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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00124
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: August 25, 1974
Frequency: completely irregular
 Subjects
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
 Notes
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00124

Full Text


LIBRARY
RESrAF'(-'I ::TITJTE
FO~ 'V~ -:: 3')I FMAN
113


SUNDAY AUGUST 25, 1974 25 cents


CALL FOR





OF NATI


GOVT.





ONAL


RECONSTRUCTION

New Regime must lift our hopes, says Tapia Administrative Secretary


ALLAN HARRIb


WHEN TAPIA takes
power its most urgent
task will be to dispel the
pall of gloomy forebod-
ing, the despair, the
doubt, the cynicism and
sense of defeat that are
the legacy of two decades
of PNM misrule.
That was the message
of Tapia Administrative
Secretary, Allan Harris,
when he spoke to an
appreciative gathering at
the St John's Parish Hall
in Diego Martin on
Wednesday evening last.
Speaking on the theme,
"The first sixty days of a
Tapia Government", Harris
reminded his audience that it
was not the Tapia way to
cross any bridge before we
came to it. The tricky pas-
sage to power still had to be
negotiated and he was not
going to attempt to forecast
either the manner or the
moment of taking over.
Nonetheless it was the
task of political leadership to
look ahead and make early
preparations for the struggles
that were sure to come. With
this in mind he had accepted
the Campaign Manager's in-
vitation to speak on the
topic as an 'opportunity to
initiate discussion on the
responsibilities of a Goverm-
ment dedicated to national
reconstruction and to offer
his own proposals for the
consolidation of the new


regime in its early days.
Tapia, Harris stressed, had
no blueprint for its first
sixty days in office, and his
remarks were not to be
construed as such.
Conceding that the task of
national reconstruction was
the task of a lifetime, the
speaker urged his listeners
not to underestimate the
crucial importance of the
first few months of office
since it was in thiseri
was still finding its feet, that
it would face tremendous
challenges both from its sup-
porters and from its enemies.
The first sixty days should
set the tone of the new
regime and galvanise the
nation into action.

INDEPENDENCE

"If I were to characterise
the first few months of a
Tapia Government of Na-
tional Reconstruction", the
Administrative Secretary con-
tinued, "I would say that in
words and deeds they should
constitute a declaration of
authentic national Indepen-
dence and a living charter of
social and economic equality
and political freedom".
Turning to the legacy of
problems which the new
leadership would inherit from
the old regime, Harris pointed
to the .enormity of the
economic, social and admin-
istrative difficulties that>;
would need to be resolved.
The nation would have to be
informed fully and honestly
about the depth and magni-
tude of the problems we
would face and the govern-
ment would have to state the
large goals it was setting for
the country and spell out
clearly the strategy it pro-
posed to follow.
Yet fine plans and
technical competence were
not enough, and perhaps the
most crippling legacy of the
PNM years was the obstacles
they had created to building
that trust between govern-
ment and people which
would be an indispensable
condition of a period of
revolutionary transformation.
r


More than that, the
policies of the PNM had not
only strengthened the grip of
foreign capital on the
economy but had also
spawned a whole new class of
exploiters, that "grasping
oligarchy", drawn from every
race and class, large in
number, and esconced in
commanding positions in
government, the unions,
industry and commerce.

REACTION

The political consequences
of these developments were
grave, in that, initially at
least, these sectors would be
in a position to offer stout
resistance to radical measures
designedto benefit the dis-
possessed and which would
inevitably attack the sources
of privilege in the society.
The Administrative Secre-
tary urged that the immedi-
ate response to such a
potential threat should be a
'political offensive. "It may
be more important what we
do outside of government
than at governmental-level.
We will have to mobilize our
people to meet the challenge
of reaction, and to secure the
national interest and their
newiy-won rights and free-
doms".
Harris outlined his pro-
posals for measures ofpopular
welfare which he felt should
be introduced at an early
stage. He called for the
immediate repeal of the series
of repressive laws passed by
the PNM regime in 1971. He
called for the disarming of
police as a first tangible step
towards the civilising of the
agencies of coercion.

UNEMPLOYMENT

Dealing with the question
of unemployment, Harris
stated that the PNM had
pinned their hopes for
economic growth on a policy
of "industrialization by
invitation". When the failure
of this policy became plain
for everyone to see, they
embarked on a series of ad
hoc measures culminating in


the Prime Minister's Special
Works Projects of the post-
1970 period. This was the
grand climax of PNM econ-
omic policy.
Today, unemployment was
the most pressing task in the
economic field awaiting a
new government. We needed
to repudiate the crash pro-
gramme mentality. Tapia had
already outlined its pro-
gramme for full employment.
Harris wanted to propose,
that as a matter of the
greatest urgency, those parts
of the programme relalug to
the creation of genuine
employment within a
municipal f-amework be
given priority. This would
include much needed work
on the upgrading of the
environment and the provi-
sion of social amenities and
collective services.

LOCALISATION

Even though a Tapia
Governmen t would move
with haste to implement its
long-term plans for full
employment, yet reasons of
humanity impelled us to deal
at the very earliest with the
problem of unemployment.
Nothing would so lift the
hopes and restore the morale
of the nation's youth as
prompt action on this front.
Such an approach dictated
early efforts to put in place
a framework of municipal
government and local admin-
istration' and pointed to yet
another urgent task of re-
construction -- the localisa-
tion of the life-line indus-
tries of the nation.
Finally, the Adminis rative
Secretary noted the impor-
tance of securing the long-
term bases for tlhe attack on
the old order tlie establish-
men I of inslitulions of
popular parlicipatioil in
Government, the stracimliniiin
of the executive, the clea.ionl
of ai corp of technical expe lis
- tle lechl clearial anl ihe
immediate luniiichiniit o
diplomatic offensive inl Ilc
Cairibbean, aimed l 1 lie eaIly
estabislishment of an I' astelt
Caribbean State.


The

Walter

Rodney

.Affair




page 2


DOUSING
Till!


INDUSTRIAL
BUSIIFIR-R


page 3


NEXT week's Tapini will
be a Special Indepen-
dence Issue. This 16-page
paper \\ill include an 8-
page: lilerary supplemeni
ais well as news items.
:r lic es ol politics.
cdtiicallon aili( ohlier areas
of interest.


Vol. 4 No. 3"-


STRUGGLE AND
REPRESSION

IN SOUTHERN
RHODESIA


page 6


~_








region ... The Region ... The Region... The Region... The Region ...


THE WALTER




RODNEY AFFAIR


ONCE a Pri me Min-
ister Forbes Burnham of
Guyana has revealed by
his actions, despite his
assiduous (and expensive)
attempts to promote an
image of himself as a
progressive and radical
"third world" leader,
that he is in reality one
with the other picayune
leaders that strut and fret
their wearisome way
across the Caribbean
stage.
The latest action by Burn-
ham in pressuring the Board
of Governors of the Univer-
.sity of Guyana to revoke the
appointment of Dr. Walter
Rodney as Prof. of History is
in harmony with all the other
repressive measures taken by
.him to defend his "corrup-
rative republic."
There can be no question


The Regiog in Dr. Rodney's record as an
outspoken and articulate
critic of Burihami's corrupt
and authoritarian regime in
particular and of Caribbean
regimes in general.
The prospect of having
Rodney loose in such a focal
institution as the University,
particularly at a time when
the Government is beset with
innumerable problems it is
hardly competent to solve,
must have filled Burnham's
every waking hour with
out honour terror.


In the event his reaction
can hardly be described as


'all notions of academic freedom

and responsibility become but pipe

dreams in a university in which

politicians have the final say.'


of the academic competence
of Dr. Rodney. A lecturer in
history at the University of
the West Indies at Mona
before he was banned by the
Shearer Government from re-
entering Jamaica in 1968, Dr.
Rodney has been Associate
Professor of History at the
University of Dar-es-Salaam
in Tanzania. He has also
served as an external
examiner for the University
of Guyana in West African
History.
In addition the unanimous
approval which Dr. Rodney's


application received from the
appointments committee and
the refusal of that body to
.rescind its decision in the
face of pressures from the
Government dominated
Board of Governors is a
testament to the esteem with
which Dr. Rodney is held in
academic circles.

CRITIC

The 'key td Bumham's
blatant exercise of repression,
engineered through the Board
of Governors, is to be found


A CO LOUVRE WINDOl


-..the inside story
The nxt time you're on the inside looking out through 0 NACO's small, afe openings assuring protection from
a NACO Louvre Window, take a closer look at the window cdcdents with small children.
itlf. You'll make nso ey interesting observations NACO's steel safety-bar for protection from bugio e...
For instance, you're bound to be impressed with:- an optional extra.
* NACO's clean, modern design In perfect harmony with 0 NACO's easy-to-clean features labour saingl
the latest building trends We could y on but we don't think we have to.
* NACO' nt, flush-fitting handles ensuring trouble-fe, Except to mention hat NACO LOUVRE WINDOWS
firwtipcontrol. area economicall Installation isample, and broken gss
* NACO's g0-plus opening or extensive ventilation control s peedily and inexpensively replaced.
from downdraught to up-draught.. nstantlyl .Were convinced that you're convinced. And with so
SNACho centre-pioting fatur for perfect ouvre-balance; mld going for then, we think you'll agreethat
thy cannot bl~ open or closed remain in the position ACO LOUVRE WINDOWS are really worthli cooking
vyu ch m knta kt Nowl


.E. LJ. WILLIAMS LIMITED
S122 ST. VINCENT STREET, PORT-OR.-PAIN,
TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO. TEL.: 2-32


uncharacteristic.

VICTIM

His political record does
not recommend him as a
model of political integrity
land within recent times the
carefully applied cosmetic of
radicalism has become more
and more grotesque as Bum-
ham has not hesitated to use
the most vicious and repre-
hensible methods for main-
taining himself in power.
In the elections last year
Burnham displayed a reper-
toire of political skullduggeri
and crime that wouldd m'-ike
Watergate look like an aip-i
Lteur performan:i- ir, cor'-
parison. As-Lt gaaz-i.-
'. 'E- "~+6, "Army interven-
tion in the 1973 elections",
so ably demonstrated,
Burnham used every trick in
the book to rig the elections
delivered into his hands the
two-thirds majority in the 53
seat Parliament that he so
earnestly desired, Burnham







S





L






Tap/a


Jerseys


at


the


House


--


has sought to entrench
himself as firmly as possible
by moving against his political
opponents in ways which
have not stopped short of
terror and violence.
To the list of Burnham's
victims, Dr. Rodney is but
the latest addition. But we
would do well to remember
that it was the action of
Shearer's Government against
Dr. Rodney in 1968 which
ignited the fires of radicalism
and revolution throughout
the Caribbean, fires which
still threaten to engulf the
Old Regime. Now, in Guyana
at least, the latest move
-against Rodney has already
contributed to a growing
unity among opposition
elements.
For the rest of the Carib-
bean the significance of
Burnham's latest repressive
action, even though direct
repercussions as in 1968 may
not be forthcoming, cannot
be underestimated.
In the first place it once
again demonstrates the evil
,of executive domination, a
disease which afflicts all the
Caribbean Governments. The
unbridled power of the
executive reaching out to
control, manipulate and
.corrupt other critical institu-
tions of State and Society is
the most pervasive and debili-
tating aspect of Caribbean
political life.
EXECUTIVE POWER

Under such conditions
none of the institutions of
society is secure from the
invidious grasp of the execu-
Iis. not the LUniersitn not
B Pe 1 4.,, not -. h, Cl'l.curch,
-l d ia .-- An d the.-
r-,,il I a cuItWue ipiinetess
subservience which we in
Trinidad can see in the daily
press day after day.
More than ever it is neces-
sary that we seek to create
systems of Government and
politics and to nourish a
political culture throughout
the Caribbean which would
establish and protect the
independence of our institu-
tions against the encroach-
ments of an over-reaching
executive.
It is also necessary that
we note well the ease with
which Burnham was able to
ride roughshod over the
wishes and opinions of the
appointments committee.
LOSS.
All notions of academic
freedom and responsibility
become but pipe dreams in a
university in which the
politicians have the final say.
And in this context we would
do well to recall the subtle
attempts by Caribbean Gov-
ernments, particularly in
Jamaica and Trinidad and
Tobago, to undermine the
iu tonomy of the University
of lie West Indies and to
bring it under direct political
coil I ol.
Fiul:lly we must note the
sad I'iact h il i Burnliam is
successIlli ill tui lingl Dr.
Rodney ;ia lfronlmo the
sioreS o1 (Uyiaii.i it would
iital inll ecel his coilninued
loss to the whole Cariheilln.
I or lie leIague of p'.iayvllnles

willh ie,:ul lI o pol iil iii -
I 'l llilioIi lu|eii:i'ii ed Io
I1:lelll *l of leies'ti',iti,.


PAGE 2 TAPIA


SUNDAY AUGUST 25, 1974






TAPIA PAGE 3


SUNDAY AUGUST 25, 1974


Dousing the Industrial bush fire


Lloyd Taylor


THE recent industrial
bushfire at Telco was just
another in what seems
to be a new pattern of
so-called non-trade dis-
putes precedented, so far
most dramatically, by the
Hunte and Tello issue at
Orange Grove sugar fac-
tory last year.
Both events have followed
some similar courses. Passion-
ate popular responses of a
narrow, two sector, we/they
kind were provoked. Angered
by a phone without a
'blasted' dial tone, or by a
retail counter over which no
sugar passes we have more
often than not come down
heavily in favour of our self-
interest.
Not to mention the fact
that in both, their industrial
flames have all but been
properly doused leaving the
seeds of resentment and dis-
?i content to sprout up again.
canny about the existence of
these parallels. As a people
now coming to grips with the
problems of nation building
we have been caught largely
unprepared to deal with the
complex nature of the issues
that arise out of such dis-
putes.

NEW DIMENSION

So unable to decide what
right a worker has playing
with the 'rights' of manage-
ment, or vice versa we tend
to settle for the party closest
to us. With the heavy presence
of foreign enterprise, and
with a nation of mainly wage
earners our problems have
been no less severe.
At Telco the dispute, to
be sure, added a different and
perhaps newer dimension.
There workers struck out of
a working class interest per-
ceived as one opposed to
that of the company.
While at Orange Grove
'worker s sought the removal
of senior staffmembers whom
they' felt jeopardised the
economic interests of the
company by certain indus-
trial and technical mal-
practices.


I"o


Indeed O.G. workers popular opposition, makes
sought as well to regain no provision to alter the
control of certain customary root causes of management/
factory operations, and to worker conflict.
stem irrational retrenchment; So I am neither for or
but this was not their over- against thc worker because
riding concern. This particular he transgresses a 'bad' law
factor, rather than political which has in any case to give
ideology, tactics or opportun- way to more dignified and
ism, was to me the most human provisions for settling
powerful call for joining issue labour disputes.
on the side of the Orange But what if we should
Grove worker. That it fitted have settled for the criteria
my ideology was largely co- of filling Telco's top posts
incidental, on the basis of youthfulness,
Looking back on my own and the need to open up
reactions during the wrangle opportunities for workers to
whether Waldo Nunez should rise to management positions?
not be appointed Consultant Sounds good on face value.
(administration), or Assistant But if after all these
Manager (AM) etc., at Telco, years of building, the
like many I found myself executive of the Communica-
reduced to perplexed silence. tions Workers Union did not
before npw perceive the need
Politically one had to be for such exposure who is to
cautious too. For with the blame?
'feather-bedding' in employ- And where the one source
ment practices (standard for of experience, of know-how
public utilities), that is has come with a man at pre-
bruited about by even such retirement age, would not
staunch die-hards as Guard- throwing him in he rubbish-
in-",' ,pi.- ." lheap--invite the problem of
la .s policy-Tm.i.e[ .it-- was* "
_6 'I-- ,,- 1-old power' on our hands?
Telco was also a case of Yet much of the resent-
government testing Govern- ment to Waldo Nunez springs
ment. Or, if you prefer, PNM as much from the issue of
trying to wring PNM's neck. feather-bedding as it does
Naturally we are forced to from his industrial image as
wonder how a PNM Senator, an efticient personnel- man.
known for his role in forcing
through a piece of industrial .NUNEZ.
legislation now discredited
and in which a comma was At Telco, workers, es-
not to be changed, can now pecially the younger and the
openly transgress with im- newer employees, know how
punity its successor law, the much political back-scratch-
Industrial Relations Act? inr thPv have hnd to endure


Quite apart from what
Telco workers see as a legiti-
mate grouse does this not
appear to be another level at
which the oligarchic in-fight-
ing took place?
Hence my perplexity. Yet
I am for workers' participa-
tion. It is impossible to con-
ceive of something sacrosant
called the 'rights' of manage-
ment.
The Industrial Relations
Act makes sense only in an
economy in which the indus-
trial relations culture invites,
sometimes violently, diver-
gence between management
and worker, foreigner and
national; and above all one in
which a Government, anxious
to stifle the organisation of


before they secured employ-
ment. As the reality of strik-
ing, and without pay, proved
they certainly know what it
is to be without bread.
Nunez, at 59, as a national
has the image of a salaried
mercenary legitimate
nevertheless whose execu-
tion of duties for foreign-
owned Shell meant the re-
trenchment of quite a few
hundred national wage earn-
ers.
This single feature, effec-
tively propagandised, was
perhaps a key reason that
prompted the workers into
the unreasonable position
that the company could not
have Nunez as a Consultant.
Which is probably why
Carl Tull, the union's General


Secretary was anxious to
ensure that Nunez even as
Consultant would have no
line of authority, over or
power to discipline or to
direct staff.
Yet Nunez is among the
precious few who having made
it now has. And most of us
would opt for spreading the
bread more evenly around,
and for giving the have-nots
a chance.
So here is our dilemma.
As a nation we are without
plan for decentralisation and
for the strengthening of
popular opinion in which
workers' participation would
be one step in this direction.
Hence the slothfulness on the
part of leaders in perceiving
a growing role for. workers in
the business of management.


Without a properly con-
ceived programme to usher in
an era of full employment
and to lick income inequality,
as a people we would always
be worried by the lack of
opportunity for the young
and the have-nots.
To take care of the
problem of 'old power' now
on our hands we need a
programme for National Ser-
vice that allows our senior
citizens to pass on their train-
ing and experience to the
young.
Without all these provi-
sions many, many more
situations like the Telco im-
passe will arise without end.
Always in the scrunter's ear
would sound this scornful
bark: Devil, take the hind-
most!


.



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IV,


Ei" XiW


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DISCUSSION AND DISSENT
'~~~~--- "---.-,_. F


HOW can the Express be
so dishonest as to suggest
that they cannot under-
stand how someone
could arrive at the con-
clusion that Education in
the Caribbean is too
"examination-centred"?
Education in most of the
,Caribbean means moving
'from one meaningless exami-
nation to another. In Trini-
dad and Tobago it is 11 -
plus to 14 plus- to "O"
,levels to "A" levels and in
,University straight through
to- Phd. Progress from one
stage to the other is deter-
mined by "success" or
"failure" in the examinations
at the relevant level.
To question the assertion
that the Education system is
"examination centred" is
dishonest and irresponsible
since all the evidence suggests
that it is.
I fail to comprehend the
:meaning of the phrase
"whether we are better or
,worse off than other parts of
the world is another matter".

ALTERNATIVES

Of what significance are
qualitative terms such as
"better" and "worse"? It
would be very difficult to
establish what the norm is in
'education. Do we know what
is "good"?
In any case, the existence
or non-existence of examina-
'tions determines neither the
quality of education nor the
quality of life in any given
society, as the editorial insinu-
ates.
There are several variables
'which may affect the quality
:of education but one cannot
'merely assume that there is a
Positive correlation between
examinations- and quality in
education.
Furthermore even the use
of the term "quality" may
;be questioned because there
,is no absolute standard and
the aim, purpose and nature
of education may vary from
country to country, as it
actually does.
Why does the editorial
assume that "almost all of us
would like to wish them
(examinations) away"?
People who are interested in
education and are.concerned
about the social, economic
and political problems that
have grown out of the present
education system are begin-
ning to question the validity
,of our approach. Examina-
tions merely happen to be one
of the areas that has come up
for scrutiny.
The "abolition of .exami-
nations" as far as I know, has
Pever.come up in any serious
discussion on education in
Trinidad and Tobago. Many
have, however, questioned
the purpose and the validity
iof examinations as they have
'also questioned whether
,examinations do in fact serve
the functions that they are
'supposed to serve.


Limited opportunities in
ithe society do not enhance
the case for examinations. If
the problem of limited
opportunities were to be
solved, if "opportunities"
were to become abundant in
Trinidad and Tobago, would
'that then make examinations
'obsolete? Discussion on
'examinations in education
must involve more than just
myth, rhetoric and super-
!ficialities.
S The Editorial claims that
examinations are "methods
tof evaluation to determine
the relative competence of
individuals vying for those
opportunities". This claim is
another example of rhetoric
;at the expense of fact.
What do examinations
:evaluate? Is it memory? In-
telligence? Ability? What?
IDoes one's "competence" in
!Geography or French have
anything to do with compe-
tence on the job? It may if
Ithe job is related to ihe
subject-area of competence,
'but there is no automatic
:correlation. And how "com-
petent" does one have to be
before one is certified as
competent?
Furthermore, are examina-
tion results reliable? Does
passing examinations guaran-
:tee success later on? Does
failure in examinations mean
failure for life?
Why too, is it assumed
that our society is going to
remain static with individuals
always vying with each other
for limited opportunities?
Does that mean that for
a long time to come, we can
expect to have a substantial
number of our population
unemployed, gross economic
disparaty, a selective system
to determine whether 11-
year-olds continue their
,education or not, the same 11
plus G.C.E. syndrome
indefinitely? We should be a
little more optimistic and
certainly more innovative
.than this.
The "consequences of
failure" are grave as the
editorial implies and teachers,
parents ano students have
every right to approach
examinations with "anxiety"
and "concern". Honest
teachers would certainly
acknowledge that examina-
tions, whatever else they
might test do not test the
candidate's potential, yet
"failure" in our society
tends to adversely affect the
individual's future prospects.
Failure at both the 11
plus and the G.C.E. level
virtually means failure for
life. If one fails to secure a
place in the Secondary school
system at 11 or 12 the
alternatives are grim:-
(1) Vegetate for an addi-
tional two years in a
post primary class
where everyone knows
that you are "old" and
a Secondary school
reject.
(2) Attend a non-descript


EXAMINATIONS




AND EDUCATION


private seci onl
school.
(3) Apprentice in1 a
which involves lnci
certification n110 w
(4) Join the ulneI-fplI
and hope I i odd
heic and thlee.
Failure at G.C. I
means joining the
employed, whatever o
options there are, are ei
few and.. lar between
undesirable


COMl PEiITION
Why is it necessary
"the presence ofexaminat
and the implications of c
petition go hand in hiau
This is, in fact, ,anot
meaningless sentence.
What are the implicatet
of competition"? Does "c
petition" mean that sc
survive and some do not
that what education is
about? The Darwinian
cept of survivall of
fittest" in a compete
world must be tempered \
reason, h uitmanity
justice. The idea of comp
tion is not enoughlijustif
tion for examinations.
Examinations cannot
be assumed as appropriate
"the type ol'society in wl
we live". Many people


lar1y :nc ie Ccokiciidin.i li that nalion-lree Lducation will
changes be made in the produce individualss ill-
j;de preseln ediucaliion system Cequipped to respondd eflect-
licr have in fact considered very Ively to the demands ol the
agie carefully thle t.ipc of society society incorrectly assumes
) yed iln wlich we live. They IIal people who now pass
jobs recognise that lie society is l-xamnilintions are well equip-
one in which illh: economic ped to respond effectively
evel sy.stein is ishld itld inhumane. to the dellands of tile
un- tile social system unjust alid sociecl
thlr the I)olilical system uni-
ther- democratic. They understandl SHEEP
) tn6ol'- ( i I .il I _l,.- Ilile- re n.i__.___ .
Education systcni lids Leindecd i Bi i, i tle1 n i 'l"n-c
"t 11 rCfi ,acce ilhs type J.L 'r plat, iaiowever. I
,1!,.ic;. ,T:< A i, iley mliw lion wl"**"' y I\,i 'anI
c nl.loic each olher thus effective response to "the
peipcliuiatlin thiensclves. demands of the society"
that iThe IFdiiorial is dishonest actually is. The editorial.
londs ir i a cknowledg- trile o l'n assumes that
om- inc that climl:es inll the we are all agreed on \\iiat
" educatioll '~lln icili will, of that clfective response is.
thel necessity. alTecl tle society Well. we are not.bult what
to the points oil altering the the ldioinal seems, to imply
lols social. co)lloillic aili even the is that responding e effectively
om' political sxvstlln So "exten- mlleans. going along, not
ome sive divisions within tie asking elimbarrasing questions.
? Is economic ani social system" not threalening existing
all do not necessarily have to instiilios by Wvoi or deed
con- precede clhaiges in the ill really\ thle veryl s\nco-
the educational strlcture. p)ianlls we have now who
tive "Tempoiary relief for do as the\ are told. who
withi stu dents involved", lierefore, seldoii lhiink loi themselves,
and is hardly a consideration sheep. dead heats.
peti- wlicn people q(ctieion ithe The cyvnicism evident in
fica- over-emphasis oi examine tlie selctence "This is how it
tions. The iiope is that a less li.is always heen idealistic
also competitive system migli lihogiilhs inaccompanied by
e to licIp to hostei a more equit-
hicih able society all-ioiln! Cotitintud on li)ae 9.
who "hle suggestion ilial exami-


Bhoendradatt Tewarie challenges
the Express editorial of Wednesday
August 14th 1974, entitled 'Facing
the Reality of Exams '


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SUNDAY AUGI;UST25, 1974


PAGE 4 TAPJ A


- II" - .






SUNDAY AUGUST 25. 1974


Banana producing


Countries


forced to surrender to U.S.companies


Greg Chamberlain

CENTRAL America's
five-month-old "Banana
war" between three
north American firms
and the republics from
which they export half
of the total world produc-
tion has ended in a
humiliating defeat for the
governments when Pana-
ma's Nationalist Regime
was forced by United
Brands of Boston succes-
sor to the notorious
United Fruit Company,
to agree to buy out the
company's operations.
Gen. Omar Torrijos, Pana-
ma's Flamboyant Ruler, has
been the outspoken driving
force behind the efforts by
the region's banana producers
to get a fair tax deal out of
United Brands and its rivals,
Standard Fruit and Del
Monte. One by one however,
the companies have picked
off the governments and in
displays of naked economic
blackmail long familiar to the


area, forced them to abandon
the dollar-a-crate export tax
they had ordered the com-
panies to pay.
The meaning of the term
"Banana Republic" has been
made brutally clear. Last time
when there was any trouble,
20 years ago, when a leftist
government in Guatemala
tried to tax United Fruit's
Lands, the C.I.A. openly
removed the offending
regime.
This time, although there
were reports that the com-
panies considered at one
stage promoting coups in
Panama, Costa Rica and
Honduras, all that proved
necessary was cool Banana-
Boat diplomacy, rather than
the crudity of gunboats.

U.P.E.B.

After initially trying to
use the new nationalism to
gain competitive advantage
over each other, the com-
panies soon threw in their
lot together and began to
exert pressure on the host
countries. First, Ecuador, the


world's biggest producer, was
persuaded by Standard Fruit
not to impose a tax and to
stay out of the proposed
union of banana-exporting
countries (UPEB).
SThis major blow was fol-
lowed by a production cut-
back in Honduras, which
further weakened Gen.
Oswaldo Lopez' government,
already endangered by the
local oligarchy's opposition
to his mild land reform plans
and the Peasantry's angry
insistence that they be carried
out. Standard Fruit agreed
to settle a strike on its
estates only when Gen. Lopez
caved in and lowered the
dollar tax.
Standard's threat to sell
up and leave Costa Rica,
and a Standard-inspired warn-
ing by U.S. Dockers that
they would not handle Costa
Rican Bananas if the tax was
maintained, then forced that
country to water down the
tax, the other producers,
Nicaragua, whose right-wing
pro-American dictator, Gen.
Anastasio Somoza, is suspici-
ous of his neighbour Gen.
Lopez's supposed "Commu-
nistic" leanings, and Guate-
mrill _iF, r-, 7" rhetoric, did not impose the
tax and so caused no trouble.
The final act in the com-
panies' grand divide-and-rule
strategy came two weeks ago
when United Brands suspend-
ed operations in Panama, the
last Bastion of resistance to
their power.
Although Gen. Torrijos


IE 'iN


bravely vowed to 'carry on
the Banana War to the end,"
he was helpless in the face of
some .2,000 labourers and
small growers thrown out of
work and the collapse of all
his neighbours on the issue.
Like Costa Rica, Panama
has neither the money nor
the expertise to-take over and
run the Banana Industry, but
both countries and prob-
Sably now Honduras also -
have been forced to agree to
do so or lose face by drop-
ping the proposed tax a
tax which the companies can
.easily afford.
The companies will retain
exclusive control of the
marketing, and thus much of
the profits, for 10 years
under the deal with Panama,
while the latter will have to
bear the costs of the produc-
tion inefficiencies inevitable
after such a takeover.
Foiled by their own
political disunity both
Ecuador and Nicaragua have
been making big profits out
of the disturbances in produc-
tion in the other countries -
and by internal political
instability rooted in the


i n iNu


semi-feudal plantation econ-
omies created by the com-
panies, the chances of the
producers, who are to meet
on September 17, to formally
set up the UPEB,-now form-
ing any effective front against
the companies are small.
There are moves to bring
Jamaica and two small pro-
ducers, Mexico and the
Dominican Republic, into
UPEB, which are a source of
some hope. Colombia,
another small producer, may
play a- bigger role under its
new Nationalist President,
Alfonso Lopez Michelsen,
who took office Wednesday
(Aug. 7). Venezuela's :current
vigorous nationalism ,already
put to the service of the
UPEB group, may now be
further called upon.
And one possibility is that
Gen. Torrijos, his resolve also
fortified by the recent dis-
covery of vast copper deposits
in Panama, will take a tougher
line in the present negotia-
tions with Washington for a
new Panama Canal Treaty.
As he remarked a few months
ago, "If we lose the banana
war, we shall throw our
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PAGE 6 TAPIA





STRUG


IN


EVER SINCE 11 November
1965, when the white minority
Government of Southern Rho-
desia, headed by Prime Minister
Ian Smith, illegally declared its
"independence" from the United
Kingdom, the illegal regime has
steadily intensified its oppression
of the African majority of the
Territory.
Efforts to bring down the
illegal regime. and to restore the
Te-ritory to legality have been made
bybo& the United Nations and the
United Kingdom. hi 1966, the Security.
Council determined that the situation
in the Territory constituted a threat
to international peace and security and
decided to impose limited economic
sanctions against the illegal regime,
finally making them comprehensive
and mandatory to include all exports
and imports.
Apart from South Africa and
Portugal, all State Members of the
United Nations have undertaken to
comply with the Security Council
resolutions regarding sanctions and
have broken off all relations with the
illegal regime.

U.K.
As the administering Power, the
United Kingdom has made several
attempts to reach a settlement with
the illegal regime. On 24 November
1971, following extensive negotiations,
the United Kingdom Government and
the illegal regime agreed upon a set of
provisional "proposals tor a settle-
ment", based on the so-called "1969
Constitution", modified to allow for
gradual progress to African majority
rule- and. to prevent retrogressive
amendment of the Constitution.
These proposals were to be con-
firmed and implemented only after
the United Kingdom Government had
satisfied itself that they were accept-
able to the people of Southern Rho-
idesia as a whole.
The test of acceptability, which
was conducted between January and
March 1972 by the Pearce Commis-
sion, proved that the proposals were
not acceptable to the African majority
of the Territory.
Since then -there has been no
meaningful progress towards apolitical
settlement.
In December 1972, following the
rejection of the settlement proposals
by the population of the Territory as
a whole and the decision of the illegal
regime to discontinue further negotia-
tions with the United Kingdom,
African nationalist forces renewed
attacks in the north-eastern part of
the Territory.
The three liberation movements
waging an armed struggle in Southern
Rhodesia are the Zimbabwe African
National Union (ZANU), the Zim-
babwe African People's Union (ZAPU)
and the Front for the Liberation of
Zimbabwe (FROLIZI). ZANU and
IZAPU were formed in 1963, under
the leadership of the Reverend
Ndabaningi Sithole and JoshuaNkomo,
respectively, to wage an intensive
political campaign to liberate the Terri-
tory.
SIn. 1964, ZANU and ZAPU
were simultaneously banned by the
Govemment, but they were re-
organized both inside ard outside the
Tergtory sad began ii 1966 to wage
m armed rstnge gaiMnst the illegal


regime. FROLIZI was formed in
October 1971 in Lusaka and, since
1972, has also been involved in the
liberation struggle. Initially, FROLIZI
was conceived as an umbrella or-
ganization for both ZANU and ZAPU,
but later it evolved as a separate
group. In December 1972, all three
movements intensified the armed
struggle.

ZANU

In its new phase, ZANU has
concentrated its activities in the north-
east of the Territory, specifically in
a broad arc running from Mt. Darwin
in the north-east to Karoi in the north-
centre, an area of .approximately
40,000 square miles. The operations
of ZAPU have been centred in the
area along the Zambian border. Scat-
tered attacks have also been reported
to the south of Salisbury, particularly
at Wedza and Enkeldoom, within some
50 miles of the capital.
According to press reports, the
freedom fighters are carrying out their
attacks and evading the security forces
with unprecedented success, owing to
the high level of preparedness, both
in terms of tactics and armaments,
and to the large-scale support of the
local African population, numbers of
whom have joined the nationalist
struggle.
This situation of armed con-
frontation between the African
nationalist forces and the illegal
regime was reflected in commnaiii4iqTre
issued by ZANU, which stated that its
operations had resulted in the death of
140 members of the Southern Rho-
desian security forces between 21
December 1972 and February 1973
and a further 153 deaths from May
through July 1973. Military vehicles
and other property belonging to the
illegal regime were also destroyed.
In a later communique, ZANU
reported that in August and Septem-
ber it had engaged the Southern
Rhodesian security forces, attacked
settler farms used as bases, mined
roads and destroyed bridges and
police stations; in addition, it had
shot down four spotter planes and a
helicopter in this period, killed 77
Southern Rhodesian troops and
wounded hundreds more.

VIOLENCE

The 10 July issue of Zimbabwe
Line, the official publication of
FROLIZI, listed 22 "pitched batess,
ambushes and other attacks and inci-
dents between February and June 1973
which had resulted in the death of 13
members of the security forces. These
included an attack on a police station
in February in the Karoi area, north-
west of Salisbury, in the course of
which ,'one member of the security
forces was killed and five injured; the
death of a South African soldier in
March 1973 when his vehicle was
blown up by a land-mine planted by
FROLIZI; and two'"pitched battles"
with members of the security forces
in the Umvukwes and Mt. Darwin
areas in April, during the course of
which two members of the security
forces were killed and four injured.
The pamphlet said that "combat
and logistic operations were in pro-
gress" as part of a carefully conceived
plan to liberate the country.
On 23 September, ZAPU re-
'ported that it had destroyed a South


African military camp at Urungwe in
the north-central part of the Territory,
killing 13 members of the South
African police, wounding 40 others
and demolishing two army trucks.
ZAPU later reported that in three
separate operations in October it had
killed at least 10 Southern Rhodesian
and South African soldiers.
In a Christmas message to
security forces, issued on 17 Decem-
ber 1973, Lieutenant-General G.P.
Walls of the "Rhodesian Army" said
that the nationalists had launched a
new offensive to coincide with the
start of the main rainy season and
that the security forces still had a hard
struggle ahead of them.
The gravity of the situation
facing the illegal regime has been
confirmed by an independent study
published by the International Institute
for Strategic Studies (London) in
December 1973. The study observes
that, with its limited gross national
product, the illegal regime can afford
only a small defence force and that
the problems of obsolescence and the
acquisition of spare parts have been
accentuated by sanctions.
Although the security forces,
backed by paramilitary support from
South Africa, have until now managed
to function in the fact of shortages of
manpower, equipment and facilhies;
thislsituation cannot cL-i1lanue? in-
definitely. ----. .
I ITTTV "


Describing the prospect facing
Southern Rhodesia as a war of
national liberation fought by guerrillas
recruited from various parts of the
Territory, increasingly well-trained,
armed with modern weapons and
enjoying the moral.and material sup-
port of most countries, the study.
concludes that if the guerrillas are
able to expand their numbers signifi-
cantly, it is doubtful whether white
minority rule could be sustained.
In March 1973, the leaders of
ZAPU and ZANU, under the auspices
of the OAU (Organization of African
Unity) Co-ordinating Committee for
the Liberation of Africa, signed a
unity agreement providing for the
creation of a joint political council
and military command.
Under the agreement, the
political council would comprise a
chairman from ZAPU, avice-chairman
from ZANU and six members of each
party. It would: (a) be responsible for
propaganda, mobilization, diplomatic
activities, the welfare of the civil
population and consolidation of areas
of operation; and (b) work out a com-
mon policy for integrating all Zim-
babweans willing to join. the struggle.
The military command would be
responsible for planning and conduct-
ing military operations.
In the course of the meetings
leading to the unity agreement, leaders
of both parties declared their inten-
tion to maintain their offensive against
"white settlers". Herbert Chitepo,
Acting President of ZANU in the
absence of the Rev. Sithole, who is in
prison in Southern Rhodesia, said that
the first priority of ZANU was to
continue the armed struggle which had
created panic in the Territory and had
led to the breaking off of relations
between the illegal regime and Zambia.
He emphasized that the freedom
fighters had found the people ready,
united in action and able to join the


,SUNDAY AU


AND


REPI


RHODI


AREA: 150,820 square miles. Southern Rhodesia i
the south-west by Bot.wana on the south by the
east by Mozambique Partof the boundary with Za
the dam in the Kaiba Gorge, completed in 1959.
POPULATION: 5,890,000 (provisional 1973 cer
Africans, 270,000 are Europeans, 17,900. are Col
population is concentrated in urban areas, particu,
Bulawayo (57,900 Europeans, In contrast4most of
(4 million, or\ 65 per cent) and white rural are


struggle.
Jason Moyo, Chairman of the
Revolutionary Council of ZAPU, said
that his organization intended to
continue intensifying the armed
struggle it had been carrying out for
the past several months.
ZANU's biannual conference;
held at Lusaka from 14 to 16 Septem-
ber, was, for the first time, attended
by representatives from the organiza-
tion's operational zones withinn the
Territory, including chiefs, provincial,
district and branch delegates. The
Frente de Libertacao de Mocambique
(FRELIMO) and the African National
Congress (ANC) of South Africa were
also represented.
The conference adopted a num-
ber of resolutions pledging support
and loyalty to the Rev. Sithole and
other members of the Central Com-
mittee in detention and restriction in
the Territory; reaffirming their belief
that armed struggle offered the only
way of liberating the Territory; con-
demning the execution of members of
ZANU by the illegal regime; and
calling on all Zimbabweans to commit
themselves unequivocally to the war
of liberation and to contribute money,
clothes, food and other material sup-
port for the armed struggle.
'he illegal regime has responded
to the resurgence of African nationalist
armed struggle by throwing its entire
military and police apparatus and the
reserves into action against the free-
dom fighters and by imposing progres-
sively more punitive measures against
the African population.
At the same time, it has re-
peatedly asserted that local African
support of the nationalists has been
the result of coercion and intimida-
tion .rather than spontaneous co-
operation reflecting the legitimate
aspirations of the African people.
The illegal regime has also


SOUTHER


'DI~1I~?L4CI


---







ST 25. 1974






SESSION


-IA



oundia on the west and north-west by Zambia, on
publicc of Soua Africa, and on the east and north-
bia runs through Lake Kariba, which was formed by


s figures), of which an estimated 5,600.000 are
reds and 9;700 are Asians. Most of the European
4y Salisbury, the capital (121,000 Etropeans) and
SAfrican population lives in the Tribal TrustLands
,,only 15.1 per cent is resident in urban aeams
W


labelled the freedom fighters "outside
agitators" and has even.declared its
intention of bringing the nationalist
movement to an end by wiping out
bases outside the Territory.
In a major- statement on the
security situation in April 1973, Mr.
Ian Smith said that the security prob-
lem would take a longer time to re-
solve than had been anticipated be-
cause its roots were located outside
the Territory and because the
"terrorists", with the aid of "witch
doctors", had succeeded in subverting
the African population. He said that
the ultimate objective in restoring
security was to clean out "terrorist"
bases across the borders.
Since December 1972, the illegal
-regime has issued progressively fewer
communiques on its military opera-
tions within the Territory. Such com-
muniques as have been issued have
dealt primarily. with the number
of casualties it claims to have inflicted
on nationalist forces and have conse-
quently made it difficult to appriase
the actual situation.
That the illegal regime is facing
growing difficulties is reflected in the
increasingly repressive measures against
the local African populationand by
recent reports of "unrest" and a
"breakdown of discipline" among
Africans in the regular army and
police
According to a report in The
Observer (16 December 1973), six
non-commissioned :lofficcr* in the
l.O0(J- me nber Rhodesian African
Rifles. the Territory's only Afiican
re)pimecnt. whose loyalty had always
been taken lor granted, have been
coulrt-marlialled for mutiny, which is
punishable by death.
The devel opment was considered
to be specially significant because om
the preponderance of Alricains in tlhe
security forces as a wliole. (Africaans


comprise about one third of the
regular army and two thirds of the
British South Africa Police (BSAP),
ihe paramilitary branch of the South-
ern Rhodesian forces charged with.
maintaining internal order.)
Indicative of the importance the
illegal regime attaches to the "mutiny"
is the fact that all details of the case
have been suppressed and are forbid-
den to be mentioned in the Southern
Rhodesian press.
As at December 1973, the
security forces of the illegal regime,
claimed responsibility for the death of
.200 freedom fighters and the capture
of approximately twice that number.
The illegal regime has also exe-
cuted at least 14 Africans convicted
on charges of possessing arms of war'
and "murdering" settlers and members
of the security forces, and has im-
prisoned hundreds of others.

CONSCRIPTION

With the outbreak of fighting
the illegal regime immediately took
steps to increase -the size of its
security forces.As a result of initial
measures, including the extension of
compulsory service in the regular
army from nine months to one year,
the calling '~t of reserves and the
granting of-bonuses to enlisted soldiers
and police, by April 1973 the illegal
regime was reported tohave concen-
trated between 1,000 and 1,500
troops in the Mt. Darwin-Centenary
area, the regiorfhardest hit by guerrilla
attacks.
The scale of mobilization, how-
ever, was reported to have left busi-
ness and industry undermanned and


cussions, without satisfying the man-
power requirements of the military
establishment.
Despite these efforts, the 1972
annual reports of the "Secretary of
Defence" and of the -heads of the
army, air force and BSAP openly
stated that the efficiency of the .re-
spective components of the defence
establishment continued to be in-
hibited by the shortage of European
manpower.
Since mid-1973, the illegal
regime has taken further measures to
satisfy the manpower needs of the
security forces. On 29 June it pro-
mulgated a regulation requiring
employers to submit the names of
European, Coloured and Asian em-
ployees between the ages of 17 and
30 years who weie eligible for military
service.

EMIGRATION

Promulgation of the regulation
followed a statement by Jack How-
man, "Minister of Defence", that the
"Govemment" planned to "crack
down heavily" on young men who
were dodging their territorial call-up
and that, in the future, every male
school-leaver would be required to
register for military service.
Mr. Howman also said that
young men who left the country be-
fore completing military service would
be required to 'ulfil their obligation
upon their return, regardless of age.
In July 1973, it was reported
thal for the first time jn the Terri-
tory's history reserve units composed
of men aged 38 and over were being
called up to serve as re!l-iccmtents for
younger soldiers in relatively sedentary
posts who were being transferred into
more active units in the field.
At the same time, it was re-
ported that women in the north-
eastern district were at lending Red
Cross first aid cioulrses i( Ic al: ii how to
deal with wiioundm s blon tlunstli)l andi


""


landmine blasts.
In his address to the annual
congress of the Rhodesian Front on
22 September, Mr. Sinith said that the
"Government" was dissatisfied with
the military situation and that mea-
sures were being considered further
to increase the size of the regular
armed forces.
It was reported in Decembei
1973 that continuous mobilization of
reserves was imposing a serious strain
on the white population. Nearly all
white men of military age, according
to the report, had been required to do
at least one month of service in either
ite army or police reserves over the
year and many had been called up
twice.
It is generally acknowledged in
the international press that, although
the illegal regime claims that it is
containing the military situation and
expects to surmount it, the white com-
munity is seriously disturbed by the
continuing struggle. Lack of confi-
dence in the ability of the illegal
regime to maintain security is reflect-
ed,- for example, in increased emigra-
tion.
It was reported in December
1973 that the exodus of whites from
the Territory was even more serious
than that indicated by official figures,
because most emigrants declare them-
selves to be "leaving on holiday" in
order to prevent the freezing of their
bank accounts.
Those who have left would be
reported as having officially emigrated
only 12 months fifter their departure.
Although therehas been a continuing
influx of new immigrants, a high
proportion were reported to be "un-
skilled" labourers, many of them
illiterate.
The ,; regime's acute con-
cern with the problem of decreasing
imnmipgiatio was reflected in Mr.
Smith's New Year's address, in the
rniser nv uhioh h, ,annnro,+A h+.


7i 1 77,,-I, l t i. .i ll. c,<:lihll, f" : Sctt t IV n
74" campaign, the aim of which was
to :'ompile the names of a million
possible minigrants.

IMMIGRATION
Emphasizing that the campaign
.would be directed at people with
"special skills and qualifications,
people with initiative and a spirit of
adventure", Mr. Smith said that
immigration to Southern Rhodesia
must present a "warm and inviting
picture" in comparison to the current
difficulties in many countries of the
western world and would, in addition,
provide the most effective answer to
the unemployment problem "amongst
our African people".
The appearance on the same
day of a full-page advertisement in the
Rhodesia He rald.asking readers for the
names and addresses of people in the
United Kingdom or "anywhere else"
who might like to live in "Rhodesia"
underscored the seriousness and
urgency of the illegal regime's need
to increase white immigration.
The advertisement stated that
the "Ministry of Information" would
mail brochures to potential immi-
grants revealing "a new and alluring
vista of Rhodesia"
The iimmnigration campaign has
been condemned by both the national
liberation movements and the African
National Council of Zimbabwe. In
January of this year,. Mr. Mud/i,
Executive Secretary of ZANUl.
charged in l);a cs Salaam that the bulk
of incoming immigrants would be
mercenaries whowould light for the
illegal regilne against lthe people of
Zimbabwe
lie cimpliasized, however, ,that
no mallci howv many immigrants
were bhioughl into the Territory the
iibcration sliiugle would notl he
stopped
IIn a sllemIent issiuedC oil 2
JainuIy., thle lArican National (CoU cii il
i) Zim biln)we k aid lli:il A'Mlicans


TAPIA PAGE 7
would not be deceived by ihe argument
that more immigrants would me
more jobs for Africans, as the "Goveir~
ment's" policy was not based' mi
securing skills, but on "swelling the
white population".
The statement added that the
programme was certain to fail because
the political and security situation in
the Territory would not encourage
immigration.
Apparently, the main goal of
the illegal regime's new campaign is to
change the population balance in
favour of the whites. During 1973, it
gave increasing emphasis to curbing
the'African birth-rate, calculated at
3.6 per cent per year.

DEFENCE

At the annual congress of the
Rhodesian Front, in September 1973,
Des Frost, the party Chairman, called
for the establishment of a separate
ministry to deal with the populationr
explosion". He said that what was
needed was "a ministry with teeth
.that can dish out benefits to those
who conform and penalties to those
who refuse to see the problems...".
Out of the total estimated
expenditure of $R 318 million, the
1973/74 budget provides for an ex-
penditure of $R 53 million by the
army, air force and BSAP, an increase
of 22 per cent over 1972/73. (The
exchange rate of the Southern Rho-
desian dollar fluctuates between
approximately $US 1.20 and $US
1.65) Of this sum, $R 31 million-is
allocated to the defence forces and $R:
22 million to BSAP. In addition, $R
4.8 million has been provided for im-
proving wages, salaries and allowances
for the defence fo-c.' and police and
SR 2.3 inlilon for military motor
transport and mechanical equipment,
bringing the total defence allocation
to $R60.1 million.


-IJ-


lI;i s m<.ln'] t, !% 1". ; 11 n I'.-UII 2.) Ltf2
"Ministry_ of Internal Affairs" for
"border control", i.e., for the develop-
ment of a cordon sanitaire ("no-goi
area") along the north-eastern border
with Mozambique, and $R 4 mr;lion
for the establishment of four new
administrative districts in the north-
eastern area.
Recognizing that the military
success of the liberation movements is
in large part a result of their popular
support, the illegal regime began early
in 1973 imposing progressively more
severe punishments on the African
population for any actionsthat could
be broadly interpreted as aiding the
enemy, including harbouring "ter-
rorists", failing to report their presence
and providing them with food or
material support.
In addition to imprisoning an
unknown number of Africans, "the
illegal regime has razed villages, fired
on civilians, incarcerated numbers oi
Africans for questioning and imposed
collective fines on villages in which
any inhabitant was suspected of "col-
laborating" with the freedom fighters.
In September 1973, in its most drastic
action, the illegal regime imposed
execution as the maximum penalty
for collaboration.
The extent of the illegal regime's
concern with African co-operation
with the nationalists was highlighted
in July 1973 by the distribution to
European farmers in the north-east
of a confidential pamphlet outlining
precautionary measures they should
take to protect themselves from pos-
sible attacks by their African servants
or labourers.
11me Ipumphlel warned mariners
to maintain vigilance over their labour
force, to note changes in attitude
any unusual degree of turn-out, or
abnormal colmpolund activity, and to
report any dramatic changes to the
pol ice.

Continued on Page g


I G uuJ4-LsrClL---- brrLUlI


941119MV, --m--d- =-'"No loymm"


. ..... II 1- .... ... ... it,


I










R~\G 8P ESO RH 0 ESJINIAAAGST5 17


From page 7

Any African wiul udges" was
to be regarded as particularly suscepti-
ble to "subversion", and i Ifarmers wei
advised that it was essential to mailill-
tain good labour relations with llheir
employees.
The pamphlet further warned
farmers to keep poisons in a secure
store, to do everything possible to
prevent "unauthorized persons" Ifron
studying the layout of buildings and
surroundings, to avoid keeping et any
routine, and to change their sleeping
places from time to time. The panm-
phlet stated that the measures out-
lined were not intended to "create a


sinIc olf laln ".
On 16 Febiruary 1973, under
Ilie leris of the slate of emergency
regulations, penalties for aiding frec-
doin figlilers o0 failing to report their
presence were increased t1'om 5 to 20
years' imprisonment with hard labor.
On 18 September, the "House of
Assembly" increased the maxiinmum
penalty for harbouring or failing to
report the presence of"terrorists", as
well as for undergoing "guerrilla"
training, recruiting "guerrillas" or
committing any act of "terrorism"
with intent to endanger thle main-
tenance of law and order in Southern
Rhodesia or in a neighboring coun-
try from 20 years' imprisonment to
death or life imprisonment (Law and


Order (Mainlenance) Aicndiimen't Bill
No. 2).
The bill also provided lor tlhe
forlcilurc of property us an additional
penalty for "law and order offences"
and empowered the "Minister of Law
and Order" to charge persons witli
offences committed extra-territorially
against the "Law :nd Order (Main-
tenance) Act", -,:luding sabotage,
acts of terrorism, assisting terrorists,
and possessing arms of war.
The "Minister of Law and
Order" said that inasmuch as the
Territory's border with Mozambique
was ill-defined, it was necessary to
give extra-territorial operation to the
offences "in order that no terrorist or
person who helps a terrorist should


mole, mileage s more traction,, .

as much as 2001o lower in price than a new tyre


escape conviction on the grounds that
in the area of the border it has not
been proved to the satisfaction of the
court that the offence took place in
Rhodesia."
No information regarding the
total number of Africans imprisoned
for allegedly aiding the nationalists
has been published by the illegal
regime, but informed sources esti-
mated that over 200 Africans had
been arrested in February 1973
alone.
The Guardian later reported
that hundreds of Africans were being
held for months at a time in make-
shift barbed wire camps used as inter-
rogation centres. The Africans, num-
bering around 500 at any one time,
were said to have been rounded up
from areas surrounding "guerrilla"
activities and held without trial or
charge for as long as the police saw
fit.
On 21 June, Wickus de Kock,
Deputy" Minister of Law and Order",
confirmed that although some "sympa-
thizers" had been prosecuted in the
courts for rendering assistance to the
"terrorists", Africans had been detain-
ed without charges in cases where
there was insufficient evidence for a
prosecution.

SCHOOLS CLOSED


OI tica;I

0 '





ace .-uedo


Continued on page 10.


SUNDNIAY AUGUS5T 25, 1974


PAGE 8 IAPIA


Under the emergency regula-
tions of 16 February 1973 (later in-
corporated into the "Law and Order
(Maintenance) Amendment Bill" of
10 May 1973),the illegal regime
is reported to have sealed off at least
five African areas for indefinite
periods of time and to have ordered
..-- th" -r"in ff a number of Afican
-cheols.
7The closure of the Chwe.i
a" i5 InVtolved ruSSiOnL an1d Afr1c'an
council schools, including the Salva-
tion Army's Howard Institute, com-
prising a training college, a theological
college, and secondary and junior
schools.
On 24 February, it was re-
ported that churches had.since been
allowed to reopen, but that normal
life in the area had oome to a virtual
halt.
In March 1973, the illegal re-
gime ordered the closing of the Ichesa
African Purchase Area, 120 kilometres
north-east of Salisbury, where two
white land inspectors had been killed
the previous December. Stores, schools
and beer halls in the area were closed
and thousands of leaflets were air-
dropped offering rewards for informa-
tion about freedom fighters.
The illegal regime also ordered
the closing of two African schools
near Saint Albert's German Jesuit
mission at Mt. Darwin, about 100
miles north of Salisbury.
According to reports, farmers in
the adjacent Centenary area had
signed a petition in January calling
for closure of the mission and alleging
that it had showed sympathy to "ter-
rorists".
In iid-March, the school was
permitted to reopen, but was closed
again after four days "until further
notice". The closing affected about 80
African school children, who were
instructed to return to their homes.
On 14 April, the "Ministry of
Education" announced thatall African
schools in the northern area closed for
security reasons were to reopen.
As one of its major efforts to
tighten control over the African
population in the north-eastern region,
the illegal regime has created four new
administrative districts and has or-
dered the evacuation and resettle-
ment of about 8,000 Africans from









From page 4
'realistic alternatives", should not be allowed to pass.
Alternatives have been suggested although they have not been
Explained in great detail. But perhaps they are not quite as "realistic"
as a continuation of the present, ridiculous, meaningless, inhumane
and unjust system of examinations would be. Or maybe alternatives
will never be acknowledged because so many of us are afraid of
changing from the old and attempting anything new.
In truth and in fact, however, suggesting "realistic alternatives"
to the examination system does not and will not solve the problems
in education. In many ways, I think, to suggest final alternatives
would be most arrogant. The important thing at this point is to
eficourage dialogue and discussion on education and related matters.


EXAMINATIONS AND I






^ EDUCATION__
--- \


A thorough analysis of the
present system is necessary
and some assessment of its
relative strengths and weak-
nesses need to be made. It is
only after this is done that we
should proceed.
The Editorial is naive in
assuming that some
"assurance" that "every
student regardless of his or
her socio-economic back-
ground has an equal opport-
unity to pass" can be given
The truth is that this kind
of "assurance" cannot be
given and if, in fact, it were
given, no one would be
assured.
How can one speak of
differences in social status
with the accompanying
economic disparity and in
the same breath speak of
"equal opportunity"?
And why to "pass"? To
pass what?-
It is well known that at
11 plus level passing is not
at all a significant considera-
tion. The number of people
who go on to Secondary
schools is determined by the
number of places available.
Furthermore, there is the
variable of age, so that a 12
year old child scoring X
marks has preference over a
same .MKS.-- s
In addition the term
"passing" is a questionable
term. Educational psychol-
ogists and other experts in-
volved in education have for
years pointed out that the
validity of the term "passing"
can be challenged.
Written examinations.
usually take the form of
either objective type tests
(usually multiple-choice) or
an Examination which re-
quires essay type responses or
a combination of both.
In the objective type
examinations while only one
correct answer is possible for
each question (and in a sense
this makes the Examination
fairer) there are other vari-
ables which may prejudice
the examination for or
against certain people.
The socio/cultural as-
sumptious of the people
setting the Examination is
one such phenomenon. The
socio-economic and cultural
differences among those
actually sitting the Examina-
tion is another. The language
and terminology used in
phrasing the questions can
also be prejudicial. And the
list can go on.
In an examination which
involves essay type questions
the situation becomes even
more difficult.
Differences in approach
between the candidate and
the person making the
Examination may significant-
ly after results. Also one
Examiner's 4 may be
another's 6. Or one
Examiner's 6 may be
another's 7. In very impor-
tant examinations. these
obstacles to fair assessment


are recognized, and more
than one person would mark
any given answer.
In cases where the candi-
date has done very well or
very poorly, there is hardly a
danger, but the border line
cases present a problem. And
anyone who has ever marked
papers will know that border
line cases are more often
than not in the majority.
The Editorial in its final
paragraph, with an air of
authority that is quite
frightening concludes that
"Examinations, administered
in reasonable proportions, are
something with which we
have to live."
What does "reasonable"


mean? In proportion to what?
It cannot be taken foi granted
that we are all agreed on
what "in reasonable propor-
tions" is supposed to denote.

TEACHING

Furthermore the sugges-
tion that we just have to live
with Examinations is down-
right arrogant and reflects in
some measure, the kind of
people the existing system of
Education has turned out:
people with completely
closed minds,unwilling to
discuss anything, convinced
that their ideas are the only
significant ones, people who,
in the final analysis, always


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resort to the authoritarian
play of closing the discussioii
and that's that.
The Editorial concludes
that "Safeguards must be
created however to ensure
that teaching is of first rate
quality and that exaimna-
rnios are- not biased". 'hlis
sounds fine and is ccitainly
constructive but it is not so
easy to do these things.
Educational experts have
for years been trying to
develop examinations and
tests that are free from bias.
Though sometimes they have
moved closer to fairness they
have always acknowledged
thai no method of examina-
tion or testing has as yet
been developed which can be


considered "not based
Tlihe other poini about
"lirsl-rale teaciing" is also
open to debate.
InI the lirst place "teach-
ing" is avery dif Icult lerm to
explain. 'The following phrase
winch I remember healing
somewhere imiglt help to
explain wliat I mean: 'with-
out leading licere is no
leaching."
The maxim suggests that
there are many teachers who
in fact, do not "teach" and
many teaching situations
which do not foster learning.
To define leadingg" is
another problem in itself. To
make the situation even more
Continued on back page.


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'TAPIA PAGE9E'


SUNDAY AUGUST 25,1974








PAGE 10 TAPIA


gle


in


SUNDAY AUGUST 25, 1974



Southern


Rhodesia


the villages had been carried out inlcrests. To this end, it has imposed d
From page 8 in an orderly fashion with no force repressive controls on the press, held
needed. African members of "Parlia- numerous trials in camera and imposed v
a five-mile cordon sanitaire along the ment" pointed out, however, that penalties for the "spreading of il
north-eastern border with Mozam- prior to their resettlement, the AIri- iumours", r
bique. cans had been confined in a relocation In early February 1973, the f
The illegal regime has allocated camp, described as a "cage" and a illegal regime issued an official state- a
$R 4.2 million for development of the "concentration camp", and that there ment, headed "Warning to rumour-
new districts, of which SR 2 million had been reports of grossly inadequate mongers", reminding the public that, i
has been designated foi a high priority water and housing conditions, under the exislin:; state of emergency A
road-building operation, $R 1.2 million Ronald Sadomba, one of the regulations, "run'ours likely to cause n
for dams and irrigation, and SR I members, said he had been told that alarm and despondency or false alarms p
million for the construction of four at one time 6,000 people had been regarding bomb hoaxes could lead to
new administrative centres. Each of placed in an open, fenced-off two-acre prosecution and the imposition of a
the newly created districts -- Cen- area of the camp, provided with only severe prison sentences of up to seven g
tenary, Rushinga, Mudzi and Mutasa three water taps. Although the years of hard labour". p
- will have its own district conmmis- Africans involved had finally been On 20 February, the illegal i
sioner and staff, removed to a protected village" regime detained Peter Niesewand, a c
Shortly before the creation of where conditions were more favour- free-lance journalist who had been
the new administrative districts, Mr. able, Mr. Sadomba noted that each reporting on the security situation in v
Smith said in a radio broadcast that family was entitled to only one "hut", the north-east, Mr. Niesewand was g
the success of the nationalists in the irrespective of the number of children subsequently charged with an alleged u
north-east was at least partially or their ages; that freedom of move- breach of the "Official Secrets Act" of a
attributable to the shortage of admin- ment was greatly restricted; and that 1970 and, on 6 April 1973, after an t
istrative offication between the Afri- people had not been allocated fields in camera trial, he was sentenced to
cans and the "Government". It was for food, so that they would have to one yer year's hard labour.
hoped that the creation of smaller depend on "Government" rations. On 27 April, the Appellate
districts would rectify this situation. Thomas Zawaira, a second Afri- Division began an appeal hearing of
Emergency regulations of 18 can member, said that thousands of Mr. Niesewand's case, which opened
May authorized the evacuation of the people had been exposed to the rain in public, but later went into camera
African population from the cordon and sun after their homes had been as the result of an order issued by
sanitaire and their resettlement, after to be born in an area where there was Desmond Lardner-Burke, "Minister of
they had been "screened" for security military activity. Law and Order", stating that it would
purposes. As evidence of "unorthodox "not be in the public interest for any
means" of dealing with the African matter to be publicly disclosed", apart i
HOLDING CAMPS civilian population, The Zambia Daily from an edited version of the original
Mail carried a report on 9 August, charges and judgement.
The same regulations also em- documented by photographs of it- < It was learned from the edited
powered the Commissioner of Police jured women and children and by transcript of the original trial that the
to authorize the confiscation, seizure statements from doctors at three hos- accusation against Mr. Niesewand was
or destruction of all property in the pitals in Lusaka and eastern Zambia, that he had on 15 November 1972
area which he .considered might be of attacks by the security forces of "wrongfully and unlawfully published '
used by "terrorists". Accoridi ng Tr--- least five or communicated, transmitted or
statement by Mr. Howman, "Minister African villages iste n fr a pu-
of Defence", evacuation of the popula- sector of Southern Rhodesia in pose that was "preuicia
tion was designed to ease the task of January.
thip Qco-itit fwror. hv inahllinj thpm The newspaper reported that
to ,concentrate on terroriststs" who,-. secunt -fores had sprayed the vlages --
could take cover in every nook and with bullets, burned dwellini~s, T s-
cranny in "very rugged country" and troyed grain stores and commandeered
to protect the Africans from the cattle in retaliation against the local
"terrorists". inhabitants for alleged co-operation
He also indicated that Africans with the freedom fighters. B OK
evacuated from the area would be
resettled in the four newly-created IN COLD BLOODB O O
administrative districts referred to
above. As these areas had not been In an interview with the press
provided with roads, irrigation facili- in Nairobi in August, the Rev. Canaan Power to the People
ties or schools, the evacuees would Banana, Vice-President of the African Tapia' New World
be kept in "holding camps" for an National Council of Zimbabwe, con- T PA ack Numbers
unspecified period of time. firmed the Zambian report. He said
The African National Council of that in the backlash against Africans Tapia Constitution
Zimbabwe has strongly condemned following talks between "Prime Min- Democracy or Oligarchy? -
the mass removal of Africans. In a ister" Smith and Bishop Abel T. Reform of the Public service
statement issued on 18 May, the. Muzorewa of the African Nationalorm e ic service
Council said that it did not believe, Council, many Africans were being Foreign Investment In T and T -
as the "Government" had alleged that killed in cold blood and that over Central Banking-
the Africans involved had asked to be 2,000 refugees had already crossed
evacuated. into Zambia. Non-Bank Financial Institutions -
Furthermore, it had no reason On 21 June the Southem Rho- Foreign Capital in Jamaica -
to doubt thatifthe Africans did resent desia "House of Assembly" voted Post War Economic Development
and resist removal, the security forces to renew for another year the state of of Jamaica
might use "unorthodox means" to emergency which has been in force
deal with the situation. The Council uninterruptedly since 1965 and which Underdevelopment and
also expressed doubt that facilities empowers the illegal regime to legislate Dependence -
such as schools, clinics and businesses by regulation,to commit persons to Persistent Poverty-
would be available to the Africans detention for unlimited periods of Readings in The Political Economy
resettled in the new districts, time and to suspend the Declaration The o cal Economy
In December 1973, it was re- of Rights. o the Caribbean
ported that the illegal regime had In the debate in the "House", Political Economy of the English
begun to resettle the evacuated Afri- Mr. Wickus de Kock said that although Speaking Caribbean
cans in "protected villages". Four the "Government" had been doing all the Dynamics of W.I. Economic
such "villages" were being planned, that it could as regards the security Integration
each with a population of between situation, "guerrillas" were showingI
1,500 and 2,000 persons; two had a greater sense of purpose and deter- The Adjustment of Displaced
already been established with areas of mination than their predecessors and Workers In A Labour Surplus
50 acres, surrounded by high fences, were using more sophisticated tactics, Economy-
Africans compelled to live in and that it would take time and effort The Integrated Theory of
the villages were required to obtain before the situation was completely Development Assistance -
permission from the authorities to remedied. The state of emergency was Cuba Since 1959
leave the site. Each village would also necessary, therefore,to enable the
have "government" administration "Government" to take appropriate From CARIFTA to
buildings and accommodations for a measures to deal with the situation. Caribbean Community -
police detachment. The illegal regime has also The Caribbean Community
In a statement in "Parliament" attempted to deal with the security A Guide -4
on 7 December, Wickus de Kock, situation in the Territory by limiting
"Deputy Minister of Law and Order" the free flow of any information At the Tapia House, 82-84 St. Vincent S
said that the removal of Africans to it considers to be detrimental to its Phone: 662-J


3HO1


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Denis Solomon
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dm


_ _


lesia's safety or interests".
As later revealed by Mr. Niese-
vand in his book In Camera, published
n London in September 1973, the
reports in question stated that security
orccs of the illegal regime were
Ready taking an unofficial part in the
Mozambique guerrilla war includ-
ng supplying aircraft of the Rhodesian
Air Force for specific tasks in the
neighbouring territory, and sending
patrols of soldiers across on request".
On 1 May, the Appelate Court
acquitted Mr. Niesewand on the
grounds that his reports had not been
proven to be prejudicial to the
interests or safety of Southern Rho-
lesia.
Despite the reversal of the con-
iction, Mr. Niesewand remained in
;aol under his original detention order
intil 3 May 1973, when he was
allowed to leave for London, al-
hough still technically in detention.
Since Mr. Niesewand's trial, the
illegal regime has enacted legislation
to make the publication of trial tran-
scripts containing "subversive state
ments a criminal offence, punishable
by a two-year prison sentence (Law
and Order (Maintenance) Amendment
Bill of 10 May 1973).
The legislation also makes it an
offence to distribute any publication
n which such a statement might
appear, to broadcast it on radio, or
otherwise to communicate it to
another person, in or outside Southern
Rhodesia.


Reprinted from Objective: Justice,
a UnitedNations publication.
w.""Paw I ~


IJIA







SUNDAY AUGUST 25, 1974


THE GOOSE of tourism
that lays the golden eggs
is unfortunately also
fouling her own nest.
Those who helped
spawn riches by develop-
ing the tourist industry
have good reason to be
satisfied with the finan-
cial returns. But they
are now having to take
another look at the con-
sequences of mass
tourism such as pollution
and other undesirable
changes in the environ-
ment
In 1973, 215 million
tourists paid out $28 billion.
With this kind of money to
be made, "developers" have
disfigured much of the coast-
line of the Mediterranean,
the Aegean and the Adriatic
with huge hotels, holiday
camps and often shoddy
tourist attractions. Mountain
areas, particularly in the-
Alps, have suffered similarly
urith rhPvP~nnmnt h ~ f d


under the gaudy trappings of
a Westernized society.
"This happened before
the charter groups moved in,
the tourists could not have
done worse than the natives,"
Fourquet commented at the
seminar held at TUnesco head-
quarters in Paris last 23 to
25 April.
The sheer weight of
tourists has already forced
well-publicized restrictions
at the Acropolis, the Coliseum
and the Lascaux caves -
among other sites. For
Michel Parent,. of the Inter-
national Council of Monu-
ments and Sites, it is a
question of finding a level
which tourism must not
exceed if what the tourist is
looking for is to be preserved.
"Perhaps the ideal solu-
tion would be to decree that
so many millions will have to
remain cultural morons and
never see the Mona Lisa,"
Parent wryly observed.

CONSERVATION


Another look at the




Tourist Industry


TAPIA PAGE 11


wilitu UvoupI ntIIII unl w Together with his deter-
ski resorts. mination to see renowned
The islands of the Carib- objects and places, the mass
bean, the Seychelles and tourist may be characterized
many Pacific archipelagos by his insatiable hunt for
are also beginning to show souvenirs to bring back
signs of degradation. Indeed, home. Comnmerce in cheap
it seems no scenic site is safe goods of no aesthetic value,
ftrom an sp c os, th goods of no aesthetic value,
from land speculators, the reflecting the poor taste of
reflecting the poor taste of
tourist industry and package the tourist, may be harmless
tour operatorsenough, but there is cause for
concern when the souvenir is
TENSION a stuffed baby crocodile or a
rare coral.
However, the financial This is the case in tropical
involvements may not be as islands, where for !ack of
lucrative as they appear at manufactured souvenirs,
first sight One critic has local people sell native birds
- f that more than o or -- ..--
-- flowers or buttertlies,
change derived from tourism and small animals which often
is consumed paying for the can be found only on a single
hotels, roads and other neces- island, mountainside or along
sities, plus imports and a single forest track.
luxury items for the comfort The booming tourist trade
of the visitors, in underwater fishing has
But, such economic already caused grave losses
burdens, according to the around island resorts in the
International Institute for Caribbean and the Indian and
Environmental Affairs, may Pacific Oceans. The trade in
well give less cause for the magnificent blue wings
concern than the psycho- of giant Morpho butterflies,
logical impact of mass tourism and other South American
especially in those places species, is alarming entomo-
described in the travel logists.
folders as "unspoilt
paradises". WILD-LIFE
Some sociologists also
argue that apart from open- Wildlife reserves have been
minded youth, mass tourism remarkably successful money
does little to promote inter- earners. But tourist develop-
national friendship andunder- t the demand for
standing and may even in- more and bigger lodges, roads
crease tension and prejudice and the increased problems
between peoples. of coping with hordes of


DEGRADATION

"If the tourist seeks an
escape from his environment
and wants contact with
foreign people, why does he
try to recreate his visua
habitat on vacation and stick
to his own people?" asked
Vincent Planque, of the
French Commissariat General
au Tourisme, at a recent
Unesco seminar for travel
editors.
For Gaetan Fouquet, the
administrator of Connais-
sance du Monde, which or-
ganizes lectures and film
showings on explorations and
travel, mass tourism in many
cases is only one part of a
process of degradation. Laos,
he said, is an example of a
country where the traditional
culture is being smothered


people on photo safaris is
causing concern among
national park officials and
organizations such as the
World Wildlife Fund (WWF).
As in the case of the
Coliseum and the Acropolis,
some national park authori-
ties, for instance in the
United States, are now limit-
ing the number ofpedestrians,
cars and camping sites to
protect the natural environ-
ment.
Those involved in promot-
ing cultural tourism and
protecting monuments and
-sites as part of economic
development are being forced
to take into account the, ill-
effects of tourism. Unesco
shares this concern and hias
long-range plans to restore
monuments and sites in many
parts of the world.
It has carried out studies


of the effects of tourism on
the island of Bali and plans
more such studies over the
coming two years. Unesco is
also encouraging the creation
of a network of reserves to
protect natural areas and their
genetic stock.

RESERVES

These "biosphere reserves"
would offer permanent pro-
tection for the diversity of
plants and animals the con-
tain, a.; \vci ,s lcpilng to
generate public support for
conservation.
tors ariud i ii;;1 L ilnlis, ;;;c
International Union for the
Conservaotion of Nac Ie
(IUCN) is preparing eco-
logical guidelines for sites
that draw tourists. Already
67 of the world's airlines
have signed an agreement,
proposed 'by the 'IUCN and
WWF, not to promote safari
tours that include hunting of
endangered species.
Such efforts, as well as
enlightened conservation
policies, are important steps
forward. A notable example
comes from Iran which now
has 46 protected areas and
parks covering over
17,300,000 acres.
Kenya is another pioneer
in the field of conservation.
The country's natural re-
sources and spectacular game
reserves earned $270 million
from tourism in 1973. What
is not so well known is the
government's concern to
preserve natural treasures -
abundant wildlife, coral reefs
and varied vegetation.

PROTECTION

Such conservation requires
land and acquiring it is no
longer as easy as it was in the
past when tsetse fly and
drought made much of it
unfit for human habitation.
Today there is increasing
competition for what land is
available. Fortunately, the
conservationists' needs are
now much better understood
by the Kenyan public thanks
to an extensive education
campaign by the National
Parks and the National
Museum.
Another concerted con-
servation effort is the
Ecuadorian government's pro-


gramme to protect the Gala-
pagos Islands, famous since
Charles Darwin's voyage in
1835 as a natural laboratory
and showcase of evolution.
Tourism, which is the
biggest foreign money earner
in the islands, began in an
organized way in 1969. Two
years later a national park
law came into effect which
helps to regulate the impact
of the tourists on the islands'
wi! dlifc
iiesco, involved in con-
servation and research activi-
ties in the islands since 1959,
is assisting the r .ii .L. -.,


ing die unique tlora and
fauna of the Galapagos -
icludingl the fnmoil'r giant
tortoises and developing
tour ism.
The protection of the


Trinidad & Tobago -
CARICOM
Other Caribbean -
North America


world's cultural and natural
heritage has received inter-
national sanction in a conven-
nion passed by the Unesco
General Conference in 1972.
At present, four countries -
Bulgaria, Arab Republic of
Egypt, Iraq and the United
States have ratified this
treaty which commits them
to protecting and conserving
monuments and sites of
nt.ulra! and naLtural interest.
The tourist industry and
conservationists must both be
involved in the management
of mass tourism so as to save
.TrIMM"


is lost, the wisest tourist may
well become the man who
prefers to be an armchair
traveller.

( Unesco Features )


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-Lehi-b 5 VA
*isa S


March to Chaguara mas


A MEETING of the'Back
to Chaguaramas Action
Committee' took place at
4 pm. Sunday August
18th at the St. Antoine
Friendly Society Hall in
Carenage.
Mr. Kelly, who chaired
the meeting gave a brief
resume of the history of the
Chaguaramas problem.
He pointed out that the


real issue was that promises
of fair compensation and a
fair deal to those who had
been evacuated from
Chaguaramas during the war
years had not been honoured
and the government was con-
tending that their land now
belonged to the Government,
not recognizing the rights of
the former land owners.
Mr. Alan Dehere, public
Relations officer of the Com-


mittee pledge to work
towards the resettlement of
Chaguaramas.,

UNFAIR

He added that this time
things would be different,
since they would be going
forward as one body -;not
individuals.
The committee intends


to do their own development
and will concentrate on three
main areas fishing, farming
and co-operatives.
In the tradition of Eric
Williams, the group intends
to march to Chaguaramas,
,and-if this fails to attract
Government's attention they
hope to use the ultimate
alternative of court action.
The group claims that out
of $40 million (TT) paid by


the U.S. to the Trinidad
Government as compensation
for the U.S. Government's,
use of Chaguaramas only
slightly over $1 million was
paid out and this went to 2
or 3 large land owners.
The Back to Chaguara-
mas Action Commjttee con-
tends that Government has
been unfair and dishonest in
dealing with them.


Examinations


and Education


From Page 9 other ways besides. Education sidered closed. People
comphcated mania teaches courses and class room genuinely interested in edu-
will assure you that some practice. %hat ire they? cation and its problems and
children cannot be taught. Hov. do -e ensure that possibilities have more ques-
So we are back to a prob- "abood" teachers continue to tions than they have answers.
lem of definition What is be good? Does a teacher im- To attempt to close of
_"teaching of first rate prove as nime passes or does discussion as this Express
u:, il t.-. i.. I eripve t a point and Editorial has attempted to do
ranked by go~~opJ ijli. i.. .. w i 1 is totally irresponsible and
how do we determine who gross Im
is a "good" teacher and ih Tlhee are all questions public.
,- F h.rm.r .n v.e ih nr-'d rI b: considered.
-e"-L.r k 11r1 .t..- t-lOn o-


only be considered reaction-
ary.
Perhaps, with the sole
exception of Constitution
Reform, education is the
most explosive issue in Trini-
dad and Tobago today, in
terms of its potential impact
on the structure of the
society. Somethin-as imnnr-


thought, analysis, 3
..:2., + im,,,-rt n t -


New Editor


for


Contact
RICKEY SINGH well-
known Guyanesejournal-
iist and writer has taken
up an appointment as
editor of Caribbean
Contact the Caribbean
regional newspaper pub-
lished by CADEC -
an agency of the Carib-
bean Conference of
Churches.

Mr. Singh was formerly
Political correspondent and
Features writer for the Guy-
ana Graphic newspaper. In
his ten years on the Graphic
he established an enviable
reputation for frank and in-
sightful commentary.
Mr. Singh's departure from
the Grapnc came about after
he lent his voice to the storm
of criticism levelled at Guy-
anese Prime Minister Forbes
Bumham and his Government
over the many irregularities
in the 1973 election.
Since his resignation Mr.
Singh has been a roving
Caribbean Correspondent for
the Gemini News Service. As
editor of Caribbean Contact
he replaces Trinidadian
Journalist Owen Baptiste.


dtiey born? It" we- an it,.jt
them, what is the best way
to do so? Is training in
Education the only way to
create good teachers? And
what must "training" in
Educationlentail? If there are


Ie t)a7nuch at1 -- -l-. "jU O1....
:* :i.!c too rlliuAi at a]L---- ---


My intention in this article
is to suggest that discussion
on the issue of Examinations
and on issues in Education in
general, should not be con-


To assume an air of
authority as the Editorial
does is supremely dishonest.
And to be so opposed to
suggestions for change can


on the issues in Education so
that we may be in a better
position to determine what is
the best possible system of
Education for Trinidad and
Tobago.


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