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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00127
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: September 15, 1974
Frequency: completely irregular
 Subjects
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
 Notes
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00127

Full Text


Vol.4 No.37


25 Cents


SUNDAY SEPTEMBER 15, 1974
-,;


I D.


NOW CIVIL





SERVANTS






JOIN DIRECT


PSA's Manswell


ACTI


Michael Harris
THE Country's Industrial
situation which has been
steadily worsening over
the last few weeks took
another serious plunge
this week when the
members of the Public1
Service Association took
the decision to embark
on work-to-rule action in
the essential services and
a sick-out in the non-
essential in protest over
what the PSA terms
undue delays in reaching
a settlementin its current
wage negotiations with
the Chief Personnel
Officer.
The fanciful terminology
to describe basically similar
industrial action has been a
common feature of the recent
disputes. The current action
by the PSA is distinguished
though by the fact that it
stems purely and simply from
failure of the CPO to respond
positively to their demands
for more money.
Not for our Public Servant
any action based on such
exotic and ideologically alien
claims as Worker Participation
or Voice in Management. In
short one is tempted to wel-
come such a good old


fashioned Industrial Dispute.
Even so the action by our
Public Servants hardly proves
itself amenable to any
simplistic formulation of right
or wrong. Indeed the more
one studies the issue the
more one realises that it raises
as many critical questions for
this nation, questions which
this eminently pragmatic
Government has never had
the courage to answer, as
any of the other Industrial
disputes.

INEQUALITY

The demands for salary
increases ranging from 45%
to 60% are by any standards
large. But in conditions where
gross inequalities in the dis-
tribution of the wealth of
the nation already exist and
where unemployment and
underemployment and the
attendant evils of poverty
and starvation constitute the
seemingly permanent condi-
tion in the lives of so many
of our people, such demands
become positively exorbitant.
On the other hand Public
Servants must live too. There
is after all no magic provision
by which they are spared the
ravages of inflation and if the


rate of inflation continues as
it is they shall undoubtedly
find to their dismay that
long before the next round of
wage negotiations any in-
creases would have been dis-
sipated.
Moreover are we not after
all rolling in the wealth of
our oil bonanza? If the
Government could think
nothing of paying out $93m
'in cold cash for the acquisi-
tion of Shell and Williams
boasts of the huge sums of
money that he is considering
investing in various fantastic
projects, then salary increases
even of the nature of 60% are
but a drop- from the bucket
in relation to our wealth.
And in any case it is
probably a good idea to
seize some of that wealth as
soon as possible since there
don't seem to be any plans
in the air that would ensure
that even a small portion of
that wealth is distributed to
the people.
The point is of course that
under the rule of now-for-now
Government, devoid of any
vision and imagination, in-
capable of constructing any
long range programmes and
lacking the courage and
administrative ability to
declare meaningful priorities


and to defend them before
the people, the end result is
always one of dog eat dog
and the devil take the hind-
most.
So that in the present
dispute no superficial judge-
ments as to right and wrong
can be made nor is the solu-
tion to be found in any search
for an amicable compromise.
it is foolish to expect the
population at large and in
particular the public servants
who have been so much
maligned by the Government
to suddenly develop any
noble commitment to "larger
national goals" when these
goals have seldom been articu-
lated and even then they
have been ignored by the
Government itself.

SELFISHNESS

If selfishness and uncom-
promising materialism today
characterise the actions of the
citizens it is but the product
of the type of Government
that we have had these past
eighteen years. In the absence
of any fundamental vision of
a better society this Govern-
ment has never been able to
win the support and allegiance
of men other than by resort
to blatant bribery and cor-
ruption.


Now that they are reaping
exactly what they have sown
it is interesting to observe
their pretensions towards the
mantle of righteous indigna-
tion. Nothing could be so
impertinent as Williams stand-
ing up on Vesting Day and
calling for discussion and
dialogue with Labour. The
-. ir... W l .iT .o vhcrin it.
suited him inost did not hesi-
tate at trying to throttle the
voice of Labour with the
pernicious ISA and IRA.

NO TRUST

What Williams needs now
more than anything else is tc
regain the moral authority
which'he frittered away sc
cavalierly over the years. N
one believes him, no one trust
him. For him that moral
authority is a paradise losi
which shall never be regained

His only alternative now
is too accede to all requests,
and that of the PSA is by
no means the last, no matter
how illegitimate. Like any
other whoremonger he must
pay for his loving and even
then he cannot be sure thai
the country shall give up hei
birthright for his mess ol
pottage.


Super Powers


and small


States pgs 4&9


Dream on



monkey Pg



mountain 6&7


1973 TAPIA IN BOUND VOLUMES- $ 20





P-'E 2 TAPIA


CALL


SUNDAY SEPTEMBER 15. 1974






TOAR


S


un



und


LAST SUNDAY Sept 8,
the Tapia Council of
Representatives held its
monthly meeting at the
Tapia House in Tunapuna.
The meeting was held at
a time when everybody is
seeing quite clearly that
Sthe beginning of the end
is at hand.
In so far as any key
theme emerged from the
deliberations of the Coun-
cil it was quite clearly one
of urgency. The represent-
atives gathered all shared
the view that the time had
come when the organiza-
tion had to shift its gears
and embark on what
Campaign Manager
Michael Harris called the
"End Campaign".
The meeting entertained
three reports from Com-
munity Relations Secretaryy
Ivan Laughlin, Campaign


Manager Michael Harris and
Education Officer Denis
Solomon.
Laughlin presented a cap-
sule analysis of th. political
situation in the country at the
moment. Pointing to such
factors as the widespread
Industrial unrest, the grand-
iose announcements that were
coming from the Government,
the spiralling increases in the
cost of living and the increas-
ing calls from various public
organizations for a resolution
of the crisis, Laughlin stated
that clearly the end of the
crisis that had plagued the
nation for the past five years
is at hand.
Looking at Tapia's position.
Laughlin admitted that many
of the hopes and dreams with
which we had started in 1969
had not been realized. He
pointed out, however, that
we had nonetheless succeeded
in creating many assets which
would be of critical im-


portance in the months ahead.
He pointed first to the
fact that we had succeeded
in building a team of young,
capable and committed men
seasoned in the political arena;
we hadin addition established
routines of organisation
superior to any in the coun-
try and with our newspaper
and printing press we were
in a position.to make our
voice heard.
He called finally for a
renewed commitment ana a
realisation from all members
that the most difficult portion
of the revolutionary road still
lay ahead of us.
Speaking next Campaign
Manager Michael Harris re-
minded the members present
that Tapia as a group had
been born out of vision. We
could never abandon that
vision, he said, but we must
be aware that the road to that
vision was a political one.
The time had come, he


Tapia jer sae


felt, when the organization
had to take the decision to
convert and restructure itself
:,mo a political machine de-
signed solely for the purpose
of taking the Power out of
the hands of the Old Regime.
Harris went on to put a
number of concrete proposals
to the Council which he
thought would enable the
organization to embark on a
sustained and powerful cam-
paign till the regime was
toppled. He called, for the
establishment of an enlarged
Campaign Committee which
was toinclude a Fund Raising
Committee charged with find-
ing ways and mearis of fund-
ing the Campaign.
Denis Solomon addressed
himself to the question of
the Group's political Mani-
festo. He stated that much of
the work had already been
done but that the material
still needed to be put into
some coherent framework. He
also raised certain questions
on which the organization
needed to clarity its position.
An intense discussion fol-
lowed these presentations
with members generally in


Tapia Campaign Manager
Michael Harris.

agreement with the positions
taken but of the view that
time was needed for more
critical analysis, particularly
of the Campaign Mmnager's
proposals. The Council
agreed to convene again this
coming Sunday September 22
at the House, to make its final
decisions.


Now London protests Rodney


WEST-INDIAN wide pr o-
test against the attempt
by the Guyana Govern-
ment to ban Walter
Rodney from a University
job in his home country
has spread now to
London, England.
A meeting has been called
for Friday September 13 at


Co 2V-ay Hal, near the centre
of student life.
Speakers on the occasion
will be Stuart Hall, John La
Rose, Joe Abrams, Ben Ndeh
and Lal L Singh.
Participants intend to
demand the re-instatement of
the 32-year-old historian, first
banned from the UWI in
Jamaica nearly six years ago.


%A


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tu


I I I '-l-L I I blllP~







l'nAr. a j1cn3


SUNDAY SEPTEMBER 15, 1974


I HAVE not seen the actual report but if the summary
in one of the morning papers is accurate, I can only
describe McKell as another would-be magic-man.
His assignment, as I understand it, was to receive
comments and proposals from the public and collate
them for the country.
SInstead, McKell has gone ahead and suggested three
alternative procedures none of which, oddly, is the view
of any of the 14 individuals and 25 organizations that
'commented on the Constitution proposals.
I have heard it said, and it certainly crossed my own
mind, that McKell may be waving a surreptitious PNM
.flag. Whatever the facts of the case, the more important
consideration by far, is that McKell has assumed the
lofty role of a Crown Colony Royal Commission, much
the same as the Wooding Commission before him.
The fundamental Crown Colony assumption is that
people are not fit to rule. Politics, participation and con-
flict therefore yield pride of place before authority,
government and order.
Issues are resolved by reference to imperial fiat, albeit
after the grace of a royal consultation. The important ingredient
is therefore the opinion of the Royal Commission which informs
the orders-in-council.
In this role, both Wooding and McKell have wildly over-
estimated their own importance. It is an error of large proportions,
a historical miscalculation.
The constitutional and political crisis in Trinidad & Tobago
exists precisely because the Crown Colony arrangements effected
in 1962, are hopelessly out of date. Issues are no longer going to
'be resolved by pronouncements made by any Commission,
Committee or Cabinet. Only the interplay of genuine community
- that is to say, political forces will tell.
It is precisely this interplay of political forces that the
conventional political mind is completely unable to grasp and the
traditional political forces are desperately trying, to prevent.
We therefore have the curious fact that almost every propo-
sal advanced by Tapia is immediately denounced to left and to
right, by all the political pundits as supremely unrealistic,
unrealistic because we always assume that the people of this
country will intervene on our own behalf.


Unrealistic because the
Tapia proposals take for
granted that however des-
perately late, the varied
popular interests in the
country will assert their
political presence.
When we opposed the
excesses of the new move-
ment in 1968, 1969 and
1970, those who thought that
the movement could win by
overnight huffing and puffing
insisted that we were rocking
the boat. But political reali-
ties prevailed and only the
longer-term builders survived.

REALITIES

When we began to canvass
an electoral boycott in 1970,
the dedicated citizens then
hot on the trail of office, re-
garded the position with
contempt only to jump on
the wagon days before elec-
tion day. The realities spoke
again.
And then, when we urged
that there was a constitu-
tional crisis, it was scornfully
regarded as theory and
academic interpretation -
until the boycottexposed the
fundamental issue and led the
Government to acknowledge
it by summoning the Wooding
Commission to life.
Now De Labastide &
Georges are describing our
proposals for a Constituent
Assembly as completely un-
realistic.
They forget that only a


little while ago the whole
idea of a Constituent As-
sembly was regarded by the
editorial writers and by many,
many others as the most
remote and distant idea of
all.
The relevance of the idea
has now been sold to the
country not so much by
Tapia as- by our people's
advancing experience and the
greater clarity of our percep-
tions.
So what do we have all of
a sudden? differentversions
of the Constituent Assembly.
Little by little the Tapia
positions assume their his-
torical significance. In the
fulness of time, our entire
portfolio of measures for a
New Caribbean world will
find their place in the sun
because we are not simply
announcing programmes in
the hope of becoming a
quick-quick grass-roots move-
ment with a multitude of
voters willing to sweep our


party into office tomorrow.
We have been making pro-
posals which are designed to
service a democratic political
culture in which Tapia hopes
to play a-part. We are not
merely designing schemes to
suit ourselves.
Take the scheme which
McKell has played down in
much the same way as
Wooding played down our
proposals for constitutional
reform. What are we urging
as the correct procedure?
It is extremely simple
just like the two simple
proposals we are making for
Constitution Reform. Our
Constituent Assembly is to
have two components only.
The first is a Conference
of Citizens open to any
individual, group or party
willing to participate. The
purpose of this is to debate
the proposals for national
reconstruction including those
designed specifically to re-
organise the State-machine.


Tapia's second proposal is
for a decision-making body
at the Assembly which would
be composed of all bona-fide
political parties.
The thinking behind tis.
second proposal is that when
a game breaks down, it can
only be resumed if all the
players .agree on the rules.
A political crisis can be
resolved by reference to what
the electorate thinks but a
constitutional crisis can only
be resolved by reference to
what political interests think
as collective units. That is to
say, as parties.
When we are settling a
constitutional crisis we are
talking about the rules of
government and politics and
the players concerned are
parties not individuals. Parties
are the units through which
political interests express
themselves in the kind of .
democracy which Trinidad &
Tobago understands.
Those who wish to promote


MC KELL


too/I f l L 6?m e / t11./ 7 g


ELECTION







PLAN






WILL NEVER







WORK


NEW FASHIONS
HAND BAGS IN UNIQUE SELECTIONS
BEADED BAGS SOUVENIRS

JEWELLERY
CHAPPALS ALBUMS. JEWEL BOXES
^^^-KiHB GIrT ^^ NOVE*()


novel systems of politics are
right to disagree with the
Tapia proposals but those who
say they are for party politics
must concede that the im-
portant step is to allow bona-
fide parties to make theii
play.
How do we identify bona
fide parties? Simple. Let
them register with some
appointed body and let them
show evidence of a certain
minimum political support in
the form of a certified list
of citizen signatures.
That is the Tapia pro-
posal, always dismissed by
people who never even submit
it to examination. All we
hear instead are proposals
wvich, in the end, assume
that there is a Colonial Office
which is acting as the referee.
Realism enters always by a
side door. McKell, for
example, argues that no
government is going to admit
that the Parliament from
which it derives its authority
has been illegitimate by the
politics outside the House.
Cormet, for once, Mr.
I.Ed l. It 4Wat makes you
&d- that Tapia eKpects the
Government to admit the
icgitimacy of its own posi-
tion? Wrong again.
It is Geores and De-
Labastide who are asking
rliament to pass legislation
to establish an Assembly and
to elect this Assembly by
proportional Representation.
I cannot imagine anything
more pie-in-the-sky than that.
Tapia is not asking the
Government to do anything
at all. We are simply making.
proposals so that the country
can perceive# what a decent
government, interested in
democratic arrangements,
would feelimpelled to accept;
proposals which the political
forces in the country are
making into a political
imperative.
The resolution of the
crisis will come when the
country perceives what has to
be done and appreciates that
the final obstacle in the way
is the Government now in
office.
We are talking fundamen-
tal change, Mr. McKell. Make
no mistake about it. And if
the PNM Government is so
idiotic as to write its own
Constitution and take it to
new elections, the people go
eat them raw with all
those oligarchs who are
catching in that antediluvian
camp. (LB.)







SUNDAY SEPTEMBER 15, 1974


Cyprus:Another





case of Super-





Power blindness



Cold war policy still in vogue


The Nixon Doctrine survives: gives
military and economic succour to
local groups.


This article by Vaughan Lewis was written
before the second Turkish invasion of Cyprus.
Dr. Lewis is a political scientist whose main
interest has been small states in international
politics and is currently Deputy Director of the
Institute of Social and Economic Research,
stationed at Cave Hill, Barbados.

WHATEVER their own individual assessments
may be of where the credit lies for attaining
a cease-fire in the Cyprus crisis, it is clear that
none of the Western powers were really able
t6 predict the onset of the crisis, in spite of
their close relations with the various powers
involved. Further, they have had immense
difficulty in enunciating any set of principles
that might indicate an approach to a long-term
solution of the problem. These observations
apply particularly strongly to the United
States, whose policymakers have been so con-
cerned in the last five years or so with the
elaboration of principles for the establishment
of what Kissinger called a "new structure of
peace".
What the crisis has made clear (and what has
been visible to those concerned with the international
problems of small powers for some time), is the
extent to which very little of the hard thought that
has been done about world order by U.S. policy-
makers in the recent past, has gone beyond the inter-
relationships between the United States, the Soviet
Union and China; and beyond viewing the problems
of the world through the lenses of that relationship.
So, paradoxically, although it is probably fair
to say that it is the resistance of the small power
North Vietnam, which forced a re-evaluation of United
States global policy, the very fact of the partial
resolution of the Vietnam problem through the
mediation of the USSR and China, has induced a
a concentration on the Great Power connection in
problem-solving, and a deflection from any serious
concern and thought about the reasons (apart from
Great Power sustenance) for the prolonged resistance
of a small country like Vietnam to the post-war Great
Powers.
This means that there has, apparently, been
little attention given to analysing the variety of
types of states now existing that we tend to call
small; and that little attention has been given to the
circumstances under which such states are likely to
arise in the future (other than through mere decolon-
isation.), how they are likely to sustain themselves, or
the conditions under which they may disappear
through internal disintegration and subsequently
absorption by more virile, or larger, neighbours:
True, the various Foreign Policy Reports of the Presi-
dent make a genuflection to the small states in
general, promising as with other underdeveloped
states, that they will be helped to help themselves, on
the condition that they can be seen to be willing to
help themselves. But the American attitude to the
India-Pakistan crisis and the eventual establishment
of Bangladesh, indicated that policy was extremely
pragmatic, if not simply ad hoc.
In fact, the planning for the new structure o(i
peace has had, as far as non-Great Power relations
are concerned, a high degree of continuity with the
rest of the post-war past, in terms of thlie assumptions
and ideological principles underlying policy. Willi
respect to the non-Europeanl countrinc in the global
system. it seems to be assumed as a norm, that local
problems and polices will tcnd. to be responsive in
the first instaeice, to the prohings and demaniids of one
or other of the Super Powers (witli China som,'tiines
added). The possibility th:i! a political elites or factions;
miiht be concenied. when crises arise in their coun-


tries, not first of all, withll he ideologies of allure-
ments of the United States and its allies, or the Soviet
Union and its allies, is seen as remote.
The consequence of this orientation,, in terms
of United States policy, has been twofold. In one
case, the crisis is, as it breaks, seen immediately in
"cold war" (or as the more sophisticated now say
"bipolar") terms, so that its resolution must be
undertaken in terms of the principle of minimum
advantage to the other side (the other Great Power).
At the same time, the problem having been defined
in this way, nothing must be done that will exacer-
bate relations with the USSR to the point of possible
conflict.
The result is firm attachment to the faction in
the troubled state which has been willing to assert its
anti-communist credentials, and to give the assurance,
in words and deeds, that the bias in its diplomatic
orientation will be' towards the United States, If, as is


Power to the People
Tapia' New World
TAPIA Back Numbers
Tapia Constitution
Democracy or Oligarchy?
Reform of the Public Service
Foreign Investment In T and T
Central Banking
Non-Bank Financial Institutions
Foreign Capital in Jamaica
Post War Economic Development
of Jamaica
Underdevelopment and
Dependence
Persistent Poverty
Readings in The Political Economy
of the Caribbean
Political Economy of the English
Speaking Caribbean
The Dynamics of W.I. Economic
Integration
The Adjustment of Displaced
Workers In A Labour Surplus
Economy
The Integrated Theory of
Development Assistance
Cuba Since 1959
From CARIFTA to
Caribbean Community
The Caribbean Community
- A Guide


often the case these days, the "anti-communist"
faction has little credibility in its own country, the
United States finds itself in a state of diplomatic
paralysis, simply hoping that there will be a break in
the crisis which will allow it to give a push.in the
"right" direction. This, in our view, is what happen-
ed in both the Bangladesh and Cyprus crises. In the
Cyprus case, the expected break, harsh as it may seem,
was the death of Makarios, or at the minimum a
spontaneous outburst of popular opposition in
Cyprus itself, to a live but absent Makarios.
The American position is redeemed in such
cases where she has so established a degree of penetra-
tion of the small country (in this case through her
dominance in the supply of military material to both
Greece and Turkey) that she is able at some point -
usually after prolonged fighting to exercise heavy

Continued on Page 9


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PAGE 4 TAPIA


TAPIA


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At the Tapia House, 82-84 St. Vincent St. Tunapuna, Trinidad & Tobago.
Phone. 662-5126


~l~a~8s-sPI~raq(~p-~e~r~ ,I ~3%~r~BPLBla~-BLlsa~saa~E~


I I JI ,. I I I I --llr I







SUNDAY SEPTEMBER 15 1974


CUBA


GOES TO


THE POLLS


AGAIN


THE ELECTION of the
first candidates for
deputies to the people's
power body in Matanzas
Province marks the start
of a pilot project that
will be applied to the
entire country next year.
Announced on January 2
by Division Commander Raul
Castro, the elections will
elect by individual, secret
and direct vote municipal,
regional and provincial
authorities. Raul Castro ex-
plained that because of the
circumstances the Cuban
people lived in during the
first decade of the revolution,
circumstances, characterized
by constant US aggression,
the process ofinstitutionaliza-
tion had not been developed.

YOUTH

Quoting Prime Minister
Fidel Castro, he said that
these people's power bodies
"should be patterned on
Marxist-Leninist principles
and adapted to our specific
conditions." "Another objec-
tive," continued Division
Commander Raul Castro, "is
to incorporate the masses
into the state and administra-
tion."
The people's power bodies
will enable the people "to
feel more identified with the
State, to make the State even
more of a workers' state, a
true popular and revolution-
ary democracy."
The elections the first
to be held in Cuba since the
triumph of the revolution in
1959 -have special character-
istics which differentiate
them from the traditional
elections held during the
pre-revolutionary republic.
A Constitutional amend-
ment, approved by the Coun-
cil of Ministers on May 3,
introduced changes such as
lowering the voting age from
21 to 16. "The active partici-
pation of youth, especially
those under 20 years of age,
in work, in study and in
defence, has won them
political rights", the amend-
ment states.

CONSTITUTION

"Voting", continues the
amendment, "is a right and
at the same time a moral
obligation of every citizen."
"Universal, equal and secret
suffrage is the right, obliga-
tion and function of every
Cuban citizen."
Another amendment to
the 1940 Constitution now
gives the vote to members of
the armed forces who "are
the people m uniform."
The candidates are being
chosen in assemblies in the
cities and rural areas on the
basis of their political and
moral standing and record.
Deputies will be elected from
among these candidates by
direct and secret vote.
The hundreds of thousands
of young people who will be
voting for the first time in
their lives will do so without


experience of the electoral
procedures that for 56 years
were common practice in
Cuba.
Electoral fraud was born
with the republic as a result
of the first US military
occupation in 1898. Tomas
Estrada Palma, candidate
sponsored by Washington,
"won" the first elections in
1901, after the candidacy of
General Bartlome Maso, a
hero of the Independence
War, was barred.
Estrada- was re-elected in
1905,through methods which
marked the start of electoral
farces in Cuba. As the re-
presentative of US interests,
he introduced political crime
into the country and the use
of public funds as a way to
perpetuate oneself in power.
The "botella" (receiving a
salary without doing any
work) became an institution.
In 1905, a politician from
Camaguey Province de-
nounced "the scandalous
alteration of the electoral
rolls which does not now
correspond to the number of
inhabitants."
While the re-election of
Estrada Palma led to an
armed uprising of the Liberal
Party and the US conducted
a second military interven-
tion of the island (1906-09),
it was the 1917 elections
that were the most scandal-
ous in the history of the
republic.

OUSTED

General Mario Garcia
Menocal, also linked to US
economic interests, lost the
elections at the hands of the
Liberal Party's Alfredo Zayas,
so he immediately prepared
to turn the vote in his favor.
The Secretary of Interior
Aurelio Hevia, reportedly
told the President: "General,
we've lost!" But the President
replied: "Speak for yourself!"
The general then used all
his power to change the
election results. Ballots which
should have been sent to the
Electoral College were sent
to the Secretary of Interior.
At the end of December,
almost two months after the
electoral farce, General Garcia
Menocal was proclaimed the
"winner".
The Liberals, led by
former president Jose Miguel
Gomez, headed an armed
movement known as the
"Chambelona" (literally, the
lollipop) and gained control
of the provinces of Oriente
and Camaguey and part of
Las Villas.
The US Ambassador, Mr.
Gonzalez, announced that
Washington would not recog-
nize those who had ousted
Zayas, former administrator
of the Cuban American
Company. The attempt failed,
but Zayas was compensated:
he won the presidential elec-
tions of 1921.
Similar practices character-
ised all ensuing elections, In
1944, during World War two,
Ramon Grau San Martin was


,--. ." .


Old-style campaigning- preRevolutiona sections
Old-style camptdgning pre-Repolutionaty elections


elected president. Four years
later, Grau used all the power
of the state apparatus in
favour of his protege, Carlos
Prio Socarras, who was res-
ponsible for the attacks
against the trade unions by
armed bands in the hire of
the official "labor leader,"
Eusebio Mujal, today an
adviser of the Inter-american
Regional Labor Organization
(IRLO).

COUP

The coup carried out by
Batista in 1952 cancelled the

for that year, in which the
popular candidate was an
opposition leader from the
Party of the Cuban People
(Ortodoxo).
In the elections of today,


the delegates to the people's
power body will periodically
render accounts of their
work to the people, and
their posts, which are not
remunerative, are subject to
recall by the majority deci-
sion of the vo.c;s.
Today it is impossible, as
it was not during the period
of the truncated republic, to
use the voter registration
cards of dead people, to
"hijack" the ballots (as the
armed forces used to do
before) and to buy votes by
means of the system known
as the "centrifuge" or "wan-
J.,.'Pl n;;llot".
Before, candidates paid
the voter to cast a previously
marked ballot and return the
clean ballot to the candidate
who would Tien use it to
repeat the operation with


another voter.
The radical changes in
Cuba in the past 15 years
now make it possible for the
country to tackle tasks which
had to be postponed during
the period of constant mili-
tary aggressions from the US,
economic boycott and politi-
cal isolation.
"We are convinced that to
the extent that the masses
participate in affairs of State,
the struggle against bureau-
cracy will.be more effective,
the needs of the population
and of the community better
satisfied, and the revolution-
ary State stronger, more
democratic and more solid,"
said Division Commander
Raul Castro.


(Prensa Latina)


r;,. < d i/r HUMOR COSTUMBRISTA: ler. Premio
-;, ^ "DOMINGO DE PODER POPULAR EN MA.
'-TANZAS". Ren de loa Nuez, Granma.

Cartoonist's view of elections in Matanzas 1974


TA~PIA PAlGE 5


pSem






PAM 6TAPIA


DREA


CbOeti ed from last week

WALCOTT in Makak has created a polyglot
diracter who is the sum total of several
Mpaste and contradictory ideas in Walcott,
the burden of which Errol Jones carries with
a .cramped dignity. The character does not
OoBapse for two reasons. One, Walcott has
successfully reduced the several fragments of
Makak into clear moments of gesture and
naae. The image of Makak rowing across to
Africa has already been mentioned.
There are other moments, such as during the
epilogue of the play where we see him slowly circling
the cage shouting "Felix Hobain, Felix Hobain", just
as the lights come up. One tends to murmur tq one-
self; in the beginning was the ape, and the ape was
Hobain. .. Walcott's concept of man reduced to the
lowest common denominator of action, circling, ape-
like in a jail, the role played by Errol Jones whose
fifteen years with the Workshop seemed to have
prepared him to do precisely that.
Another moment is Errol Jones dancing the
war dance to the drums as they move him to a state of
frenzy as he puts on "the 'rage of the lion". During
that moment we realize that Walcott's Dream is about
the Rastafarian movement with their desire to get out
of Babylon and return to Africa, tol-thiopia,safe in
the land of the Lion of Juda. In fact later in the play
Makak will offer the "holy herb" to the two thieves.
In fact on that level, the play is a comment on the
hopelessness and absurdity of the Raitafarian position,
and as such runs a close parallel with Edward Brath-
waite's 'Wings of a Dove' to be found in his Rights of
Pasage. Moreover the whole play covers areas that
Brathwaite is very concerned with in his trilogy.
Incidentally, the way Makak wishes "to scatter his
enemies", is no different from Roderick Walcott's
Benjy in The Harrowing ofBenjy. The final moment
to which I would like to make reference, is the one
that summarises Makak's sense of power. Makak is
speaking to the thief Tigre.
General Tigre, and when my enemies come, I will say
fight with him, because he is a man, a man who know
how to hate, to whom the life of a man is like a
mosguto, like a fly. tClaps his hands at an insect, and
drops it in the fire) pp. 292-3.
Seeing Makak kill that insect and drop it in the
fire is so powerful, and it summarises so absolutely
Makak's sense of immediate destruction, that nothing
aeed be said by Makak at that point.
The second reason why Makak does not col-
lapse is because he does not carry the burden alone.
Fragments of himself are presented through the
characters of Moustique his friend, Corporal Lestrade
and the two thieves. Lloyd Brown in his article
Dreamers and Slaves: The Ethos of Revolution in
Walcott and Leroi Jones which appeared in Caribbean
Quarterly Vol. 17 Nos. 3&4 Sept-Dec. 1971 pp.36-44,
states that Moustique is Makak's alter ego and Lestrade
is Makak's "bourgeois alter ego". I would not put the
relationship quite like that. I mean, obviously Makakis
closely related to certain pet ideas of Walcott, but he
is certainly not Walcott's grass-roots alter ego. No,
the several characters are all interrelated just as their
varioudreams all come together to form one dream.
It is because of this I found Errol Hill's comment on
Di~nm slightly inaccurate when he described it as "a


tangled, incoherent piece, despite some fine individual
character-drawing and bold structuring of its parts"
(See Caribbean Quarterly Vol. 18 No. 4 1972 p.33).
The work is "tangled" yes, but because the play,
finally, is about the need for self-acceptance the
maimed West Indian psyche is to be healed and then
make its new beginning, the characters are all frag-
ments of each other and fragments of Walcott's
concept of the West Indian personality, and this
makes for good character moments rather than "fine
individual character-drawing".
Lestrade's love of the English language and its
tradition is an aspect of the colonial psyche with which
we all have to come to terms. It is there in a play like
Murry Carlin's Not Now, Sweet Desdemona which
was first performed in July 1968 by Ngoma Players at
Makerere University College Uganda. That play re-
examines Shakespeare's Othello so as to have another
close-up look at the problem of racism. Carlin's
'Othello' says to his 'Desdemona':
... I come from Trinidad remember? What langu-
age you think they do talk in Trinidad? You think,
because I'm black I must come from Lake Chad?
I was born in the language, darling. I was born in the
English language, and don't you forget! I was born
in the language that William Shakespeare is talking
and don't you damn well forget it, darling. .Now
I'll tell you some more about the national poet Our
national poet, darling (p.31).
Lestrade is also that aspect of the West Indian
psyche which demonstrates contempt for all things
native to the area, but he also represents that other
aspect, the dream of revenge on White civilization
which imprisons him. This is why he can tell Makak to
behead the white woman; because he Lestrade must
behead her too.
MAKAK: Before I do this thing, tell me who she is.
CORPORAL: -She, she? What you behold, my prince,
was but an image of your longing. As inaccessible
as snow, as fatal as leprosy. Nun, virgin, Venus, you
must violate, humiliate, destroy her;... (p.318).
This is why it is important that Lestrade see that
"the white witch" be killed. He wants revenge and he
wants to exorcise the image of 'She' from his mind,
an image as hauntingly beautiful and as evil as H.
Rider Haggard's Ayesha in his novel She. Corporal
Lestrade's familiarity with "the white witch" rings
out like a confession.
She is all that is pure, all that he cannot reach. You see
her statues in white stone, and you turn your face
away, mixed with abhorrence and lust, with destruc-
tion and desire. She is lime, snow, marble, moonlight,
lilies, cloud, foam and bleaching cream, the mother of
civilization, and the con-founder of blackness. I too
have longer for her. She is the colour of the law,
religion, paper, art, and if, you want peace, if you want
to discover the beautiful depth of your blackness,
nigger, chop off her head! When you do this,you will
kill Venus, the Virgin, the Sleeping Beauty. (p.319).
Lestrade can articulate Makak's obsession or 'posses-
sion', because he has been experiencing it, and now
realizes his need to confess it.
The beheading has two problems. One, "the
white witch" asks for mercy, and apparently expects
to be beheaded. As Mervyn Mors's trumpeter would
say, "that is lie". The white world, or white civiliza-
tion will never offer itself on the sacrificial altar so as
to save the black world. Admittedly Lestrade des-
cribes it as "a pale pathetic appeal for forgiveness",
but the way that is presented, it looks more like a
near-willing sacrificial victim, which is an untruth.
The second problem with the beheading is the absence
of context. The whole scene is weak because the


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condemning of the accused, and the rejection of the
tributes have been removed in this recent presenta-
tion of the play. That hilarious list of the accused
that included:
.... Abraham Lincoln, Alexander of Macedon, Shakes-
peare, .., Plato, Copernicus, Gahleo and perhaps
Ptolemy, Christopher Marlowe, Robert L. Lee, Sir
John Hawkins, Sir Francis Drake, The Phantom, Man-
drake the Magician Tarzan, Dante, Sir Cecil
Rhodcs, William Wilberforce, ... (p.312).
has regretably been cut. It does echo Genet in The
Blacks rather closely, but it is missed when left out.
The absence of the tribes shouting "Hang them!" is
also missed. Then the list of petitions and bribes from
the white world if used as in the first production,
would have given the appeal of "the white witch" a
greater sense of 'context'. Once the absurd petitions
which included "a floral tribute of lilies from the Ku
Klux Klan" and "a gilt-edged doctorate from the
Mississippi University" have been rejected by the
Tribes then the execution of Moustique and "the
white witch" would have appeared more meaningful.
By Makak's sense of justice and fair play, which
is really Lestrade's sense of justice and fair play, it
seems that Moustique is tried and condemned for
betraying the dream of the blacks, and as Lestrade
puts it, for betraying "our dream". For me it is at
this point that the dream breaks for Makak, when he
is so swept along by the river of revenge that he can
watch Moustique condemned without raising a hand
to stop it. He, Makak, who can shout "the tribes, the
tribes" in horror at inter tribal war. But on another
level Makak has to punish Moustique, since Moustique
is part of him; the part of him which betrays the
dream. This is why it is so difficult to talk about dis-
tinct characters, since they are really all interrelated
fragments existing in Walcott's mind. Interrelated
fragments which he has set in motion so as to demon-
strate a concept of history as one recurring circular
movement, which we can break if we exorcise the
desire for revenge.
It is because Walcott wants each individual to
come to terms with "whiteness" as a private matter
without it becoming a public political matter that
he has Makak execute "the white witch" alone. But it
does not ring true on stage. Any such act (as shown
in the film version) must be witnessed by everybody
and approved by the public. Walcott wants a political
solution to a socio-political problem, by using non-
political means. It is not that I am advocating public
violence and attacks on "whiteness", because I don't
give "whiteness" the degree of importance that
Walcott does. But it does seem that Dream is his most
consciously political play, in which he is talking about
a political situation, and the manner of the execution,
and Makak's return to the mountain come Sunday
morning do suggest that Walcott cannot quite face
the reality of what he has out-lined.
Yet, in all fairness to Walcott, it is more com-
plicated than that. It becomes more complicated
because the journey towards self acceptance, is both
political and religious. Within the journey to self-
acceptance one has to begin by knowing one's self.
This is why throughout the play Lestrade asks Makak,
"what is your name?" Identity is involved. But self-
knowledge and self-acceptance in Walcott's moral
universe are closely related tZ having a concept of
Godhead. A religious belief is a very private, very
personal thing, though religious worship could be a
very communal and public thing. Makak claims that:-
I fall in a frenzy every full-moon night. I does be pos-
sessed. And after that, sir, I am not responsible. I
responsible only to God who once speak to me in the
form of a woman on Monkey Mountain. I am God's
warrior. (p.226).
When Makak gets up on Sunday morning, having
spent Saturday night in jail, charged with being drunk
and disorderly, the noise of worship floats into the
jail from the Church of Revelation, and as soon as he
is freed he walks away from the jail while blessing the
two thieves.
God bless you both. Lord, 1 have been washed from
shore to shore, as a tree in the ocean, The branches of
my fingers, the roots of my feet, could grip nothing,
but now, God, they have found ground. Let me be
swallowed up in mist again, and let me be forgotten,
so that when the mist open, men can look up.at some
small signal of smoke, and say, "Makak lives there.
Makak lives wh're he has always lived, in the dream of
his people". (p. 326).
Makak after his dream dreamt during Saturday nigh t,
a dream in which Moustique, the two thieves, Corporal
Lestrade and Basil "an angel of death" participated as
well as the audience, arises refreshed, his faith in
God renewed if not his faith in man. He finally says:-
Other men will come, other prophets will come, and
they will be stoned, and mocked, and betrayed, but
now this old hermit is going back home, back to the
beginning, to the green beginning of this world. Come,
Moustique, we going home. (p.326).
The final acceptance of self is in religious terms, and


_ I __






MBER 15, 1974





KEY


IN PERSPECTIVE


TAPIA PAGE 7


TA


VICTOR D QUESTEL


not political ones. The prodigal has returned. Yet we
should keep in mind what Denis Solomon had to say
in his review of the film version of Dream in Tapia
No.7 Sunday April 19th, 1970 page 6, with respect
to the religious dimension of the play. Solomon says:-
There is much religion of a revivalist sort depicted in
the play, but no overt mention of God; but perhaps
man is aping God; perhaps he is the corrupt simulac-
.rum of the perfect Platonic ideal, or perhaps, in
existentialist terms, he exists by aping himself -
making himself up as he goes along.
In the interview with Selden Rodman, Walcott is
quoted as saying that:-
The goodness of the West Indian personality is in that
speech in which he (Makak) praises God. What I was
saying was that a society that loses its faith in any out-
side force (God) is lost.
RODMAN: You really believe in God, Derek?
WALCOTT: My faith in God has never wavered. (p.32).
I find it difficult to say 'Amen' to that, simply because
so often in Walcott's plays and poems, and within
Dream itself there is the flirtation with the idea of the
absence of an outside force. Moreover there is always
the suggestion that the out-side force (God) is
"nothing" or is indifferent" and finally irrelevant
one way or the other. I think of the cry of Hounakin
in The Sea A t Dauphin as he asks God why he must
suffer so; as far as Hounakin is concerned there is
little to give thanks for.

God you is old man like me, you put me here, I pray, I
work,
I never steal when my belly -full of wind..
I sin, I make confession is the same.
I work, make absolution is the same.
I love, I have no child, and is the same,
Is seventy years they giving man to live, even old
coolie,
But I spit in the face of nothing.
You break your back for seventy cane reap times
And then is ashes. A man cannot fight nothing, after all.
But wind is coming high, Houna must go. (p.68).

In Dream we have Lestrade's statement that Makak
claimed that with the camera of his eye he had taken
a photograph of God and all that he could see was
blackness. We then ask with Lestrade:-


What did the prisoner imply? That God was neither
white nor black but nothing? That God was not white
but black, that he had lost his faith? Or. or....
.what.... (p.225).
We will never know; though within his dream state
Makak has strong religious doubts. He says, "I open
my eyes and I see nothing. I see man quarrelling like
animals in a pit. The spider there for all of us".
(p.281). In fact with the exception of the last speech
by Makak, as he turns his face to Monkey Mountain,
the whole play offers death and nothingness as the
only outside force. Basil is constantly there, as well
as the spider. Basil himself tells Moustique, "I want
nothing, pardner. And I go get it" (p.270).
The only other outside force that is there is
the forest, nature, man going out and becoming
rooted, refusing to hedge, by returning to the bush.
The only time Lestrade hints at a possible search for
-an alternative to God is when he states that once he
loved the law and thought "the law was just, univer-
sal, a substitute for God". Those words by Lestrade,
of course,imply that to Lestrade God is just and uni-
versal. The closest we come to a direct comment on a
need for religious faith, is in the scene in which
Makak tries to make the sick Josephus sweat. There
he says:-
And believe in me.
Faith, Faith!
Believe in yourselves. (p. 249)
The sick man does not sweat, and Makak gives up and
says, "These niggers too tired to believe anything
,again. Remember, is you all self that is your own
enemy". (p.250). At this point it is not that the
people here have no faith in God or an outside force,
but no faith in themselves. Miraculously the sick man
begins to sweat and Moustique immediately sees that
Makak's 'power' can raise money. He collects much
money, but Makak tells Moustique that his 'power' is
not for profit. Moustique remains down to earth and
tells Makak that some day he will have to sell his
dream, his 'power' for profit, "just for bread and
shelter". He goes on to say that, "the love of people
'not enough, not enough to pay for being born, for


C II-- lea~e~arc- II


Lestrade is also that aspect of the West Indian psyche which demonstrates con-
tempt for all things native to the area, but he also represents that other aspect, the
dream of revenge on White civilization which imprisons him. This is why he can tell
Makak to behead the white woman; because he Lestrade must behead her too.


_ _____


____ I


being buried". Moustique then tells Makak that ifhe
is praying, don't pray for him but:-
Pray lor the day when people will not need money,
when faith alone will move mountains. Pray for the
day when poverty done, and for when niggers every-
where could walk upright like men. (p.254).
As I said before, that scene with the healing which
ends with Moustique pray request, stresses not so
much an outside force that will prevent the people
from being lost but the fact that they must believe
in themselves, in their inner spiritual force. The
moment the people stop believing in their inner
strength, they begin, as Lestrade observed to Market
and Sanitary Inspector Caiphas J. Pamphilion, to let
the messiah 'think' for them, and then trouble
starts for he will fail to fulfil his promise of paradise
on earth. Incidentally, Ivor Picou who played Caiphas
J. Pamphilion, just did not have a clue. His acting was
far below Workshop standard.
Something must be said about Walcott's method
of presenting duologues in his play. These duologues
work best when one character is undercutting the
other. The scene with Lestrade and Market Inspector
Pamphilion does not lend itself to the Walcott
"undercutting" method because Lestrade is too much
in command and Pamphilion is too much the very
eager listener.. The best example in the play of the
method of "undercutting" is to be found in scene one
of the play where Makak and Moustique talk in the
hut.

MAKAK: I going mad, Moustique.
MOUSTIQUE: Going mad? Go mad tomorrow,
today is market day. We have three bags at three and
six a bag, making ten shillings and sixpence for the
week and you going mad? ...
MAKAK: She know how I live alone, with no
wife and no friend. .. That Makak is not my name...
and I take her in my arms, and I bring her here.
MOUSTIQUE: Here? A white woman? Or a diablesse?
MAKAK: We spent all night here... She say I should
not live so any more, here in the forest, frighten of
people because I think I ugly. She say that I come from
the family of lions and kings.
MOUSTIOUE: Well, you lucky. Me and Berthilia
have three bags of coal to try and sell in the market
this morning. .. You had a bad dream, or you sleep
outside and the dew seize you.
MAKAK: Is not a dream.
MOUSTIQUE: Is not a dream? Then where she?.-..
bring her to market. Sun hot, and people making
money. .. Which white lady? You is nothing. You
black, ugly, poor, so you worse than nothing. You
like me. Small, ugly, with a foot like a "S". Man
together two of us is minus one. (pp.232-237).

Stanley Marshall as Moustique captures the earthiness
and directness of Moustique. In the scene just referred
to, his common sense approach makes Makak sound
all the more like a ludicrous dreamer. This is closely
related to the reductive sense of humour endemic to
Trinidad. So often in the play reductive humour is
used to keep Makak in check, least he becomes
caught up in his dream. It also keeps the audience in
check as well. The danger of the use of reductive
humour is that it can deny a potentially tragic charac-
ter tragic proportions, if each time the character enters
onto the tragic plane and makes his bid, the dramatist
cuts him down with a laugh. This does not really
happen in Walcott's Dream, which is a poem as well as
a parable as well as a play. Yet, there are some cruel
moments. For example the occasion when Makak
speaks to Corporal Lestrade and says: -

Sixty-five years I have, And they calling me Makak, for
my face, you see? Is as I so ugly. (p.322).

Tigre then jokingly but cruelly says "Get a lawyer,
old man, to fix your face'.
When Walcott was Guardian critic he constantly
stressed that a work of art whether play or poem or
painting must have "power". It would seem that his
criterion came from a familiarity with Part two of
Boris Pasternak's Safe Conduct where that Russian
great says that he would build an aesthetic of creativ-
ity on two conceptions:-
.the conception of power and the conception of
the symbol. .. The conception of power I would take
in that same widest sense in which it is taken by
theoretical physics, with this difference only, that the
subject under discussion would not be the principle
of power but its voice, its presence. I would make it
clear that within the framework of self-consciousness
power is called feeling... The interchangeability of
images, that is, art, is the symbol of power. (pp.58-59).
On seeing the play we would all agree that it has
power. To be Continued







SUNDAY SEPTEMBER 15. 1974


Lloyd Taylor

MESSINESS is the main
feature which marks the
current state of the
national revolutionary
movement in Trinidad
and Tobago. So said
Michael Als when he
addressed a small group
of people which included
representatives of other
political organizations,
churchmen and book-
sellers at the OWTU's
Port-of-Spain headquart-
ers last Friday night.
Michael Als, an executive
member of the Youth Force
and Working Class Movement,
was at the time speaking on
the State of the National
Revolution. The meeting was
also an occasion for the
launching in booklet form of
a neatly red-covered YFWCM
statement entitled A Note
Book on Revolutionary Or-
ganisation, including two
essays on "Religion" and
"Culture" by Als himself.
According to the way Als
saw it, the main drawbacks
of the movement for revolu-
tionary change were to be
found within the leadership.
It lacked imagination, saga-
city, and will; was in some
cases corrupt, unable to see
things through, and definitely
insensitive to people's prob-
lems. "They have gone off
on ego trips which seriously
affect revolutionary struggle'k
Under such conditions the
revolution was not going to
materialise. Als also noted
that the revolution was in a
state of disrepair and dis-
pute. Many felt that the
leadership had betrayed them.
Because it continued to
ignore criticism, and was
quick to define as enemies
those who criticised, many
genuine comrades had fallen
by the wayside.

REALITY'

These drawbacks seriously
affected the exercise of
national liberation. And to
the extent they indicated
that people do not under-
stand the need for internal
revolution these failures were
also a measure of our incapa-
city to create revolutionary
organisation.
Turning to the power of
the state Als noted that many
revolutionary organizations
had not yet come to terms
with the reality of state
power. The abandoning of
security consciousness was
one of the main weaknesses
of revolutionary organizations
which have in fact led to the
death of many, jail and
betrayal for others. Discipline
is non-existent; revolutionary'
work is still approached in a
"vikey-vie" manner. It
was impossible to dismiss as
irrelevant a Government that
"could jail us all here at the
current moment."
Als also pointed out that
the conditions against which
revolutionary organizations
had to struggle were not
static ones. Continuing, he
said that "comrades had re-
fused to admit a change in


the situation and have made
people commit their lives on
lines wrongly comprehended.
We must come to terms with
the fact that we are not Gods
who cannot make mistakes.
All this meant that we
were very far from seizing
power, from transforming the
society.

MISSION

Within this general picture
of pessimism Als saw as the
one positive factor the grow-
ing consciousness among the
working class of its revolu-
tionary mission, even though
it was not yet revolutionary.
In the rural areas too, Als
saw what he described as
"extremely progressive, if not


Beau Tewarie

ALWAYS ONE to take
advantage of opportuni-
ties as they present them-
selves, Eric Williams saw
fit to make a major
policy statement on
Education in his address
to the Caribbean Union
Conference at Maracas,
recently.
Two days before the
Shell takeover politics on
Independence Day, and
: two weeks before the re-
opening of school,
Williams sought again to
capitalize politically on
the explosive issue of
Education.
For the people of this
country wno must struggle
to survive each and every
day, however, this ole talk
has long ceased to have any
meaning.
Williams is now saying
that the 15 year plan isn't
working well. But the plan
was doomed to failure because
it was a short-sighted plan
that was calculated to look
impressive enough on paper
to secure money from the
World Bank, regardless of how
remote it was from the needs
and aspirations of a develop-
ing country like Trinidad
and Tobaeo.
It was a plan motivated
not so much by concern for
the educational development
of the country as it was by
political considerations. And
it was a plan handed down
by a myopic government
which could not understand
that Education could help us
to liberate ourselves from our
history of abuse.

G.C.E.

Now, with the air of
Columbus, Eric Williams dis-
covers that the G.C.E. system
results in "wastage". So what
else is new? This ridiculous
plan, which has given rise to
so much discontent and
frustration in the country is
to be reviewed. The bulk of
the population, however,
must continue to suffer
through another school year


revolutionary" positions.
Against these general
trends were pitted the activi-
ties of the enemies of the
people the state, the
Chamber of Commerce,
foreign business, centre-of-
the-road organizations, and
religious movements.
The enemies of the
people were fortifying them-
selves with arms and ammuni-
tions. Centre-of-the-road or-
ganisations while opposing
government had been attract-
ing a number of people
which "is a very dangerous
trend". It meant that re-
volutionary organizations
were not doing their work, or
were doing only a limited


under the present plan.
Certain children, however,
are not included in the plan.
11-plus rejects at the age of
twelve must fend for them-
selves. Prospects for them are
grim but the government
does not seem to be interested
in their plight. Nor does the
government have plans for
children under the age of
five. Only the well-to-do can
afford to expose their pre-
school age children to the
educational process.
Primary-school children
V iii icluninl ; i. i[ '!-`i
dreary, stifling, regimented
schools where their creativity
will be suppressed and their
human growth stunted. But
the plan begins with the i 1-


amount of work among them-
selves. Als was fearful that
this crisis was the one that
will decide a lot of issues if
revolutionary organizations
failed.

RELIGIOUS

Also making gains were
religious organizations. Als
told his gathering that he
was "personally indignant"
over the enthusiasm with
which a number of brothers
go off chanting 'Hare
Khrisna'. Sorely lamenting
this new movement along
religious lines Als observed
that many thought that they


plus examination and they
too do not matter much.
Those who have passed
the 11-plus will move on to
Form One and another series
of frustrations. Those who
have entered a Junior Secon-
dary school are not so fortu-
nate, however, for at fourteen
they will be subjected to
another examination which
will determine whether or
not they continue their
schooling. Those in the Gov-
ernment Secondary schools
will probably be allowed to

CG.E.. examinations.
The new students will
soon be frustrated by the
school experience and they
will join the older students


Turn back lorse


who merely go through the
motions of wrestling with
abstract concepts and alien
situations, and of listening to
talk and more talk, trying
desperately to express them-
selves with little success.
Besides the drudgery of
school life, there are other
things to be considered. This
"free education" established
by the 15 year plan will cost
parents a tidy sum. The cost
of books for a student enter-
ing a Junior Secondary school
is S70 minimum. For uni-
toirmis .iarts have to dish
ou t ai leasL ;5u moin aSome
parents are less able than


Continued on Page 11


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were moving to a 'new
dawn."
Out of the pointed ques-
tions and exchange of ideas
which followed Michael Als'
statement arose the issue of
opposition unity. One ques-
tioner wondered about the
possibility of NJAC joining
hands with a Marxist-Leninist
organisation. Replying to this
Als said that he was optimis-
tic, for when the common
enemy takes a lag in the tails
of both organizations that is
what was going to force them
together.
Another participant noted
that the important thing was
not whether Brother Daaga
and Brother Balfour disagreed
but instead what the people
wanted. As Als saw it, the
revolutionaries had to con-
tinue giving direction and
culture to the movement for
change whatever the current
disabilities. If only because
'turn-back lorse'.


- says Michael Als


PAGE 8 TAPIA


Edu [ lg i tion -p a a I I ) m d',







SUNDAY SEPTEMBER- 15. 1974


FromPage 4
and overt pressure to attain her desired goal. In the
present crisis, the pressure was in the form of the
threat of removal or non-replacement of needed mili-
tary capabilities. Towards small countries, the threat
of the exercise of crude power, rather than the
attempt to exercise diplomatic influence, tends to be
the first policy step. Mere power is exercised against
the assumed weak rather than the strong.
The diplomatic paralysis arises, however, pre-
cisely because there is a dearth of policy between
support for the "anti-communist" side and the exer-
cise of crude pressure. And the policy can work only
where there is a substantial degree of penetration of
the underdeveloped state, leading to a facile capacity
to reach quickly and persistently its governmental
machine and the local groups which influence.it. It
fails, as in the case of India in the Bangladesh crisis,
where this is not possible or easy.
One can see, however, the absolute importance,
if such a policy is to besuccessful, of what is suggested
in the analyses and reports that make up the Nixon
Doctrine: what is necessary is not a large and visible
military establishment on the territory of some state
that is assumed to be the likely target of U.S. -
U.S.S.R1 competition; but the establishment of viable
connections with the government or with key groups
within the state, and the provision to (and replenish-
ment of) them with needed capabilities military and
economic to sustain themselves.

MIDDLE POWERS

The second type of policy is, in essence, a
variant of the first. It is the more original of the two,
but we still have little experience, in terms of time, of
its implementation. Here the policy seems to be to
search for "middle powers" powers of some
regional strength and capability whose basic allegi-
ance is to the Western camp (it is a mistake, as we
have already suggested, to assume that in the eyes of
the policy-makers the old East-West ideological dicho-
tomy is outmoded as far as non-Great Power relations
are concerned). The task of what we might call these
proposed regionally-restricted high-status powers
would be, in effect, to establish and sustain their own
regional spheres of influence, through sharing of goals
(development and more broadly political) with other
states in the particular region.
There are not, as yet, any states in the under-
developed world, stable enough where ideologically
inclined, or with sufficient autonomous strength, to
allow this policy orientation to be tested. However, if
we can attribute a possibility of effectiveness to both
this and the -previously described policy, it can be
seen that they might be even more effective with
respect to small, underdeveloped states. Hence the
cases of Greece and Cyprus.
In the case of small states like these, the Ameri-
can post-war concern with her own emplacement on
strategic locations within the global system, in terms
of the bipolar competition, is even more pronounced.
So that the small, strategically-located state suffers
from a double burden or, we might say, disability.
Not only is there the general concern with not allow-
ing any unattached states to slip into the Communist
orbit, but strategic location makes for a special reason
for not allowing this to happen; and for not allowing
government of the small state to fall into the hands of
a political faction that is not anti-communist. Here
more than ever, the local concerns that give rise to
crises in the state are given low priority by the Great
Power.

LOCAL FORCES

The strategic significance of the state becomes
the prime determinant of the attitude of the United
States policy-makers towards the resolution of its
internal crises. No latitude is given (insofar as the U,S.
has the capacity to give this, which it often has) to
local forces which might possibly deviate from the
American view of things in the area, to evolve out of
the interplay of all the local forces.
But whereas in previous centuries in fact up
to the period of the post-war decolonisations stra-
tegic significance could be attributed to a country
with no regard for the sentiments of the local peoples,
this is no longer the case. Present-day American
diplomacy gives too little consideration to the major
determinant of politics and policy in the new states -
however much leaders of these states may from time
to time concede to short term political and even
personal considerations.This determinant is national-
ism constrained or guided by the requirements
of universal suffrage, or often where this does not
obtain directly, by a kind of populism deriving
from ethnic or racial factors.
Few political leaders can today allow anexter-
nal attribution of strategic significance to their states,
with the emplacement of military and other facilities
that this implies, without taking very direct cognis-


ance of the character of popular response to such an
attribution. Makarios, constrained by treaty to have
such emplacements on Cypriot soil, was continually
engaged in diplomatic manoeuvres that might, even
at the level of symbolism, partially negate or over-
shadow the political consequences of these. Hence
what has been referred to as his various "balancing
acts" and in part, his recourse to the diplomacy of
non-alignment.
For small underdeveloped countries, and in
particular for island-states like Cyprus, the prospects
of viability are determined by the balance of two
structural factors, both of which relate again to
nationalism, or the popular consideration of the
national situation. One is the already-mentioned
strategic location, and the other is what we can call
social composition: the mix of population in terms,
particularly, of its ethnic or racial character, and the
consequences of this mix for social stability.

SYSTEM

Social stability is as the Cyprus case demon-
strates quite clearly, a major input into the political
coherence of the state, and therefore plays a large part
in determining the capacity of governmental elites
for establishing and sustaining a politically efficient
domestic system. In the case of Cyprus, Makarios,
taking cognisance of the social composition of the
island, was bound to deviate from his original com-
mittment to Enosis (union with Greece) and to seek
alternative means of maintaining nationalist support.
This he did by trying to give the state significance as
a non-aligned one. Here, not only was the ethnic
character of social composition important in leading
him to this policy, but so also was the mixed ideol-
ogical character of the components making up his
support (the electorally-strong Communist Party of
Cyprus, AKEL, gave the Government support).
In fact, the central objective of Makarios's
policy seems to have been to prevent a situation where
popular (Greek-Cypriot) dissatisfaction with his
Government's diplomatic orientation (of non-align-
ment rather than enosis) might coincide with ethnic-
ally inspired political instability. It is surprising that
American policy-makers, deriving as they do from a
country which has so elevated the ideology of
political pluralism, should always have such little
tolerance for political leaders in small countries who
have to engage in essentially the same kind of opera-
tion. The difference tends to be of course, that the
political centre in these countries is further to the left
than is that of the United States, and the social-
political factions are perhaps less stable. In small
countries, the risks attached to mismanagement of
the political forces are greater than those in large
countries, where there is the possibility of playing for
time and political re-grouping among the large number
of factions.

AMERICAN PENETRATION

The treatment of the Greek situation over the
last few years falls within the same general policy
orientation. Strategic significance took precedence
over a policy which might have, given the extensive
American penetration and therefore de facto interfer-
ence in that country, taken much more cognisance of
the need to allow the development of a government
more representative of the situation of, this time, an
ideologically derived political pluralism now embed-
ded in the social framework. Instead, political plural-
ism was persistently subordinated to military domina-
tion.
Nationalism a populist-inspired determination


to ensure a relatively autonomous direction of the
state, is going to be one of the significant determi-
nents of external policy in the new states, irrespective
of size. It is time that American policy-makers devote
themselves to more clearly delineating, and then
acting upon, the mix of variables that go into the
evolution of policy so determined.
The traditional Great Power inclinations, whe-
ther of the ideologically bipolar variety, or of the
geopolitical kind that determine and exalt strategic
significance above other considerations, must give
way to principles and policies based on a cognisance
of the varieties of states in the global system today.
Realism and detente will have to be applied to more
than Super Power relations.


1 Airt r.-\kut. V






SUNDAY SEPTEMBER 15, 1974


Brazil


Cost-Of-


Living


strikes were the biggest in
Brazil since the government
of General Arturo Costa e
Silva issued Institutional Act
Five in December 1968 to
break the backs of the
unions and maintain what
amounts to a. permanent state
of emergency with full
powers in the hands of the
.executive branch.





In another area of protest,
Sao Paulo supermarkets have
been the scene of consumer
"riots". The housewife demon
strators demand bigger sup-
plies and lower prices in
essential items such as beans,
flour and meat.
The student sector has also
resumed activities with under-'
ground leaflets that denounce
the repressive nature of the
regime.
Before the term of Emesto
Geisel runs out, the fallacy of
the "Brazilian miracle"
could be demonstrated more
icearly than ever.


bring




consumer




'riots'


17 n S 0 e6 /


THE BRAZILIAN mili-
tary regime confronts
three serious problems
that jeopardize the econ-
omic system as it now
stands: inflation, the
foreign debt and the
growing discontent of the
population.
General Ernesto Giesel,
who became president
March 15, inherited a
complex economic situa-
tion that calls into
question the under-
pinnings of the "Brazilian
miracle."
Foreign investors favor
Brazil over other Latin
American nations because of
its cheap labor and raw
materials and the security
provided by ten years of
.repression.
One of the basic condi-
.tions set by transnational
companies for operations in
Brazil is a permanent battle
against inflation. Of course,
in underdeveloped countries
investors are more liberal
when it-comes to the rate of
inflation becuase their level
of profits is far higher than
in developed countries.
But this tolerance of
monetary loss of value has its
limits. While inflation was
high (88 percent in 1964;
,54% in 1965 and 38% in
:1966) investments were
relatively low.
The big investment flow
began in 1969' when the
inflation rate was under 25%
according to official figures.
"'he former treasury minister,
Antonio Delfim Neto, set an
anflafionary limit of 12% for
1973, but despite drastic
pleasures such as cuts in real
wages, government subsidies
for services and raw materials
provided to private industry,
the ceiling was left far be-
hind.
In his final message to
Congress, ex-President snlio
Garrastaiu Medici preferred
to use the cost of living index


lin Guanabara State (15.5%)
and omitted that of Sao
Paulo, where exactly half the
economy is concentrated and
whose cost of living had risen
close to 27%, according to
the Joral do Brasil.
Money supply was to have
risen 20% according to the
Central Bank, but in fact it
increased by nearly 47%.
Another inflationary index:
the Bank of Brazil increased
its loans in Guanabara State
;(including the city of Rio)by
nearly 49%.
The state statistical
agency (Getulio Vargas
Foundation) reported a 30%
boost in food prices, though
in some basic items such as
beans the hike was an impres-
sive 135 percent in 1973.
Prices have continued to
rise in the first quarter of
,this year (in February alone,
3.5% in Sao Paulo, three
times higher than in the
same month of last year).
The Medici government's
anti-inflationary measures in-
cluded a 30% petroleum price
subsidy between November
15 and February 15. The
idea was to keep up auto
industry expansion on the
local middle class consumer
market.
Oil prices rose more than
threefold between January
1973 and the first month of
this year, according to Petro-
bras.
Giesel's treasury minister
Mario H. Simonsen and the
National Petroleum Council
say that the country's oil bill
this year will come close to
three billion dollars. This and
increases for other raw
material imports indicate that
inflation in 1974 will be 50
to 60%.
Brazilian imports last year
were slightly over six billion
dollars and this year will
.probably be from nine to
ten billion.
Exports $6,198 million last
year) will have to top nine
billion to maintain a favorable


trade balance.
Former treasury minister
Delfim Neto stated early in
March that the foreign debt
had reached 13 billion dollars.
During the Medici presidency
(1969-74) I:;. .... .
rose from six to 13 billion
largely due to the facilities
provided for overseas inves
tors and for the establish-
ment of new factories.




About 20 percent of
foreign trade income must
thus go for keeping up pay-


I i .


ments on the foreign debt.
In addition the military
regime spends more than a
third of its hard currency
reserves on purchase of know-
how, according to official
Brasoi ciauncu iia n ,c -......
indirect transfer of technol-
ogy tops the billion doixll
a year maik.
Geisel wili confront iot
only economic but also social
problems with the 80 mniiiion
Brazilians (out of 100 million)
who benefit little or nor at
all from the "miracle."
Gasoline price boosts have
given rise to two taxi strikes
so far this year to demand
higher fares. These street


In Is:


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and


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an ideal


Gift too.



iAVE A .DEMIONSTI ATI(ON TODAY


KIRPALAN'S
NATIONWIDE AGENTS AND STOCKISTS


nAGE 10 TAPIA


' You always
Y You always


wanted


sew...


BERNINA
makes it easy -


m~m


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~BERNIN


elb' )


A.!





SUNDAY SEPTEMBER 15, 1974


Mama Doc on dying


Greg Chamberlain
AS THEY lazily contem-
plate the Caribbean sun-
set from the verandahs
of their ill-gotten luxury
villas overlooking the
Haitian capital and jostle
for influence in the
corridors of the presiden-
tial palace in their
expensive suits, the heirs
of Papa Doc are anxiously
bracing themselves for a
traumatic new experi-
ence: "Duvalierisme sans
Duvalier".
Although official silence
is complete, all of Port-au-
Prince knows that inside the
big white palace built by US
Marines on the city's main
square, the old dictator's
widow, "Maman Simone",
the "Guardian of the Sacred
Torch of the Revolution"
and undeclared ruler of the
country since her husband's
death three and a half years
ago, is dying of leukemia.
Her condition worsened
recently and according to
reliable sources she has now
been given the last rites.

HENCHMEN

Few think that the young
President-of-Life, 23-year-old
Jean-Claude, will be able to
defend his title for more than
a few days once his mother
has gone. In spite of the
public relations efforts of the
regime andlocal US diplomats
trying to projcf an i image of
peace and stability, Jean-
Claude has never really ma-
naged to wrest power from
the combination of his
mother and the group of his
father's hard-line former
henchmen who surround
him, to become a ruler in his
owni-ight.
But as things are being
planned at the moment noth-
ing much will change when
.the gruesome sage of the
;Duvalier family's 17-year
dictatorship comes to an end.
Waiting in the wings are a
;number of figures, each with
their supporters in the armed
forces, who are ready to
seize power in order to main-
tain the spectacular Duvalier-
ist spoils system and the
fearsome police apparatus to
which they owe their present
wealth and power.
The leading candidate to
preside over "Duvalierism
without the Duvaliers," as
this solution to the ramshackle
republic's problems is refr-
red to in Port-au-Prince, is
Clovis Desinor, a 60-year-old
millionaire and former
Finance Minister whom Papa
Doc axed. just before he died
because he suspected his
ambition.
Desinor has long been the
favoured candidate of the US
State Department, which con-
siders he did a reasonable job
in the five years he was
Minister, although there is
little evidee to support
this.
Anotlhtt candidate is
Henri Sidd't an old mulatto
who heads the notorious
Regime du Tabac, .the Govern-


Power struggle inaiti

Power str ug le in alti


ment's wholesale food and
staples monopoly, out of
whose unbudgeted annual in-
come of some 10 million,
pound the Duvaliers have
paid their secret police and
themselves throughout the
years.
Paul Blanchet, the eccen-
tric old-guard Duvalierist
whom many expected to
become the regime's strong-
man when Madame Duvalier
named him Interior and De-
fence Minister last March, has
failed to consolidate his
position and is probably out
of the running,
Tougher old-guard figures,
such as the Secret Police
chief, Luc Desyr, and the
elderly commander of the
presidential guard, General
Garcia Jacques, still have
some fight in them, but they
have lost many of their col-
leagues as the regime has
made token attempts to give
itself a "clean" image since
Papa Doc's death.
Something might go wrong
with this tidy scenario, al-
though there is little likeli-
hood of any popular explo-
sion. In the past few months,
however, bomb attacks have
shaken Port-au-Prince and
mysterious fires have des-
troyed State property or that
of the regime's allies.

ARMED CLASH

A wave of arrests of
alleged "subversives", the ex-
pulsion of a well-known
French priest for similar
reasons, and the enforced
departure of a senior United
Nations aid official who had
complained about corrup-
tion, have pointed to the
nervousness of the "Conti-
nuers of the Duvalierist
Revolution", as Haiti's rulers
call themselves.
More ominous was a recent
armed clash between a unit of
the new US-trained anti-
subversion force, the Leo-
pards, and their rivals the
National Security Volunteers
(the Tontons Macoutes),
which left at least three dead.
It is not at all unlikely that
the army will simply take
power, with US encourage-
ment, if the Duvalierists fail
to agree among themselves.
Many Haitians are hoping for
this outcome because it
might lead to a genuinely
reformist regime which would
make honest efforts to put
Haiti back on its feet and
begin to heal its long-fester;,g
internal wounds. But there
are no signs so far that such
a regime might emerge.
The Duvalierists and their
allies received a heavy blow
three weeks ago when they
were attacked by two power-
ful erstwhile friends at a US
Senate sub-committee hearing
on US aid to Haiti.
The Texan president of
the company whose 99-year
'contract to develop the off-


shore island of La Tortue
into a multi-iillion-dollar
freeport and tourist centre
was cancelled by the regime
called for an immediate end
to aid.
The head of the US arms
firm Aerotrade, which the US
Government had been using
to resume arms shipments to
the regime and to train the
Haitian armed forces (notably
the Leopards), complained

Ec
From Page 8.
others to pay a lump sum of
$120 plus at once, but then
that is the price of "equal
opportunity".
In addition, most children
have to travel and all must
eat. More money that is
needed for every single day
of school. If parents of some
of these children are un-
employed, as many of them
are, well...
The lack of an adequate
school transportation system
means that children have to
compete with adults for
places in buses and taxis. Not
an easy task 5 days per week.
According to the manager


that the Duvaliers had flatly
refused to pay for a million
dollars' worth of arms they
had delivered.
The World Bank and its
agencies have just resumed
loans to Haiti after a gap of
10 years and Washington is
maintaining its friendly rela-
tions with the regime for the
usual strategic geographical
reasons.


But there is little doubt
now that the United States
will rejoice at the end of the
"Duvalierist Revolution"
now that the ruling class
inside and outside the palace
have apparently managed to
organise themselves to main-
tain "stability", to keep the
system going, and generally be
much more discreet than the
Duvaliers about how they
steal the State's money.


location plan doomed


of one bookstore, book prices
have increased 50% over the
last 5 years. One bookstore
dealer also stated that, there is
a duty of over 30% on school
uniforms. There is even a
10% purchase tax on crepe
soles. "Free education" there-
fore seems to be good
business for the government
but"equal opportunityseems
.to be hell for many citizens.
And so it goes on, another
year of miseducation and
abuse despite all the plans,
ideas and ole talk. The onlyway
education can become mean-
ingful in Trinidad and Tobago
is if there is integrated plan-


ning for the nation as a
whole. This will mean stock-
taking, rethinking, reshaping
and rebuilding. And the end
result will be radical and
sweeping changes in the
social, economic and political
structure. Williams and the
P.N.M. can never conceive of
this.

Hence all we can expect
is plenty talk about reform
but only minor changes hee
and there. The truth is that
you cannot expect a radical
plan from a reactionary gor-
ernment. And a radical plan
is what we need.


the new addition
a boutique within aboutique....
our drapery and upholstery boutique
now open and catering exclusively
for distinctive interiors that demand
only the very best in fabric and
creative design.






Srrupstairs downtown
ral e 15 FREDERICK STREET
S(formerly 'Waterman'a')
ul 48-52 CHARLOTTE STREET
U IQ (with Free Car Park)


C~ C ~ ~ I ~ ~ ~ _-I


TAPIA PAGE 11


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lirs. Andrep Talbutt,
Research Institute for
Study of !Man,
162, East 78th Street,
NE'! YORK, I.Y. 10021
Ph. Lehigh 5 84
U.S.A.


_ NYERERE


BLANKED


Tapia Reporter


THE reception planned
for Tanzanian President
Julius Nyerere at the St.
Aug. campus, U.W.I. last
Tuesday, turned out to
be embarrassing both for
the visiting leader and
members of the univer-
sity community.
The Tanzanian leader and
a convoy of other officials,
including Nyerere's wife
visited the U.W.I. on their
way to take a flight for
Tobago.
About three-hundredlmem-
bers of the university com-
munity-mainly workers and
lecturers gathered on the
lawn facing the Administra-
tion Building. The university.
is still on vacation and only


ON


few under-graduates were
present.
President Nyerere was
introduced to Pro-Vice-
Chancellor, Lloyd Braith-
waite, signed the Visitors
book and then met the Heads
of the various Faculties on
campus and the represent-
atives of the Guild of Under-
gr dluates.
Then began the embarass-
ment as Nyerere turned
around to face the crowd
gathered on the lawn.
Obviously, the African
leader, who is Chancellor of
the University of Dar es
Salaam, wanted to say a few
words to the university com-
munity.
And clearly the crowd
wanted a word from Nyerere.
The official party and the
lawn crowd were only separ-
ated by a few yards of open


MEMBERS of the Mate- at Queen's Hall in Port-of-
lot community and of Spain on the 6 October.
the "Friends of Matelot" Among the artistes will
organisation have planned be the Mighty Chalkdust, the
a concert for next month Sparks, the New World
to raise funds to purchase Performers, led by Astor
a multi-purpose vehicle. Johnson, Learie Atwell, the
The concert will be held Love Feast, St. Helena's

L__


CAMPUS


space.
A murmur went up and
many persons began to drift
away as -it became clear that
there wasn't going to be any
talk.
Nyerere himself had to be
put through the torture of
listening to the jacketed
Minister of Education, Carlton
Gomes, obviously trying to
explain something about
U.W.I. of which he knows
even less than of primary
and secondary education.
Aftei a tour of the physical
facilities (the regime is always
proud of the number of
buildings it has built, not
what is taught inside them)
the official party left for
Piarco and Tobago.
While' a commentary on
the political significance of
Nyerere's visit is still to be
made what the visit brought


out in very symbolic ways is
the stark differences between
the two systems.
One could see the differ-
ences in life style when
Nyerere made the toast in the
Port-of-Spain Town Hall with
orange juice, while Governor-
General, Ellis Clarke, the
Queen's representative, had
to have champagne.
Throughout the. visit, the
Tanzanians appeared in tradi-
tional or open clothing suited
to the climatic conditions
while PNM officials and other
local "dignitaries" couldn't
worm their way out of their
jackets and ties.
When Nyerere asked
Hector McLean whether he
had permission from his
Prime Minister to drink
brandy, obviously, he was
trying, as diplomatically as


Village, and several other
individuals and groups.
The vehicle is expected to
serve as an ambulance, a
transport for agricultural and


fishing produce to marketing
and storage centres and for
any other purposes required
by the village.
The Matelot management
committee has already held


deserves a statesman, to
the lavish tastes of the regime.
Insensitive as ever, several
of the receptions were held
in those foreign-owned hotels
like the Crown Reef.
What showed the difference
most clearly however was in
Nyerere's radio and television
address.
The statement was frank
and, truthful. He admitted
shortcomings theTanzanian
Revolution, outlined the
problems and tried to show
how his country is attempting
to build a just and humane
society.


There was no bombast, no
contempt for his people, but
an understanding that did not
become patronising or unreal.
Rather than stress and tap
the weaknesses of his people,
Nyerere is clearly trying to
build on their strengths.
The Tanzanian Revolution
is not even half-way there, as
Nyerere admitted, and as in
all revolutions, it may never
reach; may become diverted
into repression or corruption
or authoritarianism.
If there is any lesson for
us it is in the philoso3hvy of
the TANU movement which
begins with the traditions of
the society, and resolves that
only through self-reliance and
self-help, through an analysis
of the society which begins
with what is, and not through
borrowing foreign models, can
a country hope to achieve
equality and self-respect.



three functions to raise funds
for the vehicle.

Two members of the
"Friends of Matelot" or-
ganisation are to live in
Matelot and serve as liason
with members in other areas
of the country.


DAYCLEAN is the name of
the latest addition to the
growing list of radical little
papers in the Caribbean.It
is being published as a jo-
int effort by four radicals
SGuyanese organizations,Work-
ing People s Vanguard Par-
ty,Ratoon,IPRA and ASCRIA"
The first edition,a broad-
'Idet,is being published this
'month.
In a statement of purpose
in me ltrst edition,the


publishers state that their in-
tention is t( "explain to
our people the oppressive
system in Guyana,to -attack
it to show that it can be
replaced by another sys-
tem."
The publishers also state
that because of the
muzzling of the Press in
Guyana,DAYCLEAN is
printed in Trinidad." It
is printed by the Tapia
House Printing Co,Ltd.


Council


of


representatives


meeting


unday Sept15,


1974


9.30a.m.TapiaHouse


PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY THE IAPIA HOUSE PUBLISHING CO. LTD. 91 TLNAPUNA RD., TUNAPUNA 662-5126


FRIENDS OF MATELOT


DAYCLEAN


__


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