serious in the case of old
people who are left alone. In many families, if the
old people live with the nuclear family, they either
serve it or become a burden for it; and if they do not
live with the family, they are abandoned to complete
loneliness. The same problem arises with divorced
people, especially women who must raise children.
Such a task obviously interferes with entering into
new relations.
Sexual revolution as a slogan ana as a move-
ment expresses and stimulates this process of dis-
integration, although. its main aim is the formation of
free human relations. For the sake of this aim, the
"sexual revolution" strives toward the complete dis-
solution of the bourgeois family. Naturally, as in all
human relations, the free choice of sexual relations
and the freedom to choose them again and again is a
basic precondition for the development and universal-
ization of individuality. At the same time, the sexual
revolution restricts the program of establishing human
ties to the free choice of sexual partners.'It fails to
analyze the relationship between sexuality and other
types of intense ties: first and foremost, the relations
between adults and children.


The sexual revolution offers no solution toward
the formation of the basic units of a new society. It is
one-sided even in terms of its restricted analysis of
sexual relations. Beginning with the assumption that
the historically available types of sexual relations are
not free, it prefers promiscuity and disregards the
fact that the most substantial, intense and many-
sided human relations (e.g. love, friendship, etc.)
originate in the lives of couples- Behind the slogan of
sexual revolution hide the assumptions that the close
connection between sexual and family ties always
involves repression of "normal" sexuality and that
sexuality must be freed from its subordination to any
other social relations. This is indeed revolutionary vis
a vis the Christian tradition, which restricted sexuality
to the procreation of children. The solutions to the
two problems of sexuality and family must be sought
together, but it would be regressive to seek the solu-
tions in some new type of bourgeois family.
Independently of its economic function, the
basic social function of the bourgeois family is to
shape a type of personality that guarantees the fric-
tionless operation of bourgeois society. The Marxist
theory of society presupposes an immediate connec-
tion between 'ne structure of personality and the
tbtality of social relations. It assumes as natural that
the transformation of the production and property
relations, political structures, etc., of a giv..n society
will produce the type of man adequate to the new
society. The theory does not examine tie concrete
mechanisms which shape character tyr.:s correspond-
ing to social conditions. As a result, it ignores that
family which plays no basic role in the organization
of production: it examines the relations between
family structure and society only as a moment of
production or of property relations.
Marxist studies in the basic functions of the
bourgeois l'amilv were primarily motivated hy tlihe ex-
periences of fascism. These studies disclosed that
independently of its c hainginil ecconmnic functions,
tlie ft'uilv's alitndlaental role is the formation ul'



the average personality type necessary for the func-
tioning of bourgeois society. It is the family that
creates those aspects of human personality which
make men adaptable to the productive and luilitical
conditions of the total society, and which make these
conditions seem "natural" to them. The first typical
effort in this direction was Wilhelm Reich's Mass
Psychology of Fascism Yet it is not necessary to
explain the formation of the adequate personality
type within the family in terms of naturalistic Freud-
ian principles.Although sexual repression can also play
a role in the formation of bourgeois personality
types, the "production" of the normal or average
personality can' be explained without recourse to
sexuality or sexual repression.


Because ot inborn characteristics, a basic
human personality is fonned and fixed in early
childhood. We will call this "psychic character". The
belief that the whole human personality can go
through perceptual and radical changes during the
entire life-span is implicitly or explicitly present in
Marxism. However, this is an unfortunate inheritance
from sensualism. What can and often does change is
moral character, and even this does not change inde-
pently of the psychic character: e.g. a negative
psychic character precludes a radical moral catharsis.
Accordingly, psychic. character is primarily formed
in the family, which also transmits basic moral pre.
ferences to the child. Later on, however, these moral
preferences can be modified through choice, unlike
psychic character, which cannot.
The bourgeois family must guarantee that the
psychic character of the men who grow up within it
are adequate to the demands of bourgeois society.
This, of course, need not be accomplished conscious-
ly. Indeed, in most cases the task is accomplished
even if the dominant family ideology is op nly a;lti-
bourgeois Thus, the formation of a moral character
not integrated into bourgeois society involves hard
work on one's psychic character, which is impossible
without a high intellectual capacity.
The two parents constitute the basic environ-
ment of the small child. Upbringing in the nursery
and in the day care center always relates back to the
family. It is "natural" for the child to love his parents
before anyone else. Indeed, parents "must" be loved
and honored: society expects it. Until the moment
of adulthood, the child's deepest emotional ties are
with his parents, and he must seek his moral ideals in
them. The day care center, and later the school,
provide other moral ideals, but never in relation to
everyday life and activity and never with such immedi-
acy that they can direct the child in his activities. In
fact, these ideals do not mean relationships for the
child. Assuming for the moment the exceptional case
in which both parents are positive moral examples, it
is still possible that neither of their moral and psychic
characters correspond to the child's particular gifts.
This restriction of choice can lead to character
deformation during early childhood: e.g., children of




great men who are "failures". If, in spite of his
particular gifts, the child accepts his parents' psychic
and moral character as his ideals, it can cause unusual
inner tension and even weakness of will. But if he
rebels, his rebellion takes irrational fortns: he will
hold his parents responsible for all injuries even when
his problems are not caused by them and they were
simply incompatible. Without going into situations
where one or both parents have generally negative
moral character yet society demands that the child
love these parents (although in extreme cases of
blatantly brutal or criminal parents society does not
demand it), it suffices to point out that in this situa-
tion the child becomes totally homeless:he belongs
The bourgeois family is authoritarian: it is not
a community. Even today in the great majority of
families, because of tradition and his social situation,
the man is the 'authority independently of the means
to exercise this authority. There are families where,
because of her place in society or the strength of her
personality, the woman has authority. This does not
change the fact that the family is authoritarian. As a
result, the contemporary family is not adequate to
teach the child how to live and act in a community.
Let us assume that the two parents agree completely
on everything. Even in this case, their perfectly har-
m onized life cannot become a model of social life and
conduct because their unity is exceptional and, in
larger social units, would be impossible in principle.
Even the most harmonious parental relations cannot
prepare children for democratic social action.
Furthermore, only in exception- :asescanlthe
relationship of children with one another serve this
function. Children's ties are always related to parents:
in. the majority of cases, their conflicts are solved
with reference to parental authority or by immediate
parental interference. h, this sense we cannot even
speak of a relatively independent comijmunity of
children. Secondly: -a real community cannot be
formed because of the small number of children.
Even in those unusual cases where the family has
many children, they are not of the same age and the
age-difference creates a kind of "natural hierarchy".
This happens because older children often become the
representatives of parents. The children's authoritarian
social conduct is prepared by this structure.


This is a natural result even in families whose
ideology is anti-authoritarian, since parents can live
their own lives only if the obedience of children
becomes a basic value. The "good child" is a euphem-
ism for the "obedient child". 'he child must ask
"forgiveness" for his offenses, whether or not he
admits that the parents are right. For the child, just
or unjust reward ard punishment flow from a
"position of power". Similarly, tasks in the family's
division of labor are naturally assigned in ai authori-
tarian manner.
Within the family, the instinct of self-preserva-
tion becomes a desire to own or to have. Even when it




E4BER 3. 1974


is not a unit of production and does not have private
property that provides an income, the bourgeois
family is based on community of property. Because o'
its authoritarian structure, the use of the family '
property is a function of the decision of the family
authority. This can lead to a struggle for the use of
property within the family and at the same time to a
defense of the family's material interests against
every other family and group. The internal struggle
for material goods need not take place: here, ideol-
ogical factors can be successful, although they re-
quire a rare and highly developed intellectual level.
At the same time and independently of ideol-
ogical preferences, the defense of family's property
against others cannot be avoided in a society based
on the family structure. For instance, even a family
which in principle rejects private property cannot
agree to its children giving away all their toys and
clothes. Eventually, they must use the argument:
"this is yours." Thus, the contemporary family
produces the owning consciousness and the pregnant
we consciousness" of natural communities.


Originally, the proletarian family was not
bourgeois family. It was not bourgeois even in Marx's
time, when the material conditions of the proletariat
prevented it from developing the preconditions forr
"normal" bourgeois family life. At that age, tl
proletarian family did not have its own home. Both
adults and children worked for and lived from their
income. There was no opportunity for a family
provider automatically t-' become the family authority
because of his occupation. Given a twelve to fourteen
hour workday, there was hardly any opportunity to
form a real attachment between child and parent.
Children grew up on the street. The gradual improve-
:ment of the conditions of the proletariat permitted
the "bourgeoisification" of its family structure and
encouraged the development of the predominant
family type: the monogamous bourgeois family.
Bemstein saw this well and approved of it:
everyone must be brought up as a Burger. He also
correctly saw the connection between this process and
the development of reformist tendencies within the
working classmovement. Those wholive in a bourgeois
way do not wish to fundamentally change bourgeois
society but instead try to reform it so as to guarantee
higher standards of living. Even in great economic
crises, the proletarian who grows up in a petit bourg-
eois family becomes a rebel, not a revolutionary.
This sort of men constituted the mass bases of fascism.
Without the petit bourgeois psychology of a part of
the workingclass fascism could never have succeeded.
Naturally, the negative role of the bourgeois
family in the formation of psychic and moral charac-
ter does not seem to be entirely a function of the
family structure. This restriction applies specifically
to the "possessive orientation" and the particular
"collective unconsciousness'. But, in the first place,
there seem to be factors which cannot be transcended
within the given family structure, e.g., the essentially
authoritarian relationship between child and parent

Your family y is

Swell fed with

Blue Band

on bread

and the absence of community in everyday life.
Secondly, and this is the crucial point, certain
habitual norms and value preferences have historically
become attached tu the contemporary family in such
a way that tneir elimination from the fa..ily structure
as it is seems almost impossible.Thas, a revolutionary
transformation of the family structure aimed at the
denial of these habitual norms and value preferences
seems more promising.
The Marxism of the Second International con-
sidered the total social process and the formation of
psychic character to be immediately related: it was
convincedd that the transformation of the former leads
mechanically to the transformation of the latter.
Originally, Bolshevism did the opposite. Thus, in the
period immediately following the October Revolu-
tion it seemed natural that decisive changes must
occur in the relations between man and woman and
in the basic forms of communal living, since the
creation of proletarian authority and the liquidation
of the ruling classes does not automatically imply
these changes. There were fundamental changes in
family law, along with decisive attempts tc completelyy
transform everyday life. Even experimental com-
munes were launched. In this context, the most
promising product of the period was Makarenko's
Forging of the New Man, a beautiful document con-
cerning the relations of collective life and psychic
formation. As has often been pointed out, the success
of this experiment depended partially on the fact
that the children in Makarenko's community were
not originally brought up in bourgeois families
The ideology that became predominant in the
1930's and restored many theoretical conceptions of
the Second International also restored Social Demo-
cratic conceptions of family structure. Conscious
stps were taken to restore or to strengthen the
bourgeois family structure. Although they might have
felt it instinctively, they were not conscious that this
tendency strengthened the authoritarian character of
the whole system. When other socialist countries
came into being, the transformation of the family
structure was definitely not on the agenda. There was
concern only with those aspects of the bourgeois
family which were directly connected with all of
society, while the family ideal itself remained un-
touched. The shaping of the new mart necessary for
the formation of a new society was dealt with entirely
in terms of the model of the enlightenment, ie., b)
changing the content of education by teaching basic
socialist principles and the norms of communal life,
'clearing up" world views, moral influences, etc.


In the history of Marxist theory, however, a
different conception has been developed which now
plays an important role in Western European Leftist
movements. This conception does not consider the
shaping of a "new man" merely as a result of ideol-
ogical "influences" nor does it view this aim simply
as the mechanical result of the transformation of the
total social structure. Rather, it considers the develop-
ment of a new psychic character in relations
to the democratic transformation of the
units of social production. This notion was
worked out by Gramsci in connection with
the social experience of the years following
the October Revolution.
Naturally, the democratic transforma-
tion of the structure of the workshop is
also one of the basic preconditions of com-
munism. However, even this provides no
answer to our problem. That is: (1) The
more developed a society, the later an
individual enters production. Thus, the
young increasing begin work with a fixed
psychic and moral character. (2) The more
developed a society, the less time is spent in
production. Indeed, the reduction of work-
ing time is a goal, although the formation of
many-sided relationships is also -related to
production. (3) Even if professions and
skills are freely chosen, it is still impossible
to determine production from the individual
Democracy at the level of production
can become natural and free from manipula-
tion only if democratic life and norms of
action have already become natural for the
- individur' entering production.


_~ __(_ ___ ----------II~----

In bourgeois society, the average person accepts
authoritarian direction and does not wish to deal with
questions not immediately relating to his life. By
and large, he can be manipulated. Obviously, pure
political democracy is also useless in forming men
with new psychic characters. Even in the case of
direct democracy, its basic units cannot be identical
with the center of social life. This identity is as
unimaginable in modern society as it was in the
ancient city state, e.g., Sparta.
A solution to this problem is possible only
through a radical transformation of the family. What
criteria must be met by the new family structure? (1)
It must be a democratically structured community
which allows the early learning of democratic pro-
pensities. (2) It must guarantee many-sided human
relations including those between children and
adults. (3) It must guarantee, the development and
realization of individuality. The basic precondition of
this is the free choosing and re-choosing of human
ties even in childhood. (4) It must eliminate both the
conflicts originating in monogamy and thoseoriginat-
ing in its dissolution. This is the type of solution tobe
sought in the new type of family, which we will call
the commune.


Marxian communism is not utopian. It bases
the possibility of realizing social conditions corres-
ponding to its value premises in tendencies present
in existing society. The question of which family
structure is adequate to communist society can be
asked within Marxian theory only if it is not associ-
ated with sdme imagined "ideal" society but instead
satisfies existing social needs even if they are not
yet present today in mass proportions. As indicated,
the bourgeois family is unable to satisfy many needs
which are increasingly becoming universal. But there
are also positive needs which lead to the transforma-
tion of the family structure. The various and growing
commune experiments point unambiguously to these
positive needs. That this new kind of needs has been
registered only in circles free of everyday material
problems certainly does not mean that these needs
do not exist elsewhere and that a social movement
aiming at their development could not make them
The following will outline how we conceive of
family structure in communist society. It is useless
to work out details since, as always, the organiza-
tions of the future cannot be realizations of prior
"plans". Furthermore, in the same way that there are
many different types uo monogamous families, the
"collective family", or the commune,will also take
on a variety of guises. In fact, since it is a matter of
putting together a much more complicated structure
than the monogamous bourgeois family, it is likely
that the number of variations will be greater.
This commune is the "successor" of the
bourgeois family. Thus it is not the basic economic
or political cell of communist society. The whole
organization of society is completely independent
of the commune, which is the organizational center
of everyday collective life.
Thus, our commune has nothing in common
with Fourier's phalanx or other similar plans for
communes functioning as productive units or com-
munities based on the sharing of the same living space
Since it functions only as a family, the realization of
our commune is not independent of the socio-
political situation and of the over-all realization of
communism. This commune would help bring about
communist transformation by producing the type of
men and frameworks needed for such transformation.
Although its immediate function is the solution of
the conflicts discussed, the commune creates the
preconditions for communist changes in the economic
and political structure so that they become irrevers-
ble. This does not mean that the organization of
communes "must wait" at least until the beginning
of communist social transformation.On the contrary.
the two processes must begin together. If the situation
favors this solution, it may be possible for the transi-
tion to communes to precede the full process.
The commune is a freely chosen community.
Its members choose to be in it and are accepted by
all other members of the community. Individuals
enter the commune: every adult member of the
entering families becomes a commune member as an
individual. Of course, the membership must be small
enough to guarantee that the affairs of the commune
can be conducted through immediate democracy. Ir
the commune, all forms of personal individuality
must be respected. Three conditions are necessa.y
for the functioning of the commune. These arec
(1) the obligation to work (all able members of
the commune must work and participate in the social
division of labor). Thus, even in the present context:
it is not permissible within the commune that a high-



Continued From Page 7

earning man supports a woman with whom he has a
stable attachment.
(2) No one is relieved of collective tasks within

(3) Everyone must be somehow engaged with
the commune's community of children, regardless of
whether or not he has children of "his own". Aside
from this, the community does not interfere in the
life of its members, their occupation, free time, and
human relations. Of course, as in every community,
there will be preferred forms of human conduct.
Except in extreme cases, however, moral preferences
will not become moral imperatives. In extreme cases,
the commune will expel the member.
According to our notion, the commune does
not have value preferences concerning sexual rela-
tions. Until now in civilized societies, value preferences
relating to sexuality had their main source in two
factors. The first is the consciousness of property or
ownership: the woman is the man's private property
or, in more modern version, the man and the woman
are each other's property. The second factor is the
need to take care of children. Since the commune is
based on the denial of private property relations, the
first factor is naturally dropped. In relation to the
second, the solution lies in the commune, which will
take care of children born in or belonging to it even
if their parents choose a different partner, or if one
or the other leaves the commune.
What is the concrete meaning of the absence of
value preferences regarding sexuality in the commune?
It means that both life-long relations of couples and
promiscuity are possible within the confines of the
same commune. The commune does not make
promiscuity obligatory. This is important, because in
past years similar organizations have not only opted
for promiscuity, but have been directly built on it.
This, however, entails as much limitation of the indi-
vidual's free self-development as does monogamy.
Under these conditions, the dissolution of the rela-
tions of couples not only leaves the children's life
unchanged, but also reduces the negative aspects of
contemporary divorce for adults. Here, it is not a
question of the reduction of pain, since it is not a
question of life. Rather, it is a question of the pos-
sibility that after the end of a relation, the divorced
partners can stay in their original community with-
out remaining alone.
The commune solves the problem of loneliness
in cases other than those involving divorce. Un-
attached people can find a community with married
people since, give. the present family structure,
marriage partners can also be lonely. Because of lack
of time, spatial separation, etc., married people can
lack varied and many-sided human relations even if
there are other people with whom they would gladly
associate. Naturally, the loneliness of the old and
their feeling ofsuperfluousness disappears in the com-
Communal living reduces human relations
based on mere habit and routine. Within the context
of the contemporary family, people often continue
living with each other because they are used to it,
cannot imagine a better solution, and want to avoid
the problems brought about by divorce. These prob-
lems disappear in the commune.


The commune is not a closed unit which
hinders the formation of rich human ties outside of
it. External ties will develop spontaneously, since the
commune is neither a productive nor a political unit.
To the extent that there are many communes, fluctu-
ation of membership among them will be natural.
Obviously, the commune will hold no "offici-
ally" declared ideology. But it is also obvious that a
community of people who have freely chosen each
other will have some common ideological outlook,
especially in view of the fact that, at least in the
present context, the commune implies the revolution-
ary transformation of life in one fundamental respect.
As a result, ideological problems in the commune are
likely to generate internal conflicts.
"Liberation" from housework does not seem
possible in the foreseeable future, and the service
industry, in spite of its growth, is not a solution.
The modernization of the household helps, but it
does not solve the problem. Within the commune,
however, it is possible to substantially reduce the
time spent running the household, even under present
economic and technological conditions: larger house
hdds are much more economical and conducive to

the use of machines. This alone increases the amount
of free time which, in the commune, can also be
used in radically different ways. Whereas in the
monogamous family parents with small children are
tied to the house, such is not thecase in thecommune,
and the "house" itself allows a diversified use of free
time. Even "within the house", free time should not
be restricted to consumption but should be active,
cultural, and conducive to personal development. Of
course, the fonns this development will take cannot
be determined in advance, but within such a cultural
context a community is likely to advance. This is
shown by historical exniples such as the cultural
effects of the trade union communities of the old
working class movements. This advancement, of
course, occurs only when die community does not
restrict the unfolding of individuality, which we
have postulated in principle.
As already mentioned the commune's most
basic advantage concerns children. Everything dis-
cussed so far concerns "finished" persons for whom
the commune guarantees the solution of already
existing problems. But the destruction of the bourge-
ois family is fundamental because it eliminates many
negative factors determining the formation of psychic
character. Before investigating this problem, how-
ever, it is important to outline the commune's com-
munity of children. In the commune, children are
not "collectively" raised, but they belong to a real
community of children. The judgment of children's
conduct, their entrance into the division of labor,
and the bestowing of reward and punishment, i.e.,
the regulation of children's relations, is a function of
age levels and should be not an adult task but one
of the community of children. This does not mean
that the relations between adults and children are not
close and diversified; but they are not unambiguously
authoritarian as in the bourgeois family. Children
should be aware that they decide their fate in many
ways. This leads to,the early development of demo-
cratic inclinations so that children can become full
members of the community of adults at a relatively
early age.


Even with very small children, for whom the
authoritarian aspect of adult-child relations cannot
be eliminated, it is crucial that every adult and older
child in the commune, rather than just their "biologic-
al parents", be somehow occupied with them. Thus,
from birth, they lack fixed emotional preference s
While growing, the child increasingly chooses adults
to whom he is more attracted and to whom he
feels connected by fundamental inner ties. The
opposite is also true. The commune's adult members
are not necessarily most strongly attracted to their
"own" children. Thus, they can choose the children
whose temperament, character, and intellect are
"nearest" or most "attractive" to them. Both adults
and children, do not have to love anyone, nor must
one love anyone the'most. As with every other emo-
tion, love also is a function of choice. This lessens
the "mine"/"yours" dichotomy on the emotional
Of course, unlike the case of children born
within the commune, free choice of emotional ties is
illusory for members entering the
commune with children. This can result in
conflicts for people brought up in the old
family structure. Yet, we should recall the common
experience of people who feel they could love a child
as "their own" if the child had been brought up in
their environment. On the other hand, parents often
cannot confront their children's faults, since they are
afraid that exposure of these faults would leave
them with nothing. The latter is not always the case
today in families with many children.
The commune's community obviously makes
demands on the children's community: there are the
same demands made on adults, e.g., the obligation to
work (study) and obligatory participation in the com-
munity's common work. In this context, even if the
adult community is forced to appear authoritarian, it
is not in the sense of "family head", since the adults
require the perfonnance of obligations similar to
their own. In addition to de-emphasizing the "mine/
"yours" dichotomy, the child community also
hinders the development of private property psychol-
ogy in other contexts. In the children's world, unlike
the adults' world, all personal property is eliminated.
Many existing child communities show how this can
be accomplished.
The psychic character of children who grow up
in these circumstances will be conducive to demo-

cratic life. They will ne'er accept as natural a situa-
tion in which they do not have a voice in detennmining,
their fate. At the same time, they/ will not develop a
need to oppress otler men. It could be argued that
existing children's coninunities are characterized oy
cruelty. These communities, however, consist of
children who grew up in bourgeois families and who
want to "live out" power instincts that were developed
and at the same time repressed in the family. Amore
serious objection is that children's communitiesmnight
hinder the development of individuality. To avoid
this, the commune must create the preconditions to
enable children as well as adults to follow their own
wishes and tastes after satisfying their communal
obligations. Each child must be able to play as he
wants, read what he wants, and spend his free time as
he wishes.
On the other hand, the development of free
individuality is greatly enhanced by children con-
fronting a large number of adults. If adults are basic-
ally of positive moral character, as in the case of the
nuclear family, the children have the opportunity to
choose as the ideal of everyday conduct those adults
whose psychic and moral character is adequate to
their particular gifts. Thus, communes which satisfy
their social functions will have definite material pre-
conditions: First, the commune cannot be closed:
each individual member must be free to leave the
commune at any time. Second, the community must
have the right to expel a member if necessary. The pre-
conditions of this must be assured: society must
guarantee available apartments which can be occupied
by departing members at any time. Also, the normal
functioning of the commune requires a certain level
of material prosperity. "Communes based on misery",
at least under European conditions, necessarily dis-

Yet no great "affluence" is necessary tor the
establishment ofthecommune, especially since house-
keeping,common library, collective child education,
etc., substantially reduce individual expenses. Aslon!
as the commune operates within a commodity-
producing society, material problems must be care-
fully regulated so that they create as few conflicts as
possible. Since the commune cannot be isolated from
society at large, this problem can be solved only by
reduction of income differences. As long as the com-
munist solution to the problem of income is not
completed, the commune can only reproduce in itself
the larger problems in this area.


The commune can also change or dissolve as a
result of other conflicts. Since the commune is the
organizational center of the everyday life of com-
munist society, existing non-communist societies
hinder the development of communes and aim at
their dissolution. The ideal type of commune des-
cribed is also laden with conflicts; but these are not
conflicts of a society built on possession. They are
"truly human" conflicts. However, the influence of
existing societiescan result in the reproduction of old
conflicts and structures. Thus, the development of a
very strong particular identity within individual com-
munes is to be expected. This identity can be the
cause or effect of competition or even of animosity
among communes. Other important problems can
result from the fact that individual communes would
probably consist of people occupying the same posi-
Lion in the social division of labor. This can cause
significant differences in the standards of living of
the various communes and results in the preservation
of cultural differences.

It is utopian to believe that the commune
alone can solve the most basic social problems. No
isolated political or economic transformation can be
final or prevent the reproduction of old social struc-
tures. Thus, e.g., workshop democracy can easily be
deformed and transfonned into manipulated demo-
cracy. An isolated solution to the problem of the
family is no exception and, if it remains isolated, the
commune will definitely be defonned. Thus, a basic
social task of commune members is to assist in com-
munist transfonnation in even social sphere. Similar-
ly, without the revolution of the family, structural
changes in a communist social direction cannot be-
come irreversible. The formation of a new psychic
character can take place only within the revolution-
ized family. This is the only locus of mass education
for individuals who are to take an active part in the
direction of social affairs, not only in times of great
social crises but "every day"

1973 Tapia in bound volumes $20



wilderness ...

Prison Cry
Remand Block,
Golden Grove Prison,
Brother Lloyd,
SOME "famous" words
of yours had been the
topic of a short discus-
sion among us the other
day quote what
this country needs is men
with stones etc".
I refer to this in the
light of your recent entry
into the Senate Now there
is one place that could surely
use some "Men with stones".
But be careful lest
someone or something gets at

It's all right to fight
change from outside the sys-
tem as we are doing but once
you remain inside and
furthermore become an
official member of one of
its appendages then you will
find yourself surrounded by
all sorts of rules and proce-
dures which are themselves
geared to hinder and stop


Recalling a dozen hotels
this new landscape reveals
an old rusted shovel
a used discarded broom
lying carelessly spilled
across a forgotten gravel
Stirred by a lethargic wind
limping down unseen hills
bled stalks of baby corn
or some unnamed tall grass
struggle through concrete
refusing to die

standing on their roots.

The bright day shimmers.

Out there
pirate and bold thief
cutthroat and brigand
planter and philistine
field and house nigger
are daggers drawn again
frozen in that curse
that must have first
unleashed that terrible

The bright day shudders.

Winking a baleful red eye
a plane floats quietly
through a shifting sky
as evening drops around
these empty houses
netted by iron grill.

Fireflies signal night

Cicadas rise on
the beat of their shrill.

Stunned into silence
this exile contains
only one caution:sit still.

To say that the lions
are toothless is to totally
underestimate the enemy -
providing of course that you
consider them the enemy -
as they are enemies of
Progress and Change.
However. I know that

you are aware and wide awake and are hip
to the key issues that are now within your
scope. So good fighting. Our eyes are on
you. And take good care of your stones -
without them you're no man.

Tangible Step

Abercromby Street,

Dear. .....
CONGRATULATIONS on your appointment
to the Senate. At last Tapia has taken a tangible step
which we can follow. It is my view that carrying the
fight to the Government as you have done will bring
your organization nothing but credit.

Yours sincerely,

F Christmas is

at I-IABIB S. a sunshine thing

Raoul Pantin




Which workers at UWI?

I l=L -I-r "

Denis Solomon

A STRIKE is a form of
action in an industrial
dispute whereby workers,
led by their union, with-
hold their labour in order
to force their demands
on management. In in-
dustry, management and
workers represent cate-
gories well defined by
their relationship to the
enterprise. Ii brief,
workers are employed by
A university is not an
industry. It is a self-govern-
ing association. The academic
staff are not employees but
members of the association.
There is a hierarchy within
the association but there is
no division into 'management'
and 'workers'. The Admin-
istration is not 'management'
it is the machinery
whereby the university
organises its work.
The responsibility for
resolving any inefficiencies or
abuses occurring in the
processes of administration
rests with the staff itself.
A 'strike' by academic
staff 'against' the administra-
tion is therefore absurd, since
people, can achieve nothing
by 'striking' against them-
selves. This does not mean
that there is no case for
concerted action of university
personnel in matters of
national concern, or even
action by some members of
staff who are prepared to
take the risks and limit their
efforts at rallying support to
persuasion. But such action
can achieve nothing if it is
directed inward.


In any case the most
powerful action of which a
university is capable consists
of identifying its own objec-
tives,organising itself to
achieve them and showing
that it is capable of defend-
ing and pursuing them at all
costs that is to say, by
continuing to do its work
while engaged in the neces-
sary tasks of reform.
Above all it must set an
example of democratic deci-
sion-making and not allow
itself to be coerced into
precipitate and ill-considered
action by terrorism on the
part of a small minority.
That is why an organisa-
tion such as WIGUT should
concern itself with the role
and structure of the univer-
sity as well as with matters
related to conditions of
employment. That is why its
approach to the latter should
avoid the simple-minded
procedure of construing all
problems as conflicts and of
identifying enemies, even
inventing them where none
By doing this the WIGUT
executive has set an example
which can only reinforce the
simplistic political attitudes
among the students which
have given rise to similar

disruptions in the past.
As regards the claim
for an increase of salary, it is
irresponsible for people who
consider themselves to be the
intellectual leaders of the
society to seek to reinforce
their position as a social elite
by demandingsalary increases
at a period of severe econ-
omic crisis. The divisions
between the elite and the
dispossessed are increasing
every day, partly as a result
of industrial action by trade
unions whose only recourse
under present circumstances
is such action. Their demands
often have the connivance of
a government bankrupt of
ideas to reorganise the econ-
omy on a fairer basis. The
role of University staff in
financial matters is, princip-
ally, to take what steps are
in its power to induce the
governments of the region to
plan and finance higher edu-
cation in a way that will
enable the University, along
with other institutions, to
function effectively and not
merely to provide attractive
conditions of employment.


The chief casualty of the
kind of activity WIGUT en-
gaged in last week is the
relationship of the University
with society as a whole.
A strike is the application
of pressure to management.
A private industry's profits
are endangered and those who
enioy them are induced by
the strike to make conces-
sions to the workers for fear
of losing profits.
In an essential service or a
national enterprise the pres-
sures brought about by the
strike are often more than
financial. If financial, they
relate to the wealth of the.
country as a whole (for
example, to export earnings);
if not, they relate to the
efficiency of social organisa-
tion, to health or even to life.
But in a university, not
only is there no management
to whom pressure can be
applied, but cessation of work
can have very little direct
effect on government or
society as a whole.
Lhat in fact is what allows
people like the WIGUT
executive to play their strike
games if there were any
real pressure on the govern-
ment to break up a strike
on the UWI campus they
could do it with greater ease
than in the weakest of enter-
prises in the private or public
A university operates
neither on the basis of
financial profitability nor for
the provision of essential
services for daily consump-
tion. Its product is a long-
term and essentially unquanti-
fiable one, and one of which
a shortage is felt only in
societies which are constantly
sensitive to the satisfaction
of their more abstract needs.
In this society, neither
public nor government has
any clear idea of how higher

education should function, or
any sense of urgency about
its achievements.
In addition, there is grow-
ing enmity between Govern-
ment and University for a
number of reasons deriving
fromn the failure of political
leadership in both camps.
Therefore, action of the
kind WIGUT has been taking
cannot impose pressure for
the solution of problems, but
can only serve as ammunition
for the Government in its
campaign of propaganda
against the University, by
helping the Government to
give taxpayers the (so far
erroneous) idea that their
money is being spent, and
their children corrupted, in
an institution that spends its
time in agitation instead of
This in turn makes the
task of planning the role of
the University and the future
of higher education much
more difficult for the Univer-
sity itself, and weakens it in
any moral battles it may
have to undertake against
authoritarian tendencies in
When the State of Emer-
gency was declared in 1970
a number of lecturers at the
University formed a Non-
violent Committee for the
Defence of Freedom, of
which the objectives were to
organise teach-ins to clarify
for staff and students the
causes of the crisis, and to
keep the University open in
order to extend this discus-
sion to any member of the
public who wished to join in.
They did this not only
because even the most mili-
tant of them realized that
their only weapons against

iN ill N

rcpilssion were their hruini. ,,
bull I)ccaIIIC, hLucy uLllic',it)d
that Ilth level (o I poltl i;;l
CoIIScioUllcs lSs )I o 1ga;I i.sl-
lion of lie opposil ll II jceCs
ill tlie county was such Ilhat
thel government would s1lunce
protest everywhere clsc in
the country in a mailer of
They wished therefore to
show Ihat the real and lasting
weapon of intellectuals with-
in the University was to
continue their work as they
saw it in the face of repres-


The irony of the situation
was that in order to do this
they had to contend with
the desire of the most mili-
tant of the students to close
the University a desire
which coincided exactly with
that of the police, who
eventually arrived with just
that purpose in mind.
The demand for decentral-
isation, tacked on at the last
minute to WIGUT's list of
claims, represents an issue of
great complexity, both as
regards its academic implica-
tions and its possible results
in terms of the University's
relations with the govern-
ments of the region. It is
also an issue with which the
University has already begun
to deal in the normal course
of its planning activities.
There are many different
views within the University on
the desirability of decentral-
isation and on the forms it
might take. It is shameful
that WIGUT should appear
to he_ awakened to the issue
only because cent-rialisa-ton-i -
has affected the staff finan-
The most serious reason
why the academics at the
University should be plan-
ning for decentralisation
rather than agitating for it is
that it might easily come in
a very undesirable political

In In IfI

W ii i lilc 'S euiclei c io
B rllhali.s ll re i si i v +'a.iL iot iis
igaiiilI the t nivrer ly
i 1l (G tly+ltily c .'c l Lc i 1\ Icl i'l C
tlicni. ;Is \s \ ll a;s IliL l llllc'l I Ul
CxpulsoS1Il U() l I ,I rpWo111111el
from this countli\ Iil l iiiml
Jamaiiil. Lia IdciniieS li hele
must rc li-sc tIll cii need to
know q(Iitc clearly 11hliat kind
:)f decentralisation the want.
how to light for it ald how
to defend it if and when
Williams makes up his mind
to move against the Univer-
They can only do this by
a lot of hard work, thought
and discussion, not by attempt
ing to stop classes and driving
around campus with loud-
Besides the illegitimate
demands that governments
may make on the academic
community, there are also
the legitimate ones society
in general may wish to
impose on it once society
begins to develop a concep-
tion of the role of higher
education and of those en-
gaged in it.

As workers, university
teachers and researchers are
privileged in a number of
ways. Their hours of work
are flexible, their vacations
from teaching are long; no-
body looks over their
On the other hand, periods
of inactivity are often fol-
lowed by exhausting periods
of intense work. "Many of
my colleagues at Harvard",
said John Kenneth Galbraith,
"spend a lot of time resting
in preparation for the next

orgasm ot work .
"Unfortunately", he add-
ed, "this sometimes doesn't
This concept of working
habits is acceptable, even
desirable, in the framework
of the university as it is con-
ceived of in the societies from
Continued on Page 11


__ a "I-- --- --- i--la--- -5 i --M-- -I-----I it-4-



*i 1..



You always

wanted her to



makes it easy-

and an ideal

Gift too.



- --------~

I-l--- --- ---- -------





I l I in II II

I I oi II I I







Minister of Education,
has departed to Paris for
a month to attend the
General Conference of
He departed immedi-
ately after the Government's
momentous third National
Consultation on Education,
as a result of which he was
charged with finding places
for 7,000 students emerging
from Junior Secondary in
1975, a task which he
publicly declared to be
beyond him.
The Consultation also
set up Committees to find
solutions to all the other
urgent problems in the field
of education, committees on
which the Ministryis expected
to play an important part.
Yet all these problems
are evidently not urgent
enough to prevent the Min-
ister from being away from
the country for four weeks.
For a Minister to be absent
from the country for so long
at any time, let alone at a
period which the Government

From Page 3
would have to learn the
Iaifferene _between 'will"
'and "would". We would also
have to get rid of the weird
rhythms and intonations pro-
duced by many Senators in
their attempts at Westminster
Just as there exists in
Trinidad a species of taxi-
driver American that bears
no relation to any American
dialect, so there is a species

itself admits to be crucial, is
proof of the fact that he can
be doing nothing useful at
The Permanent Secre-
tary in the Ministry of
Education is also on two
months' leave. His leave
began just before the Con-
sultation, so it is evident that
his services at that gathering
and in its aftermath were
not considered indispensable.


The one official who is
definitely expected by
UNESCO to attend the
General Conference is the
Secretary General of the
Trinidad and Tobago National
Commission for UNESCO.
The National Commission
exists as a link between
UNESCO and the policies
and activities of this country
in the areas of education,
science and culture.
It is therefore impor-
tant to the Commission's
work, as it affects Trinidad
& Tobago, that the Secretary
General attend the General

of parliamentarian or pulpit
English that bears no relation
to any British dialect. It is
this that makes Jesse Noel
say "neeow" inside the Senate
and "no" outside; that makes
Wahid turn all his "ai" dip-
thongs into "ah's"; and that
makes Canon Lament sound
..likesomething from Beyond
the Fringe far beyond.
But, thank heavens, no
such change is necessary. The
trouble with the Senate, until
Tapia's arrival, was not how
they said things but that
they had so little to say. This
was the only real problem,
and it is now on the way to
being solved. We not only
have the Best suits, we have
the Best English too.

Conference. It is the general
practice for member coun-
tries to include the executive
heads of their National Com-
missions on their delegations.
In fact, these officials
generally remain for the
whole Conference, and any
Ministers whI, may attend
leave after the first day or
two to resume their responsi-
bilities at home.
Both the Ministry of
Education and the Ministry
of External Affairs included
the Secretary General of the
National Commission in the
delegations they put up for
Cabinet approval (why the
Cabinet should decide on
such things is of course
another question). But the

namiie ol fthe Scre tary
(;enral was removed from
his Minislry's proposal by the
Minister of Education, and
from thei proposal of the
Ministry of External Affairs
by the Cabinet.
The reason why, you
may already have guessed-
the Secretary General of the
Trinidad and Tobago National
Commission for UNESCO is
a member of Tapia.
What is more, she is a
member of the Tapia Execu-
tive, and also a member of
the Tapia Education Coin-
mittee which issued a state-
ment on October 12th con-
demning the forthcoming
National Consultation on
Education as a waste of
time, and putting forward

I ;fip s p fposal-, iii
s()l! l Inll, S ( tl ] Lh l al 'illln
In oilier \~,oids. sli i
a member of Ic ('I) II lllnI
which il cllect oflered tile
Mimstle hbeloic lihe ( unsiul-
tilion the advice whlicn hIe
begged the public to give
him after tlhe Consultation
So Gomes has now
flown off to Paris for a
month's respite from his
responsibilities. while the
continued utilisation of
UNESCO assistance by
Trinidad and Tobago in the
areas of education. science
and culture is jeopardised by
his Government's petty

A nex

grease-hand coming

Dennis Pantin

THE two-by-four Ameri-
can oil company, Tesoro
Petroleum Corporation is
zeroing in for a second
rape of this country's
oil resources and its in-
effective Govt.
A small news item
in last week's dailies
states that the American
corporation has urged
govt. to take up increased
participation in the share-
holding of Trinidad-
Tesoro Company Ltd. in
which the Govt. already
has 51 per cent owner-
ship with Tesoro holding
the other 49 per cent.
The American firm has
proposed immediate expan-
sion and modernisation of
the Pt. Fortin refinery, and
the construction and develop-
ment of a sophisticated
downstream petrochemical
processing complex in the
southwest peninsula.
Cabinet, spineless as it
is, has agreed to begin
negotiations "along the lines
proposed in the letter which
was signed by Dr. Robert
West, Chairman of Tesoro's
governing Board." Imagine, an
insignificant company is dic-
tating terms of negotiation

for a Govt.
Another quote from
the letter by Dr. West states
that: "In the light of our
performance in your country,
we believe that we are the
only entity that can assist
Government in the rapid
realisation of those objec-
tives whilst scrupulously
observing national aspirations
and sensitivities".


What has -een the per-
formance ofTrinidad-Tesoro?
In an earlier issue of
Tapia (FEB.10. Vol.4 No.6)
the "Saga of Trinidad-
Tesoro" was outlined.
In 1969 Tesoro Petrol-
eum Corporation was an
insignificant American oil
company. Its assets at the
time were only $69 million
U.S. and its net earnings in
1969 were only $3.6m. U.S.
It employed 470 persons.
Tesoro had no previous
international experience. It
had no marketing outlets and
it was heavily in debt. Its
crude oil production was
3,250 barrels per day.
Then British Petroleum
decided to pull out of Trini-
dad, Texaco and Shell refused
to buy out the BP holdings.
Govt. decided to form a
national oil company.
BP holdings were pro-
ducing 43,000 barrels per

day in 1969. It employed
over 1.000 persons. Although
the book value of BP's
holdings was only S14.3m
U.S. the Govt. paid the
British company S22 million
How did fesoro get
into the deal. It put up
S50,000 U.S.. got the Govt.
to put up a similar amount
and formed Trinidad-Tesoro
Company Ltd. This new
paper company borrowed
S25m. U.S. part of which
was used to pay off the
financial part of the. BP debt.
Tesoro itself stood
guarantor for only S7.5m of
the loan with thle T&T Govt.
standing the bounce for the


S he result: for S50.000
U.S. Tesoro obtained 49 per
cent ownership of a oil
concern valued at S221n. L.S.
In additiition it got the
management contract giving
it control over finance, tech-
nology and marketing.
Trinidad and Tobaeo
did get something:Trinidad
before Tesoro. a local Chaii-
man to pose with his Ameri-
can counterpart in Time
magazine and a proper
The announcement in
Thursday's paper is obviously
tie forerunner to a bramble
of even greater magnitude.

From Page 10

which we inherited it.
Even the level of wastage
represented by the no-show
orgasms of some may be an
acceptable price for the re-
-peated creative ejaculationsof
But on the other hand a
third-world society such as
ours may decide quite legiti-
mately to demand of its
university personnel, both
teachers and students, pro-
ductive activities of a differ-
ent and more constant sort

in addition to their academic
tasks. These activities could
include anything from teach-
ing in primary schools to
building roads or cutting
It behoves University per-
sonnel, if only in their own
interest, to come to terms
with these possibilities, to
decide which they will sup-
port and which they will
resist in short, to com-
mence a dialogue with
society in those matters of
national reconstruction that
affect them most closely.




Below the Limbo Bar in Inquire about our
chase terms We
SAL CONTINUES also offer a Free

5 pc. Dinettes
Lil Sectional Suites
4 Burner Stoves
4' 6" Beds (Complete)
Double Decked Beds
4' 6" Springfilled Mattress
Hollywood Beds
Lil Chest of Drawers
Lil Dressing Tables
10 & 12 cu. ft. CONSOL
Lil Buffets
LiA Wardrobes
Cribs Baby Chairs

. Stereo Sets
* AM/FM Radio
" Kitchen Appli
" Vacuum Clean
" Floor Polisher
* Kitchen Cupbo
* Tea Trolleys

oards 662-4087

59.95 FREE

SALE ON PAINTS $16.40 $18.40 $13.95 OPEN TILL 6 p.m. DAILY

Te soro:

Which workers at UWI

_ __ ___



lrs. Andrea Talbutt,
Research Institute for
Study of Man,
162, East 78th Street,
NEU' YORK, .Y. 10021,
Ph. Lehigh 5 8448,

Ins6 **

ON Tuesday last Muham-
mad Ali scored a knock-
down victory over World
champion George Fore-
man. Before an audience
of millions Muhammad
Ali backed his words to
the letter and completely
confused friend and foe
alike, displaying real class
in doing so.
There in the ring was
Ali, now 32 years old, whom
the critics had described as
"older", "slower in both
hands and feet", "who would
be unable to withstand the
punching power of his
younger opponent". The
odds against Ali were stacked
at 50 to 1.
Nevertheless he came
into the ring, hands raised
upwards at the appreciative
audience, and demonstrated
his dancing skill and the
speed of his hands.
Arriving minutes later
was George Foreman who
lacks the theatrical gimmicks
which are so much a part of
Ali's character. Almost
mechanically this human
giant removed his robe and
remained in his corner, his
face perspiring profusely. All
that the critics said seemed
to be true: he looked
stronger physically, but was
this the criterion for judging
a boxer?
At the stroke of the
bell both men advanced and
the first punches were thrown.
The fight of the year had
From my point of view
Ali's victory was twofold;
firstly over Foreman and
secondWy over the injustices
of American society and the
world at large, not neces-
sarily in that order. I call to
mind his refusal to serve in
the American armed forces
on the grounds of his
religious beliefs, and the
stripping of his title by the
World Boxing Association.
Following Malxolm X
and others on the wider stage,
this persuasive and yet
humble personality has
"politicised" the sporting
arena an area which in this
era has become a catalyst for
black resistance and guidance.
The tremendous psy-
chological effect Ali has over
millions of people the woric
over in his ability to do what
he believes to be right and
stand the consequences and
to possess an independence of
mind has been and will
, continue to be a shining
example for people the world

College League dispute

Please permit me
space in your newspaper
to provide some back-
ground to the incident
which occurred in the
Colleges League on Satur-
day, October 19, 1974
in what was to have been
a Q.R.C. Naparima
game, when an S.F.A.
official at Skinner Park
refused entry to the
Q.R.C. bus on the
ground that it contained
others besides players
and officials.
The league games of
the C.F.L: are arranged on a
home and .away basis with
the home team not the
league in charge of all
arrangements for the game.
Team officials know that

there are more in these
buses than players but no
fuss is ever made about this.
Each team knows that what-
ever consideration is given
to its guests, it will in turn
receive when it becomes the
guests for the return game.
If any dispute arose about
this matter it could have
been settled amicably by the
officials of the two teams
concerned without the inter-
vention of any S.F.A.
Why then the involve-
ment of the S.F.A. official?
Skinner Park is the property
of .the Borough of San
Fernando. During the football
season Skinner Park is rented
from the Borough by the
S.F.A. When a team wishes
tc use the Park during this
period, one would imagine
that the ground would be


From Page 3

erecting a framework in
which such blatant abuses
of central power do not
continue no matter what
government is in office.
Tapia's proposals for
decentralisation are meant to
put into the hands of the
regions a countervailing
power with which to secure
the legitimate needs of the
region and to protect them
from the abuses and
encroachments of the central
We feel also that such
decentralisation will go a long
way to solve the problems

which have given rise to the
call for proportional re-
presentation, with none of
the unpalatable consequences
which P.R. entails. It will
also give to the men in the
local areas an arena where
they can hone their political
skills and establish bases from
which to seek national office.
it will thus afford a
method of providing a pool
of capable men from the
local areas practised in the
art of politics, accustomed to
dealing with real power and
thus ensure the availability
of new leaders when the old
ones, tried and trusted though
they were in the past, begin
to falter and to fade.

stb-let to the team by the
S.F.A. and the charges would
end there. But no, the matter
is not that simple. The team
pays the S.F.A. 10% of the
gate receipts, and on top of
that pays the Borough 12%%.
The argument may be
put that the going rate for
Skinner Park is 22%% and
that this is shared between
the Borough and the S.F.A.
in the manner already des-
cribed. This argument holds
no water because the going
rate for the Queen's Park
Oval, a facility at least the
equivalent of Skinner Park, is
12i2% of gate receipts. On
this score, S.F.A. could claim
on extra 2%.
But the charge levied
by the Borough, however,
over and above that levied
by the S.F.A., seems un-
reasonable, unwarranted, in-
defensible and, frankly,
extortionist. Under the.

present scheme, the Borough
is an intruder in what
should properly be a tran-
saction between an organisa-
tion and the S.F.A. It is not
at all unlikely that it is the
very submission of the teams
to such an inequitable arrange-
ment, that has given rise to a
situation where an S.F.A.
official could assert authority
in an area that clearly should
have been reserved for amic-
able settlement between the
officials of the two College

Nonetheless, this foolish
incident will have served a
useful purpose if the Borough
were to either provide for
the public the principle by
which it justifies the 12%%
surcharge or cease levying
what is clearly a totally
unjustified charge.

-.- ... .Arthur 4 Atv."

Subscription Rates
Trinidad & Tobago -
Other Caribbean -
North America

Overseas Deliveries Airmail

S1 2.00 TT
18.00 WI
12.50 US
L 8.OOU.K.

Surface Rates on Request

Back Issues Available
Tapia, 91, Tunapuna Rd, Tunapuna, Trinidad & Tobago, W.I.



Ivan Laughlin; Hamlet Joseph; Lloyd Best; Syl Low-

har; Augustus Ramrekersingh; Michael Harris; Allan

Harris; Mickey Matthews.


Date to be fixed

The Big Maco Senate

San Fernando
Tuesday November 5 7.30 p.m.

* Proportional Representation

- dn~