Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00132
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: October 20, 1974
Frequency: completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00132

Full Text

25 Cents


Vol. 4 No. 42



Thurs. Oct. 177..







14th October, 1974.

The Clerk of the Senate,
Red House,

Please, be advised of the intention of the Leader of the
Opposition in the Senate to seek leave of the House, at its
next Sitting on Tuesday October 15, to introduce a Bill
entitled "An Act to Amend the Constitution of Trinidad &
I am,
Yours obediently,

Lloyd Best



THE Political impact of
Tapia's surprise occupa-
tion of a strategic posi-
tion in the Senate is
already being made
crystal clear.
It is obvious that the
Government has been thrown
into a panic by Tapia's con-
til aing initiative. The Gov-
ernment has been forced to
bring its entire time-table
Not only has the Prime
Minister rushed to fill the
two Senate positions which
had long been vacant but now
Prevatt has announced that
The Constitution debate will
begin on Monday next.
Prevatt's move followed
an attempt by Tapia to in-
troduce a Bill to amend the
Constitution into the Senate
on opening day itself. Presi-
dent Wahid Ali blocked the
Tapia submission and refus-
ed to put the matter on the
He claimed that the
new Senators had not yet
been sworn in and were there-
fore not free to apply to the
Clerk of the Senate on
Monday 14th so as to give
the required 24 hours notice.
The late start of Senate
proceedings was due largely

to urgent behind-the-scenes
discussions between Tapia
Sec. Lloyd Best, new Leader
of the Opposition in the
Senate, and President Wahid
On this matter the Tapia
Senators held the position
that the law was clear on
their right to introduce The
Bill. The Governor-General
had issued the instruments
and Best, Laughlin and
Joseph were already Senators
as of Oct. 7th. The Standing
Orders say simply that "any
Senator may move for leave
to introduce a bill of which
he has given notice". Para 47.


That notice had been
given to the Clerk before the
swearing in was a mere
technicality, one which inci-
dentally did not prevent the
President from negotiating
thematter of dress.
The significance of it
all is clear. For the first time
the initiative in Parliamentary
matters has shifted to the
Opposition. We are calling
the tune and the Government
is dancing around in surprise.
By entering, the Lions
Den we have put an end to

the chinksing and time-
wasting game the P.N.M.
Government has been playing
all along on the vital Consti-
tution issue.
As the next stage
approaches it is clearer than
ever that this Government's
desperate concern is to pre-
vent the inevitable alignment
of the Country behind a hew
and organised force advocat-
ing radical reconstruction
What the Government
would like most to do is to
make the coming debate a
"cosy family discussion".
Tapia is having none of that.
For us the debate must be a
political confrontation which

would vividly demonstrate
the irreconciable differences
between the Old Regime and
The New Movement.


The final clash between
these two forces is now only
a matter of time. We in Tapia
know full well that the
Parliamentary dice are al-
ready loaded and that the
final vote is bound to go in
the Government's favour.
But it is when the
Government uses its voting
power to foist upon the
country another P.N.M. Con-
stitution that the country

will understand why Tapia
hasi relentlessly been forcing
the Government back along
the constitutional road.
For it is when the Gov-
ernment "successfully" crush-
es the small Tapia opposi-
tion in Parliament that the
battle will finally and irrevoc-
ably burst out of the illegiti-
mate Parliamentary restric-
tions and enter the realm of a
Constituent Assembly domi-
nated and controlled by the
vast multitude of the citizens.
When that happens all
the self-appointed political
pundits will see that the des-
truction of Caesarism has
nothing to do with one man.

Roy Richardson consults with Tapiamen in the Senate

Tapia Senator Yaxsee Joseph down to speak in Laventille

__ ~_____ __
I II -I -- I r~l ----- II -

I I-I lyl- ------.--P~ -- II I-I -II IpI

"i~\M 1)\



Public Gallery Paper No. 1 of 1974.
Laid before the people on the first appearance of Tapia in the Senate,
October 15, 1974
1. PARLIAMENT is the highest Court in the land; it is the
most urgent, the most necessary, and the most effective
theatre, where the citizens in their great diversity, in micro-
cosm act out the larger conflicts that arise from their exist-
ence, resolving them not by military confrontation but by
civil intercourse and political interplay.
2. It follows that Parliament is legitimate and valid only if it
assembles for the purposes of informing the process of government, the
bona fide representatives of all the community interests. These bona
fide representatives may be assembled within a single party, or a great
number of parties, or no party at all.
3. Representation may be fully participatory as in a tiny city-stale
where the democracy is direct. Or it may be embodied in a single electA
personage, be it King, Chief or Elder; or even in a select group of citi-
zens, be they Elders. Nobles, Senators or Representatives.
4. Representation also, may result in widely differing arrange-
ments for war-making and law-making and for civil and military admin-
istration. It may entail a rich variety of agencies and institutions for
adjoining the government of the State to the politics of the community;
it might involve markedly different combinations of these agencies to
ensure an adequate separation or integration of powers within the
"government and an appropriate emphasis as between the function of
government which is to employ authority and the process of politics
which is to create and distribute it amongst competing groups.
5. The system of government and politics may utilise two legislative Houses or one or even
none; it may make the one House dependent on the other or completely independent of it. It may
separate the Judiciary from the Executive and the Executive from the Legislature; or it may com-
bine them all as Proprietary Government did in the earliest politics of the West India islands. It
might elect the Chief Executive,the Executive and the Legislature all at once or by entirely dif-
ferent routes. The permutations and combinations are clearly infinite.
6. But whatever the variation, one unique condition has to be fulfilled if the system as a
whole is to entrench a contract, embody a compact and express a covenant amongst the multitude
of the citizens. Representation must be valid and legitimate in the perceptions of the people,
government and politics must articulate the general will.
7. Whenever the expectations of the people are systematically unfulfilled, it brings on a
political crisis. when Parliament is unrepresentative, when the Courts are corrupt, the parties
incapable of articulating community interests, the Government incompetent to govern, the
leaders obsolescent and out of touch with the imperatives of the age.
8. But a mere political crisis can be cured when elections will suffice to activate new parties,
new leaders and new representatives in general so that a new generation of law-makers and admin-
istrators could embark on the reforms needed to clean the judicial stables, to refurbish the cor-
ridors of the legislature and to galvanize the Executive into action.
9. It is when mere elections, a mere change of faces by the traditional methods, can promise
no conceivable change in the condition of the people that the political crisis passes necessarily into
a constitutional one involving the very make-up of the society and the State. When there exist no
replacement parties, or leaders or representatives, no replacement agencies of the popular will,
when the despairing cry is who we going to put? It is time for organized upheaval or cause for
-.uo-rganized one.
10. In 1974, this is where Trinidad & Tobago have reached. The Army and the Courts are
corrupt from top to bottom; the civil service, the Parliament and the parties are corrupt to right,
to left and to centre.
11. While the vast multitude of the citizens are daily deprived of the basic public utilities -
water, telephones, transport, electricity, education, health and the arts; while chronic unemploy-
ment and growing injustice have become a constant factor in the economic record, while galloping
inflation and mounting despair are driving sectional interests into an unholy scramble for gain,the
Government of the day ,inhabits a rainbow world of large announcements. The promised land of
the people's charter with its appendix for the new society and its belated promotion of a people's
sector, has become a wonderland of empty promise.


12. And yet Parliament has been incapable of initiating any action. It is representative
mainly of an elite in the ruling party;opposition is virtually not represented at all. This pappyshow
Paniament has been emerging stealthily ever since the explosive election of 1961 failed to establish
representation on a basis meaningful in an independent nation-state, with equal place for every
creed and race, and instead, opened the way to a parody of Executive domination in the Indepen-
dence Constitution of 1962 such was the excessive centralisation of authority in the hands of the
Executive, the Prime Minister in particular.
13. The inevitable consequence of this emasculated Parliament was a collapse of the emerg-
ing party structure, a reversion to an intense mobilisation by race, and a split in the national move-
ment, revealed most plainly in the rift in the labour movement. The accompanying disenchantment
not only made independence a virtual funeral but drove political involvement back to the lack-
lustre days of Crown Colony administration before the 1940's. Voter registration declined from
459,839 in 1966 to 435,531 in 1971 while actual voter participation dropped from 88% in 1961 to
66% in 1966 and then to the ultimate absurdity of 33% in 1971, the last notwithstanding the call
from the ruling elite for a massive electoral turn out.
14. The illusion of a functioning two-party democracy was first exposed by the 1966 elec-
tion and then confirmed by the crisis of 1967, the first occasion on which a Radio-TV hook-up
usurped the place of Parliament as the forum for political accounting. The illusion was finally
shattered by the 1971 boycott which gave the ruling party 100% of the seats in the House for a
support amounting to only 28% of those .registered to vote. In the logic of this Parliamentary
mockery, national consultations, party conventions, meet-the-people exercises and simulcasts on
the communications media became a permanent substitute for Parliament as the channel for
Government liaison with the country.
15. With the onset of the February Revolution and the collapse of the entire State machine,
Parliament has become the most contemptible institution of the lot. Financial accountability has
now become largely a matter of Executive grace as exemplified by the completely unwarranted
sacrifice of the Economic Adviser to the Prime Minister, by the indefensible treatment of the
latest Report of the Public Accounts-Committee both of which are no more than a climax of a
trend noticeable for many years in relation to the Auditor General's Reports ana the Accounts of
the Statutory Boards and Public Corporations BWIA being the ultimate of all the many scandals.
16. Not the least important aspect of this outrageous degradation of Parliament has been the
almost total silence of any Opposition voice. In all of 20 years, according to an official source,
there has not been a single bill privately introduced, that is to say, introduced other than by the
Executive benches.
17. One of the most valuable findings of the Wooding Report is that there has been a recent
upsurge in the number of Bills rushed through both the First and Second Chambers, evidence of
how much of a mere rubber-stamp Parliament has become. Inevitably in this regard, the record of
the Senate is even less defensible than that of the House of Representatives in the light of the fact
that independent interests exist in the former, to speak on behalf of the country.


a 0




No. of Bills
(Private Bills
not included)


No. of Bills
rushed through
the House on
the same day

1 1

No. of Bills
rushed through
the Senate on
the same day


18. As to question time in Parliament, that too, is little more than
a sick political joke, what with an embarrassing shortage of initial
questions and an even more embarrassing shortage of supplementary
ones. Again, the Wooding Commission, has reported. The number of
questions asked by the Opposition, entertained by the Speaker, and
answered by the Government in the House showed yearly averages for
the five-year term 1956/61 of 54.6 questions asked, 50 entertained, and
38.8 answered. Those were the days when the national movement still
reached out for political education. Here is the dismal record of what
has transpired since.

Year No. of Questions


No. Entertained
by the Speaker



No. Answered



19. It is not surprising that the total decay of Parliament as a
representative institution has been matched by physical amenities and
Standing Orders appropriate only to this degraded status. The least said
about Parliamentary dress the better -- except that developments in the
wider Caribbean Community have already put Trinidad & Tobago to
shame and disappointed he 'hopes of those valiant men who, quietly
and courteously, behind the scenes, have been hitting their heads against
Victorian authoritarianism.


20. In regard to Parliamentary amenities, a House Committee,
Senate paper No.4 of 19(9 focuses on an impossible situation, what-
ever the standards by which you judge. Even if the new Parliament
Building which they recommend might be said to be a low priority in
terms of other public demands, there can be no excuse for not improv-
ing arrangements on tlhe premises now in use.
21. The President of tlie Senate and the Speaker still today are
crowded into the same miniiscule quai ters, rendering it humanly impos-
sible for either to maintain civility and confidentiality inl the course of
their legitimate business.
22. It is suggestive that the toilet facilities of Palliament, even for
lady members, were at the time of reporting not only woefully short of
a civilized standard, but, by way of adding insult to injury, were never-
theless used for washing the tea utensils ensuring an internalisatio of
the ahyssmal standards set by the putrid regime.
Continued on Page 11


THE THIRD National Consulta-
tion on Education summoned by
the Prime Minister is an absolute
waste of time. The organizers
know it, the participants know
it, the nation knows it.
Why then is it taking place?
Williams is trying to divert
people's attention from the complete
failure of the government's own educa-
tion policy by persuading them that
change is necessary for reasons which
have just become evident. He is trying
at the same time to create an illusion
of participation, but this attempt will
fool nobody, if only because of the
numerous National Consultations that
have taken place previously of
which two have been devoted to

The need for expanded technical
education was obvious long before the
present oil boon. .'0or exam results
and the need for curriculum reform
have been obvious for just as long.
Williams is fooling nobody when he
-fiasa -"A -oiso nw becoming evident
that because of poor exam results it
might not now be worthwhile to
continue with the Senior Secondary
programme, and that new circum-
stances in industry require a different
orientation anyway. This is no more
than a blatant attempt to find spurious
reasons for-the government's failure
to implement its own previous pro-

A revision of the curriculum is
a feature of the 1968-83 Plan, and in
his statement on education at the
height of the 1970 crisis the Prime
Minister himself promised widespread
revision. Since at that time the Plan
had not yet been put into effect
(although it was supposed to be in full
operation by 1970/71) it was never
clear whether the reforms mentioned
in the 1970 statement meant an
implementation of the Plan, though
delayed, or changes in it prior to
As for examinations, proposals
for a Caribbean Examinations Council
have been in the making for the last
eight years. The Government has made
no statement of proposals for solving
the crisis in the Junior Secondary
Schools to which Tapia referred in its
Press Conference of May 1st. 1974. A
statement attributed to the Ministry
of Education and Culture on Wednes-
day May 29th. stating that the quota

of Senior Secondary and vocational
places to be provided for Junior
Secondary School leaves had been
doubled was later disavowed, and a
Ministerial Committee was set up
which has produced no solution.
Williams is therefore looking for an
excuse to ignore the problem.
But the crisis in education goes
far beyond these factors. It is a facet
of the crisis existing throughout the
entire social structure. There has been
an increase in the availability of
school places since 1967, although
the technical and vocational side of
education has hardly expanded at all.
Nevertheless, the education system
with its inefficiencies and discrimina-
tions continues to perpetuate the
fundamental inequalities of society -
the wide and increasing gulf between
the elite and the dispossessed.


In short, the failure of educa-
tion policy has been a failure of
political leadership. In no other area of
national life does reform require a
greater change in attitudes than in
education. Williams has complained
bitterly of "the community's con-
tempt and the school system's sub-
ordination of the technical, vocational
and managerial professions" as if his
government had had no responsibility
for the orientation of education over
the last eighteen years.
Changes of the kind needed to
overcome unfavourable public atti-
tudes toward vocational education
involve political costs; but between
1959 and 1961 when the PNM Gov-
ernment had the-political authority to
incur these costs it failed signally to
make the attempt, in spite of the
recommendations of the Maurice
Report that vocational education
should be expanded. Now the PNM
Government is morally bankrupt, and
even if it had an effective plan it
could not muster the moral authority
to implement it.
That this latest National Con-
sultation is a cynical political man-
oeuvre bearing no relation to any
genuine reforming intention on the
part of the government is demonstrat-
ed by the fact that at the same time
as the Prime Minister was criticizing
the inadequacies of the current
Education Plan, the Director of
Education Planning was defending it
in the Independence Supplement of
one of the daily papers.

But even were this not so the
attcipt would be ineffective because,
as this government's record has re-
peatedly shown, a plan is not enough
it is also essential to inculcate in
peci-!e the enthusiasm and innovative
spirit that will enable them to make
bricks out of straw and develop pro-
grammes and achieve results in spite
of the odds.

The Tapia position on -educa-
tion is fundamentally different from
that of the Government. The PNM
has made piecemeal attempts at
reform in many areas. Tapia on the
other hand recognizes that education
reform must go hand in hand with
other reforms aimed at overcoming
the inequalities of society and laying
the groundwork for a future of
genuinely equal opportunity.

In the simplest terms, education
reform is intimately linked with re-
forms in the areas of transport,
housing, health, sanitation, nutrition,
book publishing, library services, the
media. In the widest sense, it is
linked with the process of constitu-
tional reform conceived, as it is by
Tapia,. as a total process of national


That is why Williams has treated
the problem of education reform as
'he has treated the problem of con-
stitution reform by retreating with
it into a forum in which he thinks he
can exercise total control over discus-
sion after setting an agenda which
makes meaningful deliberation almost
Tapia's proposals for social re-
construction as they affect education
include the following:
Administrative decentraliza-
tion in a context of rrre
powerful local government
to give communities greater
participation in the planning
and running of the education
Improved central services,
resulting from the easing of
unnecessary burdens now
borne by the planners in the
Ministry of Education and
Curriculum reform with a
greater emphasis on curri-
culum choices to satisfy
specific community needs;
An examination system in
keeping with the curricula.
For this a Caribbean Examina-

IrrraaacaaB3aarm~lsl~IPPlrsas~-- Cb ~9~11


417 e 87r, W~ /n

tion Council is a necessity.
Zoning of schools to elimi-
nate the intolerable burden
of travel borne by children
and parents;
Diversification of secondary
education, with strengthening
of vocational and technical
Recognition of the principle
of lifelong education by
providing points of access to
the education system for
individuals at various stages
in their life and furnishing
the population with the
means of organizing educa-
tional projects for specific
The present government defines
the education system as the school
system: Tapia sees it as including the
school system but also reaching far
beyond it. We see education reform
not merely as the institution of sys-
tems but as the beginning of a perma-
nent process.
There are also some emergency
measures that must be taken to solve
the immediate crisis:
An emergency programme to
provide physical plant not
only by building but by adap-
tation of buildings from other
uses such as community
centres, church halls, and
churches. Schools need not
be elaborate buildings in
order to permit effective
teaching and learning. This
type of expansion would be
impossible under the present
assumptions about educa-
tional development. Together
with an emergency program-
me of teacher training, this
approach would enable the
11+ and 14+ instruments of
discrimination to be abolished
Immediate institution of day
care centres and kindergartens
to serve those children who
have been most severely
neglected in previous plans
but who are in fact the most
critically important section in
the child population.

These reforms would be indis-
pensable under any circumstances but
in fact this country is materially well-
placed to carry them out not by
means of any oil bonanza but by a
rational allocation of existing
resources. Fcr example all the dis-
parate efforts not at present recog-
nized as being part of education, such
as the Small Business Scheme and the
Youth Camps, Better Village, Com-
munity Centres could easily be
pooled; and this does not take into
account the vast sums already accu-
mulated by the NIS and the National
Lottery to name only two sources.
The fraud about to be perpe-
trated at Chaguaramas has and can
have nothing to do with education.
It is no more than a platform for
pushing proposals designed to assist
the survival of the PNM. Any "reforms"
that emerge will have a horizon no
further than the next election. Like
the Point Fortin campaign, it is
designed purely to serve short-term
political ends.
Denis Solomon
Chairman Education Committee


SUNDAY (,COBER 20, 1974

,^ei ^a fi~ h^A->. ^ fl

ite^"^^ ^.i

THE PRESENT political crisis in St. Vincent
and the Grenadines (Youlou and Begos) must
be viewed against the background of the gene-
ral malaise currently engulfing the entire capital-
ist world and also as a consequence of the
colonial status of "Associated Statehood" with
Britain with its irrelevant Westminister parlia-
mentary system.
On Monday 2nd September Mr. Ebenezer Joshua,
leader of the People's Political Party (PPP) and Deputy
Premier and Minister of Finance and Information in the
Mitchell Alliance government, along with his wife, who
was parliamentary secretary in the Ministry of Health,
Housing and Local Govern-
ment, handed in to the
Governor his resignation from interest of St. Vi
the government. may, acting in
Soon after, Mr. Josnua deliberate judgeme
moved a vote of no confi- to dissolve parliame
dence, along with Mr. Cato (b) If the major
and Mr. Russell of the St. the elected membe
Vincent Labour Party, in the House of Assembl
government. On Tuesday 17th resolution that the
and Wednesday 18th the confidence in the gc
motion was debated and of St. Vincent
eight members voted in premiert does ni
favour and one against while three days either
four government Ministers advise a dissolu
walked out before the vote Governor, acting ii
was taken tllihberatep idITrln


Mr. Joshua and Lato wiUt
the Governor to appoint a
new, Government, while Mr.
Mitchell is saying he is not
resigning as Premier, but
wants new elections. With
this issue before the country
the main decision now rests
with one man the Governor.
Section 48 ofthe constitu-
tion says:
"If the premier advises a
dissolution and the Governor
acting in his own deliberate
judgement, considers that the
Government of St. Vincent
can be carried on without a
dissolution and that a dissolu-
tion would not be in the

i IN ~iUI

rIuw- 1TNw a i N -r -- : u

"'4' -


iit~ ',,,

d aILAL i- 00,



St. Vincent-The old

regime closes ranks

-k S q ir 64n 6g-A S *hg 4 0'.-L

ncent, he
his own
nt, refuse
rity of all
;rs of the
y pass a
y have no
and the
ot within
resign or
tion, the
n his own
nt ma 1

gJUUrUL'UL, ,Il y
dissolve Parliament and;
(c) If the office of the
Premier is vacant and the
Governor, acting in his own
deliberate judgmentconsiders
that there is no prospect of
his being able within a reason-
able time to appoint to that
office a person whocan com-
mand the support of the
majority of the elected mem-
bers of the House of
Assembly the Governor shall
dissolve Parliament."
We notice the words in
this section of the Constitu-
tion "the Governor acting in
his own deliberate judgment"
which clearly places the
whole problem within the
hands of the Governor. The
question arises where do
the people of St. Vincent and

the Grenadines stand? What
role are they supposed to
play in this political crisis?
According to the Constitu-
tion and the organisational
structure of the PPP and
SVLP there is absolutely no
role for the Vincentian
people, so here we notice the
total uselessness of the West-
minster Parliamentary system
of government. As Gordon
Lewis has said, politics in
the Caribbean is like a theatre
show, where the masses sit
in the dar-k and look and
cheer the actors on the


That is only one part ot
the problem. International
capitalism's economic posi-
tion has been undergoing a
series of atl;ita ks w\licih i',
turn have tended to unleash
certain forces, which bring
with them a bad situation
where clever and shrewd
politicians or groups of
politicians can introduce ele-
ments of confusion in an
attempt to appear progres-
sive, but at the same time
offers apologies for the
failure of capitalism and

r mm : m 1

* M |nj njV

You always

wanted her to



makes it easy -


an ideal

themselves to provide a
proper standard of living for
the people.
Joshua has found himself
up a grou-grou tree and being
caught in his own contradic-
tions must resign. The man is
nobody's fool (with the
exception of Cato now) and
being a political opportunist
he blames the Development
Corporation for not solving
the unemployment problems
of the country and the
Premier for mis-management
of country's affairs.
The Development Corpora-
tion (DEVCO) is funded
from the Caribbean Develop-
ment Bank, and both institu-
tions, because of their built-
in capitalist bias and their
dependence on a tottering
western capitalist metropole
for funds to dole out to the
beggar governments of the

which these states cannot
meet, may soon become
"white elephants". Unless the
bourgeois economists can do
something about them they
will never make any impact
on the lives of Caribbean


By now Joshua should
know this, and also that
when capital is managed by
private, concerns, there will
always be economic mis-
management of the state
affairs, because government
will always have to depend
upon these private investors
for revenue to run the
country's affairs and when
they are not in favour of a
particular government they
just will withhold their invest-
ments and down will come
the government.Chile is there
for all to see. This is the root
cause of the political crisis
that now engulfs St. Vincent.
Mr. Joshua, if he didn't
acknowledge it before, has
now realized that the SVLP
possesses some "economic
power" which Mitchell has
failed to penetrate, because
he was more concerned with
building up the new hoteliers
into a solid money-clique,
and strengtheing die hou re-
oisie as a powerflil class
within the society. Hence we
get Joshua's statement that
it will take all t(le people
and all the parties to bring
ite country back on an even
financial keel.
The econilly lhas been in
a bad shape long ago. It only
got worse iulder the alliance
government hell-bent on
keeping us within the capital-

ist orbit through Caricom and
all the other trappings of the
dying order. For the sake of
history we must understand
that Joshua's only way out
of the present mess is to
resign, but all honour was
taken away from him when
he decided to join forces
with Cato's SVLP. If Joshua
should even survive to come
out on top he will be the
20th century political genius
par excellence.


Why the unity between
Joshua and Cato now after
fighting each other for 20
oddyears? This is because of
the mounting pressure from
the left forces and the new
challenge by the Democratic
Freedom Movement {DFM)
h.:adcd J'y 'D Kc;i,'n : dx 3 1Jn.
Because of these pressures
over the past 4 years the
rightist Vincentian in an
editorial on June 9th 1973
called upon both parties to
anite. "We believe however,
that at this time and some
reasonable timein the future.
the political leaders of both
parties should sink any dif-
ferences that they might have
.together in a meaningful.and
proper coalition".
When the DFM was
launched, Joshua in his Paper
on 24 August, 1974 stated
that both parties should now
unite to fight ungodliness
and crime. This is part of the
reason why Joshua wants
unity with Cato because this
will give the DFM little time
to organise, so the two exist-
ing political parties could kill
them dead in any up-coming
elections, and also to strangle
the West Indian National
Party (WINP) headed by
Comrade Charles and any
other political adventurers
that miiht raise their heads.
There is no doubt that if
both parties were to face the
polls together they would
sweep all the seats. If they
should enter separately the
fascism Labouri Party' can win
9 seats with 2 going to
Joshua I to DFM and
Mitclell as Independent win-
ning again.
Mayhe it is too early to
make prediictions given the
contiised situation, but con-
tiision can make it possible
for anything to happen,
because Vincentian politics
are till of surprises and more
surprises are in store before
this curreilt game is over. To
those who believe it can't be
done only remember the
events of early April 1972.



Gift too.



........... i






Hardwuk and Militancy
mu- S


_ --r*


Keiit Snluth

I WILL never forget it. There we
were lifting weights in UWi's old
gym. Two members of the
National Joint Action Commit-
tee and myself. One of them
knew Ivan. The other did not. He
turned to me and asked:
"What kind of feller is Ivan
"A white man", I replied
To my astonislunent the otIhe
brother whirled on me, as if Ivan was
his political colleague rather than
mine and said:
"Ivan Laughlin ent no white
man, nuh".
The way he said it forced me to
conjure up a mental picture of Ivan
and I would have asked for further
elaboration but the answer came as
quickly as the picture faded.
What the brother was, in fact,
saying was that Ivan did not behave as
the society expects a white man to
behave. I would have argued the case
somewhat differently. The point was
not that Ivan wasn't a white man -
this was obviously ridiculous but
that in merely being himself he had
shown how impossible it was to deter-
mine a man's concerns simply on the
basis of the colour of his skin.
As the organizai,-n's Com-
munity Relations Officer, Laughlin is

closely\ in t.- Ih with the l apia groups
in the country\ \\Tiite man rapping o'n
the blocks Neer happen Well, per-
hap-,. before Laughnri and before
Tapa Nu tiinfare No fuss L.aughlin
,simiplN\ \went quietly aib ut the group's
business S-. that in the areas he
frequents nri bona fide would d be the
fact that Ian brought me there
Which it quite a twist to the usual
black/w hute story


\\hen people concenuarte their
fire on Best, I does ha\e to laugh. Is
like marking Sammy Llewellyn of
Essex while Alphonso and Ramdoo
scoring all the goals. The right really
not serious. If they were they couldn't
believe that all they have to do is to
get Best.
The point is that Ivan is a
power-house in the organization. And
he didn't get there by the colour of his
skin either. Hard-wuk and a fearlessly
militant approach to revolutionary
struggle that puts to shame those who
sit, albeit on hard chairs, and say that
Tapia is a bunch of arm-chair revolu-
tionaries. Come to think of it, like
they stop saying that now.
Organizer, orator, thinker, do-er
Ivan is all. Arranging these Assem-
blies which, given the "scrunting"
position of the majority of Tapia-
members, mean getting transport from
Fyzabad etal, speaking stirringly at
these Assemblies or Council Meetings

and then meekl, apologizing because
"'al it have i4 some hops-bread and
Sometimes I wonder if we had
decided at the group's lormation to
exclude wtute people what would we
hate done for an ian.' Ah mean. )uh
could get cold sweat just thinking
about it. Its a tremendous tlung to be
black and poor and fighting to lift
yourself from the mire. but to be wiute
and with a profession and fighting to
lift the whole country outof t is
something else again.
Examining the three Tapia-men
in the .~enate. a er, good Inend of
mine was moved to comment on the
suitability of the three.
"All yuh pick dese men by
computer, boy".
"How yuh mean?"
"All yuh have three serious men
dey Best, Joseph and LAUGHLIN
(his capitals).
Curious how these fellers in
Tapia does acquire their own follow-
Some people who favour Best
when they comment on the three
"BEST, Iaxie and Laughlin.
Others favouring laxie exclaim:
"IAXIE, Best and Laughlin
And, of course, there
are those who will ask: What
about Solomon? Lowhar?
Ramrekersingh? Grant? And
since they talkingto me they
feel out of politeness they
should say: What about you?
And I does reply: Is only
three we get, yuh know? So
if people feel that one group
in the country should have
so many people in the Senate
what's all the difficulty in
having one big 'maco' senate
with a couple hundred? We
certainly not brighter than
the rest of the country,
politicians excepted, of


One thing, I do know. And it is
that of the three, Ivan's appointment
to the Senate is going to be most
welcome by the Tapia rank and file
simply because he is the man moving
around these far-flung groups. He has
going for him a store-house of affec-
tion and respect that must be the
basis of the moral authority that he is
always saying is necessary if we are to
found this new society. Once we had
an Assembly and for some reason or
the other, Ivan didn't speak. Well we
soon heard about it. And that mistake
was never made again.
Incredibly enough, I have found
that Ivan commands this respect, yes,
and affection too, even from organiza-
tions that say they want no truck with
Tapia. It is as if the man has not only
escaped the castle of his skin, but
escaped the ideological hard-line
boundaries that some of the brothers
so love to draw. This is one of the
ironies that this dread and delightful
struggle keeps throwing up since it is
not possible to be more Tapia than
Laughlin. Really, he's the organiza-
tion's purist.
That doesn't limit his tactics as
they shall see when the block and
tackle begins in the Senate.



Lloyd King Economics
Gordon Rohlehr
Victor Questel George Beckford
Denis Solomon Norman Girvan
Cheryl Williams Owen Jefferson
Derek Walcott Clive Thomas
Wayne Brown Maurice Odle
William Demas
Roy Thomas
Havelock Brewster
Alister McIntyre

James Millette Lloyd Best Vernon Gocking Dennis
Forsythe Fitz Baptiste Vaughan Lewis

Books...Pamphlets...Tapia selections

Phone 662-5126 or visit our yofice at
82-84 St Vincent Street Tunapuna.










Tapia House 82-84 St Vincent Street

I I _



THE PROGRESSIVE measures and the
political dispensations which emerged out of
the period of the late 1940's and early 1950's
are undoubtedly linked to the name of Adams.
The first Blacks to sit on the Executive Com-
mittee in the island were Adams and Hugh
Springer of the union-based political party,
the Barbados Progressive League in 1942 and
1944 respectively; the first Black majority in
the Executive Committee in 1946 included
men from Adams' party which won a plurality
of seats in the first election under the so-
called "Bushe Experiment" of semi-representa-
tive and demi-responsible government.
The years between 1946 and 1955 were
Adams' "years of uninterrupted triumph" at home
and abroad, and, in the extremely limited sense in
which we must accept it, these were the years of his
"social revolution", as Hoyos terms it, which we
must insist, was more an era of political con-
stitutional reform since the social and political
position of the Black working classes changed little
vis-a-vis the white master-class.


In 1948 his party won a majority in the
legislature for the first time thus forming the govern-
ment and Adams' cup was filled in 1951 when uni-
versal adult suffrage sent his'party back to the house
in control of the electoral situation. His cup ran over
in 1954 when the ministerial system and cabinet
government were introduced in Barbados and for the
first time in the Caribbean.
Until 1954 when he voluntarily gave up the
President-generalship of the B.W.U. consequent upon
his elevation to the office of Premier under the new
cabinet system, Adams had control of the labour
movement and of the main grass-roots political
organization ip the island.
In that crucial ten year period, Barbados and
Adams were both intimately involved in the Federal
venture, and Adams, through his alliance with the
British "Socialists" and the Black reactionaries in the
W.I., was vigorously attacking the efforts of Cheddi
Jagan, Richard Hart and others who were struggling
to align the Caribbean Labour Congress (C.L.C.) to the
Russian dominated World Federation of Trade Unions
(W.F.T.U.) as opposed to iAmemandog
tterinatin~al Confederation- of Free Trade Unions
(I.C.F.T.U.). Adams was also victorious in this effort
which Hoyos misguidedly terms "the conflict raging
between the totalitarian and the democratic way of
life" (P. 61).
Leaving this matter aside for a moment, we
must however, deal with the defects of the Adams
regime in its heyday, and the consequent defects of
those parts of the Hoyos book, which deal with
those issues. As stated before, Adams was in control
of the labour movement. In the late 1940's Adams,
with a strong hold on the working class movement,
could have done some hurt to the White racist Bajan
planter-merchant oligarchy through strong trade
union activity.


Instead he chose to follow the reformist
ideology, and the conservative line of public policy
which he had adopted vis-a-vis the masters of the
economy ever since engineering the overthrow of the
radical Herbert Seale. After 1946 Adams ceased (if
he ever started seriously) to work for the radical
transformation of the economic structure of the
island in logical conformity with the revolt of the
working-class in 1937. He and his party chose
instead the slow palliative reformism which left
economic power firmly in the hands of the capital-
Hoyos makes much of the A.E.S. Lewis demon-
stration of 1948 (pp. 153-155), and Adams govern-
ment takeover of the Natural Gas and Petroleum
resources of the island from the British Union Oil
Co. (B.U.O.C.) in 1950, (Pp. 153-155). What Adams
failed to do (and what Hoyos fails to note as a
failure) was to natioralise the 'commanding heights'
of the economy and to vest them in the people of
Barbados. Reddifusion, the Barbados port bunkering
system, the Telephone company, the sugar estates,
were all left untouched by the same Adams whose
thundering radicalism of the late '30's Hoyos speaks
of in awed tones.
What we are faced with today in terms of the
control of the country's economy by these giant
concerns, some of them multi-national corporations,
and what we read in Hoyos' earlier sections on
Adams' fire-breathing postures in the 1930's can
.only lead us to laugh with unbelief when Hoyos
describes Adams' position in the late 1940's in terms
of 'practical statesmanship'. Hoyos himself, must
today flinch at his own words: "In spite of his oft-




proclaimed Socialism, Adams knew it was unwise and
dangerous to scare the planters of the island with
threats of nationalising sugar, the basic industry of
the country, and his government would stand or fall
by the measure of co-operation he received from the
planters..." (p. 152). '
The Adams brand of socialism was restricted to
bargaining for Minimum wages, holidays with pay,
adult suffrage, and increased pay for workers in the
sugar industry. He refused to nationalise a single
sugar factory, or to protect the peasants from a
continued dependence on the white masters. Adams'
ideological mentors, the British Labour Party,
nationalised their steel industry in the early 1950's
and Britain's public utilities were all the property of
the state. Yet Adams left these utilities severely
alone. The result of such 'statesmanship' is that
today (1974) Barbados is the only independent
Commonwealth state that does not own its electri-
city and telephone services. Adams had an excessively
Healthy respect for White capital, and this comes out
in Hoyos' treatment of the man's policies on
nationalisation of public utilities and other capital-
.=s4ie-Eisfocerns -.
Yet Hoyos' words ring like some nightmare
Barnabas' speech in skeletal mockery both of the man
Adams, and of his biographer. One cannot believe
that Hoyos could write such words in 1973 when
sugar capitalism and mercantile oligopolism have
reduced the working-class people, the salt of Adams'
"social revolution", to the same or even worse
straits than they were in 1937. One must say that
Adams "magnanimity" in throwing out the hand of
friendship, and offering co-operation to the white
planter class was a tragic act of unnecessary and
misguided generosity. His refusal to nationalise the
public utilities unless the "money was available or
the 'exigencies of the situation' called for such
action" was a miscalculation of policy which has
adversely affected the lives of all Barbadians ever
Of course this is not our arbitrary opinion but
the simple, unmistakable conclusion which comes if
one ties the situation in Barbados in 1974 with Hoyos'
discussion of what Adams did in Barbados between
1946 and 1955. To say that Adams literally 'sold
out. the very Black people upon whose backs he
rode to political prominence is thus a very mild
though stunningly accurate conclusion, if we accept
Hoyos' own evidence.
Hoyos goes on to say on the same page, "but
he (Adams) took pains to make his policy unmistak-
ably plain. Once the planters were willing to accept
the political ascendancy of the Labour Party, and the
bargaining rights of the Workers' Union, he was ready
to work for the progress and the stability of the
industry." (P. 152).
By the late 1940's the multi-sector Barbados
Shipping and Trading Group of companies had been
a long standing reality. In 1951 under the Common-
wealth Sugar Agreement the sugar industry of Ba:ba-
dos was given a new stimulus forincreasedproduction,
yet in Hoyos' account we find Adams giving tli'ii
even more cause for satisfaction through his offer of
co-operation in return for their recognition of some-
thing which they did not particularly care about --
the "political ascendancy" of the Barbados Labour
Party. Hoyos' treatment of this period of Adams'
administration lays both Adams and himself open to
mockery in these days.
First of all Adams' handling of serious oppor-
tunities, such as the A.E.S. Lewis affair, for reduicingi
the economic power of the real masters of Barbados
the merchants makes sad and comic reading.
Then too, Hoyos' uncritical acceptance of the


Part 11 of a review

and the SocialRevol


righteousness of the Adams position all but destroys
one's faith in him as a biographer. Such faith, loyalty
and trust are creditworthy in a wife, but not in a
biographer. The men who arbitrarily dismissed Lewis
were the same merchants to whom Adams pledged
co-operation in the' House of Assembly. In view of
this, Adams' speech in the House in 1949 is not even
good comedy. Adams said:
"Gone are the days when a handful of rich
planter and merchant princes had a divine right
to rule the rest of the community; gone are the
special rights of the privileged few. Democracy
marches on in spite of the Legislative Council
and never again will it be possible to see the
rule of an exclusive class." (p. 153).
To us those words sound as though Fidel Castro
were uttering them in 1960. Instead they were said
by a Bajan Afro-Saxon, flushed with his success at the
polls and with the semblance rather than the substance
of real political power. It is difficult to accept the
thesis of a social revolution without the transforma-
tion of economic relations or the transfer of real
economic decision making power as in the Cuban
revolution of 1959. Thus Hoyos' evidence on Grantley
Adams and his "years of triumph" (1946-5 5) defeats
his major thesis about the Adams phenomenon.
Moreover reading between the lines, one can see
evidence of the 'betrayal' alleged by Errol Barrow
and the 'Young Turks' in their split with the older
labour leadership and of the reasons for the dis-
enchantment with Adams and his policy of appeasing
white capital, that Frank Walcott experienced in the
early 1950's.
The reasons for the splits between Adams and
Walcott, and between Adams and Barrow do not lie
entirely in the argument, put forward by Hoyos (in
ch. 15). As has been argued in our series The Labour
A' cementt in Peril (MANJAK nos. 2,3,5 and 6) these
developments stemmed not from political expediency
or from personal hurt as much as from principled
objection to the Adams policy of palliative reform
and vigorous control of worker-class militancy.


The section on the last years of the Federal
venture, in terms of Adams' role in the movement
between 1953 and 1962, still bears the same touch
as in the earlier work. Adams is portrayed as the
valiant pioneer of West Indies Federation, piloting
the regional 'ship' through the rough seas in the years
before 1958 when the Federation was inaugurated.
Hoyos does not discuss the wrangles which occurred
over the constitution or over the economics of
Federation. Curiously he asserts (p. 206) that the
Federal constitution was born out of the fears and
divisive influence of dominant and.intermediate
minorities to whom Federation was an 'anathema'.
He contends that it was these forces which provided
Bustamante with support. But these 'minorities'
could only have been the West Indian middle classes,
and we know that it was moreso the masses of the
people in Jamaica especially who voted to destroy
what the other classes had erected.
Moreover, though Hoyos concedes that the
colonial status of the Federation was one factor
contributing to its collapse, (P. 200) he does not state
that this was the same constitution that Adams played
a big part in framing, and for which he himself had
earlier in the book (ch. 11) praised the man
abundantly. Thus while crediting Adams with being
one of the architects of the Federation,he refrains
from laying the blame for a retrogressive constitu-
tion at the foot of his hero.
Hoyos tries manfully to vindicate Adams'
position in each of the big crises which bedevilled


I- C L I _, s 31 1 I I L I

I II I 1 '~-lry II yls I

BER 20, 1974


i '- *- -.' 2y 2",' "-. -, ,"

f "Grantley Adams



the Federation during its lifetime, but he cannot
exonerate Adams from the disgraceful role the man
played in the Chaguaramas affair of 1960 when the
Trinidad government leader Eric Williams agitated
for the return of the land which was being used by
the U.S. as a naval base under a 99 year lease. Adams,
as Federal prime minister, refused to support the
Trinidad premier. He publicly attacked Williams over
the matter, condemning his action as "immoral" and
"ar constitutional Adams tried to assure the Ameri-
cai,, and the British that he did not share Williams'
attitudes on the issue. Hoyos is forced to write.
"Here again Sir Grantley found himself in a
difficult position. He was completely in sym-
pathy with the demand for independence and
the return of Chaguaramas. But he did not
believe in the wisdom of Williams' methods. He
knew that the W.I. would need American help
financially in the building of the new nation and
he was firmly of the opinion that some solution
could be found to the Chaguaramas issue with-
out antagonising the government and people of
th JS.ap..." ...209)_ ..


Needless to say the Williams government lam-
basted the Federal Government for this sickly hang-
dog reaction. Hoyos' comment is... "on the whole
he (Adams) showed exemplary patience and tolerance
though his ministers kept urging him to reply in kind
to the angry denunciations of the Trinidad Premier."
(P. 210) We know however that many angry words
passed between Adams and Williams on this critical
Adams' part in the vitriolic debate between
Jamaica and Trinidad over the vexed question of
freedom of movement of population and material
and the general economic basis of the Federation is
lightly touched upon. The furore over Adams' fatal
and unfortunate statement about possibly introducing
retroactive taxation should Jamaica seek to promote
her own industrial development at the expense of the
Federation as a whole is only passingly mentioned.
Adams is pictured as valiantly trying to save both
of the larger units from the ignoble elements and
forces within both these societies, and as a modera-
tor in the Jamaica-Trinidad wrangle during 1960 and
1961. Hoyos does not mention the fact that the
Manley decision to hold a referendum in Jamaica over
Federation was taken without reference to Adams,
which fact shows that Manley had by then lost any
respect he had ever had for Adams. Instead he con-
centrates on the futile attempts of Adams and his
'Save the Nation' exercises of 1961-62.The devastat-
ing defeat of Adams' B.LP. in Barbados of 1961 at
the hands of the breakaway D.L.P. receives a mere
6-line paragraph of mention in this context (p.220).
Undoubtedly this section of the study is
designedly written to evoke sympathy and com-
miseration for Adams on the part of readers but the
protracted description of the funeral "last days of the
W.I. Federation", while good stuff for a future W.I.
comic-opera, serves only to make the remnant of
federal leaders, Adams especially, appear more cring-
ingly colonial, more shackled in their British psycho-
complex, more powerless and useless.
Hoyos unconsciously puts the cap of irony on
it all when he records that "Sydney Stone of Jamaica,
reminded the House that Sir Grantley had once
defended Britain's bona fides before the General
Assembly of the U.N. and yet this was the man who,
in the West Indies' darkest hour, had been treated so
ignominiously by the Secretary of State ..." p:228.
One remembers the wretched exclamation of
the Englishman Cardinal Wolsey on going to his death

for having displeased Henry VIII: "Had I but served
my God as diligently as I have served my King, he
would not have abandoned me in my old age!" This
could have been Adams' lamienit.
We sum it up for Hoyos "surely this was the
unkindest cut of all". The British Govemment pro-
moted the Federation, 'ghost-wrote' the score, chose
the actors and orchestrated the entire comic-opera.
When the British Government saw it fit, as in 1947,
it imperiously suggested that the West Indians should
meet to discuss Federation. Then in 1953 and again
in 1956 it was the British Goverrinent which sug-
gested that tie West Indians meet in London to dis-
cuss the Federal Structure, capital etc. The Governor
General had been appointed from Britain without
reference to the wishes of the Federal leaders, In the
light of all this it is rather futile a play for Hoyos to
exclaim indignantly:-
"Once again the Colonial Office had done it!
On three important occasions it had made
decisions vitally affecting the Federation with-
out consulting the Federal Government. When
Manley first raised the question of a referen-
dum, MacLeod assured him that, if anything
went wrong Jamaica would be able to proceed
to independence alone. Later, MacLeod accept-
ed the result of the referendum and promised
to introduce the necessary legislation to provide
for Jamaica's independence, again without con-
,sulting the Federal Government. And now
Reginald Maudling in a public statement, pro-
nounced the death sentence of the Fe'deration
without consulting the Federal Government on
the decision he had reached, following his
visit to Trinidad...." p.221.
Further comment from us is unnecessary.


The final section, called "Last years and an
assessment", deals with Adams' decline as a political
actor on the Barbados scene, and his death. Great
care is taken to emphasise that Adams retained to the
last, and to demonstrate that although in opposition
he was no less a serious force in Barbados politics of
the middle and late 1960's than he had been earlier:
One cannot quarrel with this presentation which can
be substantiated and appears to be objective truth.
But in his "assessment" Hoyos reiterates his earlier
"One thing that cannot be questioned, however,
is the part played by Adams in the social
revolution of our time.
"Up to the year 1940, Barbados remained 'a
plantocracy governed politically, economically
and socially by whites. In that same year the
Barbados Progressive League, led by Adans,
won five seats in the House of Assembly and
from that time began 'the marked change in the
Barbadian power structure which would see
political power used to bring about alteration in
the boundaries of groups.'
"In the years that followed Adams and his
lieutenants 'without fanfare, cleaned out the
old colonial system and reduced the predomi-
nant political power of the planters and mer-
chants to a shadow....'
"In all this transformation of the Barbadian
scene, the role of Sir Grantley was 'consistently
pre-eminent'. Clearly he was the central figure
in the social revolution that changed Barbados
beyond recognition ...." pp. 245-246.
It is not only that his language is imprecise and
his terms somewhat suspect, but the greater mis-
fortune is that Hoyos and 'the coloured and Black
Barbadians of his age-group fervently believe these

extravagant claims, even in the Barbados of 1974
when organised labour is still identifying its 'oppres-
sors' as the merchants of Broad and Roebuck Streets
who control the distribution of vital foodstuffs in the
island, and the planters in the rural areas who among
other things prefer to dump carrots than sell them to
poor people unless they could get large profits on
The "social revolution" of Grantley Adams is
largely a myth, created and supported by members
of his party of which Mr. floyos is a long standing
member. It is true, as Hoyos painstakingly details,
that Adams was responsible for, and associated with
substantial social reform during his political career.
But when Adams blew the trumpet of "increased
political representation for coloured people", the
economic and social walls of white-controlled Jericho
did not tumble down. In fact Hoyos has unconsciously
defeated his own thesis by detailing the compromise
which Adams made with the white power structure
in the late '40's.
The Adams phenomenon was no "Black
Power" revolution in Barbados. Perhaps such would
be too much to expect from the Barbadians such as
Adams, given the historical circumstances in which
they operated, and their own socialisation. We accept
that, but we cannot swallow Hoyos' determined
seductive propaganda that Adams' led a 'social
revolution' in Barbados. At best one must sum up the
Adams' phenomenon, (on the basis of present evi-
dence) as a great-hearted effort to build the founda-
tions of a less medieval Barbados, especially as far as
political (narrowly defined) boundaries' octween
groups were concerned. Certainly as Hoyos himself
"It may be well argued that the Adams move-
ment after capturing power and effecting a far-
reaching political and social revolution, should
have proceeded more rapidly to a radical pro-
gramme of economic development, that it
should have made it transparently clear that
the initiative for developing the island's
economy had passed from the planters and
merchants into the hands of the popular
movement". p. 246.


By admitting such, Hoyos has given more
ammunition for present assessors of Adams' career to
assert that Hoyos' hero actually sabotaged the work-
ers' revolution and threw the control of the island's
economy and society back into the lap of the
capitalist oligarchy from whom it was being wrenched
between 1937 and 1948.
Adams' work as a regional labour leader was
influential and decisive also. He attained interna-
tional stature as a colonial spokesman for Britain, and
he was in the forefront of the successful move to
keep the Caribbean Labour movement within the
Western U.S. dominated trade union network. But
Hoyos sees mainly the positive side of his role in the
C.LC. tie promotion which that organisation,
under his leadership, gave the Federal venture and
glosses over the man's role in sabotaging the Carib-
bean workers movement by his efforts to regiment
the C.L.C. within the Western-dominated I.C.F.T.U.
(ch. 14).
Without doubt Adams' career has been impor-
tant in the development of modern Barbados and
the Commonwealth Caribbean. Adams was a pioneer
in many senses and we must view with considerable
sympathy some of his policies and decisions, es-
pecially in cases where there were no clear precedents
for action. It is clear that he honestly had the true
interest of the mass of the people at heart, as far as
he perceived this "interest". But Adams also com-
mitted serious errors of judgement both in the Barba-
dos situation and on the regional level. Some of these
errors have been mentioned in the foregoing analysis
of Hoyos' book.
The time for a "full", or "final" assessment of
Adams' career has not yet come, despite Hoyos
assertion, simply because we do not have all the
crucial bits of evidence. Hoyos has gone ahead and
given us the fruit of his years of research. The study,
despite its limitations and weaknesses, has a certain
value. It has providedus with base material on Adams'
life and career and in its attempt at comprehending
the 'private' and the 'public' aspects of the career of
the man, Iloyos has done a pioneering job. His aim
has been a huninistic one. to depict the life (of one
of the outstandiii Ba;rbadian and West Indian public
figures in Ierlms of the forces which moulded his
character, the social environment in which the man
operated, ideas and actions in the light of the realities
of Iis own day. Tihe ain is to be conmmended ind the
study desivcs consideration from serious students of
W.I. History ais well as froln thie general ra ider and
the school population. I however as a pioneering i l
study it has raised more questions than it has provided
answers, but this is ;i clha:racteiistic of piolleering
works and the author should ie gratified if his stud\
prolmoles greater iinltresl in le life :iind cav-eer of the
subject. (' r. K


7F 1 -

S~~~ -d* I Bespt= = 0

Keith Smith

IF. I represented the interests
that the Express represents, I
suppose I would be busy writing
hysterically worried editorials.
But being a more direct sort of
journalist I would, perhaps, stop
trying to hide my meaning in
lines of contorted thinking and
simply say in a banner headline:
The fact-of the matter, as
somebody once said, is that they
fraid Best. Fraid him too bad. With
good reason. And in spite of their
malicious and spiteful sneer about
Tapia's lack of influence they aren't
sure just what "magic" Best will spring
and see them yet with printer's ink on,
-,their faces.
I have always said that if any-
body makes a Messiah out of Loyd it
is going to be the Express. Very soon
they are going to run out of adjectives
to describe the man. The latest one is
"redoubtable". And the latest theory
is that he is going to take over the
Opposition. Well, what else is new?
More than any other revolu-
tionary leader, Best is easily if you
are on the wrong side the most

dangerous. Who else in time of indus-
trial disputes, inflation, and other
assorted crises could so dramatically
impinge himself on the public con-
sciousness offering his organization's
plan to get us out of this unholy
As it stands now the Express and
its party-mates Jamadar, Millette
and all see in the Senate-move a
slur on Tapia's and Best's honesty.
Millette has even gone so far as to say
that Tapia finish. Which is really
remarkable since he knows Best.
What must be worrying to the
"enemy" is the fact that Best has
been so consistently correct.


There are some "Best" lines that_
must core to haunt them. in the
"You can't defeat Williams with
a knock-out punch. Let us carry him
the full distance and win on points".
Man, they using the man's terms
left and right: Afro-Saxon, Doctor
Politics, Industrialisation by Invita-
tion, Localisation, National Recon-
struction. They rave about his econ-
omic brilliance and Best 'warns them
about trying to arrange the world on

the basis of economics alone.
He's an intellectual heavyweight,
they say, and he gives the term a
wider definition that ends upbring-
ing in ordinary people everywhere and
leaving out the bulk of the university
He tells Burnham about Partici-
patory Republic and Burnham grandly
announces that he has this idea of a
Co-Operative Republic which in fact
is the usual Caribbean-style dictator-
They say he arrogant and he
replies that arrogance is a built-in
factor in the Caribbean psyche and
emphasizes that we have to set up
systems to contain the arrogance of
leaders. Dey say he can't communicate.
Well they are still talking about that
Debate and for a man who can't
communicate he has certainly elec-
trified the country.
He has never sacrificed a prin-
ciple. He has always preached Tapia.
Not Black Power when it was fashion-
able to do so. Nor socialism. And
the Express which contradicts itself
in the same editorial has the gall to
talk about "honesty". That news-
paper which congratulates Best on his
position on the PSA wage-claim and
then refuses to say a word when Best
spurns their congratulations pointing

out that he is against the Express
position, as well. Ah tell yuh, dey
fraid the man in truth.
The trouble is that people here
don't ever get to know political
leaders. Not in the way that I have
gotten to know Best. To know the
essential humanity of the man.


To share with him the anguish
that is the common lot. To hear him
talk about economic theory, driving
in a car, and hear him steups as we
pass fellers trying to "get a sweat" on
some dangerous pot-holed piece of
ground. To see him look around
Laventille and hear the pain as he
exclaims: "Boy, Williams really -ent
like black people in truth".
To see him burn with-anger-as,--
we discuss the astonishing granting of
a license to a company, to cook
"Kentucky Fried "Chicken" when
every woman in this country could
give Colonel Saunders lessons in
The big things is what people
talk about. His lectures and addresses.
His writings. His prescriptions to cure
the national malaise. The greatest
radical thinker in this part of the
world, they say. That may be. But for
me it's the small things that give the
measure of the man. All the others,
perhaps, could be manufactured. But
it is the small things that really open
up the window to a man's soul.
Tell dem for me they ent see
nutten yet. He is the Number One
enemy of all those determined to keep
this country down for their own self
interest and those pseudo-revolution-
aries who want to fabricate a society
to suit their own self-interests as well.
No wonder, they fraid him so. Right
and Left.





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Every Week


_ ~



A statement on Cultural Liberation E17 )

la~~~~ IP

1973, on concluding their
visit to Cuba, a group of
visitors involved in cul-
ture from the Caribbean
republics of Barbados,
Jamaica and Guyana,
invited to take part as
observers in the Festival
of Popular Cuban Art,
subscribed to the follow-
ing declaration:
As a result of the discus-
sions of the representatives of
Barbados, Jamaica and the
Co-operative Republic of
Guyana with Cuban function-
aries, artists and intellectuals,
it became quite clear that we

had a common desire to
improve ourcultural relations,
a mutual knowledge of our
histories and art and
strengthen the bonds between
our peoples.

The representatives also
agreed that: -
* the separation between our
peoples and the lack of
knowledge of one another's
culture is a function of th e
colonial past and thie effect t
of the plotting of neo-
colonialists and imperial-
* we must pull together to

overcome (the negative
reminiscences of the past
and break down the
artificial barriers which are
getting in the way of a
coImmnitliIy of free coun-
tries in the Caribbean.
Sthe people are pennanent
creators and the legitimate
usurers of art and culture.
* the strength of our art
comes from oiur people,
especially from the workers
who have created by their
sweat all lie material
goods and the spiritual
patrinlony of mankind;
therefore artistic and cul-
tural expression cannot be
the handmaidens of social

elites nor of the represent-
atives of racism, imperial-
isim and colonialisnm.
Sit is ite primordial object
of our joint efforts, to
reassess the value oi our
ioots and our cultural
identity, and to express
ourselves as we truly are
in our time: the result of a
fusion of ethnic groups
and cultural currents which
have evolved with society
and whose authenticity
cannot be established by
overemphasizing any one
factor nor in passively
accepting the tourist image
which our exploiters would
impose on us from outside

in order to breed in us
an inferiority complex and
feelings of impotence
which abet their interests.
* we must spread abroad
the true history of our
peoples which was deliber-
ately suppressed or falsified
in colonial texts in such a
way that our national
heroes were presented in
many cases either as villains
or dreamers.
Signed: For Barbados -
John Wickham, Dennis Hunte
Guyana Lynette Dolphin,
Bill Pilgrim, Pat Dyal
Jamaica Paul Miller,
Neville Dawes, Karl Craig.
Marjorie Whylie.

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J. Arthur Crudefrock

I HAD the opportunity to
interview an expatriate
West Indian recently.
Away from Trinidad for
more than fifteen years,
he had returned to a
managerial position and a
managerial income. He
lives in one of our prestigi-
ous suburbs, has a lovely
wife, a car of distinction.
But he is getting ready
to return to Toronto.
I must give you some
further background. Our
friend, 0- Kenneth Jack foot
(we used to call him Jack
donkey at school, but would
explain to the teacher, if


I was planning to go back to Toronto
Rather than Canning peas from Tobago
The big city beat I find it too sweet
Everynight I lie down in the'bed
It's as if I'm hearing in my head
Get away from WASA
Go back and join up with MASSA.
Boom ti ti boom boom
Boom ti ti boom.

caught, that we were really
calling him Jack ANKLE)-had
paid a visit to Trinidad some
years ago, a graduate, already
following a Masters Course.
He had gone to town to see
whether the place had pro-
gressed, and right near Wood-
ford Square he had run into


his nennen, or godmother.
"Kennylings", the dear old
lady screamed, embracing:
him right there in the open
road, and kissinghim warmly.
Then she had stepped back
looking at him with admira-
"But look how the boy

grow big",'she had told any-
one who cared to listen "and
only the other day he he was
running about with no-pants".
Jack foot had smiled uncom-
fortably at all of this but
stood appalled when the old
lady pressed a shilling into
his hand for bus fare, lie a

big man and in front of
everybody. He had left Trini-
dad again with relief, thinking
to himself that the mental
level had not changed too
So I decided to chat with
him about his Second Leav-
Continued on Page 11

This is a $5 million issue.The7{% bonasl980/84 can be purchased
at TT$98.30 percent, with a running yield of 7.88% per annum,
and gross redemption yield of 8% per annum.


0 25 YEAR

This is a $10 million issue. The 8% Bonds 1994/99 can De
purchased at TT $94.85 per cent, with a running yield of 8.44%
per annum, and gross redemption yield of $8.50% per annum.


The list of annlicrticrs pill be opened at 8.00 -, m on
Tuesday 29th Octoberr 1974 and closed at 12 ntion on
Wednesco,. 30th October 1974. Bonds will b- 'dted
30th October 1974.
The Central Bank of Trinidad and Tobago is the sole and exclusive
agent for the raising and management of this issue.
Interest will be payable half-yearly by the Central Bank
of Trinidad and Tobago on the 30th April and the 30th October.
The first payment will be made on the 3Utn April 1975 at the
rate of TT$7.75 per TT$100.00 face value per annum for the
72% bond and TTS8.00 per TTS100.00 face value per annum
for the 8% bond.
What the funds will be used for:
The proceeds of this issue will be applied to retiring certain
short-term obligations of the Government, and financing
projects in the development programme for 1974.

where to obtain application forms
Prospectuses and application forms may be obtained at
the investment Division o& the Central Bank of Trinidad
and Tobago,Comptroller of Accounts, Central Bank
Building, any of the branches of the commercial banks
operating in Trinidad and Tobago, Trinidad Co-operative
Bank Limited, Caribbean Stock and Bond (Trinidad)
Limited, West Indies Stockbrokers Limited, a!l Trust
Companies operating in Trinidad and Tobago and
Barclays Finance Corporation of Trinidad aid ToLago Ltd.

Applications will be received at the investment Division of the
Central Bank, St. Vincent Street, Port of Spain, and must be
accompanied by the full amount of the purchase price of the
Bonds applied for.
The issue will be made under the Development Loans Act 1964
(No. 19 of 1964), as amended by the Act No. 17 of 1965 and Act
No. 14 of 1969.
Further information may be obtained from the Central Bank.
St. Vincent Stre.t, Port of Spain; all banks and trust companies
or your stock broker.

12 NOON, 30th October 1974

~--- --- I--~U

Big City beat

or a case

of small-town blues

I- =------




From Page 2

injury, were nevertheless used for washing the tea utensils ensuring an internalisation of the
abyssmal standards set by, the putrid regime.
23. The neglect extends to the Parliamentary Staff as well. So wantonly have their claims
been ignored, that no fewer than three separate offices now provide their housing, only one in'the
Red House itself. In addition to the unnecessary cost and the administrative inconvenience of this
arrangement, are the damaging restraints placed on the expeditious preparation of the Parlia-
mentary record. The Hansard Staff works under conditions that must be intolerable in any
Parliamentary democracy; they have to tote their machines over to the Red House, each time
there is a sitting of one of the Houses.
24. And then the Senate and the House of Representatives are forced to share the same
Parliament Chamber. The result is that when simultaneous sitl;,,s of both are needed, the only
recourse is to disrupt the working of the Judiciary by commandeering the First AssizelSupreme
Court, another symbol of the vexatious blurring of the lines between supposedly distinct branches
of Government. ,At a more important level this confusion has been surreptitiously engendered
over the years by the encroachment of a sinister Executive domination, leading lately to an exodus
of 'senior judges which must surely he the subject of quiet speculation.
25. This cavalier neglect of the representatives of the people goes so far as to omit from
consideration altogether any idea of Parliamentary Committee rooms. Needless to say, similar
facilities for the Fourth Estate, in the form of rooms for the press and the communications media,
did not even rate specific proposals from the House Committee. More than any other misdemean-
our, save perhaps, the ante-diluvian conception of the Parliamentary Library, this total absence of
Committee Rooms and accommodation for the communications media is decisive evidence of the
part played in the old regime by intellectual gangsterism, thriving as that does on the suppression
of information and the restriction of free discussion. According to the House Committee, the
Library has so outlived its usefulness as a Library, that it is used as a Tea Room and as an Assemb-
ly Hall for members of the Senate at the Anhual Opening of Parliament.
26. This is the waste-land in which our people have been set to wander, hungering for
greener pastures, for a constitutional reorganisation, for an economic reconstruction. Dispossessed
and disadvantaged, we roam in the wilderness, thirsting for a moral resurgence, yearning for a
cultural revival.
27. This is the wilderness in which Parliament has lost its validity and the Government has
lost its moral authority to rule. Yet it is legal for the Government to legislate and to embark on
constitution reform. The price of bringing Parliamentary illegitimacy into the open by the 1971
boycott is that the ruling elite in the governing partyis legallyfree to persist in a unilateral constitu-
tion reform however illegitimate the Parliament.


28. The only possible frustration of this sinister design is a rebirth of community expression
and'organisation, a renaissance in political life bringing a change in political conventions and lead-
ing hopefully to the estabi.Allnent of valid parliamentary representation.
29. Those of us who have the eyes to see recognize that this renaissance is already pressing on
us, the explosion of 1970 being its first stammering expression, the Town Hall gathering of 1974
being the first sign of its permanent re-emergence after the repression of April 1970 and the dra-
conian legislation of the period immediately following.
.-o c h th.&txe .centt re-emergence of hope, the urgent political question has been how to
transform this unconventional politics of genuinely free discussion; of organisation, programme and
plan; and of sustained community building and hard work and not 'o leaders offering magic
answers. It has been how to transform unconventional politics into a genuinely representative
Parliament when both the rules of election to Parliament and the organisational arrangements of the
State are tailored only to the needs of the old regime.
31. All along the Tapia answer has been that there should be called a Constituent Assembly
of the valid Parties along with a Conference of Citizens. We participated in the deliberations and
meetings of the illegitimately established Wooding Constitution Commission in the vain hope of
fashioning the required assembly out of the possibilities present there. We failed because the
manipulations of both the ruling party and the conventional opposition, on the left and the right
as well, kept significant political confrontation away from the Wooding Convention at Chaguara-
mas or any of the earlier occasions; because Tapia had not found the key to the people's heart.
32. Now the final non-military option left to our people is to forge the Constituent Assembly
out of the illegitimate Parliament itself. The Government has perpetually withdrawn from a
political confrontation on the constitution issue knowing full wellthat whenever and wherever, the
issue comes finally to be settled,the country will at last be forced to take its stand and, for the
first time since political independence and therefore for the first time in our political history, to ef-
fect a valid alignment of the political forces and interests in the land.
33. That ultimate confrontation has now begun. The Government has named the time and
the place as the Senate where they thought no opposition that speaks for the country had a
chance of asserting a meaningful political presence.
34. Tapia's move to the Senate has upset their political calculations and will prove that at
last they have met their match. Already they been reacting wildly in withholding planned an-
nouncements on the Constitution matter and in appointing additional support to the Second
Chamber. More panic moves will surely follow.
35. To complete the victory expeditiously and decisively, we on the Opposition side need
two sets of critical ingredients. The first is the fullest ever articulation of community opinion and
the second is bona fide spokesmen to give these opinions and interest a valid political representa-
36. Tapia is in no position by itself to ensure that we possess these crucial means for the
ultimate political triumph. Our presence in the Senate can only open the door of opportunity for
freer expression, for wider political education and for more vigorous representation on behalf of all
those people, big and little who dream desperately of a social and economic order, more
just, more free, more equitable, who yearn for a culture more humane.
37. We-have come into the Senate on the invitation of the Leader of the Opposition. Those
who glibly dismiss this as a backdoor entry should also have revealed to the country that when they
scented trouble in 1970 they cynically invited us'to enter in defence of the collapsing regime.
Tapia's natural place in the struggle is among those who seek a new dawn. We considci it our meet,
right and bounden duty to be where the battle will be joined.



IVAN LAUGHLIN Tapia House 15th October, 1974



From Page 10
ing. I: "So O.K., why you
hustling back up North to
take on some more Winter
chill? You wuking for this
big set of money, you helping
tire country by paying some
firs' class income tax, you
already have down a Quadra-
phonic Stereo with four
speakers and a Super Sony
tape deck. You have the
beach right here Is it that
you have come to. love the
yellow 'leaves of Autumn, ice
skating in Winter, Spring when
the shoots burst forth with
gaiety Boy, why you really
'"Crudefrock", he answer-
ed, coming close to mis-
pronouncing my name, and
getting a good old fashioned
Trinidad cuff, "you just don't
understand the position, you
who have never lived abroad,
and got accustomed to certain
amenities, to efficiency. I
return to Trinidad after over
fifteen years, bringing in
much needed skills, and so

ONE of the largest
crowds ever turned out
Tuesday last to the open-
ing of the Senate when
three Tapiamen made
their entry. They saw
Tapia establish new rules
of dress by gracing the
Chamber in chic cream-
linen Nyerere-type shirt-
jacs with sandals to

Lauglin takesteoth- -

on. But what I can't stand
after all those years abroad is
personal inconvenience.
"I am prepared to pay for
my personal comfort. I want
water, hot and cold as neces-
sary, I will pay for it. But I
paying and WASA cutting off
my water every other day.
electricity goes off, my meat,
the most expensive cuts,
which do not compare with
the food I eat in Toronto,
spoils. There is the discour-
tesy on the roads the in-
efficient workers that you
can't fire the way you would
in Toronto the inferior
managerial staff around me,
the kind of French creole
boys who left St. Mary's
with a Third Grade but have
reached the top in this ridicul-
ous society so that they can
join Queen's Park Cricket
Club and I can't.
"And more than that,
since I living here in Valysyn,
thieves have broken in and
stolen my $3,000 stereo set-
up. Toronto is the place for
me and when I want to jump
up, there's Caribana.
"I may be a nonentity
up there, but when I turn on
the bath in the morning, I
know that water will flow"'
At this point, the tape
recorder broke down, and I
wondered if it would take me
six months to get it fixed,
like the last time. Nobody
had the spare part in stock.

The crowd heard Gov-
ernment Leader, Boysie
Prevatt, announce that the
Constitution debate will
begin on Monday October 21
at 10 o'clock in the morn-
Those who came to
hear the three new Senators
speak heard only the Tapia
Secretary on a day of meagre
fare. Yaxsee Joseph and Ivan
Laughlin held their fire on
this occasion.
Lloyd Best told the
assembly that the Variation
of Appropriations Bill was
only an outward visible sign
of. an inward decay. of a
plague that had been sweep-
ing the country for years.
The sole principle of
statecraft behind it was the
creole one of "who Irave
more corn, feed more fowl".
Tapia had come to the
Senate. "to bury Caesar and
Caesarism as well". There
was little point in being side-
tracked by the Governmnent's
irresponsible juggling of ex-
penditure, related to no
particular background of
overall economic policy, and
Continued on Page 12



1973 Tapia in bound volumes $20

I --- C _-



Mrs. Andrea Talbutt,
Research Institute for
Study of Man,
162, East 78th Street,
NEI: YORK, i.Y. 10021,
Ph. Lehigh 5 8448,


TAPIA regrets the decision
of the West Indies Group of
University Teachers to with-
hold their services because of
a dispute with the University
Administration. We are scept-
ical over WIGUT's claim that
theirs is a normal trade
Lecturers at the Univer-
sity of the West Indies are
deeply involved in the admin-
istration of the institution
and as such must bear a
significant part of the res-
ponsibility for whatever
maladministration is alleged
to exist.
Tapia appreciates the
illogicality of the situation
whereby lecturers at the St.
Augustine Campus are placed
Si a disadvantageous position
vis-a-vis their colleagues at
Mona, because of short-
sighted administrative ar-
We are not satisfied,
however, that WIGUT has
demonstrated any serious or
sustained concern over such
matters, andtheir action now
appears to be motivated
solely by their own narrow
sectional interests.


A resolution o: the
immediate issues of exchange
rates and travel grants along
the lines demanded by
WIGUT will mean an effec-
tive average increase in
lecturers' remuneration of an
order of 10%. Tapia under-
stands that WIGUT is also
bargaining for another in.
crease in salaries for the
1974/75 period, following a
45% increase gained last
Should this be the case,
it would confirm Tapia's fears
that WIGUT seems to be
pursuing narrow sectional
interests at the expense of
wider social concerns.
If WIGUT conceives of
itself as a trades union, then
even more than from other
unions should we expect of
them proposals for dealing
with the growing inequality
in the society and the prob-
lems of inflation and un-
In the absence of such
an approach any attempt by
WIGUT to press for a large
pay increaselmust strengthen
the suspicions that WIGUT is
merely using trades union
status and working class
headlines to take advantage
of the country.

I. .

1. CONTRARY Y to the
Parliament ann< 'uncement
and the Press re rts, Tapia
'as never made representa-
tion to the President con-
cerning Parliamentary dress;
we haie never sought permis-
sion for what our three
Senators were going to wear.

2. Yesterday's Senate
declaration by Dr. Wahid Ali
must be regarded as a diplo-
matic interpretation of events:
- evidence, perhaps of the
expedients to which public
- spirited men feel driven by
the restrictions of a one-party
parliamentary dictatorship.

3. The exact record is
that on October 9, the Presi-
dent wrote saying that he
"would like to meet the
newly appointed Senators ...
and would be grateful there-
fore, if you could attend an
informal meeting on
Friday 11th.

4. It has been errone-
ously reported that, at that
meeting, Tapia Secretary,
Lloyd Best, raised the ques-
tion of dress. In fact, it was
the President himself who
finally raised it after he had
failed several times over to
elicit from the three Tapia
men any query on the sub-

5. Mr. Best's reply to
Mr. Ali was that the question
of dress was "a red herring".
Tapia,he said, was interested
only in the large issues of
State and he did not think
that any one would wish to
hold up the business of the
people by dwelling on
essentially trivial issues.

6. The President then
declared himself in favour of
dress reform and pointed to
his unsuccessful attempts to
win action from the Senate
so as to change the existing
dress convention.

7. Thereupon Mr. Best


From Page 11
not even to the objectives
set out in the 1974 Budget.
The Tapia Secretary
said that he wished to point
out to the House that the
increase in expenditures
could have been due either to
inflation, or to dangerously
dipping productivity, or to
new projects introduced be-
latedly to fill out the blanks
in the original January Bud-
He warned the Senators
that the changing pattern of
expenditure was almost cer-
tainly accompanied by
changing levels and patterns
of revenue changes which
probably placed the govern-
ment in a position to step up
the attack on fundamental
These changing pa ,erns
of expenditure and revenue,
he continued, had implica-
tions for the cost of living,
for employment, for the dis-
tribution of business control
and for the balance of pay-
ments. The Government's
duty, particularly in a year of
such severe economic crisis,
was to show the country
how policy and action hung
together. .
"It is a fallacy", Lloyd
Best added, "to think thatl
because there was a balance
between saving and proposed
new spending, the impact ol
total expenditure will remain
the same as in the initial

The House received the
statement without any great
show of interest. The public
gallery was warned by the
President that clapping was
against the rules of the


w~~ ~ai^S ^L

said that in his view, appro-
priate dress was a matter
solely in the discretion of
the President, "Proper dress is
not a fixud matter of jacket-
and-fie but a range of attire
compatible with the occasion
and the place". Sober shirt-
jacs,he added were entirely
in order. "It is wholly a
matter of personal taste
within a nationally accepted

8. What independence
means, concluded, the Tapia
Secretary, was that the Presi-
dent "should exercise his dis-
cretion and use his own wit
to determine which clothes
lay within a reasonable and
acceptable range.

9. "Out of sober and
reasonable choices exercised
by responsible individuals,

appropriate conventions will
in the end arise. It is not a
question to which any Com-
mittee could provide a simple
answer by inventing a con-

10. Present at the meet-
ing on Friday October 11
were also the Leader of the
Opposition in the House of
Representatives and the
Clerk of the Senate.

Afterwards, the Tapia
Secretary told reporters that
the Senate had impressed as
"a place for old men .. a
morgue". He said however
that he did not think that
the habits of the house would
last for long.



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