Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00129
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: September 29, 1974
Frequency: completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00129

Full Text

Vol. 4 No. 39


^^S\7 q* -

Y******************************************* ***************************************************


* IN AN effort to improve the standards of performing musicians, .
** several well-known members of the music fraternity have come *
together to form the Gayap Workshop Centre. In addition to raising .
.* standards, the Workshop aims to provide outlets for musical expres- y 1 i
S sion.
Among those participating in this venture are Clive Alexander
* Scofield Pilgrim, Clyde Bacchus, Mike Georges, David Boothman and 7
* Barney Bonaparte. A programme of twice-weekly training sessions,
* Wednesday evenings and Saturday afternoons, directed at practising
musicians has been initiated at the Centre located in an annexe to '
* AB Architect/Planning Consultants at 9 Dundonald St., P.O.S- -
* inis weekend the members of the Gayap Workshop Centre
* will be staging what\they call a CARICOM Jazz Experience. Venues
will be the Purple Haze, Maraval on Friday 27 at 7.00 p.m. and *
* Sunday 29 at 6.00 p.m. (Entrance fee $2) and the C.I.C. Auditor- r*. "
ium on Saturday 28 at 8.00 pm. (Entrance fee $3). For further
details ca'Cihve Alexander at 62-52590. .- .
* t
* *
**~** ** **** ** ********* **** ********* ***** ** ********* **** ******************** *+

Tapia gears up for the end game

, 0

THE TAPIA Council of
Representatives convened
in double session on
Sunday, September 8 and
Sunday September 15 at
the Tapia House.
Sessions extended
over five hours each as
members considered re-
ports from officers of
the Group, and deliber-
ated on a programme of
action to take us over
the coming months and
into the next year.
Speaking on "The
Months |Ahead Organisation
of National Tapia", Com-
munity Secretary Ivan
Laughlin reviewed some of
the current national issues
which he said would have
bearing on Tapia's m'obiliza-
Laughlin measured
what he called the assets of
Tapia against liabilities in-
herent in the still unresolved
problems in the Group. He
concluded that Tapia alone
would be able to deal with
the complexities of the
political situation.
The Community Secre-
tary urged the Group prepare
for either or all of; elections,
a major political upheaval or
a Constituent Assembly. In
any case, he said, we had so
to dispose ourselves as to be
able to form a national gov-
ernment at short notice.
Campaign Manager
Michael Harris in his report
on "Public Campaign" urged
the meeting to see that, at
the most, two years only
remained for the resolution
of the crisis. It meant too
that only one year remained
for Tapia to make its play.
Harris held that we had
come to the point of "the
end campaign" when we had,
first of all, to recognize the
urgency of the situation and
the enormity of the task, and
to aim to take power.
Haqis proposed the

formation of a Campaign
Committee as a means of
preparing for the taking of
power, and he stressed that
the highest priority be given
at the present time to the
means and ends of the "end
The meeting later
decided to appoint a Cam-

COME Sunday afternoon, the
nation's gaze will turn towards
the Town Hall in Port-of-Spain
where battle will be joined on
the vital question of the division
of the national cake. Tapia
anticipates a Mini-Conference of
Whatever the organizers say, the
basic issue is simple. It is the haves
against the have-nots. Doubtless both
of the opposing speakers will be
arguing a case for a juster distribution
of income.
James Manswell, Secretary of
the Public Service Association and
Lloyd Best Secretary of Tapia, will
Debate the current PSA Pay-Claim
and the Sharing of the National
iull coverage is expected from
the communications media. On Wed-
nesday 25, TTT Newsboss Yusuff Ali,
phoned the Tapia House and offered
to cover hie discussion between the
two, bothmembers of tne high-income
earning elite. Reports said that Mr.
Manswell thought a % hr much too

paign Committee comprising
the Campaign Manager, the
Community Secretary, the
Public Relations Secretary
and Lloyd Taylor.
This Committee would
draw up a plan of political
operations for the next year
and report to the Executive
by Monday, October 7.

A preliminary report
was also presented by the
Committee on Executive Re-
Decisions taken at the
Council meeting include
* holding the Sixth Anniver-
sary Assembly on Sunday
November 17;

Six-ten Radio also offered to
carry the debate on Hot Line for full
60 minutes either on Wednesday 25
or Friday 27. Mr. Manswell felt that
at least 2 hrs would be needed to
explore the issues fully.

In the end, both Mr. Best and
Mr. Manswell accepted a proposal
from Barrister Joseph Pantor, a com-
plete stranger to Tapia, to host a
1% hr sitting at the Town Hall. Mr.
Pantor announced himself to be a
public-spirited citizen willing to or-
ganize a series of debates on matters
of national significance.


This debate has ansen out or a
Press Conference held by Tapia on
jThursday 19, at which newsmen learnt
that the Group deplored so stiff a
PSA pay-claim which had not been
accompanied by plans to deal with
the larger problems of unemployment,
inequality and inflation.
In response, Mr. Manswell chal-

* the announcement of
Group elections at that
* the holding of a press
conference tu present a
statement on the PSA-
Government pay rise im-
passe; income distribution;
proposals for inflation.

artns. l

lenged Mr. Best, provided the Tapia
Secretary first declared his income.
To remove what he described as
"oetty obstacles" to the discussion of
fundamentals, Lloyd Best told Six-Ten
Radio last Wednesday that his basic
salary including child allowance was
$1,760 per m on th.
Ihe Tapia Secretary pointed
out that he was not a member of
WIGUT to which he had once pro-
posed a reduction in University salary
levels. He admitted that he was a
senior member of the University but
claimed that he had turned down
promotion to senior lecturer rank.

Mr. Best added that UWI Staff
are entitled either to draw housing
allowances amounting to 20% of salary
or to make housing loans.
Tapia also learnt that fringe
benefits included study-leave passages
every three years and subsidized
medical services to teachers and
senior administrators of the Univer-
sity. Some Staff also drew subsistence
payments and travel allownaces
depending on their work and their

_ ~_~

INOW" "Have s. tak


In Tapia No. 37 of Septem-
ber 15, I commented on the
McKell Report. The basis of
my remarks was the summary

which appeared in the Guard-
ian of August 24. Since then,
on learning that advance
copies of the Report had

actually been circulated to
some members ofthe weekly
press, Tapia has managed to
procure a copy.

This comnlleni on it will
appear on the same day' when
the I'rime Minister, according
to a Guardian news item on

September 24, is scheduled
to make a declaration in
Parliament on the constitu-
lion que.tion. Llovd Best

IT IS curious how, for its intellectual myopia and its Crown Colony
orientation, the McKell Report is simply a mini-version of the Wooding
proposals. Another frightening example of how men of high professional
and presumably intellectual rank as well as undoubted public-spirited-
ness somehow lose their clarity when confronted with a political situa-
It is a noted disease of the early post-colonial period especially in
the West Indies where local political traditions never existed side by
side with the imported ones as in say, West Africa.
The most damaging consequence of colonialism is that it substitutes govern-
ment for politics and therefore, at independence, it leaves a transitional generation.
incapable of envisaging what politics involves- Politics is process, praxis, interplay
and change. The intermediate generation clings desperately to order, to smooth
Its experience is that change comes through the might of intervention from
above or perhaps through the apocalypse of intervention by the people and a
leader from below. What this generation cannot envisage is continuous process in a
free situation of contending political forces.
Williams has ruled the roost here for 14 years because he alone of the leaders
of his time was an unreservedly political animal, endowed with a political mind
habituated to political perception. How many times have we not heard one of his
henchmen remark that we don't know we never know what the old man is
going to do?
They have no idea of the options, the resources, the pressures and the limita-
tions a study of which can tell you quite quickly with a certain margin of error
what and what he must and may do with power. To the civil service mind, every-
thing that happens is an act of God or an act of the Doctor. Massa bull, massa
When Williams said he was going last September, all the pundits in the Univer-
sity and the Press actually believed it. He just wraps them around his fingers. Now
they are saying he is sick and that Beaubrun has come back to be his psychiatric
comfort. In Tapia we are of the un-
conventional generation; we eat and
drink politics, we take it for granted.
We never believed he was going we generation, endowed with extra
left that to the Lamb of Diego- ordinary power to stay in office if no
Martin and we not buying the wish power. The paradox of his steward
that Williams is sick now and plan- ship is that his gift for survival is
ning to retire or expire. matched by an almost total iricapa
What we know is that Williams city to activate the resources of thi
is in trouble politically. In trouble State for simple constructive ends
because, in spite of all his machina- let alone any elevated purpose.
tions, in spite of all the chinksing and Eighteen years of grandiose
the temporisation and the laylaying, announcement = nought but futility
the revolutionary upheaval is persist- writ large, futility culminating in thi
ing. The movement of 1968-1970 has absurd food plan for a region where
in no way subsided in 1974 for the there is no food plan for the island
simple reason that the Crown Colony in the admission that education,
Victorian world has been decisively proudest.boast of the PNM regime
left behind. has been lar'elv irrelevant all alone.

In Tapia we never tire of repeat-
ing that. barring CIA intervention,
there is only one way now that
political conflict in Trinidad and
Tobago can be resolved. Andthat is
not by fiat from above but by the
interplay of contending community
forces inside the country. In the old
imperial days there was no distinc-
tion between forces inside and forces
outside because imperial government
is the agent that dissolves that distinc-
tion. Only when popular rioting
broke out as it did from time to time,
were the shots called by the local
Local elites like the planters and
the civil servants and the professionals
undoubtedly influenced the use of
power but initiative the colonials
never had. Initiative no, responsibility
neither which is why the most
revolutionary proposition of political
philosophy here now is that man is
born not only equal and free but
responsible as well.
The new generation takes res-
ponsibilitv for granted. That is the
source of the continuing crisis. And
Williams had better understand it. The
basis of the old order has shifted since
1968-70. The PNM is distinguished
only for the ignoble character of its
achievements. Its record is a scandal
of spiritual aridity and material in-
equity at a time when not only has
there been, the wherewithal for
material abundance for all but when
history demanded moral upliftment
and cultural revival.
For all that, Williams will be
remembered as a significant political
figure, head and shoulders above his




naa u- aiS- --, ----6-
The key to this paradox is that
the politics that Williams understands
is the politics of office not the politics
of community leadership. All his skills
of manipulation, his ability to bob
and weave and feint, to trick and
treat, the thousand and one arts that'
he has employed to stay in office
depend on the command that he first
got in 1956 of the seemingly infinite
resources of the State, so miraculously
replenished by successive oil bonanzas.
There was none so rich in insight
on the politics of Williams as James,
before his Workers and Farmers Party
adventure. In a celebrated little work
entitled A Convention Appraisal,
James' only critique was that Williams
had not experienced some years in
opposition before coming to office
in September 1956. Later, when the
partnership had turned sour, James
added in a memorable passage that
Williams was more addicted to bril-
liant Budget Speeches than to organis-
ing his party. The PNM has been a
party of the State, bereft of leader-
ship, direction and, above all, a
grounding in the country. When it
loses the next election, it will disappear
as quickly as it first appeared.
When James spoke on those two
points, he was reaching for the idea
that Williams is himself a transitional
figure, ahead of his generation, behind
the dictates of independence. Like
Gocking after hin, James has treated
Williams' failing as if it has been an
aberration, a personal failing which of
course inevitably it is in some ways.
At the same time, in Tapia we prefer
to emphasize the spiritual dispositions
of the age and the limitations of
generation. .not out of any particular
magnanimity to Williams save tec
ordinary generosity that derives from
a properly historical view.

For intellectual power and origin-
ality Williams has had nothing on
Wooding, for example, but he has
been politically superior for the simple
reason that his view has embraced
more of the forces in conflict than
Wooding's more Victorian mind.
Wooding never got past the politics of
Lord Halifax (Wood), Williams is now
an anallchronism because his politics is
but the politics of Moyne. The Prime
Minister's fundamental ambiguity is
that while he could talk about partici-
pation and party politics, his method
is hostile to Jhe competition and
conflict inherent in the democratic
involvement of the multitude of

For all his bluster, Williams is
mortally afraid of political competi-
tion. In a country where superior
life-chances and career possibilities
have been so intimately bound-up
with the College Exhibition, the 11-
plus and the whole scholarship boy
achievements,the tendency is to con-
fuse this point with individual rivalries
and with who is brighter than who as
if that is of any importance whatso-

The point that we are making
in Tapia is that the colonial Victorian
mind, in whatever version, is insecure
in a democratic situation where the
answer to social problems is not pre-
ordained byprecedents and authoritat-
ive reference. In this context all is
doctrine. As such there is need only
for rhetoric and incantation, not in-
formation or analysis. Politics be-
comes a matter of image, symbol and
conversion; there is no place for dis-
cussion and persuasion and winning
by appeal to responsibility. There is
therefore a wide oscillation between
a totally inaccessible depression and
a wildly excited enthusiasm. Politics
is religion in fact.
In eighteen years Williams has
been the highi priest of this kind of
movement. Up to this day, tlie National
Accounts are being deliberately sup-
pressed; the Annual Departmental
Reports which die Colonial Office
was compelled to issue by democratic
necessities in the me I opole itself have
now disappeared altogether from
public life. Libraries are an outrage as

are archives, museums, media of com-
munication and information in general-
This is the revelation of the priorities
of the Victorian colonial mind.
What is the difference between
the students who tear out pages from
journals in the University library so as
to prevent other people from getting
equal examination opportunity and a
Prime Minister who makes a speech on
education replete with information
denied by the Ministry of Education
to leaders and movements in the
It is not surprising that our
recent treat on education raised not a
single fundamental issue and sought
only to stir up cheap anticlericalism
and obsolete racism. Certainly we had
no speculation on the possibilities of
genuine experimentation with new
texts, new methods, new types of
schools, new directions. It was all
examinations, examinations, examina-
And now this anachronistic
leadership must turn at last to the
question of constitutional reform.
Williams has been procrastinating ever
since 1969. Now on Friday Septem-
ber 27 we will hear how the issue is to
be resolved. Doubtless we will hear
only about questions of procedure
though the treatment of matters of
substance is equally predictable.
Whatever the window dressing,
Williams will always settle for a Vic-
torian solution; he will plump for a
controlled participation. While
Wooding would have gone for a cut
and dried authoritative solution based
on precedents and reasoned constitu-
tional fonnulae, Williams is certain to
opt for something that canvasses
popular involvement but ultimately
settles for order. That is the man, he
cannot change now after 63 years of
living and 18 years of office; there can
be no personality transformation.
As Gocking anticipated, Wil-
idams is going to hit Wooding for six
by adopting the stance of the greatest
democrat in the land. Did we not give
you Wooding untrammelled? Did we
not give the task of assisting the
public to speak to a neutral civil
servant a mere post office? And
now die only democratic thing Umat we
could possibly do ..
McKell of course has given Wil-
limas carte blanche. If there are any
Continued on Page 3






pa a

UI -

From Page 2
.limitations on him, they remain the
political ones. Whatever he does, the
country will resist because th6 country
is finished with Williams and the PNM.
His only meaningful option is to let
the political forces loose by opening
up radio and TV and by.calling a
Constituent Assembly of the kind
advocated by Tapia. To make that
choice, however, is to commit political
Hear what we have proposed in
Tapia. First, an Assembly open to all
political parties and groups and all
community organizations. We do not
know who would come; it depends on
the political perceptions of the
country and we trust those.
Secondly, invite a Chairman
and a Secretariat with no authority
other than their competence to run
an Assembly and service it with the all
the appropriate bureaucratic ameni-
ties. No restraint on the politics
Thirdly. take the Reports of
Wooding (and of McKell now, too)
and make these the working papers.
Again, there is no narrow-mindedness,
no restraint. We trust the discussion
to select from Wooding's Report on
its merit; we are not going to rule in
,advance in favour of the majority or
the Minority or this or that.
Fourthly, allow the decisions-
to be taken by the parties present or
by aCouncil of Delegates elected from
the floor. The choices here have to
do with how much patience the
country has and how much mutual
trust there is. If we do not accept the
bona fides of parties, we suggest pro-"
cedures for establishing these bona
fides. The decisive factor is always
the community response and the initi-
ative lies always with those who are
organised and capable of practising
politics irrespective of what the Govern-
ment does
Finally, Tapia is suggesting that
the decision-inaking body be charged
by the Assembly to decide on new
election rules, supervise new elections,
and determine whether or not it is
possible and wise to agree on a new
Constitution or whether it is prefer-
able to give that responsibility to
It needs to repeated that this
scheme assumes one thing which no
other commentator or set of com-
mentators, to judge by the McKell
Report, is clear about. It is that there
is a genuine constitutional crisis and
therefore a revolutionary situation in
the country. If this is so, then the
political interests must be called toge-
ther, that is to say the parties.
The intellectual confusion that
pervades McKell's work, Wooding's
Report and most of the commentary
is a confusion between the strength
of parties and the existence of
parties. Georges and de LaBastide are
calling for a Constituent Assembly

based on Proportional Representation
precisely because they are victims of
this confusion.
In my estimates not more than
14 or 15% of the full electorate (over
18) is in support of the Williams
faction of the PNM. But let us for the
sake of argument assume that Williams
had a clear 50% support in the
country. It would still, in Tapia's
view, be necessary, if you also assumed
a constitutional crisis, to give all the
other minority parties (none having
say, more than 5%) equal weight in a
constitutional discussion because a
constitutional discussion is about the
existence of players not about their
The central problem is the pro-
blem of selecting, that is to say, of
identifying the bona fide parties.
elections have no significance whatso-
ever because elections cannot resolve
a crisis about the social contract when
the crisis is about the rules includ-
ing the rules of the election.

In other words, the problem
arises precisely because there exists no
Parliament, no gathering of bona fide
parties which is what Parliament is.
The kind of Constituent As-
semblythat Tapia is proposing aims
to solve the first problem that is to
re-create Parliament. Then we can
design rules to give Parliament its
proper composition in terms of party
support. Then and only then after
we have met on a one-party, one-vote
basis to establish the rules for measur-
ing support. There is no way now
that we can do anything more than
guestimate support because the rules
of measurement have become suspect;
that is why there is a crisis.
If we failed to convene the kind
of Assembly proposed by Tapia, we
would then be in a revolutionary
situation which may well be resolved
by military means. There is nothing
which Williams or Tapia or anybody
else can do to create or destroy
political forces by political means.
These forces are already there in the
country. What we can do by politics
now and with the aid of Govern-
ment is.to give these forces a chance
to form a Parliament by civil means.
If we fail, then they will assert them-
selves by military ones. That is the
most likely of all the prospects.
Williams will come to Parliament
Friday 27th with McKell's idea that
he could amend the Wooding Draft
and then hold an election. Nothing
could be more nonsensical. I repeat,
nothing is more likely to precipitate
us into civil war.
Infinitely superior to his coun-
sellors, Williams can be relied on to
call a National Consultation. That
would be equally out of gear with the
demands of the time. I would say if you
askme, another September Swan Song.

Friends of Matelof

variety conceit




and others

at Queen's Hall
Sunday October 6 at 8.00 p.m.

Entrance $3, 4, 5.
in aid of
Fund to purchase a community vehicle



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Call us now at 662-5126
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Y/ 1 /y7sckiaf/4_g \




T H E R wr.-G O N

Greg Chamberlain

THREE YEARS of half-
hearted overtures to the
Commonwealth Carib-
bean by Haiti since Papa
Doc's death now appear
to have become serious
with Haiti's formal
application to become
the first non-English-
speaking member of the
Caribbean Common Mar-
ket (Caricom).
The application, for
associate status which would

Haiti looks to CARICOM

later become full member-
ship, has been followed up
by the first important Cari-
com breakthrough into the
small Haitian market with a
trade agreement with Trini-
dad and Tobago, which will
buy for immediate delivery
3,000 tons of Haitian sugar
and 15,000 sacks of flour to
ease a current shortage, and
over the longer term will sell
Haiti clothing, refrigerators,
stoves and 50 locally-
assembled automobiles.
Trinidadian minerals
and Haitian meat and essen-
tial oils, as well as direct
Trinidad-Haiti air and sea

links, would come later.
The Trinidad-Tobago
agreement is the first fruit of
the drive for a new relation-
ship promised by trade and
industry minister Serge Four-
cand during a three-week
swing through the region
last month, when he also had
talks with Guyanese prime
minister Forbes Burnham,
outgoing Caricom secretary-
general William Demas (who
is the new chief of the
Caribbean Development
Bank) and Jamaican govern-
ment officials.
A Haitian team will
shortlyy visit the region to

build on this base. While he
was in Georgetown, Four-
cand went significantly fur-
ther however when he stressed
that there was wide scope
for investment by Caricom
states- in Haiti which he said
was preferable to that from
other countries for both
political and economic rea-
This was a remarkable
statement in the Haitian
historical context of unswerv-
ing attachment to United
States and French capital,
both of which the govem-
ment has hitherto assiduously
courted to the exclusion of

any other.
Even more significant
in Haiti's attempt to emerge
from its traditional isolation
was the announcement in
Port-au-Prince three weeks
ago (2 Sept) that Haiti had
decided tojoin in the clamour
throughout the Caribbean for
more revenue from the North
American multinational min-
ing giants.
First, the government
said it was going to revise the
30-year concession, which
expires this year, of the
American company Rey-
nolds Metals, which has ex-
tracted bauxite at Miragoane,
on the southern peninsula,
for the past 20 years. This
was followed by a- decision
Continued on Back Page




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Dream on Monk


Mountain In Perspective

SBloody Monday

I dream of revolutions;
Blood and guns
Moulding new constitutions;
Angry orators pouring hate,
As the last bullet files
Their silence.
But when that dream becomes
Ajoumalistic whore,
The real breath of cordite
Stinking the air;
Screams of the dying haunts
this conscience.
What bleeds now are islands
The stalking leopard at their cribs;
I do not feel foreign here,
Nor can I turn my back
To the cause that can someday
Explode my city streets
But without guns voice is not enough.
Silently I stand watching your coffins
While anger bleeds;
Your dead and mine are one:
I cannot understand
That savage curse
That make us docile lambs;
EV Even when bullets surge
Calm waves caress our lands.

Donald Dixon

Victor Quester concludes a series in four parts. Earlier
instalments appeared in TAPIA of September first, eighth and
fifteenth (Vol. 4,iNos. 35, 36, 37).

DESPITE the presence of power in the play,
because Walcott sets out to write a play, a
poem and a parable all at the same time, things
inevitably become misty. In fact the word
'mist' is repeated several times in the play.
Walcott once described St. Lucia his birth
place as:-
A very green, misty island, which always has a low
cloud hanging over the mountain tops. When you come
down by plane, you break through the mist, and it's
as if you were entering some kind of prehistoric Eden.
(The New Yorker June 26, 1971)
Many times in the play Makak tells us to "make a
white mist in the mind", and each time we do, the
dramatist obviously wants us to go back in time, back
we now suppose to "some kind of prehistoric Eden".
Walcott is really a myth maker. Myth as Roland
Barthes tells us in his Mythologies,"transforms his-
tory into nature" (p.129). Or, as he says later on in
the same book, "myth deprives the object of which
speaks of all History" (p.151). Behind Walcott's
Makak is the myth of Adam, alone, before the advent
of Eve, the myth of the lonely hermit, the lonely
woodcutter or charcoal burner lost in solitude and

A tug between

History and Myth

one with the forest and his god. These men for
Walcott are symbolic of the artist. This is why in his
essay What the Twilight says: An Overture he stresses
that if an actor is to become a good actor he must
make the return journey to the bush. Now it seems
that Walcott has arrived at, the belief that the West
Indian in order to free himself of the colonial experi-
ence must mentally embrace the journey back to the
bush as well, and exorcise "the white witch".
But Walcott senses that he cannot be both
myth maker and advocate of greater political con-
sciousness, since the latter must take history into
account. The result is a tug between a sense of myth
and a sense of history in his play Dream; needless to
say myth wins. But this tug between history and
myth explains why the play is at times "tangled".
At times Makak just refuses to be a mythical figure
and becomes an historical figure, and then longs for
reality. Thus he can say: -
Soon, soon it will be morning, praise God, and the
dream will rise like vapour, the shadows will be real,
you will be corporal again, you will be thieves, and I
an old man, drunk and disorderly, beaten down by a
Bible, and tired or looking up to heaven. (p. 304).
Now, The Trinidad Theatre Workshop has pre-
sented Dream On Monkey Mountain as its fifteenth
anniversary production and the question that has to be
asked is what style of acting has the Workshop
brought to Trinidad theatre The answer is none. It
has brought professional theatre standards and atti-
tudes, but not a distinctive style. Yet, professional
theatre standards and attitudes are great achievements
when we realize that they were achieved without the
aid of a small playhouse. It would be remembered that
Walcott spent his years as Guardian critic pleading
for the construction of a small playhouse which
would give Trinidad theatre the sense of purpose and
growth it needed.
If we examine what Ralph Campbell, an actor
once attached to the Trinidad Theatre Workshop who
played Lestrade in the Toronto production ofDream,
has to say about theatre in Trinidad, we might also
learn why a distinctive Theatre Workshop style has
not evolved. Campbell sees Walcott's actors as un-
creative and too dependent on Walcott, and on the
other hand, he finds that Walcott fails to help the
actor when the actor needs the most help, at his mo-
ment of self-realization. To quote Ralph Campbell: -
His (Walcott's) all loyal actors, already anaesthesised
by his fame, follow his insecure lead, like lemmings
down a road, only to have the fearless leader step'
aside at the last minute, at the edge of the precipice,
and leave his actors ... scatterspaulting (sic) in space.
(Sunday Guardian July 23, 1973 p. 4)

The reason might be because there is no real
training going on at the Trinidad Theatre Workshop,
only the imposition of a director's will. Again I quote
Ralph Campbell. He says: -
The local actor is not exposed to any real or serious
training in his craft, because neither Derek nor Freddie
are teachers; and they are only Directors because
somebody must direct. (Sunday Guardian July 29,
1973 p. 11).
Maybe a Trinidad Theatre Workshop style of acting
has failed to come about because its actors are not in
a position to devote as much time as they would
like to acting because they have to make a living and
theatre in Trinidad cannot financially support an
actor. Or maybe the actors find it difficult to arrive
at a style because they spend so much time on perfect-
ing a single line or a single movement. Errol Jones in
talking to Clyde Hosein of the Guardian (see article
Lack of appreciation drives one to Madness Thursday
June 10, 1971) says that young people who are
interested in acting sometimes fail to realize that "it
takes the artisteyears, sometimes a great part of his
life, to realise a single success. They fail to recognize
the work that goes into a single gesture, the develop-
ment of a manner for a part". Stanley Marshall also
said that people did not know that they "do really
work hard, for years sometimes, to perfect a single
line or a special piece of choreography" (see Actors
define theatre problems ... Guardian Wed. June 9,
1971 p. 6). What is significant is that neither actors
spoke about mastering a total style of acting.
Continued on Page 8

How some

may think

The writer writes
[The singer sings
Musicians play harmonious things
'Tis joy'tis sorrow, who knows?
What tomorrow brings
The worker works for his a daily bread
So many hungry mouths to be fed
Some may think they are better off dead
For their lives seem to be hanging on a thread
The artist paints what he ss sees
It's an impression of his expression
Of what it ought to be
What Happens to yu you and me
Can't you see
Some children play
While some parents pray
And others can't think
Of what they should do or say
Others lie in their bed
Looking at the ceiling
To solve the problems in their head
Some may think quite ahead
Planning fi for those hungry mouth
That should be fed
While many live in fear and dread
For I rather to lead
Than to be led
For some don't think
About tlie day
As long as they have
Things their way
Who cares what people say
For some should always
Watch and pray
Cause today should be
better than yesterday Clifford W.Lezan



/S Stephens




From last week.
The Rand Daily Mail stands out for itssupport
for the broad principles of the Progressive Party and
the "idea of a planned programme of gradual integra-
tion". But the Progressive Party cannot receive the
support of the black majority for, inasmuch as it
tries to work within the limits set by the apartheid
State, it is faced with the dilemma of all liberals in
South Africa: to find a policy for change that will be
acceptable to the blacks but which requires the sup-
port of the white electorate.
In reality, this means that the "planned pro-
gramme of gradual integration" supported, by the
Rand Daily Mail and the Progressive Party is one
planned by whites, carried out by whites, at a pace
to be decided by whites, and only to the extent that
it is acceptable to the whites.
Yet, for all its limitation, the Rand Daily Mail
in its South African context must be commended for
editorially accepting a one-nation South Africa and
for its courageous features exposing some aspects of
the application of apartheid and the police state.


Its exposures of prison conditions, police
brutality and torture brought the conditions in which
political prisoners are held to the attention of white
South Africa. The unexplained deaths of detainees
whilst in the custody of the Security Police did cause
some disquiet in the white community, due largely to
the coverage given by the Rand Daily Mail.
The paper has not emerged unscathed. The then
editor, Laurence Gandar, Benjamin Pogrund, a
journalist, and the owners were found guilty after a
7-month trial under the Prisons Act for publishing
"false" information about prison conditions without
taking "reasonable steps to verify the information"
despite the reliance on sworn statements on the part
of former prisoners and warders as he basis for-the
stories. They were sentenced to nominal fines.
In addition,the paper has increasingly been
singled out for mention amongst the more generalized
attacks by Nationalist ministers against the .press and
cries for more control and new censorship powers.
The repressive machinery of the State acts not.
through specific legislation but also through general
intimidation, creating an atmosphere of uncertainty
and fear,and leading inevitably to self-censorship.
The legislation which is aimed at controlling
newspapers or which indirectly affects what may and
may not be published is often vague in its implica-
tions. But in the over-all atmosphere of South Africa,
it has avery limiting effect.
The prohibitions under the Suppression of
Communism Act 1950 are so widely phrased that, in
the words of Mr. Alex Hepple "[they] endanger the
right of every forthright critic of baaskap Nationalism,
every advocate of a welfare state, every socialist, and
every proponent of a non-racial democracy in South
Africa, to freely publish their opinions".


In a now oft-repeated but still valid phrase, a
South African editor once described the task of edit-
ing a paper in the country as "walking blindfold
through a minefield". Since then, newspapers have
been closed down, journalists sentenced to imprison-
ment, and editors and owners charged. The situa-
tion was described more aptly by another editor as
"We are no longer walking blindfold through a mine-
field. Several of those mines have already exploded
at our feet and the continued freedom is in jeopardy.'

In its attempts to avoid direct censorship, much
of the press has censored itself. Though an estimated
15,000 books and 344 posters, records and calendars
have been banned under the Publications and Enter-
tainment Act 1963, papers published by members of
the Newspaper Press Union (NPU) were exempted
from that Act after NPU agreed to control its mem-
bers through a Code of Conduct, the final clause of
which reads:
"While the press retains its traditional rights of
criticism, comment should take cognizance of the

complex racial problems in South Africa, the general
good and the safety of the country and its people."
The South African Society of Journalists (SASJ)
condemned the code as the voluntary acceptance of
"We believe that the last clause of the Code of Con-
duct means plainly that criticism of present govern-
ment policy must be toned down."
However, in May 1971, the SASJ extended its
recognition to the Press Board of Reference set up to
administer the code. Needless to say, the Board has

no representative on it of the people who constitute
the majority element in the "complex racial problems
in South Africa."
The NPU has alsb negotiated an agreement with
the police to establish a framework for "healthy
relations". The press has undertaken not to embarrass
or hinder the police in their duties, while the police
have promised reasonable co-operation in reporting
However, in an agreement negotiated over three
years and finalized in 1967, the press made two
significant concessions to the police. The first is that
if any statement or comment is attributed to a police-
man not identified in a story, the editor must divulge
the name to the Commissioner of Police if so request-
ed. The second is the voluntary acceptance by the
press of the police right to "advise" on what may be
Under the old code, editors were obliged to
communicate to a senior police officer "for the
purpose of enabling such officer to make representa-
tions in connexion with the publication thereof, any
information independently obtained by the newspaper
relating to crime under investigation by the police."
The new agreement requires editors to communicate
"before publication" to a senior officer "information
concerning crime or State security which has been
obtained by the newspaper independently from the
police, to enable such officer to advise whether the
information should be published, where such publica-
tion may interfere with the investigation of any
In addition, where information related to "a
crime of extraordinary seriousness or to State Security
or where the publication thereof may defeat the ends
of justice", the Commissioner of Police, or a senior
officer designated by him "may request any editor
not to publish o delay publication of any such
The Government has very wide powers to
control the press: It can ban particular newspapers,
or all publications of particular organizations or
views. It can also act against individuals by prevent-
ing what- they say or write from being published. It
can prevent particular persons from continuing as
journalists, or even entering premises concerned with
the publication of newspapers.


Further, if the Minister believes it may be
necessary to prohibit a newspaper, a deposit of
R20,000 can be required prior to registration even
before a single copy has been published.
The widest of the Government's powers are
contained in the Suppression of Communism Act
1950. The State President its. empowered toprohibii
"the printing, publication or dissemination" of any
publication not only of the Communist Party but
also any which "serves inter alia as a means for
expressing views or conveying information, the
publication of which is calculated to further, the
achievement of any of the objects of communism",
There is no appeal against the ban, and the
penalty for printing, publishing or disseminating a
banned publication is between one and ten years'
The provisions of this Act were used to ban the
weekly newspaper The Guardian in 1952, its suc-
cessor, Advance, in 1954 and its successor, New Age
in 1962. The monthly magazine Fighting Talk was
similarly banned in 1963. At the time they were
banned, all these papers were supporters of the
national liberation movement.
Spark, which was the successor to New Age,
and the Coloured weekly paper, The Torch, were
forced to cease publication by the use of other sec-
tions of the Suppression of Communism Act, as
Notices were served on leading journalists as
well as management staff, which not only prevented
them from following their professions but even
prohibited them from being in any place which
"constitutes the premises on which any publication
as defined in Sec.l of the Suppression of Com-
munism Act is prepared, compiled, printed or
They were also prohibited from "preparing
compiling, printing, publishing or disseminating in
any manner whatsoever" any publication, as defined
in the Act, or from preparing any matter for publica-
tion or assisting in any way in bringing out any
Thus, these journalists were no longer allowed
to put pen to paper. They could not work for any
newspaper in South Africa. They were prevented
from acting as correspondents for foreign newspapers
or agencies, or from writing articles or books on any
subject whatsoever.
At the same time, all those people who had
been banned or listed under the Act were prohibited


In their struggle for freedom the Africans see education

from working on newspapers.
Other papers which sympathized in any way
with the liberation movement were also forced to
close down. The journals Forum and Forward were
subjected to such financial and political pressure that
they were compelled to cease publication.
Several editors of Contact, a paper associated
with the Liberal Party, were banned and the paper
was forced to close down. A similar fate overtook
the duplicated journal, Focus.
In 1968, when the Prohibition--of Political
Interference Act made multiracial political organisa-
tions illegal and criminal, the Liberal Party disbanded
itself. Its two papers, Transkei liberal News and
Liberal Party News, also went out of existence.
Under the Unlawful Organizations Act, the
public policies and views of the African National
Congress and other banned organizations may not be
published in Soutli Africa.
Under the Public Safety Act, the Executive is
empowered to declare a state of emergency at its own
discretion and may, thereupon, ban any newspaper.
Black student papers have been banned under
the Extension of University Education Act which
established the tribal colleges. Regulations framed
under the Act provide that:
"No magazine, publication or pamphlet for which
students are wholly or partly responsible may be
circulated without permission of the Rector...




~ -------- ~srr --- -------- ---bl~--C

the one of the necessary means of creating a new civilization

and no statement may be given to the press by or on
behalf of the students without the Rector:s permis-
Specific issues of several white student news-
papers were banned last year under other legislation.
These various laws allow forand have been used
to prevent the publication of particular newspapers.
A very large number of others direct what may or
may not be published'or introduce restrictions in
other spheres which prevent the publication of
particular items.
Unlike English law, South Africa does not
recognize truth as a good defence in an action for
defamation. The element of public interest is also a
factor, and in South Africa "public interest" has
been equated with "white interest".
Regardless of intent, a newspaper is in danger
of being charged with incitement under the Cnminal
Law Amendment Act if it publishes a story that an
illegal strike in protest against apartheid is being
Refusal to answer questions before a magistrate
carries a penalty under the Criminal Procedure Act
of up to a year's imprisonment at a time. A number
of journalists have gone to jail under this Act in
order to protect their sources.
Not only is it an offence under the Prisons Act
to publish information about a prisoner or prisons
without permission but even a picture of a prisoner

taken before arrest may only be published after
official approval.
The blockbuster law, popularly known as the
BOSS Law, was passed in 1969. The Bureau for State
Security, (BOSS) was set up to investigate all matters
affecting Ihe security of the State, and'under the
BOSS :iw. i is illegal to publish anything concern-
ing a security matter. Further, under that same law, a
minister or an official delegated by him may prevent
any evidence or document from being submitted to
the courts if such information is considered to be
prejudicial to the interests of the State or public
Thus, dte Government may prevent informia-
lion fromn being made public through coverage of
court proceedings by suppressing that information
at the source. Nevertheless, shortly after the enact-
ment of the BOSS Law, the Deputy Minister of
Justice, G.F. Van L. Fronemanassured thie South
African white public that South Africa was still a
democracy and that the Government would not take
any rights from them.
Periodically, party conferences, politicians and
ministers threaten new restrictions on the press. Last
year, the Prime Minister threatened to take action
against the press unless it put its house in order by
the end of the year. However, though legislation has
recently been introduced which restricts the right

of appeal to the Courts from the Publications Control
Board and also extends the scope of the Riotous
Assemblies Act, newspapers are unaffected.
Regrettably. most of the South African press
and international press circles fail to evaluate the
reality of press freedom in South Africa.
Much of the South African press still refers to
South Africa as a democratic country with no
"curtailments" of its freedom. At what point, how-
ever, does a press cease to be free? When there are
five legislative provisions restricting what may be
published? Or ten? Twenty? One hundred?
Ilow does one measure press freedom? By
legislative enactments or by ith nature of the society
in which the press operates?
How much longer before the South African
pressstops talking of "thicats" to freedom of the
press and wakes up to the reality that it is not free?
Apartheid has tried to divide and segregate the
counter. But it can never place "Black Freedom" and
"Wi'ite Freedom" into separate compartments, for
the vcry attenipt lto divide. to exclude one from the
odher, to remove either from the totality, extinguishes
freedom itself. It is at this point that the South
African press surrendered its freedom. It can only

begin to regain it when it recognizes that there can
be no freedom for the press in a society where the
people are not free.

A tug between History and


From Page 5
But what was in Walcott's mind when he first
began to work in theatre in Trinidad? We get some
insight if we look at Opus of February 1960, Vol. I
No. I. In that magazine in an unsigned article entitled
The Little Carib Theatre Workshop on page 31 we
have the following: -
In May 1959 Derek Walcott, returning from a years'
study and observation m the United States on a Rocke-
feller fellowship, founded a study group for actors,
directors and writers which he has called the Little
Carib Theatre Workshop. Its method is simple: small
groups of the members study, produce and perform
short random extracts from plays of all kinds, and
each performance is followed by discussion and
criticism, as frank and as severe as possible, in which
all the members participate Walcott himself, in
order to improve his work, sometimes directs
rehearsals of one of the extracts;... he does not try
to impart any theories, but merely to encourage a
minutely analytical approach and develop, as far as
possible the sensitivity to truth in dramatic presenta-
tion that is indispensable to an actor or director.
It would seem from remarks made in his critical
articles that Walcott from very early conceived of a
style for his theatre company; or at least the basic
framework of a style. In writing the forward to Beryl
McBurnie's Dance Trinidad Dance he stressed the
union of words and dance "as we have in Lorca and
in the Oriental theatre". That basically is behind his
idea of what his company's "style" should be. In the
article Meanings published in Savacou II we learn that
it also involves "a fusion of formalism with exuber-
ance". There he says: -
... in the best actors in the company you can see this
astounding fusion ignite their style, this combination of
classic discipline inherited through the language, with
a strength of physical expression that comes from the
folk music. (p. 51)

The next time you're on the inside looking out through
a NACO Louvre Window, take a closer look at the window
itself. You'll make some very interesting observations.
For instance, you're bound to be impressed with:-
* NACO's clean, modern design in perfect harmony with
the latest building trends.
* NACO's neat, flush-fitting handles ensuring trouble-free,
finger-tip control.
* NACO's 900-plus opening for extensive ventilation control
from down-draught to up-draught. instantly
SNACO's centre-pivoting feature for perfect louvre-balance;
they cannot blow open or closed remain in the position
you choose.

'Walcott is conscious that he is dealing with an

audience that wants 'action' and not talk. They

will enjoy talk riddled with 'picong', especially

if it is hur led at a figure of authority.'

There is also another ingredient in Walcott's idea of
what his company's "style" should be like, or is
moving to. He says in the article Meanings: -
I think that in a theatre where you have a strong male
principle, or where women aren't involved at the
beginning, a kind of style will happen; there will be
violence, there will be direct conflict, there will be
more physical theatre ... (p. 49).
Incidentally, in 1963 after Walcott had returned from
having a look at off-Broadway theatre, he seemed to
stress creating a "style" of acting growing out of
acting in a very limited area; but after the Workshop's
first repertory season in October of 1966 at the
Basement Theatre, Walcott no longer stresses the
relationship between limited acting space and his
company's "style".
How Walcott's drama relates to his audience,
how his audience relates to his drama, must be looked
at, however briefly, keeping in mind the Raymond
Williams statement that: -
An audience is always the most decisive inheritance
in any art. It is the way in which people have learned
to see and respond that creates the first essential
condition for drama. (p. 176 of Drama in Perform-
As ex-Trinidad Theatre Workshop actor, Ralph
Campbell will tell us, "the people identify Derek's
work more and more with-'social ting' ". (see p. 4 of
Sunday Guardian July 22, 1973, The Birth of Profes-
sional Theatre in Trinidad). Yet Walcott, let it be said,
is seriously trying to create a theatre audience and
once his company can get the regular use of an inti-

mate hall, audience participation will be greater.
Walcott understands his audience love of dance and
music, and realizes that he must incorporate more of
it if he is to expand his audience. Furthermore, he is
dealing with an audience that wants 'action' and not
talk. The only talk they will enjoy, is talk riddled with
'picong', especially if it is hurled at a figure of
authority. They loved Moustique's tirade: -
Well then, inspect with respect, do not be suspect, or
you will be wreck. They calling the English, but the
colour of English is white. Inspector of milk! (p. 267).
Again, the audience loves talk in which the individual
shows a great command of language as Lestrade does
when he addresses the court.
When this crime has been categorically examined by
due process of law, and when the motive of the hereby
accused by whereas and ad hoc shall be established
without dychotomy, and long after we have perambu-
lated through the labyrinthine bewilderment of the
defendant's ignorance .... (pp. 221-2).
Symbols tend to disturb the audience. They
would rather be told directly what something is. In
Dream the central symbols are the circle and the
moon.The play begins with the drawing of a circle and
ends with the drawing of circle. It marks that area
where the performers act like animals in a ring. It is
the circle of history which binds Makak, Moustique
and Lestrade as one. The circle also suggests that
progress is limited. It would be remembered that
when Corporal Lestrade says that "We cannot go
back. History is in motion. The law is in motion.
Forward, forward." Souris replies, "The world is a
circle, Corporal. Remember that." The circle is also
there to suggest that the end is contained in the
beginning, and the beginning in the end. The circle
finds its complement in the moon, which is really
symbolic of a mirror. The play is always exploring
the relationship between mirror and image. Further-
more, the moon is there as symbol of lunacy as well as
Walcott has achieved a great deal in his play
Dream. He has made via his play that journey to
Africa and back which he stressed as important for
the artist in the West Indies some ten years ago. It
was while reviewing Naipaul's An Area Of Darkness
that he said: -
The West Indian sensibility cannot define itself until it
has retraced, even as a mental traveller, the lines of a
triangle whose other points are Africa or Asia and
England. (Sunday Guardian Sept. 20, 1964 p. 4).
He has raised important questions such as how do we
deal with our tendency to be looking everywhere else
except at home. He has in a sense taken the easy way
out by exploring the complexities of the situation
within a dream where anything can happen. Yet the
play remains a singular stage success because many of
the contradictions are not that obvious on stage. It is
only when the play ends on a religious note that the
mind goes back and notes the inconsistencies.
Walcott, though, in this play seems too near
to his characters. One would have liked a greater
intellectual and artistic distancing from Makak and
Lestrade. On the other hand we realize that it is the
first play where that hermit figure who has been with
Walcott for so long, finds his true shape. It is also
the first time that Walcott achieves some balance
between the folk influences and the literary influ-
ences; as well as a balance between total movement
and speech. Moreover, Dream demonstrates that the
more Walcott approaches his ideal in a play, the more
that play will be about himself first and foremost and
about West Indian society after, regardless of the
claims he may make for it. Finally, the influences of
Noh and Kabuki, Genet and Brecht as well as West
Indian folk-form have all come together in Dream.
and prove Walcott not a great Theatre inventor but a
competent innovator of the theatre.
Dream therefore remains lfr me the play that
captures and summarises the dualities in Walcott,
especially the conflict between myth and history. The
play also shows Walcott's fierce self-assertion in the
face of nothingness and the absurdity of existence.
Rooted in his commitment to the West Indies, he
sounds like a voice "howling in vines of syntax" ...
my name is Derek Felix Hobain Makak Walcott. The
naming has begun again. We are home. Bois.

* NACO's small, safe openings assuring protection from
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i. -. '

.t' ,
:. .- .''

...the inside story






This letter was written by a
i graduate student from Makerere
University, Uganda.

THE economic situation
[in Uganda is bad. In
the first place, the news-
paper (formerly Argus),
now Voice of Uganda,
is hardly published. There
is no paper.
In the last budget the
subsistence sector rose
sharply. The economy regis-
tered a negative growth of
1.2 per cent for 1973! The
situation is pathetic all
In the countryside, the
peasants have no hoes. No
hoes, no cultivation.
This year saw the lowest
cotton yield since 1938! No
cotton, no foreign exchange,
and so goes the circle.
At present inflation is
rampant A bunch of matoke
(the staple food bananas -
of Buganda) costs between 20
and 30 shillings. The peasants
therefore have no incentive
to grow export crops. They
fetch a higher price for local
The stagnation in the rural
areas is appalling. If the
Government declared in their
statistics that there was a
negative growth, then you
must know that things are
very bad.
Most people have not seen
sugar or salt in the rural areas
for two years! If you buy a
kilo (1 kilo = 2 lb 2 oz) on
the black market, it costs

anywhere from 12 to 16
For months there has been
no washing soap. Most of the
factories are either closed or
running at 10 to 40 per cent
In the rural areas, rinder-
pest has hit the cows. But
there is no foreign exchange
to imnort the drugs.
A year ago a kilo ofmneat
was 5 shillings but now one
is lucky to find a kilo for 10
The State Trading Corpora-

tion which succeeded the
National Trading Corporation
is now abolished. Instead, the
local capitalists now operate
eight companies whose
specific job is to import com-
modities. But these local
capitalistsare trying to export
At present, Uganda's cur-
rency is worthless outside of
Kampala. In Kenya, the rate
is 20 Kenya shillings for 100
Uganda shillings. Even at this
low rate, the Uganda business-
men still travel to Nairobi to



Power to the People
Tapia's New World
Tapia Back Numbers
Tapia Constitution
Democracy or Oligarchy?
Reform of the Public Service
Foreign Investment In T and T
Central Banking
Non-Bank Financial Institutions
Foreign Capital in Jamaica
Post War Economic Development
of Jamaica
Underdevelopment and
Persistent Poverty
Readings in The Political Economy
of the Caribbean
Political Economy of the English
Speaking Caribbean
The Dynamics of W.I. Economic
The Adjustment of Displaced
Workers In A Labour Surplus
The Integrated Theory of
Development Assistance
Cuba Since 1959
Caribbean Community

- C.V. Gocking
- Denis Solomon
- Mc Intyre & Watson
- C. Y. Thomas
- M. Odle
- Norman Girvan

$ 3.60

- O. Jefferson









bank their money.
And the kidnapping con-
tinue. The most recent case
was that of a Kenyan, a
comrade of the reactionary,
Jomo Kenyatta. He dis-
appeared after coming to
Uganda on a business trip.
After his disappearance, his
car was being driven around
Kenyatta gave Amin five
days to provide an answer,
but Kenyatta himself is a
criminal. At Christmas he
placed Jolly Joe Kiwanuka
[a former detainee during the
Obote' regime and a few
others on the plane back to
Uganda into the butcher
knives of Amin.
My friend, the populace is
totally demoralized. The
petty bourgeoisie is spineless.
They gossip, drink, and hope
instead of organizing them-
selves. They are as paranoid
as ever.
The level of poverty,

stagnation and resultant
political instability is amaz-
ing. The coup should come
before the end of July.
For a long time now there
has been a certain disquiet
in the country and it [i.e.
Amin's overthrow] isexpected
any day now. As a matter of
fact, he had to release the
fellows who planned the coup
of March 23, 1973.
Although it failed, the-
leader of the coup was tried
by a court martial and re-
leased. Another who was
sentenced to death by the
General was also released by
the soldiers.
In Kampala, the streets are
deserted at night. The people
wait. Three weeks ago an
underground movement dis-
tributed 30,000 leaflets calling
on the masses to.rise up and
overthrow the regme.
The leaflet called on
workers, peasants and soldiers
of Uganda to rise up and stop
Amin's oppression and bring
to an end the killings, beatings
and kidnapping.
On the question of Asians,
the regime has gone full circle.
Two months ago, the Minister
of Information was sent to
Pakistan to recruit skilled
The people of Uganda
found out about this via BBC.
After the BBC report, the
Uganda Government acknowl-
edged that they were recruit-
ing Pakistanis!


If I should give a passing glance
And utter not a word about romance
The eyes speak of love this way
Come; take my hand
Let's make the vow right away
For now is now today is today
Let's do the things we ought to do
And say the words we ought to say

For a love that is heavenly
Will exist between you and me
A love that comes from above
Rests upon us like a dove
Love with peace and harmony
Will last through eternity
For I love you and you love me
The beauty of things we ought to see.
Clifford W. Lezama











- ed Norman Girvan)
- George Beckford

- N. Girvan & O. Jefferson

- W. Demas

- Brewster & Thomas

- Roy Thomas

- Davidson L. Budhoo
- James Millette


I Ar -I rANLEC l


Gain:A dread word for today's youth

WHEN love has turned to fury and scorn, all that remains
is a mad scramble for the house, the car and the alimony.
Ours is a country which has fallen out of love with the old
regime, with the dream of Morality in Public Affairs,
Political Education, Economic Planning, Free Education

and West Indian Nationhood.
... at the "public trough."
Today we are a people
wracked by pain the pain
of unemployment, economic
injustice, nepotism and cor-
ruption and now runaway
inflation with no political
representation to project bur
people's voice.
Ours is an economy still
heavily foreign-controlled.
The picture has not been
altered since UWI economists,.
McIntyre & Watson, found
in 1967 that direct invest-
ment from outside dominated
not only oil, sugar and
finance but also petro-
chemicals, cement, tobacco,
dairy products, poultry pro-
cessing, fruit juices, edible
oils, animal feeds, paint
manufacturing, medicinal and
pharmaceutical products,
matches, large-scale construc-
tion, the communications
media, wholesale and retail
trading, and services es-
pecially advertising.

After 25 years of seek-
ing to solve the unemploy-
ment problem by means of
industrialisation, unemploy-
ment remains the major
sickness, incurable it seems
when it takes mounting
thousands of dollars to create
a single job. Suitable
technology and organisation
have simply not been
seriously explored, such has
been our dependence on
externally- developed methods
Like industry, like

III ii


All that is left is the scramble

Dennis Pantin

agriculture. Our obsession
with shiny factories plus the
PNM Government's reluc-
tance to help the political
opposition have resulted in
an outright neglect of agricul-
ture. We are now in the
unique position of calling for
a Caribbean Food Plan when
after 18 years of self-govern-
ment we have not even the
semblance of a Plan for
Trinidad & Tobago.

The Food Import Bill
is a national scandal, high-
lighted by the crisis over rice
one year ago. The belated
attempt to launch a rice
project is being defeated by
the refusal of farmers to
plant until they get compen-

With thousands of
$ needed to create
a single job. A pro-
mise of something
new phased out ,
with the growth in

station due to them for some
15 years now.
The Fishing Industry is
equally an outrage, based still
on tiny pirougues while the
colossal Japanese and Ameri-
can trawlers crowd the
Orinoco waters.
The parlous state of
these industries based on the
land and the sea means that
the processingindustries reach
abroad for their materials
and parts to assemble. If there
are few direct jobs being
created in industry, there are
not many indirect ones
either. Trinidad & Tobago is a
Plantation Economy, one
where mining and'not agricul-
ture is the principal activity.
One change is that the
Government has now entered
the field of ownership with
the creation of National
Petroleum, Trintoc and
Trinidad-Tesoro and the
purchase of majority share-
holding in Caroni Limited.
More public sector
participation is envisaged in


makes it easy -

and an ideal

Gift too.



the many new projects
announced in the oil-sector -
the smelter, the petrochemic-
als, the fertilisers.
Government participa-
tion, however, has not ful-
filled the promise of a
People's Sector. The business
elite of old continues to
survive. A 1970 Survey by
UWI sociologist, Mr. Acton
Camejo, found that 53%
of the business elite was
white, 24% off-white, 10%
mixed, 9% Indian and 4%


A full 30% of that elite
got their position through in-
heritance and of those 93%
were either mixed (14%),
off-white (38%) or white
(41%). The other 7% of the
inheritors were all Indian;
the Africans had nothing to
pass on.
Some 70% of the elite
made it through their own
enterprise and initiative
(20%) or through promotion
(50%). Of those, 3% were
African, 9% Indian, 13%
mixed, 16% off-white and
58% white.
The pattern is so clear
that the racial overtones of
the recent social and political
unrest in no way constitutes a
surprise. Somehow the Gov-
emment has exploited race
throughout the years for
electoral and political pur-
poses. Yet, economically, the
only reward that its sup-

porters have to show is con-
trol of the public sector.
PNM support does not
live by business profits and
not so much by wages in the
private sector. It holds on
mainly to salaries in the
public sector. In the absence
of any other compensation
for continuing political loyal-
ty, pay-negotiations contain
a necessary element of
electioneering through a
system of collective bribery.
The adequacy of civil-
service pay is judged against
a background of available
public goods. The chaotic
state of all the utility sectors
- education, health, water,
housing, telephones, tran-
sport is certainly one
factor influencing this assess-
ment by the public servants
and the demands they feel
justified in making.

The disappearance of
all idealism from public life
and political leadership, the
emergence of a grasping
oligarchy in business, labour
and Government, and the
recent windfall gains from oil
have now elevated cynicism
into a principle of public-
spiritedness and made un-
bridled materialism and be-all
and the end-all of the social
The national religion
has become a quest for gain.
Bewildered by this degrada-
tion, the youth of the
country have simply opted
to take a trip.


E-- I n

I You always

wanted her to




Read more




Every Week

~IC~t I -aj =R I .-- I. I =aLrrI



. .1 1 :1



-.. 10 1 a I J

i~ri~ ~I~1b~a



THE Back To Chaguara-
mas Action Committee
have received permission
from the Police to hold
their General Meeting West
of Chagville at 2.00 p.m.
Sunday 29th September
1974. Permission has also
been granted to use loud-
In a news release, Secre-
tary, Colin Laird said that the
occasion was "not political".
It is "a significantly

practical expression of farm-
ers, fishermen and peasant
land holders claiming their
basic rights."
Subject to police per-
mission, it is hoped that the
meeting will involve a March
from Chagville to Chaguara-
mas and back to the Carenage
Fishing Centre.
The purpocr of the
March is for newly registered
claimants numbering 176
persons and families to come
together "in concert".

BRUCE St. John the Bar-
badian poet will be per-
forming for two nights
this month at Kairi House
10 Pelham St. Belmont.
Recognised as one of the
foremost oral poets in the
Caribbean, Bruce St. John has
performed in all the English
speaking territories and in
North America.
His appearances at Kairi
House will be his first in
Trinidad but Trinidadian

Bruce St John

audiences know his
through the perform
Dem Two and Iswe.
DEM TWO drew
from Bruce's wor
Bajan Litany & Study
virtually open their
ances while ISWE's
Laird gave memorable
formances ofBruce'sC

A lecturer in Sp
U.W.I. Cave Hill, Br

S John has emerged over ite
past few years as a most vital
'dialect' poet whose work has
been published in many of
the religion's leading literary
More important than that
however has been the readings
of his work in performances.

It is not surprising that
Bruce is probably the only
Caribbean poet to be more
widely known through per-
formances of work and through
the publication of his work on
records, Foetus Pains B205-
West Indies Records (Barba-
work dos) and The Foetus-Pleasures
nces o B227, than through the
heavily printed word.
r heavily
k, using The performances at
action to
tifor- Kairi House take place at 8.30
p.m. on Saturday 28th, and
Judith Sunday 29th September.
le per-
ocktail Tickets are priced at
$2.50 and are available from
Kairi House from 10.00 a.m.
anish at on the day of performance or
uce St. from members of Kairi.

Nice ones. Everywhere. On the highway,

in traffic, parking. All over. In the front,

in the trunk. Under the bonnet. GO ahead Escort yOUPSelf

Me ECnearney

Port of Spain 62-32731
San Fernando 652-2741
Scarborough 639-2160

Tapia House October 13, 1974

-- --~1-~p-- I,, =- ---I --

- I ~S~L~pSg I I


Mrs. Andrea Talbutt
Research Institute for
Study of Man,
162, East 78th Street
NE' YORKI, i, .y 10021,
Ph. Lehigh 5 2448,

Any time or place

I AM encouraged to
learn that Mr. James
Manswell has now pro-
posed a public debate
between us. It could be
a very constructive thing
if the Public Service
Association could begin
from now to discuss the
fundamentals of national
policy with the Tapia
House Group especially_
if we could lift the
discussion above the level
of a mud-slinging match
between personalities;
and it we could hold the
debate on a radio and
TV hook-up allowing the
vast majority of citizens
to become involved in
the discussion of matters
bearing heavily on bread,
as well as dignity in
Trinidad and Tobago.
To start the debate, I
am willing to meet Mr.
Manswell's condition that I
declare my personal income
including all the perks en-
joyed by the elite at the
University of the West Indies.
I am sure that The PSA
Secretary's sense of honour
will move him to match my
declaration so that we could
cear up the petty obstacles
to communication, establish
*our bona fides and move
Rapidly to the matter of
social justice which concerns
'the multitude of our dis-
advantaged people.
I would like to suggest
.that on the Agenda we place
one item. That is, the ques-
tion of the national cake.
Tapia has presented figures
to show that while between
one-quarter and one-third of
our households are below the
poverty line, there exists a
privileged oligarchy made up
of the elites in business, in
government and politics, in
-the professions (the Univer-
sity not excepted); and in
the Trades Unions as well.
In 1971/72, the top
'10% of the households had
38% of the income while the
top 20% had no less than
57% of the income.
The top 4% received
more than $1,000 per
month. At the bottom, half
of the households received
.less than $200 permonth and
over a quarter 27% -
received less than $100 per
month. At that time in 1971/
72.,the come of the average
household amounted to $290.
per month. No less than 70%
of the households fell below
,the average leaving a
privileged oligarchy of at
most 30% of households.
Tapia's point is that the
current pattern of Tripartite
Bargaining between Business,
Government and Union every


three years, has not been
improving the lot of the vast
multitude ofTrinidadians and
Since 1957/58, the top
10% of rich households have
improved their position by
4%% and the top 20% have
gained over 8% more of the
national cake while the bot-
tom 20% of poor households
lost 1.2% as their share of
the cake dropped from' a
measly 3.4% to a chinkier
This widening gap be-
tween haves and have-nots is
confirmed by the fact that
the 60% of the households
at the bottom of Trinidad and
Tobago have had their share
,of the national cake reduced
by 4.2%. That is to say, from
27.1% to only 22.9% between
1957/58 and 1971/72. -
This revolutionary
movement of the poverty
line has alarmed everybody
including a great number of
civic-minded public servants.
We feel that something must
be radicallywrong when the
PSA proposals could aim to
give a Division Head a
monthly increase of $900
which is just 45% and com-
pensate a Clerk I at the bot-
tom with 60% which, is,
however, no more than $135
more per month.
We feel that this kind of
sharing has been one of the
main causes of the enduring
upheaval we have had in
recent years. That is why.we
are encouraging the PSA -
and the other Labour Unions
- to extend the range of
their vision beyond mere
claims for higher pay and
better fringe benefits.
We are urging unity
'among the Unions in the
interest of wider as well as
stronger bargaining in the
context of a people's plan for
national reconstruction.
The plan we have in
mind is one to raise produc-
ivity, to promote efficiency
and to lift the standard of
service in Government offices
in particular. More than that,
we anticipate proposals to
deal with the problems of
iniquitous unemployment
wicked inequality and devast-
ating jumps in the weekly
Tapia welcomes Mr.
Manswell's initiative in pro-
posing a debate which would
;open up these far-reaching
questions. We look forward to
early arrangements. Any time,
any place.

Lloyd Best replies

Haiti looks to CARICOM

From Page 4
to join the new International
Bauxite Association alliance
of producers.
The moves came after a
visit by Fourcand to neigh-
.bouring-'Jamaica, specifically
to look into that country's
battle to get more revenue
out of the bauxite com-
panies. A few days later, in
Georgetown, he was saying
that Haiti might participate
in the two aluminium
smelters planned by the
Caricom states.
Last week, Fourcand
announced in a nationwide
broadcast that the talks with
Reynolds had broken down.
Haiti was asking for i4
dollars per ton of dried
'bauxite, exported more
than seven times what it now
gets and more than the 11.71
dollars Jamaica has got from
the companies while
Reynolds was only offering
six dollars, he said. Reynolds
had been given until 11
November to think about
the demand, he added.
The company exported
696,000 tons of bauxite from
Haiti last year, for which it
paid the government a
pittance of 900,000 dollars
under a 1971 agreement (50
cents a ton plus 47 percent
income tax to make an
overall average of 1.88
dollars per ton between
1971-73. This is 10 percent
of Reynolds' worldwide out-
put and only 1.2 percent of
the total world production.
But it is important to
establish a precedent for
hard bargaining in view of
the keen interest currently
being shown by a number of
North American companies
in the country's almost en-
tirely unexploited and largely
unknown mineral resources.
The government's record so
far is poor, as much through
ignorance as corruption.
The most recent scan-
dal has been the renewed
report that Sedren, the Cana-
dian firm which closed down
its copper mine north of
Gonaives nearly three years
ago, had been ripping off the
state by secretly exporting

gold as well for several years,
though reportedly with the
connivance of some govern-
ment officials. And while
the Duvaliers are still in
power of course, any extra
bauxite revenue is likely to
swell Swiss bank accounts
rather than have any effect
on national income distribu-
For similar reasons, the
accession of Haiti, with its
five million people, to Cari-
com would more than double
the population size of the
Community but it would not
bring commensurate benefits
to the English-speaking
The Haitian economy
is still weak. The expansion
of the fickle light assembly
industries which have sprout-
ed around Port-au-Prince has
levelled off due to the

effects of the oil crisis,
with firms laying off many
workers or even closing
down. Several of the bigger
schemes proposed by Ameri-
can developers have evapor-
This has led to stirring
of nationalism and foreign
land speculators have been
denounced in the press. Even
the wisdom of having
assembly industries has been
The political situation
remains uncertain too, with
Mrs. Simone Duvalier close to
death and incidents such as a
dynamite blast in one of the
major hotels two weeks ago
keeping the country on edge.
Politically, as well as econ-
omically, Haiti would be
more a liability than an asset
to Caricom at this juncture.
(Courtesy Latin America





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