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Tapia
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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00123
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: August 18, 1974
Frequency: completely irregular
 Subjects
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
 Notes
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00123

Full Text



Vo' Andrea Talbutt
Research Institute for
Study of 11anr
162, East 78th et
'hL YOKi, ;:.Y. I0021,
Ph. Lehi'h 5 0,
U.S. 5 448,


SUNDAY AUGUST 8, 1974


CONSTITUTION
.1SISSUE I


THIE ISSUE of Constitu-
tion Reform has hit yet
another -West Indian
country. In our issue of
July 14 last (Vol. 4
No. 28) we reported that.
a. joint select committee
of the Jamaica House of
Representatives had been
appointed to look into
-this question. Now re-
ports from Barbados
indicate that the issue is
ketching fire there too.-
Irk this issue we publish
a release from the Manjak
Croup of Barbados. pub!ish-
ers- f the radical review,
MANJAK, who are making'.
a call for a "total and re-
volutionary approach to
constitutional change."
The occasion of this
demand is the attempt by the
Barrow -Government to in-
troduce changes to the
Constitution, which, accord-
iinr to news agency reports,
wi "empower the Attorney-
General himself a political
appointee to give general


'7 F q -,-
or special directions of the 1971 Stafe of
D rof the 1971 Stae of
Director of Public rdscency, in the forms of

offences." N endment Act, the Sedition
Another proposed amend -" Act, the Firearms Act and
ment "is for all puisne- .the Industrial Relations Act.
judges to be appointed by That was their response to
the Governor-General on the Tapia's call for participatory
recommendation of the Prime politics and to the 1970
minister after consultation street& slogan of Power to the
with the Leader of the People.
Opposition."
SOpponents of these More and more, people in
pleasures are saying that they the region are becoming
would place the, Judiciary aware that .the Westminster
under too much .political constitutionsr bequeathed us
influence. The Marijak Group by the Imperial power at
bees them as "a clear attempt Independence, only serve as
to- still e ,,t,:isins of -.C:e l.galisti, c':.oks -. 3xe i: tive
continuing failure of the domination and abuse. .By.
* present system to redress the posing the issue of Constitu-
ills of the nation". tion Reform, progressive
These developments in forces are thereby reaching
Barbados recall to mind the out'towards a more authentic
widespread protests in Trini- definition of rational inde-
dad and Tobago over the' pendence. Constitution Re-
Public Order Bill late in 1970. form is a banner under
While the hand of repression which a whole array of
"was stayed at the time, the demands for popular'
Government subsequently re- participation in political
introduce the proposed affairs and economic decision-
measures piece-meal. under making can be grouped.


-Of all the Commonwealth
Caribbean countries, the issue
has gone furthest in Trinidad
and Tobago. The delaying
tactics of the PNM Govern-
;ment in this regard attest to
the deep-seated fears it strikes
in the hearts of the powers-
that-be. Far from coming to
terms with 'it, the PNM
leadership is now off on all
kinds of hare-brained; ill-
conceived schemes, the latest
of which is the Caricom
Fbod Plan.
But if Williams is planning
to make his play at Caricom
level, he had better take
waning "ffia the veT' gil
storms of change that have
driven him out into' the
'Caribbean, are now brewing
in the rest of the region.
The mutual-admiration
society that he and Manley
and Bumham and Barrow
(despite the old talk) and the
other Caribbean petty princes
are hoping to form is sure
to be blown sky-high. It is
only a matter of time.


/ Bhadn datt Tewae

ON the evening of August
14th Alma was working
herself up into a storih.
,Several newsflashes in-
formed the population'
that they' should expect-
her perhaps during the,
night or early morning,
perhaps on the next day,
Thursday.
During the early hours of
iThursday rinoming the rains
came heavily, with some
thunder and lightning.' It
stopped on occasion, but up.
to teni o'clock it continued
to rain in most parts of the
country.
M the. rains fell, the
,winds blew and between the
hours of 7 and 10 a-m.
'almost every e thought we
were' going tI get it for sure.
.:The ne~tfashes kept
coming, tie National EmerP
.gean Relief Organization
(IRO) tied to-mobilise its
forces. to sweet impending
diuater, tBm informed citi-
zens thit tiit thing to do
w1 to; -stj wherever you
airM 'Dot jave' .wi the.


advice.
But midday came and the
rains stopped, The winds
fizzled out into gentle breezes
and Trinidad and Tobago was
back to normal

EYE SET

Alma, :her eye set on a
oath between Tobago and the
north-east coast of Trinidad,
poised to destroy both Toco
and Tobago, and,threatening
to make her presence felt in
- almost every corer of the
country, passed however,
across central Trinidad and
onto the Eastern Coast of
Venezuela, and continued
her furious journey on an
uncharted course,
SThough Alma spared us,
however, we certainly were
affected by her destructive
presence. .We did not come
off entirely unscathed.
Several roofs were blown
off all over the country.
Alma took one life, that of
Wilma- Housen of Chaguanas,
who was struck by a flying
sheet of galvanize.
S Alma affected our daily
routine. Many of us did not


turn out to work, the city
on this working day seemed
desolate, canals and drains
flooded, trees were uprooted,
streets were blocked up,
transportation facilities were
almost non-existent and the
streets were virtually clear.
Around midday the
curious went out to see what
.had happened and by after-
Snoon, life was normal
again. Many conversations
centred around Alma.

AFTERMATH
The aftermath of Alma's
visit are still with us. Many
areas are without essential
services .- water, electricity,
telephones even how. And
Where damage was done
people will be trying to'clean
up their yards, repair their
houses and put their homes
. back in order.
Alma taught us many
things too. Mary families
stayed close together and
appreciated each other more,
while awaiting the expected
crisis. Many of us realized
too, that if tragedy did come,
we would be willing to lend a


hand.
She registered in our minds
the importance of an or-
ganization much as NERO.
She made us aware that
Trinidad though relatively
safe is by no means immune
to hurricane attacks.
: rather it registered in our
minds that if a 'gale' could
do so mpch damage, a hurri-
cane would most probably
demolish us.
And if a gale could dis-
rupt our essential services to
such an extent, a hurricane
would probably leave us com-
pletely isolated, struggling for
a drink of water.
But those of us who saw
the -trees bent by the force
of the winds almost to the
point of touching the ground,
those of us who saw trees,
decades old, being uprooted,
and long standing structures
being threatened, must have
recognized the impotence of
man in the face of destruc-
tive nature.
It is good in this political-
revolutionary time to be

Continued on Page 2


.. est's

.' letter to


the Express

Mr. Editor Sir,
Your Editorial of August
5, has claimed diat in your
recent series you gave
Opposition parties "an
opportunity to let the coun-
try know-where they stand
on a number of issues."
My impression was that
the entire opposition appear-
,ed as having nothing con-
structive to offer except self-
,promotion and pulling down
of others. That is not true
and it in no way services a
democratic political culture.
In the case of Tapia this
impression was achieved by
the 'simple device of scissors
and paste. Your interviewer
got from me a positive res-
ponse on constitution reform
only. That is what we had
,agreed to talk about
For the rest I simply re-
sisted his attempts to draw
,me into what looked very
much like a mudslinging
match in the making. In his
own words, I "declined corn-
ein onr -Tapia-0 "sews on-
other burning issues... or...
,thoughts on other political
groups."
The alleged interview was
then- filled out by coggings
put together slap-dash from
the Tapia newspaper and
sunday reports of so-called
Tapia utterances.
Even .the headline Tapia
the only horse in the race -
was imported raw material
and the trailer on page one
Bqst on the arrogance of
ANR could not be fairly
laid at my door.
This method has achieved
a grotesque distortion of
,Tapia and doubtless of all
the opposition forces. The
onus is on you now to set the
record straight.
-There are any number of
Tapia members willing and
able to comment on.burning
issues provided they could
count on faithful reports.
SRamesh Deosaran has him-
self commented that "Tapia
has shown no lack of articu-
lation." Why then did his
interview not yield any con-
crete facts about Tapia, its
activities, programmes and
policies? Our paper is full of
such material, equally avail-
able for fudging.

EDITOR'S NOTE:
We have been forced
to' reduce the size of
TAPIA this week owing
to the disruption of our
production schedule
caused by power.failure
in the wake of Wednes-
day morning's storm.
Look out for our Inde-
pendence Special 'next
week.


25 Cents


MORE STORMS TO COME ?


--.1\
I


`;`
,1.....,


---~-


--
-----L--~LD"-P







PAGE 2_TAPIA_ SUNDAY AUUT1,17


THE MANJAK group
takes the opportunity of
the current discussion on
the proposed amendment
to the constitution to
make a call for a total
a n d revolutionary
approach to constitu-
tional change.
The group does not
subscribe to the view expres-
sed from other sources that
there is no need for a change


MANJAK calls for


Revolution


in the constitution. Rather,
it recognizes that the changes


proposed by the ruling party
simply continue a trend to


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more and more repression
which has been evident ever
S since the enactment of the
Public Order Act in 1970.
The reasons for the pro-
posed changes are quite
understandable if seen in this
light.
In other words, the
constitution is being amended
for entirely wrong reasons -
reasons having nothing to do
with the increased freedom
of the Barbadian people and
everything to do with their
further subjection to repfih
sion and control against
organising for a better life.
The MANJAK group
strongly condemns the
proposed amendments
Particularly dangerous are the
proposed new powers to be
vested in the Attorney
General in respect of matters
relating to sedition and
public security. This is a
clear attempt to stifle critic-
ism of the continuing failure
of the present system to
redress the ills of the nation.
It is also a clear attempt
to prevent discussion and
examination of a continuing
imperialist relationship be-
tween Barbados and the'
powerful North Atlantic
countries, whose giant, multi-
national corporations con-
o c OI 0iate ouii
economy, and who maintain
a milituay presence on the
island for obvious purposes
of surveillance.
The group also opposes
the attempts to impose
further restrictive controls
on the Civil Service, and to
destroy what independence it
now has.
Constitutional change. is
badly needed in Barbados,
but for other, more positive
reasons than those
behind the amendments now
being proposed-
There is no proper
political framework within
which to implement action
to deal with the social and
economic crisis facing this
country. The framework we
have adopted from November,
1966 is a blueprint for run-
ning a semi-colonial country,
not a. truly independent
nation.
It is a blueprint for
'dictatorship, not true


FROM PAGE 1
reminded that in the vast
scheme of things we are really
negligible. Even powerful
politicians making grand play
have only human frailities to
pit against the natural forces.
With destructive nature
dramatically imbedding it-
self in our consciousness on
Thursday, many old
politicians must have realized
that time another -natural
(and in their case) destructive
force is the ultimate enemy.
If Alma had hit in all its
fury, however, certain more
mundane realities might have
become evident. For instance


a nge

democracy. A government
serious about meaningful
constitutional change will
initiate moves to lead to
true independence and
democracy, by arranging for
the people to take direct
control of the instruments of
power.
The MANJAK group be- -
lieves that meaningful con-
stitutional change for
Barbados at this point of our
history must address the
following:
The urgent need for
political arrangements to be
devised by the people them-
selves, for dealing with the
immediate situation of crisis
and for charting a new
direction for the society as a
whole.
The need to destroy all
symbols and structures that
perpetuate a colonial men-
tality, and imperialist
relationship, and the absence
of true democracy. This
means' that the monarchy
must be abolished and the
people allowed to formulate
relevant political instruments
to replace the remnants of
the old representative system
adopted after the model of
Westminster.
The fact that ..true
democracy and freedom of
the people can be guaranteed
only by:
the removal of the
over-concentration of
power in the hands of the
Prime Minister, the Cabi-
net, and the Executive, in
general
freedom of the Judici-
ary, the legislature, and
the Civil Service
De-control of the media
of communication
the fostering of moves
for real power to be
vested in the people
through workers' control,
meaningful local govern-
ment development, com-
munity control and a
people's representative
system with real indepen-
dence.
The MANJAK group
proposes to address these
issues in greater detail in the
forthcoming issue of its
journal.
The MANJAK group,
Publishers of MANJAK.













while the rich might have
had more to lose, the poor
would have suffered most.
But maybe Alma is merely
Nature's inimitable way of
foreshadowing a greater
political storm to come.


S te ph ens
PORT OF SPAIN SAN FERNANDO


~le~--na~-~l-~~-F i---- ,


PAGE.2 TAPIA


SUNDAY AUGUST 18,-.1974







SUNDAY AUGUST 18, 1974


THE


WATERGATE


IT has been said that history ,
does not repeat itself, and in a
particular sense this is quite true.
Yet in a deeper, more general
sense, history tends at least to -
parallel itself, and there is
another saying to. which we
should pay attention: "Those
who do not remember the past
are condemned to relive it."
That remark of Santayana
appears as the epigraph to one of
the most disturbing books of our age,
William L Shirer's The Rise and Fall
of the Third Reich and it does so
appropriately. For o n e of the
depressing facts about the 1970's is
that we are reliving in many ways
some of the more sinister crises of
the 1930's, and we are reliving them.
because men of power and influence
who were.young then have'failed to
remember deeply enough or exactly
enough the events that shadowed
their youth.
But there are some of us who
have sufficiently elephantine.
memories to see in what has been
happening in.the United States, in an
acute and obvious way since the
Watergate crisis began and before
then in a less obvious way, a chilling
parallel to what happened in Germany
during those days when the Weimar
Republic, without ever being formally
dissolved, melted into the phantas-
magoric realm of Hitler's Third Reich.
Though the Weimar Republic
as it was originally conceived in 1918
and 1919 was in spirit opposed to
Almost everything for which Hitler
and the Nazis stood, they neverthe-
Sless found in the letter of its constitu-
tion the means by which they could
'bring it to an end as. a working
democracy.
I submit that, more gradually
and less brutally, but no less
ominously, a similar process has been'
taking place in the United States
over the past decades; and that the
Constitution as a political frame-
work has in -fact beenlendingitself.
to an erosion of individual-Iiberties
and of autonomous judgment, to
an elevation, of political expedience
over morality, that. finds no closer
parallel in history than the process'
that led to the destruction of German
liberties forty years ago.
I could extract from my files
,many statements rhade recently by
leading American politicians and.
intellectuals expressing concern over
the collapse of the American political
system.
Perhaps the most interesting.
thing about them is that, while they
often point out to totalitarian
implications of presidential actions
as revealed by Nixon's record and to
some extent .by .the records of his
predecessors, 'they have not broken
the tfaditioh .of reverence for the
American constitution so far as to
consider seriously how far their.
, political system is to blame.
S int a parliamentary system,
whekiy e ceremonial head of state.
is above politics and the executive
chief is day-by-day responsible to a


MESS


parliament -sensitive to popular
opinion, such a situation could not
persist and would probably never
come into existence.
The American situation, in
which a man condemned by his
countrymen can remain their ruler,
is directly attributable to a constitu-
tion that allows the keys to powei to
remain in the hands of that single
man. The temptation to become a
tyrant, and the complementary
inclination on the part of the people
to accept tyranny rather than dis-
lodge it promptly, are the inevitable
accompaniments of the position of
the chief executive under American
law.

STRUCTURE

In other words, the structure of
the American constitution is the
undetachable background to the
Watergate crisis and its attendant
violations, of law and of those
individualrights which, paradoxically,
the constitution appears to guarantee
at the same time as it vests unde-
'fined powers in the President.
During recent decades the
United States has changed from an -
isolationist middle power to a
militarily oriented great power; its
administration has increased steadily
in complexity, and the tension has
become acute between the two basic
aspects of the constitution, the up-
holding of authority and the. safe-
.guarding of law and liberty.
Today a crisis of principles has
emerged which we can only elucidate
by examining the defects of the
constitution with the help of the
perspective glass of historical
,comparison.
For it was precisely by similar
constitutional flaws that the Weimar
Republic was reduced to the shadowy
structure within which Hitler carried
'out his destruction of everything the
republic's founders had hoped to
fulfil.
The constitution of the Weimar
Republic was devised in 1919 by men
who were anxious to give their country
the best in democratic governments. 'It
included such fashionable features of
early twentieth-century state-making


as proportional representation, t h e
referendum and the popular initiative.
Theoretically, government under
the Weimar Republic was responsible
in the sense that it was carried on by a
chancellor, equivalent to a prime mih-
ister, who must command a majority
in the Reichstag or legislative assembly.
The constitution provided for a
president who in normal times acted as
ceremonial head of state, rather like an
elected constitutional monarch. But in
two ways the Weimar constitution
departed radically from the democratic
.norm.
First, the president was com-
mander-in-chief, which meant, in
practice that he had to be consulted
about appointments to the Wehrmacht,
the small army of 100,000 men which
Germahy was allowed to maintain
under Uie Vcrsallics treaty.
Secondly, and more important,
he had special emergency powers under
the famous and fatal article 48 of-the
Weimar constitution. This article
'provided that at times of crisis, the
president could suspend civil liberites
and take any measures deemed
necessary to restore public order.
Article 48 was inserted into the
Weimar constitution because in the
-stqrmy days of 1918-19, when peace
was threatened by violence on the
rightand the left alike, such a provision
was thought necessary for the
protection of the republic. In the end,
ironically, it became the mechanism
by which both the republic and
individual freedom were destroyed.
The Weimar Republic inherited
many forces and interests that were
*hostile to 'democracy. They include


the army, the great iiduistlialis ind
the mass of discontented ex-soldicrs
who graviated to Ith; (I mnliiuists,
the Nazis, or to traditionalist organisa-
tions like the Stahlhelm.
Apart from the Nazis ihcre were
several right-wing parties that wished
to create a strong authoritarian gov-
ernment which would defy the treaty
of Versailles and re-establish Germany
as a military power. Whdn Marshall
Hindenburg, the friend of the Kaiser,
became president in 1925. these men
of the right felt their opportunity 'ad
come.


DURING the long months of the Watergate affair many people may
have been blinded to the deeper significance of the events by the
series of sensational disclosures. In the following article, extracted.
from the Canadian Forum, George Woodcock suggests the possible
constitutional roots of the crisis and assesses the long-term political
significance of the growth of Executive power in the American
system of Government.


They were unable to exercise it
immediately, since at first Hindenburg,
though a monarchist, tried his best to
rule as a republican president.
At the same time. because hewas
a Prussian Junker who .iked other
Junkers, Hindenburg surrounded him-
self with a clique of military intriguers
the most important of them a high
official in the defence ministry, General
Schleicher, who has a right to be
regarded as the most insiduous agent
of the Weimer Republic's destruction.
Schleicher and his group under-
stood the significance of Article 48,
and when Germany ran into rough
economic waters in 1930, they
persuaded Hindenburg to offer the
government to Bruning, leader of the
Catholic Centre party.
It was Bruning, a sincere middle-
of-the-road man, rather than a leader
of the right, who faced with the
impossibility of fonning a majority
government was manoeuverd by
Schleicher into requesting President
tHindendburg to invoke Article -8.
This happened in 1930 and
from that point the fate of Germany
passed out of the hands of parliament
and became a matter of intrigue
between the militarists srruounding the
president, the right-wing nationalist
parties supported by the big in-
dustralists, and the Nazis with their
mass following of ex-soldiers and the
disillusioned young.
Government followed govern-
ment, each less democratic than the
last, and though there were elections,
the careful manipulation of Article
48, when working majorities failed to
emerge, kept the initiative in the
hands of the republic's enemies.
Almost forgotten figures, like
von Papen and General Schleicher

Continued on Page 7


ITAPI A PAGIE 3






SUNDAY


PAGE 4 TAPIA


G R N- L. '


In the midst of all this new
depth the Caribbean situation was
beginning to look more and more like
painful farce. Guyana detonated
between 1962 and 1964, the break-up
of 1953 completing itself in fire a
decade later.
Trinidad instituted Commun
ist witch-hunts, states of emergency,
comrtissions of enquiry, and all the
shabby Crown Colony machinery of
stasis and oppression which had caused
the Guyana tragedy in 1953.
Jamaica bulldozed squatters
from West Kingston and drove them
Tt--fof the cemetery where they
sought (symbolic) habitation. A music
*of pain, strength and considerable
spiritual depth grew out of the
pressures of the Kingston situation ...
Rudyism, dread, increasing violence,
gang warfare, shoot-outs, all of which,
the sounds and the pressure, have
been captured in the recent film,
The Harder They Come
In Trinidad Walcott emerged as
an articulate enraged, despairing voice.
In Guyana, Carter in his JailMe
Quickly poems expressed. a tragic
resignation:
"Men murder men as men must
murder men
To build their shining Govern-
ments of the damned"
In his "Letter" to New World
Fortnightly No.l, (November 30th,
1964), Carter defined the situation
in words which were probably true for
most of the West Indies at the time,
and are certainly true for Trinidad in
1972.
"In discussing our contemporary
shambles, almost every visitor to
this country ultimately comes
round to asking about local pub-
lications of the nature of this one.
And when the answer is given that
there is none, the visitor's shoulders
slump and he quickly changes the
subject, afraid, perhaps, of saying
something uncharitable. Life in a
country as materialistic and philis-
tine as B.G. soon blunts the edge
of the mind. The almost fanatical
preoccupation with hollow issues,
the gossip-mongering which passes
for conversation, and the inevitable
political hysteria, leave little time
for serious examination of ideas. I
know that the psychological
squalor of everyday life is ex-
hausting. .1 know that the urgent
practical problem of making a living
comes first. What I do not know is
.why only so few revolt, either
by word or by deed, against such.
acute spiritual discomfort."
In the face of this blight, Carter


moved from reticence through a period
of mockery, towards silence, in a
poem ironically called "Conversations"
(Kyk-Over-Al, No.28 Dec. 1961.)
Describing his writing as: "Trying
with words to purify disgust", he
penned a poem for New World Fort-
nightly No. 39 (April 29, 1966). p.2.
Someone, somewhere, shall know
one day
More than I read of what I do
Dog and a bird may bark or whistle
But human talk will tell me what.

My drought began before I knew
The meaning of iack of water:
The grass is dry, the heart is cinder
The rain falls upward and away.

Acarrion time, dead eye of sheep:
No serious hand is steady ever.
No serious lip uncracked, undried.
One day, someone, somewhere will
know.
Walcott was undergoing a similar,
though less rigorous process. Having
never been committed to party pol-
itics, believing that he was powerless
to "right old wrongs" (Codicil) Walcott
in the mid-sixties was talking about
the necessary privacy that the artist
seeks in order to create:
"I have no real wish to be a public
person, but since there are so few
of us who continue to practice
poetry, and even fewer who have
elected to remain behind, these
unhappy few are always called on
to make pronouncements: We
should be incoherent. There should
be offered, notsanity and reason,
but something 'more frightening
but more truthful, and impossibility
of communication.

WALCOTT
Walcott then spoke on his use
of the Crusoe-myth in his Castaway
poems. Crusoe is colonizer creator,
tamer of the wilderness, a god-figure,
frightened man in isolation. Yet
Crusoe by virtue of his work becomes
more and more a product of the island
from which he wants to escape and
yet which he cannot bear to leave. A
complex mask for Walcott, the artist
in isolation, Crusoe is seen ultimately
as a symbol of survival.
"He is for us, today, the twentieth
century symbol of artistic isolation
and break-down, of withdrawal, of
the hermetic exercise that poetry
has become, even in the New World,
he is the embodiment of the


CREATE


schizophrenic Muse whose children
arn of all races."
Isolation, breakdown, with-
drawal, schizophrenia......These words
resonate throughout Walcott's essays
of the sixties. Naturally, Walcott has
been drawn towards minds as lonely
and as powerful as his, and he has
written well and sensitively on Naipaul,
whose The Mimic Men (1967) holds a
particular fascination for Mr. Walcott.
Much of his thought in "What
the Twilight Says" (1970) for exam-
ple, can be traced back to his essays
on and interview with Naipaul in the
mid-sixties. His 1971 play In a Fine
Chsr c o'Cwes imuch to Naipaul's
The Mimic Men. Both works depend
on a conception of Caribbean life as
being composed of fantasy, masquer-
ade, masking and facelessness.
Commenting on Naipaul and Harris,
whose vision he regards as strangely
similar, Walcott reveals his own posi-
tion on W.I. society.
"In both writers, Naipaul and
Harris, inertia and not gaiety is a
shared subject. Inertia... .expresses
itself in several ways, most obvious-
ly in pseudo-activities, the desperate
energy of boredom. In Harris it is
the sense of endless exploration
through repetitive country, a feeling
of dream treading, in Naipaul it is
the sense of obsession with the
wrong details, our painstaking
mimicry, our wish to be others
and elsewhere."
"We both resist and recognize these
images ourselves even one which
proves us shallow, stubborn beyond
redemption. One refuses us 'dignity'
unless it is earned, the other in-
forms us that we are born with
such grace but deny it. Both have
tumed away from us, one in disgust
the other in despair, and really
neither is :superior in attitude. The
tragedy is that our society, garish,
shallow and determined to be 'gay'
wears a mask that is indistinguish-
able from weeping, and its poets.
and novelists grow more and more
embittered by all that fixes hys-
terical joy"
(Derek Walcott; "The Gift of
Comedy," Sunday Guardian Maga-
zine (Oct. 20, 1967)
This is the Walcott of The Gulf
(1969)......especially the Walcott who
comments so acridly on Carnival:
("Junta", "Mass Man", "Hawk",
"What the Twilight Says" and "In a
fine Castle")
For Carnival for Walcott is the
symbol of all that is indisciplined,
shallow, evasive and imitative in Trini-'
dad society, and though he from


IN





SOCI





-**


time to tire acknowledges it as "life
delighting in life", he normally con--
siders it a negative force.
'it is one of the curses of his (Dr.
Williams's) nation that its crises
are turned into bacchanals, that
the spirit of carnival filters through
every issue, protest march or elec-
tion".
(Derek Walcott, "Where Exuber-
ance Triumphs" The Times (Octo-
ber 8, 1968).
It is for him like "dancing on
the edge of an abyss."
"The artist may stay sullenly in
the shade, the politician chafe at
its waste, but for the Trinidadian
that shout in the street is a god.
No single totem can metaphorize
him; hle changes his masks yearly,
but this is where his last freedom
lies, and it is ironic that his real self
comes off most creatively in such
vigorous loud mimicry."
(Walcott ibidd)

FOLK CULTURE

His comments on the arts at that
time (1968) are also worth noting.
Certainly no power radiates trom
the arts, no challenge of au-
thority through the mass media,
which are almost wholly ab-
sentee owned. Any group of
artists' must challenge the state's
indifference to the growth of its
culture (apart from the tourist
-pleasing night-club culture of
calypso, limbo and steelband)
must question the benefit of the
Better Villages competition
which has become a pastoral
hallucination of handicraft and
folk dancing, rural concerts and
country cuisine."
(Walcott: ibid)
Walcott has much to say on the
state-sponsored folk competitions,
which began in Trinidad in 1965, the
same time as the Mbanefo Commission
of enquiry into Communism and sub-
version, and Sparrow's famous Get To
Hell Outa Here indicated that the
P.N.M. was not the inspiring force
that it used to be.
Walcott is most painfully aware
of how folk-culture has been promoted
more as diversion, digression and es-
cape than as self-discovery. .His thoughts
on this are expressed with some bitter-
ness in What the TwilightSays
(1970): but, perhaps, most explicit-
ly in an Interview givenin 1971 to
Therese Mills of the Trinidad Guard-
ian.
One of the most dangerous signs
of cultural fascism is the assim-
ilation of folk culture in the
policy of the State. This goes


THE





tGUST 18.1974


0ue f --aitwe


VE \




WI




ETY






under the image of nauonal
identity and it manifests itself
in folk parades, folk circuses,
folk costume".
"The mass programme of folk
culture is destroying both its
validity and its freshness. These
programmes impose limits of
monody on the popular artist.
They create the illusion in thou-
sands of people that they are
performers without the discip-
line required of any theatrical
performance.. ." "The point of
folk culture is in those pockets
of survival that resist the erosion
of changes in style."


WRITER


Trinidad Guardian, (June 20,1971)
He sees the State as killing
genuine folk-forms through over ex-
posure...................
Thus the scene as Walcott views
it, is bleak indeed. Naipaul had written
it off since 1965. In an interview with
Walcott he said he found the place
sinister, frightening, chaotic, with a
lot of shallow unfulfilled arrivists,'
whose frustrations reacting on each
other detonated into a destruction of


the individual.
Nothing new about this except
one detail: Naipaul regarded the so-
ciety as worse than in the Crown
Colony period, where "there was an
element of aspiration". In the post-
Independence period "most people
don't have any manners". "I feel that
aspiration has been dropped, that the
manners of the proletariat have infil-
trated the value of the rest of the
society." This cheapening, he says,


isn't simply West Indian it's univer-
sal.
"I feel the culture has changed.
I think this true not only of
Trinidad: it is true of England
as well. Political views are now
being imposed on the top from
below. And fashions, and en-
tertainments."
It is shocking to hear Naipaul
Continued on page 6


I


TAPIA PAGES


'"'~1
~bt,~


ay.
~t;
~;~~n,
II












* *





g *


FROM PAGF 5

condemn a contemporary colonial
petty bourgeoisie, in the very terms
which would have been employed by
the ;European petty bourgeoisie of the
19th century. The process of demo-
cratization, the bitterly slow-flowing
Slife-blood of evolution in the
Caribbean is rejected by Naipaul.
"I see all these things as very
hostile to me and the things I try to
do. I am very distressed by them.
SEspecially in a place like England
where it is now being glamorised.
You've got this word "pop". Pop
art, pop this and pop that. A
pacifying euphemism. So now
they've got pop politics as well".


(Interview. with V.S. Naipaul,"
Sunday Guardian March 7th,:1965).
It is difficult to fathom how
seriously Naipaul expected to be tak-
en. If at all, then one can see these
statements .as a logical development of
the attitude that "nothing was created
in the West Indies", which C.L.R.
James identified'as Naipaul's denial
of the slow but distinct movement of
Caribbean politics in the twentieth
century. (C.LR. James: "The Disorder
of Vidia Naipaul", Sunday Magazine
(Feb. 21, 1965).

ASPIRATION

Naipaul needs to fulfil his static
conception of Caribbean history by
seeing either no change or even de-
terioration in the area since Indepen-


dence. But to do this, he has to
glorify the Afro-Saxon aspiration of his
generation; which-he has already
mocked at in The Middle Passage.
After An Area of Darkness (1964)
Naipa;ul had lost his final illusions,
and had no ground to stand on. Hence
by the time The Mimic Men (1966)
was published, a spirit of rootlessness
and. lassitude- had overcome him.
Writing on The Mimic Men, Naipaul
said:
Writing is always a lonely occu-
.pation: You have no models, what
do you do? That is why I'm par-
ticularly pleased with. The Mimic
Men: It deals with my own prob-
"'lem, the disassociation of a .man
from the simplicity around him.
And I find this is experienced by
many people in -more complex sur-
roundirigs which may be why
the book was well received in
England. There is an hnage in it:
the horsemen n ding to the end of
the flat world. t,' a very private
image, not at all political. Just a
sense of loss and rootlessness and
despair a very consoling image
for-these things."
This rootlessness and despair
converts Kripal / Naipaul into a nihilist,
whose sole solution is to withdraw
and seek "the final emptiness." And
even Walcott in a lucid review of
'Te Mimic Men is forced to note its
final stasis and flaccidity. -
Here is a final contradiction then,


the enigma of'Naipaul, that he
makes art but now distrusts it,
that-he loves and suffers with and
for his people but that love evokes
San abhorrence, that there is despair
but it lacks -resonance.
The point that all of this brings
us to now is'this; on what can the
West Indian artist build a fresh faith?
We have seen the furious despair of
the sixties. What positives, if any,
have appeared in the commentanes
and essays of artists in the period?
In The Mimic Men Naipaul takes
the Beckettian way out. That the act
of commitment. This existentialist
conclusion would have been acceptable
if Naipaul's anti-hero had been.givenja
consistent lucidity of vision; if in his
sickness and trauma he had consistent-
ly imaged the sickness of his society;
-if his perceptions contained a persis-
tent and corrosive wisdom....
But Kripal's sickness too often
is personal weakness .of character, and
a simple refusal to be involved at any
level of existence whatsoever. The
result is his very writing smacks of
play-acting, "the gift of the phrase"
as he calls it, and very little he says
can be trusted...... So Naipaul .ends up
a determinist in history. a nilfilist ir
politics; and an absurdist in aesthetics..
It follows. This is, after all, the way
which several European artists tra-
velled in the twentieth century, the
final gift of a.barbarous history.


Tap a


Meet ng

Continuing its series of
indoor meetings Tapia will
be at St. John's Parish Hall,
Diego Martin Main Road, on
Wednesday August 21st.
Michael Harris will speak
on 'The Revolutionary
Crisis', Syl Lowhar will speak
on 'The Politics of Constitu-
tion Reform' and Allan
Harris will speak on 'The
First 60 Days of a Tapia
Government.' Meeting starts
at 7.30 p.m.





























at


the


Ii-iJse


Specials

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PAGE 6 TAPIA


SUNDAY AUGUST 18. 1974


Tlb, e-, Anierica- n'Stores
Throughout the Notion








SUNDAY AUGUST 18, 1974


From Page 3
himself headed rihgt-wing combina-
tions until, in January 1933, Adolf
Hitler became chancellor at the head
of a coalition government from which
he quickly eliminated those who were
not Nazis.
Hitler was never elected by a
majority of voters; lie did not attain
power by a violent revolution;,he
reached his position because the
unscrupulous men surrounding the
president manipulated the constitution
so as to bring about the end of
collective democracy and individual
liberty. Hitler's later dictatorship
matured with the constitution.
He ruled by special powers
granted under a so-called Enabling
Act which allowed him to issue decrees
without reference to parliament.
The Enabling Act and the
Weimar constitution from which it
was derived remained in being until
the end of the so-called Thousand-year
Reich, and all the deeds against hu-
manity and freedom which we as-
sociate with that period were per-
formed under this umbrella of legality
in which the law and the will of
the dictator became indistinguishable.
One of the many justifications
Hitler gave for his destruction of
German freedom was "national
security." And one of the reasons why
his tyranny became consolidated was
that those who understood his intent
did not unite to resist him before it
was too late.
What Watergate has shown is
that in a similar way to the Weimar
constitution, the American constitu-
tion could become a mere shell of
legality enclosing a society very dif-
ferent from that which the founding
fathers intended, a society ruled by
secret and extra-legal methods in
which the rights of the individual will
be consistently subordinated to the
needs of the nation incarnated in
the president.
I am not suggesting it might be
an actual Nazi society; history does
not parallel itself quite so exactly.
Nevertheless, the resemblances are
chilling.
The office of president of the
United States, as we know it, is
conterminous with the constitution,
which came into effect in 1789
Though the United States then became
a republic, it did not shake completely
free of the monarchical traditions of
the First British Empire, and the
functions of the president were largely
modelled on those of the British state
governors, who were royal representa-
tives and had certain arbitrary powers.
For example, they were also
commanders-in-chief, and the president
took over from them this role and
also the unlimited authority to direct
military forces which was tantamount
to the right to initiate war.
What else the president must do
beyond taking over such functions of
the old royal state governors was not
spelled out in detail.
One clause of the constitution
declared baldly that "The executive
power shall be vested in a President of
the United States," which seems to
offer unlimited possibilities of
authority, but another declared that
the president "shall take care that the
laws be faithfully executed." Other-
wise the limitations on the president's
authority were never clearly enunciat-
ed, except in a rather negative way, in
the sense that he obviously should not
usurp the powers of the judiciary or
the legislature.
Clearly at no time was the presi-
dent still less any member of his
cabinet regarded as responsible to
Congress in the same way as the prime
minister ofI Britain or Canada or India
is responsible, to parliament. He govern
ed, and still governs,., irresponsibly, as
if he were an elccted monarch free to
act as Ihe wishsc within the broad
mnils o)l the law.


Parliamentary evolution stopped
at 1789 in the United States, precisely
because a rigid constitution was
created, whereas in countries following
the Westiminster tradition such
evolution continued to the point when
the rapport between the leader of a
government and popular feeling be
came far more sensitive than it is in the
United States today.
Ironically, the north European
monarchies and the leading countries
of the Commonwealth are now far
more democratic in this respect than
t h e world's historic republics, the
United States and France.
Just as article 48 in the Weimar
constitution of Germany provided an
abiding temptation to those who
wished to substitute authoritarian
government for democracy, so the ill-
defined power of the president in the
United States has always challenged
the incumbent to test its limits.
When a Nixon talks in megalo-
maniac tones about "the great office"
as if it were above all law and all
morality, when Ehrlichman remarks,
"The President is the Government,"
when a whole covey of White House
advisers justify acts of dubious legality
and ever- more dubious morality with
arguments like those used in mediaeval
times to justify the doctrine that "the
king can do no wrong", they merely
carry to an extreme the sense of almost
unlimited personal authority which a
partisan reading of the constitution
may appear to grant the president.
During the two centuries of
American history there has been a
swing between presidents who have
ruled actively, pushing liteii p.wuvers to
the limit like Andrew Jackson anra
Abraham Lincoln, and presidents who
have been content with a ceremonial
interpretation of the office, like
Grover Cleveland and Calvin Coolidge.
However, the latter kind of presidency
seems now to be completely obsolete.
For the past forty years, since
the advent of F.D. Roosevelt, the
office of the president has become
increasingly active. From merely ad-
ministering laws passed by Congress,
presidents have moved on to initiating
legislation, and very often their action
has been beneficial.
Much more sinister has been the
trend towards secretive and arbitary
presidential action without reference
to Congress or people that began long
before Nixon took office.
To give a few instances, the
secrecy Nixon maintained over the
bombing of Cambodia was only an
extension of the secrecy with which
the Bay of Pigs adventure was carried
out under Kennedy.
The massive security organisa-
tions that are responsible directly to
the president, such as the FBI, CIA
and all the lesser groups with sinister
initials, were created long before
Nixon came to power. Although he
shared actively in establishing the myth
of an internal leftist menace, Nixon
was not alone in this; few people now
choose to remember Bobby Kennedy's
career as a red-baiter.
Moreover, Nixon is right in
claiming liat lie was not the first
president to condone writetapping
But he was the first to condone it
where it was specifically declared
illegal by the Supreme Court, and it is
here that we reach the border between
shaky dcimoii acy and manifest tyranny
over whici Nix on and Iis associates in
government t had already made a very
large step by the tie ic the rcvchlitons
of Watergiae began to shock, puzzle
and inl a rlater sardonic way to aminIse
the world.
;11 lm not s":ying that the I ulers
of America ;ne actually fascist or Nazi.


Both fascism and Nazism were move-
ment with organized mass followings
not entirely lacking in radical urges to
transform society.
Richard Nixon's carefully con-
trolled gangs of White House aides and
plumbers much more closely resemble
the goons of classic police states like
Napoleon's Empire or Kuominatang
China. Nevertheless, even if one does
not want to attach labels too eagerly,
there remains a disturbing resemblance
in mentality between the men who
have surrounded the President and
the men who surrounded the Fuhrer of
the Thousand Year Reich. It is a
resemblance that has disturbed many
thoughtful Americans.
Writing of one of Nixon's
longest and closest associates, Carey
McWilliams, editor of the liberal
Nation, argued that: "Ehrlichman is
not a Nazi but he is the stuff of
which Nazis are made. His emergence
on the national scene, at such a high
level, must be regarded as a disturbing
omen. Ehrlichman, like Mitchell,
thought the re-election of Richard
Nixon warranted almost any act, no
matter how despicable, if it would
help achieve this end. This of course
is the Fuhrer principle."
Many other of Nixon's fellow
countrymen have drawn the discon-
certing parallels between the presi-
dent's record and that of his German
predicdieso .

TOTALITARIAN

Norman Mailer warned as long
ago as February 1973, that America
may "be sliding towards a kind of
totalitarianism of the most advanced,
subtle and civilized kind." Last June,
Ramsay Clark, a former attorney-
general of the United States, accused
Nixon of attempting "to politicize
the conduct of government and the
use of law"; Clark went on to say
that "a politicized law is will, not
law. Law and government are then
used for the political ends of those
who wield the power. At the end of
this road lies tyranny."
The point was taken up in the
same month by the former United
States Senator, Wayne Morse, a long-
term and ardent defender of the
freedom of judgment and speech. He
called his countrymen to open their
eyes to the ultimate implications of
Watergate and its related phenomena:
Most Americans have not faced
the fact, or refuse to believe,
that our country is being led
towards a police state. Ten years
before the Third Reich, the
German people didn't think
theirs was either. Perhaps we are
not headed towards a compar-
able Hitler dictatorship, but we
are far along the road to a
government by Executive
supremacy and secrecy a govern-
ment by the Presidency.
Morse went on to warn that
even now there have been usurpations
of power that are tantamount to
"dictatorial police-state procedures."
Here we reach the point of
style in action and policy. We are
dealing, as Norman Mailer pointed
out, with a totalitarianism of a
"subtle and civilized" kind, and
therefore we cannot expect the
ghoulish brutalities of the Nazis.
Yet puti tose macabre ac-
companiments of llitler's rule aside,


I B I I ~


and it is amazirt how similar in style
the Nixonians le to the Nazis. Not
only were the pen of Nixon's inner
circle loyal to the point of being
willing to sacrifce to political con-
siderations the pliotective aspect of the
laws the presi nt was elected to
sustain.
They wer also willing, like
Hitler's close associates, to usurp as
delegates of thrir leader the func-
tions of duly appointed public
officials. In the q4rly days of the Third
Reich Hitler's personal representative,
von Ribbentrop, went over the head
of the Minister of Foreign Affair, von
Neurath, to conclude important
agreements with foreign powers.
Kissinger may I1 a better man than
von Ribbentrop,,yet his role in acting
as Nixon's personal representative in
Peking and Moscow over the head of
the incumbent Secretary of State
represented the sme cavalier dismissal
of the ordinary mechanism of admin-
istration so as to concentrate all vital
functions of policy in the hands of
the President or the Fuhrer.
The Watergate crisis has offered
so many fascinating and distracting
features, such as the blood sacrifice of
Spiro Agnew and the dramatic inter-
ventions of Rose Mary Woods, that
one is tempted into endless embellish-
ment. But, for a final comparison
between what happened in Germany
and what has happened in the United
States, consider the use of the enemy
as a political device.
One of Hitler's favourite means
of arousing support was to create
enemies of the people whom he could
then destroy as the people's champion:
the Jews, the Communists, the Slavs,
the Gypsies, etc., etc. This also Nixon
and his entourage have done.
Nixon is often dismissed as a
victim of paranoia. He may be a
paranoiac, but the enemies his admin-
istration has paraded before the
public have beerrdeliberaLely created.
The series iof state conspiracy
trials directed againstt radicals of
various kinds almost all ended in
defeat for the prosecution; they were
more than most jFries could stomach.
But they grved their purpose
by creating a series of interchangeable
public enemies which justified not
only the continued activities of the
FBI, but also suci sinister projects as
the Huston plan of 1970.
This plan, approved personally
by Nixon, aimed to set up a system of
domestic surveillance, including wire-
tapping, mail opening and house-
breaking, intended to intimidate
critics as well as supervise suspects.
The Huston plan failed only because
the Director of the FBI decided it
trespassed on his preserves. Otherwise
it would have been implemented in all
its illegality. But even when Nixon
appeared to accept J.-Edgar Hoover's
objections, he proceeded to create his
own even more secret spying and
provocation service, the so-called
White House plumbers. The plumbers,
under direction from Nixon's close
lieutenants if not fCom Nixon himself,
extended their activities far beyond
the investigation of possible subversives
to a subversion of their own the
attempt by illegal means to destroy
the democratic opposition to the
President.

The enemy, in other words, was
revealed as anyone who opposed
Nixon, in any way and on any
grounds, And that again is an assertion
of the Fuhrer principle, for the only
infallible leader, against whom all
opposition is heresy, is a dictator.
This is the point to which
Americans have ocen brought, as the
Germans were brought before them,
by a consttitution that placed the
.possibility of unlimited powers in the
hands of one mali and provided no
effective means by which the abuse of
those powers might be rapidly re-
sisted: no effective nlmeian to bring
down a tyrant.


TAPIA PAGE 7











'WE WANT BACK WELAN'


'Colin I.duij

"I was never hungry
everything was
good the living
was good."
And .then in 1941 came
the Gazetted notices of L'ian
Acquisition -to "fulfill [the
obligation" of His Majesty's
British Wailimen Government
in it's desperate horse trade
of colonial land for the
isolationist United States
Government's 50 broken
down destroyers.
With patriotic exhortations
from, the Colonial Governor
the few hundred landowners
and tenants, farmers' and
fishermen, gave up their
livelihoods, their precious
, possessions and their hardwon
history for the international
struggle against Nazi Germany
and Fascist Italy.
The evacuation at the
hands of the British Admin-
istrators, the Trinidadian
Colonial Officers and the
impatient United States
Forces was, to say the least,


itisy. iplp tlieicall, rushlied ind
the -expansionlist Ulliited
States.. dn ienchlmenl were far
roo important, tio Ibe con-
cerned with humanity aCnd
.justice It- a hlandliil 'oc pea-
saln Its.
.It 'is all documeli'ted .inl
(Sur historical documnciits; in
Eric Williams' 195) speeches,
in the Registry and in the
Archives of Trinidad a'nd
Tobago.

DISASTER
The living survivors will
tell you of the horrors and
fears in, the face of Yankee
bulldozers, they will tell you
.of their naive gullibility in
believing the officially pro-
fessed "temporary" nature of
the sacrifice, they will tell
you of the colonial Govern-
ment's condescension that a
handful of dollars would
amply compensate for the
loss of house, boats, live-
-stock and crops. They will
not however, above all, tell
you of their lost thirty years.
Carenage, (he centreless


and crowded lusCitei l ccamp-
follower:; and .bauxite ,ship
seivicers is vivid pool of Ilhe
disaster:
.Andi now thai their lwnl
S(lovernmlUtt, cthei .overnment
led .hy the very man who.
led the 'liaguaraias March,
tlhe Governmnnt that spear-'
'- '--. i..4.dJ-J the fight against thie
needless An'liefa'a peacelic"e
occupatio 'of our land,, the
(ov.Acti.eilt tihatl claiins "'lThe
road to indepeideiice lies
through Chaguaramas", now
that this ,Government of
Trinidad and Tobago has at
last got arouLnd to a plan for
the area, what more natural
than to, poi-tely and cor-
rectly, petition for a ficeting
with the Minister .to discuss
their'plight?
And yet, for the past year,'
Government, has not only
deliberately turned it's back
on this terrible injustice but
it has actually accelerated it's
controversial plans for the
second annexation of the area
to foreigners and for the fat
rewards to the second genera-
tion of local sycophants.


'STRUGGLE IS NOT





.MERE WORDS'





SAYS WEEKS


Iromtti lhi poinl t.l view .
of tie dispossessed wniri.',
squatting on their 5,000
squal feel of leasehold land
in ('Caremige, the wholee issue
must-obviously Ibe cleared ipl
once :and for all.
If' tlc guardians and
elected representatives o the
people cannot guard or.
represent, then tlhe 'I'eople
have to seek their own salv.a-
tion. They nust consolidate
in order to realise their legal
and moral rights.
SThe Back to Chaguaramuas
.Action Committee are thus,
through press advertisements,
calling on all Landowners of
the North-West Penintsular
Area previously occupied by
ihe US Forces to attend a
meeting at Carenage on
Sunday 18th August 1974 foi
tdie purpose of registering
their interests.
Sufficient research and
evidence has now 'been
gathered to enable the Com-
mittee's legal advisers to
confidently proceed with the
due process of the law.
The Register must now


it was one of his finest
hours. "In times of crisis it
is the commori good that
must prevail. ....People have
asked me how come I could
be on the same platform
with Tull. But if Nixon who
.hates communism can travel
all the way to Peking to
Meet. Mao .Tse Tujng who is,
Gcoigc Wceekes that he can-
not come to meet Tull."
At the end of his,
speech he. was given a stand-
ing ovation from the packed


hclle c InC((d I t includi(ie all
mi es, l. lii lii o.' ri desceid-
anits (dl Il.aJtdowne s. Ilie
Register lists detlils of tIhe
positions. and areas .ol the
parcel el. .land ogetlher with
Sany facts oi cotmpeisation
received for goods and chat-
tels. lose registering .are
requested to bring along as
uch information of this
kiiid ,Is is available.
iThe committeee wishes to
stress tha.l their action is ,of
course in no way political.
They are-anxious to correct
a confused and unjust, sitta-
tion through the 'correct
legal 'and legitimate' pro-
cedures.
The Back To Chaguara-
waas' Action Committee in-
tends to carry through this
demIocratic process and shall
.,be proud to include all right-
ful claimants in their re-
presentations.
"We are the standard
bearers in stating our
claim to what our calypson-
ian puts simply, but so force:-
fully: "We want back we
lan' "


hall -among whom were Ivan
Williams, Parris and Albert
Joseph of the Telco Man-
agement, St. Elmo Gopaul,
.Secretary General of the
Teachers Union, Vernon
Glean, President of- the.
SWWTU, Simeon Alexander.
past President of SWWTU,
and Jules Bonadie. SeTre-
tary of the Caribbean Con-
gress of Labour. The Trade
Union Congress was con-
spicuously unrepresented.


JOIE TA. N OWP!


Tapia Reporter

THE significance of the
Third Biennial National
Convention of the Com-
munication Workers
Union which took place
on the 28th July at their
lHeadquarters on Henry
St. was that it presented
an opportunity for the
two rival factions of the
Labour movement to
come together in strug-
gle. This was the theme
stressed by the President
General of the OWTU,
Mr. George Weekes who
was specially invited to.
:speak on the occasion.
"Struggle is not mere
words," he asserted, "Qne
must be prepared to give
one's life if necessary." He
went on to pledge the sup-
port of the oilworkers who
had already taken the de-
cision to stand by for ac-
tion if called upon by their
comrades in the telephone
services described in the
Industrial Relations Act as
an essential service.
The convention was
also an opportunity for two
opponents of the IRA
George Weekes and Syl
Lowhar to join in further
condemnation of it, Said
Lowhar "Rrnther Weeake


has suffered martyrdom at -
the hands of this Goverm-
ment, and the point I want
to stress is that not a single
piece of the series of repres-
sive legislation, not the ISA,
not the IRA, not the sub-
versive Literature Act, not
even the State of Emergency
would have been possible if
labour had not been divided'

ARRESTED


"After sitting back
,quietly and timing it per
fectly so that one set of
labour leaders would call for
Emergency action against
the other the Prime Minister
turned around and accused
the labour leaders of twist-
ing his arm to have the
State of Emergency declared
in '70."
For Weekes who has
had to shed his blood in
Court as a mark of protest,
persecuted since '68 when he
was beaten and arrested for
marching against the buses
as an expression ofsolidarity
with Joe Young and the
Transport workers, detained
in '70 when workers on the
coconut and 'sugar estates
as well as in WASA clam-
oured for his leadership, de-
tained again ~n '71 as a re-
sult of the Badger incident
when workers in Tugs and
Lighters were prepared tc


welcome him, it must have
been very gratifying.


You always

wanted her to

sew...


BERNINA

makes it easy -

and an ideal

Gift too.


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