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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00125
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: September 1, 1974
Frequency: completely irregular
 Subjects
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
 Notes
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00125

Full Text
TBRXRIET
RESEARCH iNSTMIT1I
FOR THE STUOY OF MAN


Vol 4 No 35 W K Special Independence Issue 25 c

SUNDAY SEPTEMBER IST 1974


f' you're thi g
about expanding your business
take thistwo minute tour of
Tinidad and Tobago.
pnonry.
Trinidad andTobage
ones new foreign inv
i which brings in expert'
technology, and acce
port markets and we
sessions toqualifyir
tries.
Branch plants gr
Trinidad and Tob:
S ,Cana-diancompar
lng and business cial institutions a
Our annual per-capitain- here.Maybeyor
ome as the highest in the Forourfree
Caribbean, and the third high- out obligation,
est'in Southand Central Owen Alves o
America. Director in T(
We're theleading industrial 863-0133.
if Hcou aony in the Caribbean Free Orcompl,
Trade Association(CARIFTA coupon. Or
S~ protected marketofover ness card tr
S5 million consumers. In
were overTT $100 million. IrT. .iTr
l J We manufacturefordom- Toot '
Sestic and/or export markets. ,
S We operate one of the largest Mi i
k coilrefmeries in the Common- I-_
wealth. Our refinery through-
pi 1972 was over 145 milic IFc_
Recent discoveries of oil
S id natural eas have incren- l --


AUGUST 31 this year is
being called Vesting Day.
The Government of this
country says that on that
day, the twelfth anniver-
sary of our formal Inde-
pendence, the properties
of Shell Overseas Holdings
in Trinidad & Tobago will
be vested in the people of
this country. Not even
the Government's awk-
ward public relations
efforts will stir up any
popular enthusiasm for
this William-style econ-
omic radicalism.
At the same time, develop-
ments on the labour front, in
which workers have been
attempting to vest themselves
with some say in the way in
which industry is run, are
among the factors that have
ensured that the eleventh
year of Independence ends,
as it begun, on a high pitch
of political excitement.
In September 1973, the
country was plunged into a
fever of speculation by Wil-
liam's announcement of his
impending retirement. ITapia
did not buy the story and
told the nation so.
In December of that year,
Williams, thwarted by our
exposure of his cynical
attempt to manufacture a
greater show of popular


support, was forced to take
back his marbles from the
hapless Hudson-Phillips.
That shabby episode cost
him very dear: it lost him
many of his remaining sym-
pathisers and it exposed to
the world the deep divisions
within his party. It was a
colossal setback insofar as
regaining popular support was
concerned.
The issue of his survival in
the face of growing opposition
from right and left remained
to be resolved.
In the Pussonal Nonarch's
battle for survival, two
developments during the year
were of incalculable value.
First, the ansformation of
the intern aonal oil scene
created a/golden opportunity
for Trinidad & Tobago to
take c large of its foremost
indus ry and lay the founda-
tipns for the future prosperity
of the state. Characteristically,
Williams saw oil in the new
situation only as a "defensive
weapon".
Yet, despite the regime's
dismal lack of insight and its
chronic inability to put itself
into a position of firm con-
trol over the industry, and
despite the singularly luke-
warm popular response to
Williams' series of Radio-TV
hookups, the developments
in oil and the consequent


IUNTRY


doubling of state revenues
were enough to fill the
hearts of the faint-hearted
with despair.
More significantly, the
long-awaited report of the
Wooding Commission, upon
which so many hopes were
pinned for our political
salvation, not least so by
those who had dismissed the
exercise in Constitution Re-
form as irrelevant, turned
out not to reflect the deepest
yearnings of the country for
a new dispensation and to be
incapable of rallying the
nation to a nobler purpose.

CONSERVATISM

By its conservatism, it has
not only failed to serve as a
rallying point for progressive
forces, but- may yet provide
the opportunity for Williams
to attempt to make political
gains by appearing to con-
cede a more liberal system.
In the early months ot
1974 sugar workers, among
the lowest-paid and hardest-
working of the populace,
sought to shake the iniquit-
ous regime imposed by Com-
pany and Union. At the same
time, Shah and Lennard were
organising their brother cane-
farmers, and for a while the
combination appeared to


some observers to be potent
enough to effect far-reaching
changes in the industry.
In the end, the State,
State-owned Caroni, and their
allies in the Union and the
Canefarmers Association
proved to be too much.,
The long guava season that
followed now appears to have
come to an end. Some com-
mentators are even going so
far as to say that recent
workers' actions indicate that
They are "intuitively" reach-
ing out towards "socialism".
What is true is that recent
industrial disputes have high-
lighted workers' growing
determination to have some
say in at least those manage-
ment areas which directly
impinge upon their lives, and
has also shown up a growing
'impatience with union leader-
iships which are felt to be too
accommodating to the
established political interests.
To that extent recent in-
dustrial action, and not least
in its repudiation of the
I.R.A.,does take colour from
the political struggle in the
country at large.
iLabour, as the one area in
which popular self-organisa-
tion has been well established,
has always played a crucial
role in moving the political
game forward. Williams has
long understood this, and his


response has been either to
try to co-opt union leader
ships or to repress the move-
ment as a whole.
Those who wish to preserve
the status quo never cease to
drum into our heads that
unions should stay out of
politics. Unions will have a
lasting political impact only
when they align themselves
politically, however, so that
what is happening on the
political stage is of the greatest
importance.
Even in the face of the loss
of popular support, a divided
party and an illegitimate
Parliament, Williams still dis-
poses of tremendous power.
The control of the State and
its coffers, of the mass media,
and the power over men's
livelihood that acquisitions
like that of Shell create are
the elements of ihis real
political base. It is with this
array of power that the forces
of change must come to_
terms.Cont'd on back page


EDITOR'S NOTE:
Many thanks to Victor D.
Questel for valuable
assistance rendered in the
production of the Inde-
pendence Literary Supple-
ment.


BUYING


""C~G~








SUNDAY SEPTEMBER 1ST 1974


Dennis Pantin


THE Trinidad and
Tobago Government will
pay approximately three-
times over for Shell's
holdings when it dishes
out $93.6 million for the
oil compt iy's assets.
This is 'he estimate of Dr.
Trevor Farrell, U.W.I. Econ-
omics lecturer, who has done
his post-graduate work on the
T&T Oil Industry.
Government was also
beaten on the technical
aspects by agreeing to the
"crazy" proposal to make
payment within one year with
75 per cent or $70.2 million
payable on August 31.
Dr. Norman Giirvan, Jamai-
can economist, has shown that
the two crucial issues in
nationalising any foreign in-
dustry are the basis of pay-
ment and the timing of pay-
ment.


There are three bases for
payment -- book value, re-
placement value and market
value.
Book value is simply the
sum of all the historical costs
of the. fixed assets in place,
minus the amounts historically
incurred for depreciation of
these assets.
Replacement value is based
on how much it will cost the
firm to replace the assets.
Since the cost of equipment
is always rising, replacement
value will always be higher
than net book value.

MARKET VALUE

Market value is based on
the estimated profitability of
the assets over a period of
time, after reducing these
estimated future profits by an
amount which represents the
fact that future income is
worthless than current ir
come.
Market value is normally


the highest means of these 3
bases of valuation, and is,
naturally, the basis of the
original Shell position.

INFLATION

Although Government has
not published the details of
tile agreement, it is felt that
the final price was a little
below market value.
Tle basis most favourable
to the country would have
been the net book value.
By agreeing to make pay-
ment within one year, with
75 per cent on August 31,
Government has saved Shell
from inflationary effects
which would have reduced
the realvalue of the debt over
time.
Shell is also protected
from the possibility of a new
Government taking office and
changing both the means and
timing of payment.
The longer the time period
of payment and the lower the


THE DEMERARA MUTUAL


LIFE ASSURANCE SOCIETY LTD.




Serving


the people of San Fernando through

Frank McIntosh Clarke


Tele. 652- 4907


more and improved


services


to


our policy holders in the north

Denzil Mapp Regional Manager

Tele. 62- 51230


ALL profits


go to

the policy holders


interest rate used, the more
favourable are the terms to
the Govt and the less so to
the company and vice versa.
Most countries which have
na tionalised foreign com-
panies, have made payment
either out of future earnings
of the company or through
Government bonds payable
over periods ranging from 8
to 20years.

MARKETS
In both cases, there is a
hedge against the foreign com-
pany or country imposing
restrictions on markets.
Government will pay the
$93m. for the Point Fortin
refinery with a capacity of
100,000 barrels per day, land
and sea wells producing 25,000
barrels of crude daily, 84
service stations, a Liquid
Petroleum Gas plant at Penal
and a Luboil plant at Sea
Lots, Port-of-Spain.
Shell's land fields are al-
most exhausted, the Soldado
fields are declining, while the
South East coast consortium
has not begun production.
The refinery is capable of
processing more crude than
Shell produces locally and is
also reported to be run-down.
Workers say that the refinery
is held together by spit and
rubber-bands.
The refinery, like the
Texaco operations, specialises
in "heavy ends", required in
the metropolitan countries of
the North Atlantic.
The Dutch-British oil com-
pany has been preparing to
leave Trinidad for several
years now and has been
rmir-inig '"down its refinery
equipllent uand not. imporutng
spare parts.

CUTBACK

The Government will
therefore be faced from
August 31 with the owner-
ship of an oil company
which does not produce
enough crude oil to meet the
demands of its refinery, which
is run-down in any case, and
with no markets for its pro-
ducts.
Already there are reports
of a decision .to cut back on
refinery throughput. Within
one year, $93m. of scarce
foreign exchange will be in the
coffers of the Shell Treasury.
What would a serious
Government have done?
Well, for one thing it
would not have allowed itself
to be bamboozled.
Shell has been planning to


Council

Meeting

Sept. 8

A SPECIAL. meeting of tile
Council of Representatives
takes place on Sunday
September 8th at 9.30 am.
at the Tapia House.
The groundwork will be
laid for the National Assembly
to be held in Poir-of-SpaIin
later on. All area represent a-
tives and oilier members ot
tile council are asked to imnake
Special effoml to atten.l


ditch its Trinidad operations
for years, since the complex
has only been marginally
profitable- in teirns ol, the
global operations of this multi-
national corporation.
Dr. Farrel points out that
Shell is only here for his-
torical reasons having been
set up in 1913 to provide
fuel for the British Navy.
If Government were really
serious, it would tackle
Amoco, the biggest crude
producer in the country,
with an approximate daily
production of 73,000 barrels
of crude, out of an estimated
total daily production of
180,000 barrels.
The important criterion
for the country is the econ-
omic value of the Shell assets.
This depends on some terms
of reference or priority.

PETROCHEMICALS

To Farrel, Trinidad and
Tobago should be concerned
with utilising its crude produc-
tion to refine products for
the Caribbean market, begin-
ning with the English-speak-
ing Caribbean, and the
establishment of a number of
spin-off industries manufactur-
ing the wide range of petro-
chemicals products.
It is in this context that
one has to look at the existing
refining capacity, both Shell's
and Texaco's, which are
geared to the production of
"heavy ends" for the North
Atlantic market, and based to
a large extent on imported
crude from the Middle East
and elsewhere. In the mean-
time, Amoco, the largest
crude producer, is exporting-
this crude to its refineries in
the United States.
The value of the refinery
to the country depends on
the slate of products it is
technically capable of produc-
ing efficiently. This slate is,
in turn, related to the market
for the products.
According to Dr. Farrel,
what the country needs is
one modem refinery with a
capacity of 200,000 barrels
per day, geared to producing
"light ends" like gasolene,
kerosine, etc., and the petro-
chemicals.
This is the reason why any
serious Government would
tackle Amoco. The latest
estimate of reserves of natural
gas in the East Coast fields
stands at some 25 trillion
cubic ft. of natural gas.
Instead, Government has
spent $93m. to purchase a
shell.




Diego api



FETE

THE Independence fete
planned by the Diego Martin
Tapia group p comes off as
planned on Friday Aug.
30th.
The fete is a fund ruslne
venture sp)onsored by the
Diego Martlin (Giop. I.
and drinks will be on shle nnl
admission is SL-.50. Time S
pnm.


Agency Manager


Offering


PAGE 2 TAPIA







SUNDAY SEPTEMBER 1ST 1974


Tw 'e Power and t I I I

Il k 'I I *mrI


I Lennox Grant

SINCE the culmination of
Watergate with Nixon's
resignation on August 8,
the profession of journal-
ism probably stands tall
and proud in the world
today.
When the break-in of the
Democratic National Com-
mittee headquarters in Wash-
ington D.C. took place just
over two years ago, it was
four days before any mention
of it appeared in Trinidad
newspapers.
It was viewed as small-
time crime in Washington too.
The big national daily, the
Washington Post, routinely
assigned two junior reporters,
Carl Bemstein and Bob Wood-


ward (then 28 and 20 ycis
old) to cover the story.
During two years of re-
searching and writing, this
team built the story into the
biggest coup of investigative
journalism for all time.

ACCOLADES
They have won countless
accolades, notably the coveted
Pulitzer Prize, and a place for
themselves in history. A book
they have written on their
experiences has become a
best-seller, soon to be made
into a film, starring Robert
Redford.
The unknown young
journalists, therefore, men
from the Galilee of their
profession, set a-rolling the
ball which knocked over some
of the most powerful figures


in America like so many
ninepins. Ending with the
kingpin himself.
The achievement of Bern-
stein and Woodward has
served also to reopen an old
question: how powerful is the
press really? A President,
head of the mightiest state
in the world, has been
brought low; how much did
the press contribute to this
undoing?
At first sight, indeed,
Watergate seems to confirm
the views of some political
and journalistic theorists who
have held that the press could
do a power of good. Pulitzer
himself, for example, once
asserted:
"The press may be licenti-
ous, but it is the most
magnificently repressive moral
agent in the world today.


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More crime, immorality and
rascality is prevented by the
fear of exposure in the news-
papers than by all the laws,
moral and statute, ever
devised."
The great Joseph Pulitzer
didn't, of course, -intend the
word "repressive" to have the
same connotation it carries
today. (He died in 1911). A
champion of crusading
journalism, he saw in his last
days a flourishing period of
investigative reporting the
results of which probably
convinced him of its potential
for good.
And investigative journal-
ism is apparently flourishing
again. Six weeks ago, TIME
magazine reported that
"applications to journalism
schools are at an alltime high,
and many of the youngsters
say that they want to be
investigative reporters."
It is perhaps only a little
ironic that the Washington
Post team won a Pulitzer
prize not so much for the
prevention of "crime, rascality
and immorality" as Pulitzer
put it, but for crime detection
and law enforcement.

EMULATION
All the same, Nixon is gone
"to disgrace, and investigative
reporting is riding high.
Here in Trinidad, our dis-
tance from the action State-
side may be more apparent
than real. Through Robert
Redford the "glamour" of it
all will before long be with us
on film, refurbishing an old
allure which has attached itself
to the profession of journal-
ism and giving new life to the
myths.
Meantime there will be the
books, papers, magazines,
influences and fashions
which will continue to come
our grateful way along the
well-travelled path from he art-
land U.S.A.
We are therefore easy


game for the reasoning that
the American system proved
its viability in Watergate. The
villainy of a Nixon would be
more than made up for by
the virtues of a free and
vigorous press.
A system, in other words,
that is worthy of emulation,
starting with their free and
vigorous press.
If the American press has
redeemed America in the eyes
of the world, their next task
must be to redeem the Ameri-
can press in the eyes of
Americans. A Gallup poll
some months ago .showed
that 67 per cent of the people
interviewed thought that
"newspapers are not careful
about getting their facts
straight."

CREDIBILITY

It is this credibility prob-
lem of the US press which
enabled Nixon to claim for
so long that Watergate was
simply a vendetta pursued by
those who had never accepted
his "mandate of '72", as he
called it.
It is also true that a lot of
the vigour of the American
press today is due to the
powerful moral leadership in
crusading journalism of the
"underground press" of the
sixties and early seventies,
which often showed up the
smugness of the conventional,
established press.
Another feature is con-
centrated ownership. As much
as 90% of the news that
reaches the American public
comes from two wire services
- (UPI and AP), three TV net-
works, Time Inc., the
Washington Post Syndicate
and two other smaller news-
paper chains.
"The managements of these
enterprises could sit quite
comfortably around a small

Cont'd on Page 6


EDMUNDO


sets the pace


in


Shoes

HENRY ST. & FREDERICK ST, P.O.S.


TAPIA PAGE 3







SUNDAY SEPTEMBER 1ST 1974


PAGE 4 TAPIA


THE history of the Joint
Select Committee on Ex-
ternal Affairs, very often
referred to as the Foreign
Affairs Committee, (FAC)
is tortuous and confusing.
When it was existent,
many members charged
that it was non-functional.
In fact, many members
did not know when it was in
existence and were confused
about its functions.
The idea of a Foreign
Affairs Committee germinated
at the Independence Confer-
ence at Marlborough House in
May 1962. The Government


and Opposition agreed that
there would be collaboration
on matters of national impor-
tance and as a result, it was
decided to set up a FAC.
This agreement evidently,
was to be implemented very
soon if we can judge from
the words of the Prime Min-
ister in January 1963. He
remarked.
"I was surprised when I
came back and found that
it was not done. I gather
that they said they would
not do it while the leader
of the Opposition and the
Prime Minister were away.
Okay, I accept that."


THE


F.A.C.


An Independence Committee


Finally a FAC of the
House was set up in 1963,
and although there was no
regulation for the setting up
of a Joint Committee, the
House Committee members
met with members of the
Senate in July, 1963.
At the first meeting of the
loint Select Committee its
functions and powers were
discussed. An Opposition
member confessed that after
this meeting


"both sides seemed to be
confused on the scope and
powers of the Committee."
At thatvery meeting it was
decided that amendments to
tle- Standing Orders of both
Houses were necessary.
This took some time so
that in the interim, during
the first debate on foreign
affairs, an Opposition Member
'inquired about the Committee
because he thought that it
would have been consulted


-- By -

Basil Ince


Your Move

Let us each become all that we are
capable of being. Expand if possible,
to our full growth; and show ourselves
at length in our own shape and stature. Independent
of all others for our validity, and free from the prison of
poverty.

Be Independent.



N-CB







BANK
Live a better life, RINIDAD&TOIAGOLTD) Bank in your BanK.
The National Commercial Bank of Trinidad & Tobago 60 Independence Sq., Ridgewood Shopping Plaza, Arima.


that

hasn't

worked

in 12

years

prior to the debate.
On June 2, 1964, the
Opposition Member be-
moaned that fact;
"that several decisions are
-taken on foreign policy
and the Leader of the
Opposition and other
Members of the bipartisan
committee are not con-
sulted."
The charge of non-con-
sultation was one that was to
be frequently levelled at the
Government.
The Chairman of the FAC
explained why the Standing
Orders of both Houses had
not forseen the formation of
such a committee. He stated:
"....the parliamentary in-
stitutions of the country
do not envisage the forma-
tion of such a committee,
and there was little or no
precedent first in the
parliamentary tradition of
the Commonwealth."
This explanation is not
without substance. Richards,
.writing on parliament and
political parties in England,
observed that;
"No Select Committee has
yet been established to
review foreign affairs. Such
a Committee would en-
counter special difficulties.
Some of the information
which has a vital influence
on foreign policy is strictly
confidential, at least in the
short term."
Perhaps it was the delicate
nature of negotiations be-
tween nations that a ranking
Government Minister had in
mind when he warned:
"And indeed it is clear
that all matters in connec-
tion with external affairs
cannot be publicly de-
bated. The moment you
do that you show your
hand quite clearly, and the
whole value of your
negotiation....is defeated."
Richards further amplifies
the objections to increasing
the availability of such in-
formation:
"Foreign policy is also
either acutely controversial
or it arouses little interest.
A Foreign Affairs com-
mittee might be tempted
to act on the political
model described above. If
it did so the Committee
would then lose its non-
party character and the
Government would involve
party loyalty and party-
discipline to prevent any
serious challenge arising
from its deliberations.
International Relations do
fall within thie category of
fairly limited or technical
topics tlat are most obvi-
ously suitable for Select







INDEPENDENCE LITERARY SUPPLEMENT SUNDAY SEPTEMBER IST 1974


AW q





U I


TAPIA PAGE I


I stood on the sand, I saw
black horsemen galloping towards
me, they were all white like
the waves and turbanned too
like the breakers, their flags
thinning away into spume, white,
white were their snorting horses,
I saw them. It was no dream. They
rode through me, riding from
home, as fresh as the waves
and older than this sea,
rider and breaker one cry.
I have seen them at a ceremony
of lances, white-robed knights,
I forget the names of our tribes.
They are coming, I\trembled,to claim
their brothers, to bring them
home, thundering round the edge
of the breach, exploding from sight.
Spears shoot on the edge
of the wave every moonlit night.
The horsemen will keep their pledge,
the knights of Burundi.




















































Genesis

And, laterally,
in Adam's pulsing eye,
the erect ridges would throb and rec

a bleat under the fig tree and a sky
deflating to the serpent's punctured
repeating, you will die,

this, this is dying,
God and I,dying, everything defeat
by this decreasing victory,

while the woman lay still as the settle
there was another silence
all was thick with it,

the clouds given a mortal destination
the silent shudder from the broken I
where the sap dripped

from the torn tree of knowledge,
while she, his death,
turned on her side and slept.
The breath he sighed was his first rea
What left the leaves,
the phosphorescent air
was both God and the serpent leaving
Neither could curse or bless.
Pollen was drifting to the woman's h
his eye felt brighter,
a cloud's slow shadow slowly covered

and, as it moved, he named it Tendei


The Wind

in the
Dooryard
(for Eric Roach)
I didn't want this poem to come
from the torn mouth,
I didn't want this poem to come
from his salt body,
but I will tell you what he celebrated:
He writes of the wall with spilling coralita
from the rim of the rich garden,
and the clean dirt yard
clean as the parlour table
with a yellow tree
an ackee, an almond
a pomegranate
in the clear vase of sunlight,
sometimes he put his finger
on the pulse of the wind,
when he heard the sea in the cedars.
He went swimming to Africa,
but he felt tired,
he chose that iway
to reach his ancestors.
No, I did not want to write this,
but,,doesn't the sunrise
force itself through the curtain
of the trembling eyelids?
When the cows are statues in the misting field
that sweats out the dew,
and the horse lift its iron head
and the jaws of the sugar mules
ruminate and grind like the factory?

I did not want to hear it again,
the silence of broken windmills,
the noise of the ivy creeping
over the broken palings,
the quiet of nsoss
stitching the abandoned baracoons,

but the rain breaks
on the foreheads of the wild yams,
the dooryard opens the voice
of his rusty theme,
and the first quick drops of the drizzle
the ibations to Shango
dry fist .as sieali on e tfore!head
and our icais also.
The peasant reeks sweetly of bush,
he smells the same as his donkey
they smell of the hibh, high country
of clouds and stunted pine,
the man wipes his hand
that is large as a yam
and as crusty with dirt
across the tobacco stained
paling stumps of his torn mouth,
he rinses with the mountain dew,
and he spits out pity.
I did not want it to come,
but sometimes, under the armpit
of the hot sky over the country
the wind smells of salt
and a certain breeze lifts
the :sprigs. of the coralita
as if, like us,
lifting our heads, at our happiest,
it too smells the freshness of life.


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Down the dead streets of sunstruck Frederiksted,
the first freeport to die for tourism,
strolling at funeral pace, I'm reminded
of life not lost to the American dream,
a village idiot's simplicities
can't better our new empire's civilised
exchange of cameras, watches, perfumes, brandies.
for the good life, incredibly underpriced,
only the crime rate here is on the rise
in streets blighted with sunlight, stone arches
and squares biown dry by the hysteria
of rumour. A condominium drowns
in vacancy. Its bargains are dusted
still, but only a jewelled housefly drones
over the prices. Cancer of the spine
scares all the Virgins, and the fear has spread
to every island disc. The roulettes spin
rustily to the trade wind, the old trade
I can remember blowing clean and fresh
whipping up the water round the pierhead
to where the banks of leaping silver thresh.






'INDEPENDENCE SUPPLEMENT SUNDAY SEPTEMBER 1ST 1974


DU ON MOENrT MOWNWrxh


VictorD. Questel

TWELVE years ago in the
,Quarterly magazine
Dance, Drama, Art Music
Volume 1, No 1,
June 1962page 23, it was
reported that Derek
Walcott was writing "a
new full length 'folk
epic' entitled TheDream
ofMonkey Mountain .


,which promises to surpass
Malcochon land Ti-Jean I."
Though the title has
changed slightly that promise
was, to a large extent, ful-
filled in the more economical
version staged at the Little
Carib Theatre from the first
to the sixth of this month.
Walcott is constantly defining
what is happening in his play
Dream On Monkey Mountain
'from here on referred to as


Dream) and this makes it
more difficult for the com-
mentator to arrive at an
independent assessment,
though of course he need not
agree with Walcott.
In July of 1967, just after
the Trinidad Theatre Work-
shop had made is tour of
Barbados, Carl Jacobs of the
Guardian spoke to Walcott;
he asKed him about his
"latest play." Walcott replied,


In perspective


stating that ;Dream was "an
attempt to cohere various
elements in West Indian folk
lore, but it is also a fantasy
based on the hallucination of
an i.d woodcutter who has a
vision of returning to Africa."
(Sun. Guardian July 23rd,
1967 pg. 5).


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In The New Yorker of
June 26th, 1971, in an article
entitled Man Of The Theatre,
Walcott is more expansive,
more ready to give details.
His comments there are worth
quoting. He says in part:-
"Monkey Mountain" is
about many things,.. It's
about the West Indian
search for identity, and
about the damagethat the
colonial spirit has done to
the soul. Makak and the
people he meets in the
play are all working out
the meaning of their cul-
ture; they are going
through an upheaval, shak-
ing off concepts that have
been imposed on them for
centuries Makak is an
extreme representation of
what colonialism can- do
to a man he is reduced
to an almost animal-
like state of degredation.
When he dreams that he is
the king of a united Africa,
I'm saying that some sort
of spiritual return to
Africa can be made, but it
may not be necessary. The
romanticized, pastoral vis-
ion of Africa that many
black people hold can be
an escape from the reality
of the world around us. ..
The problem is to recognize
our African origins but not
to romanticize them.
In Makak one can see the
coming together of two
antecedent characters from
Walcott's plays. I am thinking
of Victorin in the play lone
and Chantal in- the play
Malcochon.
Victorin, the head of the
tribe Victorin, sees himself
as a man.who was once a king
in Africa where he was' res-
pected and had real authority.
But Victorin is forced to face
the fact that he is not a king.
He says:-
I am no king, I am black
in this country, Perhaps,
once in Africa, in the old
country, the title of king
would not be ridiculous,
But here, is a joke; they
send white men to picture
us, And behind the. blue
eyes you can see they are
,smiling. A black king is no
king, tiens, what is king,
I am an old man, and a
king is ridiculous. There
is emperor death, and he
is black also. (Act. 1 pg.
20).
Such lines are reshaped by
Makak in Dream the much
more organised and meaning-
ful play. Makak cries:-
I was a king among
shadows. Either the sha-
dows were-real, and I was
no king, or it is my own
kingliness that created the
shadows. Either way, I am
lonely, lost, an old man
again. Death is the last
shadow I have made. The
Carpenter is waiting.-g.304
Chantal in Malcochki is,
as I said, the other antece-
dent to Makak. He, like his
literary descendent, lives
alone. He tells the old man:-
Cont'd page 3


.PAGE 2 TAPIA


i;
J_
r~1





TAPIA PAGE 3


SUNDAY SEPTEMBER 1ST 1974


from page 2
in the forest there is the
rainy mountain where no
ian was, I was a happy
old man, just me and old
God. But man have a time
to come down. (pg. 205).
Makak tells the court:-
"Sirs, I am sixty years old.
I have lived all my life like a
wild beast in hiding. Without
child, without wife. People
forget ne like the mist on
Monkey Mountain. (pg. 226).

If Dream offers the
opportunity to see the evolu-
tion of a playwright's concept
of a specific character, it also
offers us a play which both
n itself and its central charac-
ter, it also offers us a play
which both in itself and its
central character summarises
the playwright's aim.
It has always been Walcott's
aim to do justice to two
traditions; the elemental and
the classical. As he said in his
article entitledlMeanings pub-
lished in Savacou No. 2:-
I am a kind of split wirter;
I have one tradition inside
me going in one way, and
another tradition going
another. The mimetic, the
narrative, and dance ele-
ment is strong on one side,
and the literary, the clas-
sical tradition is strong on
the other.
In The Dream On
Monkey -Mountain, I tried
to fuse them,but I am
still after a kind of play
that is essential and spare
the same way woodcuts are
clean, that dances are
'clean, and that Japanese
cinema is so compressed
ihat gesture does the same
thing as speech. (pg. 48).


duals, with leaves over their heads, andred streamers
falling from their hands, just did not advance the
action or give us information we did not know or
would not have learnt later.
Errol Jones obviously understood Makak inti-
mately and therefore was able to reveal to us the
various levels of meaning that the character carried.
Makak is the visionary who discovers that whether he
is way-side preacher or poet there is always betrayal
and loneliness, simply because this materialistic world
can no longer tolerate a spiritual truth. This world
will try to sell it and failing that, it will smash it by
indifference, scorn or legal exaction.
The play as a whole argues Walcott's private
position that spiritual wholeness for the Caribbean
people is possible only if they execute the fear of
whiteness and the desire for whiteness in non-political
terms as individuals, rather than doing so as a group
led by a politician who will want them to do so in
physical terms of violence and destruction, as an act
of revenge.
Continued next week


It is obvious from the recent run of Dream that
the play is arriving at that point of perfect balance
between dance, song and verbal literariness, Andrew
Beddoe as principle drummer and singer gave the
play the rhythmic control and vocal presence that it
required and deserved. The fluidity of role-changing
achieved by the Sisters of Revelation, who, in
addition to being the chorus, were also the giggling
women in court, the market-women and the wives of
Makak, aided the economy of the production.
The women involved were Noble Douglas, Avis
Martin, Stephanie King, Jerline Quamina- and Adele
Bynoe. Makak, portrayed by Errol Jones, was a
moving figure of incoherence and lucidity, apehood
and kingliness.
Makak was obviously created to accommodate
the 'split' in Walcott. Makak manages to make the
return journey to the bush and at the same time to
accept the reality of being a charcoal burner.
Incidentally, to criticize the play on the grounds
that at times the language is not suited to the cha-
racter, Makak, seems to me pure nonsense, simply
because Walcott sets the play in the imagination of
Makak it is a dream, and in a dream all things are
possible, as well as permissible.
Tne cl;alciinge uf making the seveia! triisitions
on stage acceptable and credible was met with an
apparent ease. Only one transition for me,,lacked
credibility and that was the change from jail to forest
after Makak and the two thieves escaped. The indivi-


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IN tPENDENCE SUPPLEMENT


PAGE 4 TAPIA


THE CREATIVE WRIT


Gordon Rohlehr

For Lamming the ground of
new hope lies in a conception of
history as growth and possibility. To
gain this, Caribbean man must reclaim
his past. Citing the Haitain Ceremony
of Souls as a time where the dead and
the living meet to discuss their com-
mon future, he writes:
"It is not important to believe
in the actual details of the cere-
mony. What is important is its
symbolic drama, the drama of
redemption, the drama of re-
turning, the drama of clensing
for a commitment towards the
future. A part for our clensing


has to take the form of our
backward glance, not in a state
of complaint or in a state of
rancour but the backward glance
as part of the need to under-
stand."
("The West Indian People" New
World Quarterly Vol. II No. 2 (1956)
p. 65).
Lamming reinforces this point
about the need for a mature approach
to Caribbean history in what is per-
haps, his best essay.
Caribbean Literature: The Black
Rock of Africa," African Forum Vol.
I, No. 4, (Spring 1966) pp. 32-52).
Pointing to the emergence of a
clearer vision of Africa in Caribbean
literature, and the acceptance of roots


by the Black man, Lamming writes:
"When a people in certain
political circumstances try to
make a brake with the past, they
may have rejected, return in
order to seize it consciously, to
disentangle it from the nights
a n d fears that once made it
menacing,they return because
this urgency ;o discover who and
what they are demands that the
past be restored to its proper
perspective, that it be put on
their list of possessions. They
want to be able to say without
regrets or shame or guilt or
inordinate pride: "This belongs
to me. What I am comes out of
this."


Walcott himself makes a similar
statement. "This problem is to
recognize our African origins but not
to romanticise them." The New Yorker
(June 26, 1971).
In "What the Twilight Says: An
Overture," which is the long lyrical
introduction of Walcott's book of
plays, Dream on Monkey Mountain
and OtherPlays, (1970), Walcott also
states the need to gain a perception of
history and self which goes beyond
both shame and pride:
"Pastoralists of the African re-
vival should know that what is
needed is not new names for old
things, or old names for old
things, but the faith of using the
old nar.es anew, so that mongrel
as I am, something prickles in
me when I see the word Ashanti
as with the word Warwickshire,
both separately intimating my
grand-fathers' roots, both
baptising this neither proud nor
ashamed bastard, this hybrid
This West Indian. "(p. 10).
This is the closest that a writer
in the English speaking Caribbean
has come to Guillen's concept of the
mulatto. For Walcott, as for Guillen,
the two grandfathers, the black and
white, need to meet and sing. In-
terestingly, though, Walcott in his
poems tends to be more concerned
with his white grandfather's ghost, and
the process of reconciliation that he
seeks is by no means a simple or easy
one.
In "What the Twilight Says,"
he describes his boyhood, and what
comes across is the figure of the child
detached from crowds, from the drum
and dance of the streets. but yearning
to understand, and labouring to love
and capture his island on plaette, on
on stage, and in poetry.

MULATTO

This detachnent and ti.; feeling
still strong in Walcott and Creole
speech was an inferior language for
poetry, bred in him what he describes
as a sense of schizophrenia.
His aim as artist has been to
make creative use of this schizophrenia,
and by doing to fulfil the duel elements
of his heritage. But since the heritage
of his white ancestor was more available
in literature, Walcott's point of de-
parture, his models, were Shakespeare,
Milton, Donne, Yeats, Joyce and.the
great Romans and Greeks, his concept
of African sensibility vague, and his
approach to Afro- Caribbean speech,
rythms and folk-lore, ambivalent.
For example, he seems to have
viewed Creole speech and sensibility


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SUNDAY SEPTEMBER 1ST 1974




ER ANDW.I SOCIETY


as a defect to be liberated from, a
relic of his people's illiteracy on the
one hand, and something.which he
could exploit artistically on the other.
"What would deliver him from
servitude was the forging of a
language that went beyond
mimicry, a dialect which had
the force of revelation as it in-
vented names for things, one
which finally settled on its own
Smode of inflection, and which
began to create an oral culture
of chants, jokes, folk-songs and
fables." (p. 17).
Walcott's position on these things
is perpetually shifting. Because he
begins by accepting schizophrenia, he
needs to swing between the halves of
his fragmented self. This has meant
considerable ambivalence towards the
Afro-American "soul" culture which
now seems to have absorbed the
sensibility of the youth in the islands.
In "What the Twlight Says" he
condemns it most vehemently, as
mimicry, and t .e importation of the
slogans, dress and neurosis of Afro-
America into the islands. In 1971 in
his June 20 interview wi t h The
Guardian,, he seems to have come tc
better terms with the new currents of
feeling and behaviour.
"The cultural expression- of the
Black Power movement is a
ghetto expression which is for-
mulated in soul and funk. The
folk expression projected by the
Ministry of Culture is a pastoral
image of the folk asserting its
African roots when that one is
principally confronting fan
urban expression with the same
roots. It is just that superficially
the forms differ. Organically
there is no difference in roots of
pastoral folk image. If you re-
press the political expression of
succeeding generation which has
the same roots you are therefore
also trying to suppress the
cultural direction of that genera-
tion."
In "What the Twlight Says,"
Walcott had on several occasions mani-
fested a tendency to view the Black
Power thing simply as revenge, anti-
white racism unknown to his genera-
tion and sloganeering by "reactionaries
in dashikis."
Both the politics and the culture
of the youth were summarily rejected
in In a Fine Castle,i a play which
Walcott wrote after the 1970 marches
in Trinidad.
One notes though that in the
July & August 1973 issues of\Caribbean
Contact Walcott substantially tempers
his assessment of the 1970 movement.
There he is more sober, sympathetic
and accurate.
Walcott then, holds open the
concept of a mulatto West Indian
culture, but in practice is unsure of
what this means. The ground remains
slippery, and -the ambivalences as
extreme as those expressed in the final
stanza of "A far Cry from Africa"
"I who am poisoned with the blood of
both. Where shall I turn divided to the
vein?"
The 'answer still seems to be
everywhree and nowhere. For if both
aspects of one's mulatto heritage are
really poisoned, their integration
through art will remain at best an
agonizing, at worst a futile process
"Ought oughts are ought."


Wilson Harris's position, sketched
in above in my brief treatment of
Palace of the Peacock has been ela-
borated several statements of the
mid-sixties. The Caribbean artist is
first seen as a necessary refugee from
his society. Sigillcantly,
"Once he has committed himself
to a struggle beyond a given
exercise or function, political
academic or technical once
he has entered an arena where
his resources are ultimately the
deepest and most problematic
resources of the imagination -
he may grow to find no true
alternative remaining to him but
to endure his confrontation with
the Faustian character of the
the modem world, both with-
in or without, and of the neces-
sity for freedom to visualise
proportions of change and con-
flict which a limited society
(however sympathetically inclin-
ed) cannot afford to follow in
depth."
". .... .the creative artist may


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find every line of retreat once
he has ventured beyond the en-
trenched positions in such a
society barred to him for a
long time to come."
Because the society cannot af-
ford to follow the artist in his deep
journey beneath its entrenched posi-
tions and prejudices, it needs to exile
the artist, or to nullify his vision.
"The inevitable destiny of the
imaginative artist tieretore, in
relation to such a society is
one of automatic rejection at
this stage by the society. For the
value of such an imagination
related to no party or faction:
it is an imagination wmnch dis-
cerns the fallibility of conven-
tional assumptions about the
nature of conquest (whether the
conquest of man or the conquest
of place) and therefore stands
"out there" in a problematic
encounter with history, which
a closed society (or vested in-
terest in patterns of power)


NEW FASHIONS
IN


cannot follow with the best
of intentions in the world -
and may be unable to follow for
along time to come."
(Wilson Harris; "Impressions
After Seven Years," New World
fortnightly No.44, (25 July
1966) pp. 17-20 (Guyana) )
Harris here repeats and deepens
Lamming's description in Pleasures of
Exile (1960) of the plight of the
Caribbean artist. But Harris, like
Lamming, knows. that it is facing up
to this plight that worth will emerge.
He next focuses on the world
situation of trauma and fragmentat-
ion, and next on the Caribbean world,
which he views as similarly shattered,
and racially a microsmic version of
the world. There is, he says
"the extraordinary need for an
exploratory tradition that will
seek to relate disparate bodies,
not only in a particular society
such as this but throughout a
world civilization that is fast
Continued on Page 7


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ilAi-i,t VAULlt 5






.INDEPENDENCE SUPPLEMENT SUNDAY SEPTEMBER 151 i/94


Geoffrey Martin

SAN FERNANDO has
had a history of theatre
activity. The Drama Guild
has been with us for
twenty years. It was
founded by Horace
James, with its aim
vaguely expressed as "the
development of Drama in
the South." They have
done a variety of plays,
both by foreign and local
playwrights
Their latest hit was a
production of Shakespeare's
"Macbeth". They even had a
playwriting contest, to en-
courage local playwrights.
However, there has been no
follow up in this area.
The Carnegie Players had
been in existence for more
than twenty years. They re-
cently dissolved. One has to
realise at this point, that these
Groups started at a time
where to be a member you
had to be of a certain class.
Poetry reading like drama
performances was considered


0


a social event. It was an era.
of art for social upliftment
and personal aggrandizement.
Yet, Calypso and other indi-
genous trends have remained
with us through the existence
of a struggling working class.
These two groups have
produced a wealth of talent,
actors such as Herbert Webb,
Stanley Marshall, Albert La
Veau, Sullivan Walker, Ralph
Maraj, Stephanie King, Errol
Pilgrim.
However, this talent has
not remained in South.
Almost all of these people
have either moved to the
North or migrated abroad to
exist.
It leaves one to question
the reason for this. It is
indeed sad to note that after
twenty years of striving
through various social hurdles,
Drama Guild in particular,
still does not have a large
enough Theatre audience and
this is because we have not
yet developed a theatre
consciousness in our so called
artists and our audiences.
Continued on Page 8


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'PAGE 6 TAPIA


OUR GREAT TEST
"A Nation like an
individual can have
but one Mother,
The only Mother we
recogniseis Our
Mother -
Trinidad & Tobago.
If there is Love
between Her Children,
one for another,
A Mother cannot
discriminate; All will
be equal in her eyes."









Front Page 5
is no common tongue, the common
language is located in myth, in arch-
etypal symbols, which, Harris seeks
tershow, proceed from a common or
collective unconscious.
Unity, harmony, reconciliation
of divisions within the individual and
between factions, are the stated aim
of Harris. His quest is for a form
fluid enough to contain all the divi-
sions he perceives, and for a philoso-
phy which goes beyond the vision of
history as "an overwhelming-ordeal
without release".
Harris's work is about this quest
for form and harmony. His aim is to
concentrate on human man.
The West Indian artist.... has a
central theme or symbol, and
that symbol is man, the human
person,j as opposed to the Euro-
pean artist whose symbol is
masses and materials.
(Tradition, The Writer and
Society, New Beacon. London,
1967, p.13) )
I would say that the European
artist's concentration is also on man,
ind that the value of Harris's per-
ueption here is that it seeks the
humanity of Caribbean man which lies
beyond the simplistic categories, in
which Caribbean thinkers often try
to "imprison" the Caribbean exper-
ience. Harris accords the W.I. artist
a dual role.
"Bear in mind we have to be
true both to the diminished man
in the Old World (that is, we
must bring him into focus) and
we have to be true to the urgent
realization that man is still an
original creation (that is, we
have to move that diminished


INDEPENDENCE SUPPLEMENT SUNDAY SEPTEMBER 1ST 1974



The creative writer


creature through our work in a
manner that is disturbing, so
disturbing, that vitality and
power are realized as a very
strong possibility."
This is Harris's stated aim, which,
unfortunately time does not permit
us to explore here. How far he su-
cceeds in this aim and whether the
reader is not too often lost in paradox
to be redeemed by myth, are ques-
tions which ought to occupy us later
on in this session. The point is that
Harris's aim is to keep open the sense
of man's .possibility in the face of his
diminishment, which goes beyond the
a priori assumption that West Indian
history is masterly predetermined,
fixed and static.
This brings us to the work of
Edward Brathwaite. Unlike Walcott,
Brathwaite does not dwell on the
motion of schizophrenia, although he
includes it in his view of Caribbean
man. He speaks nore often of ex-
ploring the ground of sensibility
which he sees as "rich, ripe, ready
and waiting", even though it is shat-
tered.
Indeed, this paradox is brill-
iantly stated towards the end of
Islands, where Brathwaite points the
artist to "this broken ground." The
ground is "broken" both in the sense
of "shattered", and in the sense of
being ready for cultivation.
And the ground is immense; no
less than the entire tradition of music,
rhythm, speech, rhetoric and religion


of the Africans in the Third World,
plus, of course, what isinherited from
the distant white ancestor.
Brathwaite does not deny the
English language or tradition, but re-
gards the African connection as his
true base, his starting point. His ex-
plorations in form, his innovatio-
ns based on rhythm and theme are
practically endless; and he points to
several directions which Caribbean
poetry may take.

REDEMPTION

Reading him, I have a sense
both of the grimness of Caribbean
history and politics, and of open hor-
izons, a limitless morning for Caribbean
man, which counterpoints the recur-
rent image of twilight in later Walcott.
It is with these two concepts that I
want to leave you. They are summed
up in two statements injIslands ; the one
near the start and the other in the
middle of the book, both of which
pertain to Caribbean history. First,
looking at how generations of West
Indian scholars have maintained the
traditions of plantation society,
BratFwaite declares:
and the wheel turns
and the future returns
wreathed in disguises
The Future returns : That is the
future is predictable. It is little dif-
ferent from the past because of the
uncreative, and acquiescent attitude


TAPIA PAGE 7


of the Caribbean elite. lhus the static,
fatalist view of history at this point
in the book.
But later on, as the narrator of
Islands passes through several initiat-
ory rites and agonies connected with
the folk religion of his people, he
achieves a dynamic open concept of
history and a sense of his creative
potential. Thus in "Negus" he ex-
plodes:

"I must be given words to re-
fashion futures like a healer's
hand".

Here, the future lies open. It can
be "refashioned", changed from the
inevitability to which the fatalists and
nihilists condemn it .... This open-
endedness in Brathwaite's work, is, to
my mind, one of the finest gifts which
he offers to the Caribbean literary
scene. The horizon is unlimited, and
the land, the ground of our being
unfolds. It has only to be worked.
The shards of history are material for
building in the present, and the artist/
citizen redeems the past and reclaims
it by creating in the present.

TO SUMMARIZE: a number of
creative writers in the West Indies has
arrived at the conclusion that hope foi
development in creative writing lies in
the redemption and reclaiming of the
fragmented past Each writer, natur-
ally, has a different notion of how this
is to be achieved, and this difference
is reflected in the richly various ap-
proaches to form, the improvisation
and experimentation, which are taking
place on the West Indian scene today.


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ilNDEPENDENCE LITERARY SUPPLEMENT SUNDAY SEPTEMBER I ST 1974


AFTER theirvery success-
ful Tanti Go See We
the ISWE group located
at Kairi House on 10
Pelham Street Belmont
now presents Tree
tings on the weekend
of September 6th, 7th,
and 8th and the weekend
of September 13th, 14th
and 15th at 8.30'p.m. at
(airi House.
Tree tings is really
three one act plays written
by members of the group.
There is A Love Story
written and directed by
Christopher Laird, which ex-
plores the tensions between a
pragmatic woman and a naive
and impotent man. The roles
are played by Celia Georges
and John Warner respectively.
Then there is Victor
Questel's: Doctor He Dead,
which explores the mental


"Tree tings"



by



I.S.W.E.


breakdown of a young man.
The play is a fantasy that
takes place in the man's mind,
and is written in the absurdist
tradition. In the play Judith
Laird plays the role of the
simple minded nurse, while
Paul Keens-Douglas as Bill
and Trevor Millette as
Eustace play the roles of the
Doctor's secret agents. The
Doctor'is played by Christo-
pher Laird, Victor Questel is
Davis the insane young man.
The play is directed by John


The Arts scene in



San Fernando


From page 6

In other areas of Theatre
- Dance, IMusic, Writing -
the Groups have faced a
similar history. There has
been a struggle for meaning
and relevance'throughout: We


have at present, over twenty
five (25) art groups in San
Femando. There is also the
presence of a San Femando
Arts Council which sees its
role as one of advancing the
creative arts in San Fernando.
iThe Councii comprises


most of the Groups in South.
They hold an Annual Festival
of Arts and produce a yearly
Magazine Gayap One of
their objectives ;is setting
up a Creative Arts Centre on
Circular Road in San Fer-
nando. However, the problems
of the Group's hav. been


Warner.
The js:t 'ting' is Sugar
George, Sugar George
is really a wake held for the
late talented pan-man 'Sugar'.
The whole group is involved.
Michelle Sogren brings to life
the bereavement of Sister
Margaret, Sugar'smother. The
play is directed by Paul
Keens-Douglas on whose
poem the play is based.


Tickets are
$2.50.


on sale at


transmitted to the Arts
Council which is more of a
super-structure. It concen-
trates on physical things as
buildings and festivals.
They have even gone as far
as having a Press Conference
and Cocktail Party at the
Governor General's residence
to launch their 1974 Festival.
It has therefore failed to help
direct the artist, and assist
them in understanding the
pulse of the society. The
result of all this is work with
no directionand.xelevance.;..--. .
Why has this been so'! The


YIu


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work of the Groups Ias
shovn their view of Art
which is "Airt fri 'Art's Sake.'
lThere are mniy variety con-
certs and drama Shows aimec
at exposition and entertain-
mnnt.c They accept "Art" as
hobby and a past-time
Thus the art work
begins to rot. It has no sub-
stance. The ones who are
obviously responsible for this
are the Group leaders. Some
of the leaders use their art as
a means of recognition. But
generally speaking, they have
no commitment to change or
to living theatre.
INSENSITIVE
This is so because they are
insensitive and in some cases
unaware of the changes that
take place around them.
All this stems from a lack
of understanding- of the
society in which they live and
a lack of political commit-
ment. They. are therefore
very superficial andlack direc-
tion.
It may also be noted that
the ones able to express their
views are afraid, probably,
because of the political per-
secution that would ensue.
Our only hope for meaning-
ful Living Theatre lies in the
efforts of Groups like Per-
forming Arts Technical Team,
which is not a Drama Group,
but is gradually evolving into
one. P.A.T.T. is a Group of
young vibrant people who
are definite on where they
are going.
P.A.T.T. held a Symposium
on Art earlier this year, with
a view of evaluating 'commit-
ted Art'. It was meant to
make artists stop- and -.hink
before moving on P.A.T.T.
realized that there are a few
other people with similar
commitments, but the
problem was and is to bring
all these people together.

AUDIENCE
"Theatre" can be con-
sidered as one of the most
potent tools for effective
social and political change.
This is so because theatre
works in the minds of people.
"Living Theatre" must relate
to the surrounding and the
future of the society. It
shows the social and political
events of the era and at the
same time, acts as a mirror,
whereby the society can see
reflections of itself.
The artist working within
this framework must there-
fore understand the potential
of this tool and experiment
with it. He must be sensitive
to the changes that are going
on around him.
The reaction of the
audience or viewers is also of
paramount importance. It is
by this, that the artist is able
to realise the success of his
work. To sum it up "Living
Theatre" helps in making us
realise where we are and
where we are going.
The Borough of San Fer-
nando is gradually expanding
and it is noted as the Indus-
trial Capital of the country.
It is flanked by the oil and
sugar industries and there are
other developing industries.
The general hope is that with
this expansion, there will be
a simultaneous development
in cultural trends particularly
among the working class
people.


__ _
------------- ---


- I


rA.r, 0 l AIA






. J-%A .t 1-kL- .0


FIASCO


Committee treatment."
The purpose of amending
the Standing Orders was to
ensure that the FAC would
sit continuously throughout
the life of Parliament and not
go out of existence at the
end of each session.
When the report to con-
sider the amendment to the
Standing Orders was being
debated in the House, the
Opposition member took the
opportunity to express his
displeasure at the manner in
which the Committee
(appointed before the stand-


ing Order was drafted) had
been treated and shifted to a
frontal attack on the Prime
Minister.
The Opposition Member
supportedd the idea of a FAC
put was;
"convinced that as long as
the matter of foreign
affairs remains in the
hands in which they are
now, the Foreign Affairs
Committee will serve no
useful purpose. It will be
just a waste of time, as has
the FAC that has been
appointed so far has been


Ladies


clothes


a waste of time over the
year that it has been in
existence."
Thus, this Opposition
Member was not challenging
the usefulness of such a com-
mittee but was charging the
Prime Minister with bad faith
in putting to work a serious
committee as described by a
Minister;
"we have taken steps to
have this committee or-
ganized along proper lines,
especially to give it powers
to send for papers and
witnesses and also to en-
able it to sit during the
recesses."

QUERY
One Opposition member
demurred on charging the
Prime Minister with bad faith
.on the creation of,a serious
committee.
When the first FAC ceased
to exist at the prorogation of
Parliament, a new committee
was appointed in mid-Decem-
ber, 1964 under the amended
Standing Orders.
However, less than four
months after the membership
of this new committee was
announced, an Opposition


Member had the opportunity
to label it "a Rip Van Winkle
Committee." He made it clear
that when Trinidad and
Tobago's admission to the
OAS was being raised;
"It pleased Government to
seek the opinion of the
PNM Central Committee
instead of referring this
matter of such vital
national importance to the
Committee on Foreign
Affairs."
The Opposition Member's
charge was not without sub-
stance, since it was sub-
stantiated nearly seven
months after the Committee's
membership was announced.
A Government Minister had
cause to say that it had
"never met since the
appointment of the mem-
bers, because no matter
has been referred to it."
It becomes apparent that
when the new members of
the committee were appoint-
ed in December, 1964, the
Committee did not function
thereafter. Some four years
later a member was to plain-
tively query the Committee,
asking why it was defunct.
Three months later another
member was questioning why.


a joint select committee has
not been appointed in accord-
ance with the Standing
Orders. A Government Min-
ister responded that the
Committee would be appoint-
ed in the near future and this
was duly done when the
members of a new committee
were named in May, 1969.
BACKGROUND
As on former occasions,
the Committee has not been
heard from as yet. One fact
emerges from this historical
background of the Com-
mittee, namely that it has
been virtually non-functional
whenever it existed. Caution
is exercised by using the word
"virtually" since there has
been mention about a sub-
committee of the FAC going
abroad to visit various mis-
sions.
Since there is no prece-
dent for such a Committee in
England, why did the Govern-
ment undertake to create such
a committee? It is possible
that in the euphoria sur-
rounding independence and
the desire to have substantial
agreement at the indepen-
Cont'd back page


I II I III


SYou always

waanted her t
sew...


BERNINA
makes it easy -

and an ideal


Gift too.


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KIRPALANI'S
NATIONWIDE AGENTS AND STOCKISTS


JOSEPH

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Gents suitings


-t'lr;;FaE'~;U'--'LLUL-71


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_~_____ _~~__ ~---1. _X----IP-~---~_ __ __ ___._,,1


--


I -


aulNIJAY *jP-Jrlr-l~llbrA ia1 irlLt






SUNDAY SEPTEMBER 1ST 1974


PAGE 6 TAPIA


STHE Government of Barbados has failed, or refused, to
see the writing on the wall. The constitutional changes
at present being unilaterally proposed by Errol Barrow's
DLP government are directly contrary to the trend of
opinion everywhere even as it transpires, in Barbados.
At a time when the Caribbean public
is realising that the chief fault of our constitutional structure is
the over-concentration of power in the hands of the executive,
and particularly the chief executive, Barrow is proposing to put
through Parliament a number of changes that would concentrate
power even more strongly in his own hands than it is already:
From a reading of the proposed changes it seems that
Barrow might even have copie-1 from the Trinidad and Tobago
Constitution precisely those articles which the Wooding Report
proposes to liberalise (for all that the Wooding Report model is
itself, in its overall effect, a blueprint for dictatorship).
What makes the authoritarian motivation of the changes
even more blatant is the fact that the Government at first gave no
reasons, however implausible, for the proposals, and its Ministers
found themselves literally unable to advance any justification for
them when confronted with the understandable curiosity of the
Barbadian public.
As a result of a mounting wave of protests which the
Government, incredible as it may seem, completely failed to

a ?


From page 3

table in a small room," one
writer has observed.
It is not only that this
short "Who's Who" opposed
Nixon consistently on Water-
gate. This "elite" power bloc
of the press brings with it the
peculiar combative tradition
of the American press in their
dealings with politicians and
the authorities.
Nixon thought he had it
hard. But in 1793 President
George Washington com-
plained that his press critics
abused him "in such exag-
gerated and indecent terms as
could scarcely be applied to a
Nero; a notorious defaulter;


.or even t a common pic-
pocket."
And then the American
press empires are big business
corporations. The giants of
American journalism have
been multi-millionaijes:
Joseph Pulitzer had
homes in America and
Europe; spent his life sailing
round the world with a large
retinue of secretaries, and ran
his empire by telegraph.
Henry R. Luce, co-
founder of Time, was once
able to get the late President


F.A.C.

From page 5

dence talks, the Government
acquiesced in the creation of
such a committee.
However, having seen the
harsh realities of independent
life, and the circumstances
under which foreign policy
decisions are made, the
Government decided against
making the Committee
functional. It decided, how-
ever, due to its independence
pledge, to keep the com-
mittee on the books for the
records .
One Senator seeing this
stratagem advised:
"If the Government
appoints a Foreign Affairs
Committee, it should not
be for the mere part of
putting on record that
there is such a committee;
it must function...."
There is some substance
in the above analysis, that
the Foreign Affairs Com-
mittee was intended to be a
paper committee. First of all
there were undue delays in
creating the Committee .and


Kennedy to intervene 'per-
sonally on the magazine's
behalf in a tax dispute with
the Canadian Government.
William Randolph
Hearst, grandfather of the
celebrated Patty Hearst,
owned 7.5 million acres of
land in Mexico under the in-
famous Porfirio Diaz regime.
At one stage a friend com-
plained to his mother that he
was losing $1 million a year
in his newspapers. The
mother replied: in that case he
can go on for at least 30
years.
Hugh Hefner,
founder and editor of.Playboy
magazine, owns a vast
diversified empire in hotels,
--nigh'tclubs,- publishing and
films.
Independent tradition;
economic power; political
leverage. These are some of
Sthe things which made the
crusade of Watergate possible
for the American press. Yet
almost until the very last, it
was up to a clearly unwilling
Congress and Senate to make
the final move to unseat the
p President.
And that, let us not forget,
in the country with the most
powerful press in the world
doing its damnedest.


fiasco
when these delays were
eventually hurdled, the Com-
mittee existed in name only.
It must be conceded that
the nature of international
relations is such that difficulty
is encountered in submitting
it to bi-partisaq committee
treatment. However, if the
Govemment,vishes to retain
the FAC on the books, it
should exert every effort to
make it:taly functional.
This. would be more
appropriate than allowing a
dysfunctional committee to
remain in existence. That
Britain has not tried the com-
mittee system in foreign
affairs is not a sufficient
- argument not to give the FAC
an honest try here. In fact, a
British scholar has urged that
a Commons FAC should be
tried. Even though govern-
ment in the U.S. operates
under a presidential system,
it is not wide of the mark to
state that the U.S. system
provides. a good precedent
for the establishment of a
permanent and truly
functional FAC in Trinidad/
Tobago.


Denis Solomon ------- -
anticipate, the Prime Minister has uow issue!id i SIup~iILc tJiiI
pamphlet giving "explanations" ol lie pioposed changers. Ilhisc
"explanations" which relate only to tlic tliice mill pl)poslils) ;al
merely a combination of meaningless verbiage eg. lic prices
system for the appointment of judges "is ot in keepit g with I1 e
true dimension of independence" and vague but coon cipluhitHls
vituperation of the Barbadian public... "those who inow imos
vociferously oppose these reasonable proposals arc those who
strenously opposed our independence in 1966."
In fact, this second pamphlet amounts to a panic ciy (o
the part of Barrow for party support, since "all those who oppose
the proposals" have turned out to be the Anglican (hiichi, tlie
Chamber ofCommerce, the Barbados Advocalc-News, lle Nation,
the Barbados Bar Association, Manjak, and last as well as least, lhe
Barbados Labour Party, which called for a Cominissioii to study
Constitutional reform, indeed took a strong position against the
proposals, only after several organizations had already done so.
I do not mean to suggest that Barrow's proposals spring
directly from some maniacal desire to achieve dictatorial powers-
as fast as possible. He is no more ideologically a dictator than
Williams. Both wouldthink of themselves as completely imbued


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SUNDAY SEPTEMBER IST 1974


UWI

to honour

Nyerere

THE University of the
West Indies will confer an
Honorary Doctorate on
Tanzania President Julius
K. Nyerere when he visits
the Mona Canmp"s in
Jamaica on September
16th.
President N)erete has been
President of the United
Republic of Tanzania since
1964.
Internationally recognized
as one of the chief proponents
of African Socialism and well
known as a poet, Dr. Nyerere
is also the* First Chancellor of
the University of East Africa.
Born in 1922 he was
educated at Makerere Univer-
sity and Edinburgh University.
He began his career as a
teacher but gave this up in
1954 to become active'full-
time in politics, campaigning
for.the Nationalist Movement.
He became Chief Minister
of Tanganyika from 1961 to
1962.
+His publications include
'Freedom and Unity' (1966),
'Freedom and Socialism'
(1969) 'Essays on Socialism'
(1969) and 'Freedom and
Development' 9 (1973).
President Nyerere is ex-
pected to pass throughTrini-
dad on September 12th on
his way to Jamaica,


with parliamentary democracy. And yet Williams has, since 1970,
legislated repeatedly to suppress freedoms, and manoeuvred un-
tireingly to stifle dissent, and Barrow has a Public Order Act
almost as severe as the one which Williams was forced to pass in
three pieces.
Barrow has not been able to give his reasons for wanting to
make changes in the Constitution of Barbados, not because he has
no reasons, but because the reasons are trivial. It is his typical
overreaction to them that places him on a par with Williams; in
the insecurity even paranoia, that sees every example of opposition
as a threat to be stamped out; in the lack of trust in himself and
in the population that forbids the initiation of real participatory
politics; and the shortsighted view of political organisation that
sees all decisions as being made at the centre and consequently
considers government as existing at the national level only.
Seven of the proposed amendments are contained in a small
pamphlet distributed by the Government Information Service
which lists the proposals without giving any reasons for them.
The important ones are five in number:
1) The present citizenship provisions list- three classes of
persons who have the right to register as'citizens:
a) Women marrying male citizens
b) Commonwealth citizens residing in Barbados at Inde-
pendence
c) Women married to men who become Barbados citi-
zens.
In the present Constitution the right of the second group to
register is subject to "such exceptions or qualifications as may be
prescribed in the interests (sic) of national security or public
policy." The proposed amendment applies the proviso to the
other two groups as well.
2) There are certain !disqualifications from membership of
Parliament already listed in the Constitution.
Now being added to the list are the following:
a) Conviction by a Court for any felony or of any other
criminal offence involving dishonesty ten years
immediately preceding the proposed date of appoint-
ment or election as a member of the House of
Assembly.
b) Expulsion from the House of Assembly in accordance
with any enactment relating to the House, and
Standing Orders of the House:
3). At the present time the Director of Public Prosecutions
(a civil servant) is the only person who exercises full power and






-' 'l,


authority over criminal prosecutions.
It now is considered advisable (in thc words of tlc pamphlet)
that in matters concerning public security and international law
an exception be made, and that in respect of these two areas the
authority to or0de p! osecutions will rest with the Attorney
General.
4). By the present Constitution the appointment or exten-
sion of tenure of the Chief Justice is made by the Governor-
General on the recommencdation of the Prime Minister "after
consultation with the Leader of tlie Opposition."
It is now being proposed that similar procedure be followed
for the appointment and extension of tenure of office of all
Judges, who are at present appointed by the Governor General
acting in accordance with the advice of the Judicial and Legal
Service Commission.
5). Provision is made in the present Constitution for the
appointment to the offices of Secretary to the Cabinet, Perma-
nent Secretary, Commissioner of Police, Chief Establishment
Officer and Chief Personnel Officer respectively, to be vested in
the Governor General, acting on the recommendation of the
appropriate Service Commission after the Commission has con-
suited the Prime Minister.
Provision is also made for appointment to the office ot
Permanent Secretary on transfer from an office carrying theesame
salary to be vested in the Governor-General, acting on the recom-
mendation of the Prime Minister.
It is now being proposed to add to the list of offices named
above, offices of the permanent administrative,technical and
professional heads of Ministries and Departments and the offices
of deputy chief professional or technical adviser and deputy head
of department, by whatever name called.
The new list is: Solicitor General, Director, Finance and
Planning, Secretary to the Cabinet, Permanent Secretary, Com-
missioner of Police, chief or deputy chief professional or technical
adviser or officer in a Ministry of the Government (by whatever
name called), and head or deputy head of a department of the
Government.
A knowledge of Barbadian politics and recent public events
in Barbados provides convincing suggestions as to the DLP's
reasons for some of the changes.
As regards the citizenship provisions, there are two well-
known cases where women have become thorns in the side of the

Cont'd back page


-. __ ,SE 1
~V~1~ rC~g~ ~iCCWFP~


JOIN

TAPIA


n- NOW"


TAPIA PAGE 7










'tCO~t 2' ')lJ :.\aN? t? /
Izoo L -7,-:! '316.01 ;.Em
sqaoa.s qqqL qSs ~te a
gU0 JO LptL4

'44nqTvL daJPUV 9JII


ma -'--------


Barbados


From Page 7

Government, through in the one case, registration as a Barbadian
citizen on the strength of a Barbadian husband, and in the second,
an attempt at such registration! The first case is that of Carol
Taylor, a Barbadian by registration, who founded the Bajan
Consumer League (a consumer protection organisation) in 1969
and has opposed establishment policy on a number of occasions,
most recently the attempt of the Barbados Light and Power
Company to raise electricity rates.
That the establishment views the League with apprehension
is obvious from the attempts of the Government to undercut it by
means of proposals for a Government-sponsored consumer
organisation, proposals which get much editorial coverage in the
Advocate-News while the League's activities are often not men-
tioned at all. In addition, an overnight growth of dubious origin
called "The Pressure Group", which is not a rock ensemble but,
ostensibly,.a consumer organisation too, is widely believed to be
a Government plant to split the Consumer League's following. This
belief is supported by the coverage received by the Pressure
Group in the Advocate-News, which reported the Group's recent
protest march against high prices as mustering three thousand
people when eyewitnesses estimated between fifty and seventy-
five.
The other citizenship case that briefly threatened the
Government was that of Carmen Bailey, a Jamaican journalist,
who was expelled for overstaying the grace period granted her
when she was discovered to be working without a work permit.
IDetermined to remain in Barbados, she secured the agreement of
a male Barbadian to marry her, but when they applied for the
licence they-were-stalled-by-the-Registra''s office Tiile the police
were summoned. Bailey was imprisoned and eventually deported.
The "real" reasons for her deportation are said by Barbadian
gossip to bela many, varied and colourful.
It has long been an open secret in the legal community of
Barbados that one of the High Court Judges is very deaf and
perhaps a little past the job in many ways. His tenure was
nevertheless extended for three years beyond his retirement by
the Judicial and Legal Serivce Commission. The Chief Justice is
said to be man of capricious temper, and he is reported to have
approached Barrow about the necessity for initiating the proce-
dure for the judge to be declared unfit, but later to have refused
to go on with it. Barrow, the theory runs, wants to prevent such
occurences in future by taking the appointment of judges out of
the hands of the Commission and into his own.
It is also widely believed that Barrow intends to appoint a
more tractable Chief Justice when the post becomes vacant. The
four High Court Judges, including the CJ, do not have enough
trial work to do, but since appeals from one judge must be heard
by three others, the number cannot be reduced below four.
On the other hand, there isla lot of work to be done by the
Court Rules Committee, which comprises the three puisne judges,
a representative of the Attorney General, and'the CJ as Chairman.
The purpose of this Committee is to make Court rules for the
trial oficases under newly passed legislation
Before Independence, the Chairman was required to submit
his report to the Governor General. Since Independence, he is
supposed to report to the Attorney General as Minister of Legal
Affairs. The Chief Justice is reported to have refused to "submit
any report to Sleepy Smith," with the result that although the
Attorney General is no longer Sleepy Smith but George Moe (who
it is true, is just as 'leepy) the Committee has ceased to meet, and
Barrow is said to be concerned about the work it is failing to do.

DESPOTISM

Informed sources give a technical reason for the amend-
ment concerning the initiation of prosecutions. In the case of
highjacking of aircraft by political terrorists, the theory runs, it
might be in the national interest to get rid of a highjacker by
throwing him out immediately rather than trying him,sentencing
him and keeping him in jail in Barbados where he might be a
source of embarrassment or a cause for reprisals. To carry out
such a political decision it would be necessary for the Government
instruct the DPP not to prosecute.
The obvious reason for the increase in the range of Civil
Service posts being brought into the gift of the Prime Minister is
the ever-present suspicion of the politician that the civil servant
is sabotaging his programmes and/or that if only he could appoint
Sthe right people to the right jobs he could get things moving. Our
own Eric, of course, has enjoyed a wide range of these powers
ever since Independence and he has still made arrunholy mess of
things, for reasons amply explained in Tapia's Constitutional
analyses.


Constitution Row


At the same time, it is hard to maintain a view of Barrow as
a democrat, slipping piecemeal into attitudes of tyranny, when
one considers -the proposals concerning disqualification from
membership in the House of Assembly. A'criminal conviction in a
system where the governing party has wide powers to order
prosecutions under the blanket coverage of "national security" is
a dangerous enough disqualification, but a disqualification based
on expulsion from the House is outright tyranny, considering
that such a resolution for expulsion can be carried by a two-
thirds majority vote and the present government has a diree-
quarters majority.
These proposals are on par with Barrows laws declaring
that statements threatening Barbados' relationship with a friendly
foreign country constitute sedition, and that foreigners cannot
make public speeches without official permission.
Besides, although there may be understandable motives, if
not exactly reasons, for individual proposals, the effect of the
proposals taken all together is undeniably sinister. It is obviously
much more dangerous for a governing party to be able to order
the DPP to prosecute an opponent if the party is also sure that
the judge is someone who is likely to find the defendant guilty,
and that appeal judges are also likely to uphold the sentence. When
the conviction also has the effect of depriving that opponent of
his right to membership in Parliament, the way:is clear for tyranny.
The genesis of the proposals was not only unilateral but
bureaucratic. That is to say, not only was the public not consulted,
but proposals, that were made spontaneously by the public re-
ceived no consideration at all.
Some months ago a number of women requested, through
their parliamentary representative, a change in the citizenship
provisions allowing foreign husbands of Barbadian women to
have the same rights to registration-as foreign wives of Barbadian.
men. This proposal, which is included in the Wooding proposals
-for Trinidad and Tobago, was in fact put forward in a House of
Assembly debate women's rights by a member of the opposition.
The Prime Minister replied that he knew that the Honourable
member had a number of lady admirers in the public gallery, but
would he please get on with his speech and stop playing to them.
This piece of tnale condescension, so typical of the very attitudes
against which women everywhere are protesting, could only
have been made in a system in which elected representatives are
totally insensitive to the temper of the population.
At all events, no proposal of this kind was included in the
DLP's draft changes, and no explanation was given for.its absence,
in spite of the fact that it had been requested by the people
directly concerned and had been debated in Parliament. Instead
the Government followed the bureaucratic procedure of sending
a circular to all Ministries asking for suggestions about constitu-
tional change, and the bureaucrats in the Department of Immigra-
tion no doubt requested a provision that would enable them in
future to deal with difficult female applicants for registration
by refusing them on grounds of "national security".
The important thing about the dispute is of course the
quality anddirection of the protests. Any debate which limits
itself to the narrow perspective of specific changes will be ineffec-
tive. There are strong arguments in favour of executive powers in
all the areas concerned.
Besides, to limit opposition to the specific changes is to
imply that the Constitution as it stands is a satisfactory gua-
rantee of freedom and a satisfactory framework for the achieve-
ment of national aspirations. It is in fact very far from being-so.
The excessive executive power, the unrepresentative nature of
Parliament, the lack of community participation (local govern-
ment was abolished by the DLP in 1967, partly to break the
power of the conservative Deighton Mottley) are already present
!in the Barbadian Constitutional structure as they are in many
others in the Caribbean, and nothing short of radical restructuring
will eliminate them.
It is necessary for the executive to be able to ask the
Director of Public Prosecutions on occasion to proceed or not to
proceed with a prosecution; there is no such thing as a non-poli-
tical judge because there is no such thing as a non-political
person; and while there are certain civil service posts that are best
filled by political appointment, neither widening nor reducing
their number is going to make tie civil service efficient in a
system where administration is completely centralised.
Abuse of power by the executive, or by the judiciary, or by
anybody, can only be prevented in a system whose provisions
interact to produce true representation, niaximum participation
of all interests in government and therefore constant vigilance
on the part of the population. The current dispute in Barbados is
alerting some interests to die dangers of specific proposals: let us
hope that as the dispute develops it will define more and more
interests and awaken them all to the need for widening thl debate
to encompass all aspects of political oiganisation in thel nation.


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From Page I
constitutional reform, even if
in the ignoble hope of buying
time.
Now that McKell has
presented his report to Cabi-
net, the central issue becomes
that of the procedure for
implementing Constitutional
change. The Chamber of
Commerce, ever watchful
over its own interests, has
perceived not only the con-
nection between a resolution
of the political crisis and the
restoration of a "favourable
climate for business" but
also that the way in which
the constitution issue is
handled has an important
bearing on the chances for
such a resolution.
In his desperate quest for
another five years in which to
redeem his historical image,
we can be sure that Williams
is calculating his moves to a
fine point. In truth he has
very little room for man-
oeuvre. Delaying tactics pay
diminishing returns when
every passing day some new
sector is alienated.
In a snap election, with a
divided party, he could very
easily be ditched. A C",,stitu-
cut Assembly will expose the-
articulate young spokesmen
of the new movemenifi-o the-
nation and to each other.
At present he is doing his
best to create confusion. To
keep up a stream of announce-
ments about smelters and
food plans, to appear to be
in the mainstream of the
Third World radical move-
ment. The reality is that at
the same time that the people
are supposedly being vested
with the properties of Shell,
their Government is mount-
ing a promotions campaign
in the metropolitan capitals
characterized by the most
abject mendicancy.
Once more we are at a
juncture where it is possible
to make some basic decisions
about the future of the
country, to repudiate the role
which the PNM regime has
set for us, and to lay the
foundations of a stable order.
That is what the Constitu-
tion issue is really about, and
the way in which we deal
with it will be crucial for the
prospects of the new move-
ment and the country as a
whole.
The greatest tragedy would
be if we were to allow our-
selves to be manipulated
into calling for elections,
which is what our experience
is limited to. in the honest
but vain hope that thereby
we would resolve tlhe crisis.
Let us have elections in
due course, by all means. But
first let the people deter-
mine the political framework
within which elections will
assume their place as valid
expressions of tIhe popular
will. I171 showed thal tlhe
large nioiijorily ol our people
do not accept Ihem ais such in
existing circumstances.