Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00118
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: July 14, 1974
Frequency: completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00118

Full Text
FOR? THE S;Ut)Y J'r "l'.
1b2TEA ~SUNDAY JULY 14,1974
~EVW ~K o 4 74
,!!, sf

Vol.4 No. 28

AFTER Jamaica's' his-
toric ten-fold increase in
bauxite revenue to $200m
in, 1974, Surinam is fol-
lowing suit.
Reports from Paramaribo
predict early agreement bet-
ween the Government and
the Suralco Bauxite Company.
A Surinamese spokesman
said that negotiations for high-
er revenues are being looked
at in the light of higher prices
for oil and other raw materials.

Surinam is one of the mem-
bers of the newly-formed
International Bauxite Asso-
ciation with Headquarters in
It has been said in official
quarters in ,Surinam that
she may become a partner
in the CARICOM project to

build aluminium smelters first.
:in Point Lisas, Trinidad and
then in Guyana.

0 O

THE Organisation of
Banana Exporting Coun-
tries has invited Jamaica
to become a member of
that newly-formed pro-
ducers' club.
As part of the worldwide o
attack on exploitation by
Multinational Coroprations,
banana producers have joined
together and imposed an ex-
port tax on bananas.
At first one spokesman
for Jamaica was reported to'
;have said that Jamaica had
nothing to gain from O'BEC.
membership because of mar-
keting arnd trading arrange-
ments different from the coun-
tries of Latin America.
Jamaica and the Windward
Islands have shared protection
in the British market but,
negotiations with the, Euro-
pean Community are still in
OBEC countries have
been less successful, than
some of their, counterparts
in the.International Baux-
. ite Association aiid-inthe
Petroleum Eporting







says CJ


Bus taman te and Manley.- fathers of Jamaican Independence

U I -_ U~ _

NOW the issue of con-
stitution reform has hit
Jamaica, traditionally the
prime mover in West In-
dian government and poli-
tics. A Joint Select Com-
mittee of the House has
been established to
prepare the way for
The Jamaican move comes
Nearly five'years after a similar
Committee was established in
Trinidad & Tobago in Decem-
ber 1969, two and a half
months before the February'
, Revolution erupted into
People's Parliaments teeming
with the young and the dis-

The. Jamaica Daily, News
rexpjortso that when speaking
to the Law Debating Society
in Kingston on Wednesday
July 3, Chief Justice Kenneth
Smith referred to the fact


*aiaihi$H':a'.T l ~ udu~ -

that the Jamaica Constitution
is simply the Second Schedule
to an Imperial Order in Council
of 1962.

"To interpret the Consti-
tution, we have to refer to
provisions made in a UK Act
passed in 1889. Should this
be?" he asked.
Jamaica, like Trinidad &
Tobago, is a Monarchy with
the Queen of England as titular
head of State, represented by
a Governor-General, chosen at
According to the Chief
Justice, to qualify to be' a member
of Parliament, an individual
does not even have to be a
Jamaican. He or she need only
be a Commonwealth citizen,
!resident in the country for
!12 months.
In the area of rights,aany-
:one under 21 could be arrested.
for the purpose of his educa-

tion or welfare and persons
could be arrested if suspected
of being of unsound mind.
Although no person shall
be subjected to torture or
inhumane or degrading treat-
ment, a subsection allows for
flogging and whipping ofcon-
victed persons.
Although a person is pre-
sumed to be innocent until
proven guilty, there was pro-
:visioh for a person being asked
to prove particular facts if
,he was being tried for certain
"This is the case in certain
Gun Court trials .But are
'the provisions right?", asked
the Chief Justice.

Pointing to the fact that
most of the appeals to the
Privy Council are "frivolous",
and that "as a result the
prisons- are packed with per-
sons' awaiting decisions on

their appeals", Mr. Smith
raised the controversial issuei
as to whether appeals to the
Privy-Council in Britain should
Also on the agenda, he
added were:
whether the Attorney
General should continue?
to be a political

whether provisionshould
not be made for their
possible revocation of
an individual's appoint-
ment to the Senate.
whether in camera trials
should continue to be

Taking up the matter,
Public Opinion a ,pro-Gov't.
weekly once edited by Prime
Minister Michael Manley, head-
lined a story "The Constitu-
tion and False Decoloniza-


Pages 6 & 7

II i i i------


Pages 4 & 9


25 Cents

F See pages

eleven & twelve

I__ _I ~I


_ ~_1___18__

-I -

----- ~----u CL




SUNDAY JULY 14, 1974

A Sunjet to France

Why the hell

that man

donit go to


in truth?

THE rumours have started again. Williams
is looking for a UN job as President of the
University. Is either that, or falling sick
in bed there is no other honourable
.way to exit.
This is the kind of wishful thinking
that a lot of people are indulging them-
selve& in these days. The Pussonal Non-
arch has s6 dominated our political lives
for the past two decades that many
people look to magic.to wish him away.
An overnight, crowd in the People's
Parliament...a snap election called to
suit the opposition...a military triumph
one bright afid early morning.

In Tapia we insist on the view that Wil-
iliams will endeavour to hold the political stage
for the second decade of independence. The
State is an almost impregnable fortress, almost.
It has colossal resources in police, publicity
and patronage. The men in charge can most of
the time temporise, galay, chinks and.in other
ways play for time while the opposition, de-
prived of adequate succour simply expire from
imal-nutrition. To advance our demise the Gov-
Sernment, well-placed to be cold, empirical and
iMachiavellian, employs a thousand arid one
.arts to deal with such opposition, as permits
itself to be ofitraged by the injustice of the
!imbalance and seeks refuge in an indignant
,andpious sentimentality.
The days are long since over, when black
"intellectuals" can come to power on the wings
'of popular song. For all their sound and fury
Williams, Burnham and Jagan and the rest all
achieved a facile success due only to the
featherbedding of benevolently withdrawing
,imperial power. As Hudson-Phillips has now
'discovered, Williams was the last 'Trinidad &
Tobago magicman.
I To remove the Doctor party, you have to
Build superior political or military force and
political organisation is the decisive pro-requisite
of effective military action; it cannot be avoided
even by those who fail to see the dangers of a
military transfer of power. At any rate, the,
"charismatic" illusions of those who continue
!to hope that one morning the-man-to-do-the-
trick will arrive on a plane and wave his wand
Ican safely be consigned to the rubbish heap as a
relic of the late colonial days when the going
was good because the good (imperial master)
was going.
The more serious problem relates to,
those who agree with Tapia that political magic
is the refuge of the lame, self-Antemptudus
classes, defeated before they start. The large
majority of citizens with no special half-educa-
tion and no knowledge of Weber or Marx or
Fanon, remain excellent political judges and
know that the going is tough. They havi kept
Williams in power as manifestly the best of a
wicked lot. Though they have now decided to
ditch him, they are insisting on a movement
nobler in purpose, superior in competence'and
worthier of trust. .
This section of .the couitrv assumes that

Williams is staying in every ramshop that, is
the unquestioned assumption. What they cannot
understand is how he intends to fix his business.
They cannot.understand it because the informa-
tion needed to put the jigsaw pieces together
is never forthcoming from the communication
Everybody appreciates that $900m of'
oil revenue spells a golden political chance -
for the Government it if can seize it, for a new
movement able to win the lead.
How is the Doctor going to play it? -
without Plan, without -administration-that
works, with his key professional advisers all in
cold storage and his political henchmen under
a darkening cloud.
Will the Government simply embark on
a reduction of taxes?. Will the money be
distributed by dole? Will we build another
crash programme median -down the Churchill-
Roosevelt Highway? The political pundits and
speculators:find it very difficult to plumb this
apparently indifferent political approach.
Well, the answer, it seems to us in Tapia,
is that Williams crosses every bridge only when
he meets them. This is an exceptional way of
proceeding only among colonial peoples who
in any case, have no political power and are-
therefore in a perpetual dream about crossing
non-existent bridges.

His immediate objective is five teeny-
weeny more years| enough time to lay the
foundations of a liberal democratic state which
18 years of endeavour have signally failed to
produce. The first ingredient of this new dis-
pensation, is a series of imposing but empty'
shells. The shell of a West Indian nation; of a
participatory economy with a people's sector.
Williams imagines that these planks can be laid'
down iby his programme of economiclocalisa-
non -meaning colossal central government
control of industry especially in those sectors
such as the petroleum and gas-based ones
which command an extreme national a n d
regional significance.
S The second ingredient of the new dis-
"pensation is a successor regime at once capable
of filling these shells and susceptible- of being
regarded as a child of the Doctor's imagination
This explains why Williams is hostile to local
government and; decentralisation and to the
kind of municipal economic control so strongly'
urged by Tapia. Such a type of localisation
would deprive the Chief Executive of the
means of orchestrating the lives of political
: Williams is opposed to Tapia's plans but
ot to our'resources for government and admin-,
istration. Early in 1970, he sent Eugenio Moore
to make political overturnes to Tapia so that by.
sponsoring our entry he could destroy our
political references hnd retain our govern.
'mental competence. It is surprising how many
people favour such an arrangement ultimately
because tey think -..!that JUTapia does not'
Si;heiv anda 'can ever acqlie -the means of

politically finishing Williams. Why not new!
wine in old bottles? they are constantly
putting the question.
Unable to swing any deals with Tapia.
Williams also refuses to settle for the bunch of
incompetent and grasping ,oligarchs bred in
the womb of the Doctorparty. The fundamental
Victorian ambivalence of the man shoe not in
any personal animosity to ANR Robinson or
Hudson-Phillips though there may well be
that but in his opposition to the PNM,
,oligarchy, "bent on total repression" and '
incapable of declaring its assets. Williams cannot
face the price of his own survival. Ultfiately,,
this weakness is certain to destroy him. His
only real choice is to rally the party but the
party, in the next breath, will need to betray;
him because their view must be far longer tltin
his could ever be. This is what he is clearly
sensing now and it explains his blowing hot and
This strategy of laying the foundation -
for a liberal state and arranging an admin-
istrative succession that would give hi.
the political credit at present dictates two
sets ot tactics. The first is the announcement of
grand projects, admittedly only an extensionof
the pragmatic method developed over the years.
Take the case of, the Petroleum
Techretariat established in Chaguaramas under
the direction of: Harold Fraser but without'
adequate money or staff or directive from the
national planning outfit. Or take a i 1 the
petroleum headlines so highly touted last Decem-
ber, January and February. None of these has
been systematically followed up not even to
the extent of expending effort on making sense
of these costly reports of the Missions despatch-
ed to all covers of the globe.
The best case of all is the case of the
aluminium smelter which, on paper, makes'
excellent economics for the entire region and
,makes excellent West Indian politics too. Manley
,and Burnham certainly have gained a great
deal from it because both have a lot of
aluminum oxide and neither has the fuel,
necessary for smelting. Against the-current
,balance of payments background, 4he deal -
unaoubtedlyigave a lift to their business circles.
On top of that, their investment contribution
is not excessive, and the marketing agreement
will give them each a fair share of the ingot
"'at cost". In the end, Guyana may also come
out with a smelter all her own.
You can see why Jamaica and Guyana
have gone along with the project; they can,
hardly lose, they already have aluminum. If
Williams bungled it, it is Trinidad & Tobago
who would be in the bamboo. And the
seriousness of the Governments' approach can.
be judged from the announcement that the
project should come on-stream in' three years..
an announcement which ihast never been made'
in-either Kingston or Georgetown.
The Tapia estifnate from the start was 7!
years because we are not merely interested in

Continued on Page 3


SUNDAY JULY 14, 1974

From Page 2
th, announcement. It cannot by any stretch of
die imagination be less than five years. There is
a pipelineto be built and delivery dates for
pipe are two years away. There is an electric
generator to be built of 450 megawatts and
there are all kinds of design problems involved -
now much spare capacity should we cater for
all the Point Lisas' projects at once? What units:
5 x 80 or 4 x 100? And so on.
Then there is the port and the two sites
to be prepared not counting the smelter itself
vith all the obvious problems there. Steel is
short and expensive with order books fuller
than for pipes. Cement is short in Trinidad and
will become shorter as oil money is spent on
*housing, buildings and crash programmes. And
there can be no relief from either Jamaica or
Venezuela where bauxite and oil money has
also made the public sectors very liquid.
Estimates for every kind of project are
clanging drastically from month to month
precisely because of these surrounding condi-
tions. The Grace Liquid Ammonia project has
revised its estimates from $57m in January to
$67m in May and now, it is reported, the
agure is in the vicinity of $80m. Not only is
steel short but other critical material and
equipment as well and above all, skilled crafts-
men and professionals will be hard to come.by
both to launch these projects and to run them
there after. In concrete terms, this means time
lost and money; it means compounded delays
in raising money what with such uncertain
conditions of planning and design.
For the smelter and related projects
Trinidad and Tobago will need anything like

$1250m'- 600m for the smelter, 200m for
the generator; 60m for the sites and 40m for
the port not counting the cost of ecological
and town planning work and of utilities other
than electricity. By the time Wiliams and
Chambers;come back fromtheir European safari,
this could be $1500m, And so the figure inflates
What the hell does the Little King care
about all this so long as it improves the TV
image of the 1956 regime? The second tactical
ingredient of the strategy is therefore to sustain;
the ignorance of the mulittude of little people
by perpetuating the degradation of the com-
munications media; newspapers, radioand tele-
vision. The whole assumption is that either the
people do not know, or, that what we know, we
will very soon forget.
To a point this strategy has been a success-
ful one. Some people actually tell you that the
only man in public life with any competence to
run the country is Williams; that a group like
Tapia is just indulging high-brow intellectualism,
cloistered in their St. Augustine ivory-tower.
Even people in the University fall prey to these
falsehoods manufactured in the media equally'
by sins of commission and sins of balant
omission. It is no accident that the one Wooding
recommendation on procedure on which we
have not had the slightest government movement
Sis the recommendation for radio and television
time for all political groups and parties.
SWhen Wliiams returned on Dec. 2 and
snatched back his marbles from Hudson-Phillips
he deliberately planted the false impression
that he would hold early elections at which
time he would make way for another' PNM
Political Leader. Apparently these were the
terms which his devoted servant and constitu-

tion-maker negotiated with the Chamber of
Commerce and with the IRO. These distinguish-
ed organizations are now in a tizzy; they realise
that the promise amounts to so much waste
paper. All over, they are weeping a flood of
tears and was it rot one among them the
other morning who said "Why the hell that man
don't go to France in truth?"

Tapia is not anticipating any such easy
walk-over victory. There still remains the con-
stitution issue, loaded with dynamite for the
ruling Doctorcracy.As far as we are concerned,
Williams is fated to come back here and finish
what we started for him in 1969.
The price of a possible survival for the
obsolescent national movement is constitution
reform. Williams has to risk the Conference of
Citizens, pregnant with the possibility of suicide
through fatal error.
If the Government goes with Wooding,
it would confirm the 1970 breakup of the PNM
majority though, with that, it would perpetrate
a load of public mischief. If they go with Tapia
and announce for an open democracy by opting
for a participatory Senate, stronger local govern-
ment, and strong multi-racial parties, the large
multitude would not believe it and the press
would not be able to disguise the information.
from the country.
In either case, the oligarchy will finally
desert the Doctor for reasons that will only
come clear in time but are already available to
be discerned by those with a political turn of
mind. Suffice it to say that the elites need to
salvage their future with a party all their own.
After all, their view has to be as long as

Power to the People
Tapia's New World
Tapia Back Numbers
Tapia Constitution
Democracy or Oligarchy?
Reform of the Public Service
Foreign Investment In T and T
Central Banking
Non-Bank Financial Institutions
Foreign Capital in Jamaica
Post War Economic Development
of Jamaica
,Underdevelopment and
Persistent Poverty
Reading in The Political Economy
of the Caribbean
Political Economy of th English
Speaking Caribbean
The Dynamics of W.I. Economic
The Adjustment of Dispaced.
Workers In A Labour Surplus
The Integated Theory of
Development Asiatance
Cuba Since 1959
Caribbean Community
The Caribbean Community
- A Guide

- C.V. Gocking
- Denis Solomon
- Mc Intyre & Watson
- C. Y. Thomas
- M. Odle
- Norman Girvan

- O. Jefferson

- edJNornmn Girvan)
- George Beckford

- N. Girvan & O. Jefferson

- W. Dems

- rewster A Thomas

- Roy Thomas

- Davidson L Budhoo
- Asmes Mibtte


S 3.60









-(CARICOM) 3.00




- ---



he Region... The Region... The Region... The Region... The Region... The Region... The Region... The Region ... The Region ... The Reg

Basil Ince

GRENADA became inde-
pendent last February,
applied in May to join the
United Nations, and had
its application unanimous-
ly approved by the
Security Council in June.
The rest is a mere for-
mality. Grenada will offi-
cially become a member
of the World Organization
when the General Assem-
bly decides in September,
by a two-thirds vote, to
endorse the Security
C o u n c i l's recom-
When Grenada joins the
other four Comrmonwealth
Caribbean States at the U.N.
in September, it will have
traversed the route prescribed
by Article 4 (2) of the UN
Charter, narpely, "The Ad-
mission of any such state to
membership in the United
Nations will be effected by a
,decision of the General As-
sembly upon the recommen-
dation of the Security Council,"
If the Prime Minister
makes the pilgrimage to New
York in September to witness
the traditional flag-raising
ceremony and remains to re-
ceive the congratulations of
other states in the General
'Assembly' it will not be his
first appearance at Turtle Bay.
Mr. Gairy had attended
the UN in 1966 in the role
of petitioner before the Special
Committee on Colonialism.
His concern in that appear-
ance was with the question
of the new associate statehood
status which Grenada had
entered into with the United
He was not against the
new associate status per se,
but opposed the procedure
by which the arrangements
were to be-implemented. In
fact, at that time he charged
the United Kingdom with
violating the principle of self-
Two issues make the
Grenada case interesting,
(1),the general question of
admission to the UnitedNation
ions and
(2) the question of size.
Despite the tremendous
criticism levelled at the U.N.
.by all and sundry, the first
thing that the vast majority

of new States did as soon as
they took in their first breath
of independence, was write a
letter requesting admission to
the U.N. Grenada is no ex-
ception to the rule.
What is of interest, how-
ever, is that Grenada's ad-
mission is assured. Automatic
admission on application has
not always been the order of
the day at the UN.
This is surprising in view
of the fact that as early as
1943, the USA, China, the
USSR and the United States
had stated in the Moscow
Declaration that the U.N.Or-
ganization was to be quasi-
universal in nature.


Three years later, in pro-
posing all nine applicants for
membership, the U.S. repre-
sentative had declared that his
country was doing so in order
to "seek as great .universality
as possible". Thus the prin-
ciple of universality was vir-
tually accepted.
In addition, Article 4 (1)
which opened membership in
the Organization to "all other
peaceloving states which,
accept the obligations con-
tained in the present Charter
,and, in the judgement of the
Organization, are able and
willing to carry out these
obligations," certainly did not
seem to militate against the
principle of universality.
The qualification 'peace-
loving' was certainly not taken
seriously since it was patently
an opportunity for the vic-
tors in the Second World War
to exclude the vanquished
from the new Organization
at that time.


However, the principle of
universality became enmeshed
in the throes of the Cold War
and the majority of States
that applied for admission in
the first ten years were turned
down because they seemed
committed to East or to West
on 'Cold war' issues.
The successful applicants
were viewed as uncommitted
in their attitudes towards the
Cold War. For example in
1947 of eight applicants, only
two were successful.
Between 1945 and 1954
only nine new members were
added to the fifty-one orig-

aa I .d I

inal signatories to the Charter.
In fact, the admission is-
sue became so contentious
that the International Court
of Justice was called upon to:
give at least two advisory
In 1947, the Soviet Union
spurred a series of 'package
proposals' designed to gain
the admission, en masse, of
applicants on both sides of the
cold war fence.
The U.S. rejected this as
improper on the ground that
each membership application
should be judged separately
with reference to the criteria
set out in Article 4 of the
Charter, and not connected
with any sort of political
deal to other applications.


The US rejection was sur-
prising for only a year before
it had tabled a similar pro-
posal only to have it rejected
by the Soviet Union.
When 'the issue was
referred to the International
Court of Justice, it held that
a vote for admission of one
,state should not be made
conditional on the admission
of others.
The upshot was that the
Soviet Union vetoed the ad-
mission of applicants that
seemed committed to the
Western position on the cold
war. The US extracted as
much propaganda as possible
out of this.
The second case, in a sense,
stemmed from the first. The
smaller states were incensed
by the Soviet use of the veto
which underlined the in-
equality of states.
They went so far as to
insist that the veto was not
constitutionally applicable to
Security Council action on'
applications, and argued that
the General Assembly was
competent to admit new
states, whether recommen-
dations had been approved in

the Security Council or not.
The advisory opinion
of the World Court disagreed
with this interpretation. The
admission of new members
that had been trickling into
the UN one in 1948, 1949
and 1950 came to a ai in
1951 and not until 1955 were
the flood gates opened.
The membership of the
UN shot from sixty in 1950
to seventy-six in 1955. All
sixteen members were ad-
mitted in 1955 under the very
package deal that both the
cold war giants had opposed.'
It was evident that the
deadlock had been broken in
spite of the criteria enumer-
ated in Article 4.
The change in heart of the
.two superpowers could be,
attributed to a lessening of
the cold war tension brought:
on by 'the Korean armistice,
the end of fighting in Indo
China and the Geneva Agree-,
' Tiusias far back as 1955,:
when the admission deadlock.
was broken, it became ap-
parent that when States like
Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago,
Guyana and Barbados and
Grenada applied for admission,
their entry into the UN would
be a foregone conclusion.
The only states that have
had problems in gaining ad-
mission to the UN are the
divided states (only last year
West and East Germany were
admitted) and China, which
was not properly a question
of admission, but technically,.
one of credentials.
Grenada will be among the
smallest States that have
sought membership in the
United Nations, In fact the
only country in the UN that
Grenada outstrips in physical
size is in the Maldive
Population wise, both
these countries are in the
same category. Grenada is
larger than the independent
state of Nauru which is only'
twenty-nine square kilometres
in area and in 1971 had a
population of under 7,000.
Nauru, however, along
with other so called mini-
states such as Western Samoa
and Tonga, has not applied
for UN membership.
What all this means is that
small size is not a hindrance
to independence at least

not since Resolution 1514
(XX) which has been labelled
by one scholar as the 'new
higher law of anti-colonial-
In fact, General Assembly
resolution 2709 (XXV) vir-
tually emphasized the appear-
ance of more independent
.mini-states. A relevant part
of the resolution reads: "...
,questions of territorial size,
geographical isolation and
limited resources should in no
way delay the implementa-
tion of the Declaration of the
'granting of Independence to
Co l o n i a l Countries and
Peoples" (my italics).
Small size has not been a
hindrance to independence,
and so far, has not prevented
.so called mini-states from
gaining admission to the UN.
But the question of UN mem-
bership for ministates has
been a very agitated issue.


The former Secretary
General of the U.N., U Thant,
posed the issue of size and
membership in 1967 when
he remarked, it appears
desirable that a distinction
be made between the right to
independence and the ques-
tion of a full membership in
the United Nations. Such
membership may, on the one
hand, impose obligations
which are too onerous for
the 'micro-States' and, on the
other hand, may lead to a
weakening of the United
Nations itself."
This was not his first state-
ment on the issue of very
small states. Two years before
he had stated, "I'1 believe that
the time has come when
Member States may wish to
examine more closely the
criteria for the admission of
new Members in the light of
the long-term implications of
the present trends."
What the former Secretary
General was doing was re-
acting to the ever growing tide
of opinion of officials and
journalists from large states.
For example, although sup-
porting the admission of the
Maldive Islands in 1965, the
US representative advised,
"We would urge that





, Stephens


SUNDAY JULY 14, 1974

SUNbAY JULY 14, 1974

Race, Class and Politics

The following, piece by Ram Karran is a companion to Race Class and
ideology by Cheddi Jagan, published by in Tapia Volume 4, No 21 of
Sunday May 26, 1974.
People who have found "Class -war"and "Race -conflict" to be unrewar-
ding keys to Caribbean politics will-be intrigued by the official PPP po-

TO the casual observer, politics
is all race in Guyana. To him, no
difference, or little, is observable
between Guyana, Surinam and
Trinidad in each of which two
major ethnic groups constitute
the bulk of the population.
This is largely due to a very
superficial view of the situation.
Erroneous conclusions are drawn
because the method of analysis
is basically mechanistic, and not
in accordance with Marxist dia-
Race, religion, politics, class and
national liberation are seen too much
as separate entities and not as inter-
acting factors. Race is viewed ab-
stractly, divorced from its class roots.
Each racial group is treated as a
homogeneous whole; no distinction is
made between the various social strata
in each racial group. Race is clearly a
factor, in politics in Guyana. But the
national liberation struggle against
colonialism, neo-colonialism and im-
perialism, and the class struggle against
capitalism for socialism are also factors
which must be simultaneously con-


Unless this is done and a compre-
hensive view is taken, wrong conclus-
ions can and will be drawn leading to
incorrect strategy and tactics in pol-
itics and eroneous methods of prac-
tical political work in organization.
|Race and class must be viewed from
a scientific dialectical-materialist point
of view, as a dialectical unity and
interaction between the economic base
and the political, ideological, institu-
tional and organizational super-struc-
ture between materialism and con-
sciousness, between matter and
Historically race, like religion, has
been used by the exploiting class to
divide, exploit and rule. The ideology
of a superior race and/or religion was
used to justify national and class op-
pression and exploitation. Whole
nations and peoples Were overrun,
dominated and plundered on the
ground that they were infidels. Slave-
owners justified class oppression
under slavery on the ground that the
Black African was God-made inferior.
Today, under state-monopoly capital-
ism, this same racist ideology is.per-
petuated in the USA. If serves mono-
poly capital by dividing the Black
White working class and perpetuating
the triple exploitation of the Blacks.


To brainwash and divide the working
class and to perpetuate the rule of the
Junker monopoly capitalist class,
Hitler demagogically talked about
national socialism and preached the
doctrine of a German Aryan master-
race: the Jews were made the national
scapegoat. In Guyana during the early
period of slavery, the liberation issue
was clearcut. A White plantocracy
supported by a European colonial
power exploited the Black African

slaves. The slaves revolted against
foreign domination and exploitation;
they wanted political freedom and an
end to chattel slavery.


Later, the plantocracy exploited
ethnic and even differences of colour
to divide and rule. Cheap indentured
labour, mainly Indian, was used to
undercut the wages of free (ex-slave
African) labour. Later, the process
was somewhat reversed. After the
failure of independent African peasant
farming as a result of deliberate fiscal
and administrative measures, free
African labour was marshalled to coun-
ter Indian indentured labour. And a
middle class of Portuguese and Eoloured
was used as a buffer between the ruling
planter class and the working class.

This buffer, coupled with divide-
and-rule politics, led to diversionary
manoeuvres. For some time, the sys-
tem was itself shielded from attack.
The eruptions took more and more
the form of racial, even intra-class,
clashes Africans and Amerindians,
Africans and Portuguese, Africans and
Indians. For a time, these tactics and
menoeuvres succeeded. Racial emotion-
alism and ideological brainwashing are,
and can be, potent factors; they as-
sume the heforce of reality. But even-
tually, the fundamental contradiction
of the economic system of slavery and
capitalism, the antagonism between the
exploiter and the exploited, come to
the fore-front. Persecuting Galileo be-
cause he challenged the false dogma \
that the earth was immovable did not
stop the earth from revolving around
the sun. Eventually that scientific
truth had to be accepted.
So in Guyana, identity of class
interests forged unity, particularly
under favourable objective and sub-
jective conditions.


In recent history, three distinct
periods can be cited when the class and
not the racial factor played the domi-
nant role the Critchlow movement
with the British Guiana Labour Union
before, during and after World War I:
the Man-Power Citizens Association
with Ayube Edun and C.R. Jacob
particularly during World War II; and
the Political Affairs Committee (PAC)
and the People's Progressive Party
(PPP)in the late 1940s and early 1950s
with PPPleaders Dr. J.P. Lachmansingh,
heading the Guiana Industrial Workers
Union (GIWU), Cheddi Jagan the Saw-
mill and Forest Workers Union, and
L.F.S. Burnham and Ashton Chase the
British Guiana Labour Union.
In the late 19iOs and early 1920s
Critchlow's British Guiana Labour
Union fought many militant battles.
Unity was forged between African
urban workers and Indian rural sugar
workers. To the latter, Critchlow was
the "Black Crosby". But the Critchlow
movement was not only industrial.
There were also political consideration
the advocacy of political freedom,

socialism and Caribbean integration.
Candidates backed by the British
Guiana Labour Union scored a decisive
victory at the 1926 general elections.
Recognising the militancy and
unity (sugar workers marching to join
urban workers in Georgetown were
shot in 1924 at Pin. Ruimveldt) and
the growing political strength of the
working class,the plantocracy and the
colonial office acted decisively. In the
face of what they considered a united
threat to their political and economic
power, they suspended the Constitu-
tion and imposed crown colony rule.
Thereafter, mainly through opportun-
istic middle-class professionals, they
set about to undermine the influence
of Critchlow in the B.G. Labour Union
and to emasculate the union.


With the emasculation of the class-
conscious Critchlow movement, race
gained the ascendancy. In this period,
it was largely fostered by the rivalry
between the petty-bourgeois, middle-
class Africans and Indians. But with
the rising discontent generated by the
Depression in the early 1930's and
World War II, class considerations again
fostered militancy and unity. During
the war, this was largely under the
leadership of the Man-Power Citizens
Association (MPCA), which organised
sugar and bauxite workers, and de-
manded constitutional changes.
Class considerations led to the
nomination of Hubert Critchlow and
Ayube Edun to the Legislative Council.
The Critchlow and Edun-Jacob move-
ments succeeded in bringing about a
limited degree of working-class, thus
racial, unity. Three main reasons can
be given for the failure of these move-
ments to solve the racial problem.
Firstly, me use of 'force' and in-
\trigue by the plantocracy and the
Colonial Office. Suspension of the
Constitution and the dubbing of
Critchlow as 'red' and 'communist'
achieved the purpose of undermining
his leadership. In the MPCA, dis-
sension at the leadership level developed
after the sugar planters conipromised
one of the top leaders.


Secondly, the weak ideological
position of the leadership. The leaders
were not Marxist-Leninists. Critchlow's.
socialism was the brand of the socihl-
democratic British Labour Party and
TUC. In his waning days, he was co-
opted in the petty-bourgeois League of
Coloured People (LCP), and repre-
sented in 1949 the British Guiana
TUC at the inauguration of the Inter-
national. Confederation of Free Trade
Unions (ICFTU) following the cold-
war split of the World Federation of
Trade Unions, the' founding Con-
ference of which TUC leaders Harper
and Hubbard had attended in 1945.
Edun and Jacob did not even pro-
fess socialism and were closely allied
to the British Guiana East Indian
Association (BGEIA). Like the West
Indian leaders of this period (Albert
Gomes, Grantley Adams, Norman

Manley, Alexander Bustamante, etc.)
who were at one and the same time
anti-colonial but pro-imperialist these
nationalist leaders were found wanting.
In times of crisis (superior force),
their narrow nationalism could not
cope with the situation because of
their close association with the racial
chauvinism of the LCP and the BGEIA.


Thirdly, the absence of a real
national, working class political party
with people's political power. Political
leadership between 1928 and 1947
largely came from the LCP and the
BGEIA; These were middle-class led,
and petty-bourgeois in outlook. They
competed not fundamentally for the
overthrow of the system, but for the
role of junior partner within the sys-
tem. As such, unable to serve working
class interests, they could not solve
the racial problem.
A temporary truce wasmade in,
1947, when just before the general
election, the two competing organi-
zations cooperated within the Labour
Party which they helped to found.
This attempt at party politics proved
abortive, for its main legislators (Dr.
J.B. Singh, Rudy Kendall and Dr. J.
Nicholson) cooperated with the col-
onial regime. For the first time, racial
unity was achieved through the
politics of the Political Affairs Com-
mittee (PAC) and the People's Pro-
gressive Party. This was largely the
result of a correct ideology and the
proper application of theory and pra-


The ideology of the main leadership
from the inception was Marxist-
Leninist and not petty-bourgeois. Its
national position was clearcut; there
was no contradiction between its anti-
colonialism and its anti-imperialism. It
fought unambiguously for the workers
and farmers. Through the Guyana
Industrial Workers' Union, the British
Guiana Labour Union and the Sawmill
and Forest Workers' Union, it engaged
in pitched battles with and for the
workers against the foreign and local
capitalists. And against the semi-feudal
landlords like Deoroop Maraj on the
Essequibo Coast, it consistently cham-
pioned the cause of the farmers.
Working class, thus racial, unity led
to the significant victory of the PPP in
1953. But history was to repeat itself.
As in 1927-28, the plantocracy and the
Colonial Office acted swiftly with
force and intrigue. The Constitution
was suspended, the PPP forcibly re-
moved from the government and a
split engineered in the PPP leadership.
Differences in ideology, Marxist-
Leninist on the one hand, and social-
democratic on the other hand, were
submerged before the October 1953
crisis. The manoeuvres of the social
democrats led by LF.S. Burnham at
the 1953 PPP Congress and at the time
of the selection of PPP Ministers failed
to capture the leadership and to change

Continued on Page 8

1- I- - -~ -



Hiren Murkerjee writing in Indian and foreign review

IN spite of India's avowal of
socialism as her goal, there is still
in many quarters an idea, which
dies hard, that socialism is an
alien plant which will not truly
grow in this country's soil.
It should be remembered that
if India is, by some quirk of
history, entirely averse and al-
lergic to social ideas and forma-
tions emerging abroad, then by
the same logic democracy, nation-
ilism and liberalism, the parlia-
mentary system and so many
other things just cannot and will
not strike root in this country.


Such, however, is not the case.
India has never been and is not today
an anchorite peninsula. She is in the
stream of world events. The winds of
change blow here as everywhere else,
though of course the velocity, the
depth, the impact of the phenomenon
necessarily vary from country to
country and from period to period.
Lenin himself, profoundly convin-
ced of the final world triumph of
socialism, stressed that while
all nations will arrive at socialism-
this is inevitable but all will do so
in not exactly the same way-each
will contribute something of its own
to socialist transformation in the
different aspects of social life.
The "Fathers" of scientific socialism,
\arx and Engels, had an authentic
internationalist orientation and were
never "Europe-centric". Writing on
India in 1853, Marx observed:
We may safely expect to see, in a
more or less remote period, the re-
generation of that great and interest-
ing country, whose gentle natives
are, to use the expression of Prince
Saltykov, even in the most inferior
classes, plus fins et plus adroits
que les Italiens, whose submission
even is counterbalanced by a certain
calm nobility, who, notwithstanding
their natural languor, have astonish-
ed the British officers by their
bravery, whose country has been
the source of our languages, our
religions, and who represent the
type of the ancient German in the
Jat and the type of the ancient
Greek in the Brahmin.
Marx knew that revolution in
Europe, "this little corner", would
be inevitably crushed if there were
happy hunting grounds of the empire
in Asia and Africa. It is significant
that towards the end of his life Marx
contemplated learning Sanskrit and
Arabic, and that in a letter of 12
September 1882, Engels wrote:
India will perhaps, indeed very
probably, make a revolution .
(which) would certainly be the best
thing for us.
In August 1871, the London head-
quarters of the first international ac-
tually received from Calcutta a com-
munication requesting affiliation; care-
ful research, one hopes, will some day
identify the effort.


One is still sometimes told of the
Indians' propensity towards -contem-
plativeness", of the religio-idealistic
and mystical trends in Indian culture,,
of.an alleged aversion towards mun-
dane things, and of what someone once
termed "the relentless self-transcen-
dence of Hinduism". Reference is made
not only to Max Mueller's 19th-cen-
tury rhetoric about "a life not for this
.life only but a transfigured and eternal

life", but to Prof Radhakrishnan's
stress on intuition and on spiritual
life, "not a problem to be solved but a
reality to be experienced .a new
birth into enlightenment."
A great and perceptive thinker like
Albert Schweitzer has thus written
about "world-and-life-denial" being a
dominant feature of Hindu thought,
more than, for instance, in the case of
that of Christianity. If that, however,
was the whole truth or even a large
part of it, the ideology of socialism
would be a gratuitous imposition and
foredoomed to rejection by the Indian
In the same vein one hears of Indian
philosophy being fundamentally hostile
towards materialism, and of the his-
toric rationalisation in India of caste
and a hierarchic structure of society as
a factor which is sure to resist and
foil changes in the direction of social-
ism. If that, again, was the whole truth,
socialism in India could be little more
than a sorry reed. If, that is to say,
the entire trend and tenor of Indian.
life and thought has been to prop up a
generally unvarying structure of an
acquiescent, if sometimes resilient
society, which has lasted a long enough
time to weather the new-fangled blasts
of today, the prospects of socialism
must be bleak.
The subject is too vast and intricate
to be treated adequately in a short
compass, but certain cobwebs in the
thinking of many of us can be cleared
by a little careful thought. It should
not take long, if one is honest with
oneself, to find out that the so-called
"other-worldliness" of the Indian is
almost entirely a myth, that "con--
templativeness" (in certain contexts of
living) is by no means an Indian (or
an eastern) speciality, that materialist
schools have played a large role in
Indian philosophy though, of course,
they have been sought to be subor-
dinated and smothered, as almost
everywhere else in the course of the
history of class society, by metaphysical-
idealist trends which have been subtle
and sophisticated auxiliaries to the
social order.
If passivity and a penchant for
mute acquiescence has been often
India's bane, it had objective historical
reasons and was never something innate.
as it were, to our nature. This country,
of course, has had a unique history,
much of which can be our pride, but
that uniqueness never meant disso-,
ciation from the joys and sorrows of
common humanity and from the values,
ideals and aspirations emanating there-


Materialist and atheistic trends in
Indian philosophy can be traced from
its earliest beginnings. They are far
from being confined ,only to the
Charvaka-Lokayata doctrines which
are usually pooh-poohed by bourgeois
ideologists. 'Ihey are tound in some
degree or other in the Nyaya, Vaisesika,
Samkhya, Vaibhasika, Santrantika and
other systems, often represented as
religious doctrines. The philosophy of
Buddhism and Jainism also has much
to do with materialist thinking and, in
spite of the common idea that they
made for a pessimistic view of the
surrounding reality, it is a shining fact
that, as in the quest of Buddha, an an-
swer was sought to the problem of
suffering and found at last in The
Eightfold Path of Right Conduct.
Indeed, the widespread concept of
the spiritual culture of India as essen-
tially pessimistic and a negation of the
material world and secular life is es-
sentially erroneous and often deliber-
ately planted. It is completely out of

harmony with Indian art, painting,
sculpture and poetry, with Indian
attainments long ago in technology,
in metallurgy and ship-building. It
negates the phenomenon, for example,
of Pataliputra, Mauryan capital of the
fourth century B.C. which had four
times the population of Rome in he
most flourishing period and was run b,
a municipality which, according to
Megasthenes, the Greek traveller, col-
lected even vital statistics. The view-
point conflicts with Kautilya's Artha-
sastra as well as with Vatsyayana's
Kamasutra, with the living energetic,
uninhibited heroes of the Indian epics.
If the negation of world and life con-
stituted the Indian speciality, Indian
history could just never have been
what it was.


Love of life shines in the Vedas,
with the stress on the glory of dawn
and of sunrise, the smile on women's
faces, the love of man and wife and
the sanctity of motherhood. "May we
see for a hundred years, live for a
hundred autumns, yea, even more than
,a hundred autumns"- this is a recur-
ring refrain. In A tharvaveda occurs a
lofty prayer for universal haromny:
"May we all be of one mind! May we
'join our mind with that of others!
May we work conjointly .so that all
may happily live together!" One finds
in Yajurveda the famous hymn to
peace:"May the heaven, the sky,
the earth water, herbs, vegetation,
God and the entire universe be full of
The stress in the Upanishads on the
ultimate truth did not minimize world-
ly things. Thus, corn was worshipped
as God, as it was "the nourisher of
being". In Aitareya Brahmana, there
is a wonderful sequence: "... .behold
the beauty of the sun, who never slept
since the beginning of creation-there-
fore, move forward, be astir!"
Metaphysical truth, of course, was
sought but with a view to fortifying
ethical social behaviour. T.S. Eliot
took out of Brihadaranyaka Upanishad
'"the three D's"-Damyata, Datta,
Dayadhwam (self-control, charity,
compassion), qualities by no means
unrelated to real, even lusty living.
Preeminent among Upanishadic per-
sonalities were the Rajarshi (king-cum-
saint) Janaka, father of Sita, and the
great Yajnavalkya, the sage with two
wives, among them 'Maitreyee who
questioned him on the issue of im-
mortalityfor she could be content with
nothing less. The French indologist,
(Louis Renou), relates how Yajna-
valkya, once asked if meat could be
eaten, answered: "Why, yes, but it
must be tender!"


Indian thinking in ancient times
was not overloaded with pessimism
and passivity. In the Mahabharata,.
poverty is denounced as "death by
degrees", "a greater sorrow than the
death of one's husband or son". This
is reflected in the later southern classic,
the Kural: "Nothing pains more than
poverty, save poverty alone". One
cannot, in the present sketch, expand
on the theme, but it seems correct to
deduce that Gandhi in the 20th century
was in line with his hoary forbears in
India when he stressed the condition
of living of his people as the paramount
issue. Every morning inmates of his

Sabarmati Ashram would circle its
precincts and chant from Markandeya
Purana: "I do not wish for a kingdom
or for heaven or to be born again, I
wish only an end to the suffering of
all beings".
There should not be an impression
that the evolution in India, almost as a
sociological marvel, of an organic
society, hierarchic and yet preeminently
stable, an exemplar, as it were, of the
conservative genius, queers the pitch
for socialist development. One recalls
in this, connection the celebrated
Purushasukta hymn in the Rigveda,
delineating the derivation of the castes
from the limbs of Brahma.
However, if the great Plato, with
his authoritarian ideas, can have a
place in the history of communism, if
Rousseau with his concept of the
general will and the notion of the
citizen having to be "forced to be
free" can have helped the trends to-
wards socialism, if Hegel's dialectics
could play a seminal role since Marx,
though he claimed to turn it upside
down, owed a lot to it, there should
be no reason to damn the old Hindu
sociologists, Manu et al, as permanent
road blocks in this country.


Ancient Indian thinking coflld not,
for obvious historical reasons, evolve
scientific socialism which awaited its
appropriate time and place, the mid-
19th century in industrial Europe,
but it was throwing up preconditions
for the event. There is in the Rigveda.
an averment that the man who cooks
only for himself is a sinner. Later
lawgivers like Vasistha laid down that
usury was sin, which reminds one of
the Christian Father Tertullian, quoted
often by European socialist scholars.
In the Bhagavadpurana it is enjoined
that one had no right to anything
more than what was needed for sus-
tenance, and a great passage in the
Ishavasyopanishad one reads: "You
may enjoy only through renunciation;
do not covet, for whose, indeed, is the
This is not, of course, socialism,
but it prepares the soil for it. Moving
up the vista of history, one hears the
beautiful lament of Amir Khusrau, that
stupendous genius who served the
Khiljis (14th centuty) as a court poet:
"Every pearl in the royal crown is but
the crystallised drop of blood fallen

from the tearful eyes of the poor
peasant." Perhaps one can place along-
side this the famous formulation of
the great 15th century humanist in
England, Sir Thomas More, author of
Utopia, and quoted in all histories of
socialism, that "sheep were devc ing
man", for the greedy rich were evicting
peasants from arable land which they
turned into pasture for sheep-farming.


Aurobindo Ghosh, later to with-
draw from life and work on the "super-
man" concept of self-realisation, was
as everyone knows, a perfervid patriot,
and in November 1893 he wrote in an
essay: "Whether we like it or not, it is
in our hinderable and ignorant pro-
letariat that one can find the seeds of
our hope, the only prop of our future."
In 1908, 'Hardayal, founder of the
Ghadr movement, wrote an article
where he called Karl Marx "a modern
rishi". In his own unique way, Swami





tY 14, 1974



vekananda spoke of "the gospel of
cial raising up, the gospel of equality'
r rousing "the sleeping Leviathan",
e Indian masses, once also saying:
read! Bread! I do not believe in a
d who cannot give mre bread here,
ring me bliss in heaven!"
It was -from this tremendous man
at India heard in 1899: "A time
11 come the rising of the shudra
ss socialism, anarchism, nihilism
d other like sects are the vanguard
the social revolution that is to
low". The fire of his spirit is seen
the adjuration: "You, the upper class
India, do you think you are alive'
ou are but mummies ten thousand
ars old. The only hope of India is
om the masses."
Rabindranath Tagore, another
aster-mind steeped in India's past,
eeted in July 1918 the Russian
evolution and wrote in view of the
erils facing it: "If she fails, then her
4ilure will fade, like the morning star,
hly to usher in the sunrise of the
ew age". In a 1929 article he wrote
The weakness of the poor has so long
ept civilisation weak and incomplete;
key must set this right by the con-
lest of oower".
I No wonder that visiting tne Soviet
Iion in 1930, he hailed the "miracle"
for "new Russia is engaged in pricking
death-bolt out of the skeleton of
ian's civilisation, the bolt called
,eed", and he wished well to the
bviets in writings which the British
e-d once to bari.

Mahatma Gandhi would often call
himself a socialist or even a com-
nunist, "in the best sense of the
word". In March 1922, while facing
ial for sedition, he made a tremen-
lous statement accusing British im-

perialism of the cruelest exploitation,
wherein its partner was the Indian
"town-dweller" (bourgeoisie). "The
miserable little comforts of the town-
dweller in India", he said, "represents
the brokerage they get for the work
they do for the foreign exploiter, and
the profits and the brokerage are suck-
ed from the mases."
In his weekly Young India, he
wrote (15 November 1928): "The
means of production of the elemen-
tary necessaries of life (shall) remain
in the control of the masses. These
should be freely available to all as
God's air and water are or ought to
be ." On 1 April 1928 he wrote to
Jawaharlal Nehru that he would have
*"a movement without the rich and the
vocal educated class" -only "the time
is not yet". For him, that time never
came and, of course, in 1940 he held
back the people's resurgence for he
feared "revolution and red ruin".
Even so, there are clear socialist
overtones to his Sarvodaya concept and
it is remarkable that he did not hesi-
tate during the August 1942 upheaval,
when "do or die" was his call to the
people, to envisage "15 days of tur-
moil" when landlord would "cooper-
ate by fleeing". Once Gandhi de-
clared he was a communist minus the
violence, propagating not Samyavad
(the theory or ideology of communism).
but Samyadharma (the practice or
duty of equality).
S It would be naive to call Gandhi
a socialist, but there is no doubt about .
the direction of his thought.


Subhas Chandra Bose had in his
Indian Struggle (1934) propounded a
synthesis of fascism and communism
in his concept of Samyavad, and it is
known how shortly thereafter he de-
marcated himself away from fascism
and during world war II, in spite of his
association with fascist powers, he

never truckled down to them and at
great risk refused to take part in anti-
Soviet, anti-socialist propaganda.
Much of this new information'has
come from the federal republic of
Germany, the German democratic re-
public, the USSR and elsewhere recent-
ly. It was as the congress president in
1938 that Bose appointed the national
planning committee with Jawaharlal
as'chaniman, and at an important
meeting said he envisaged India's econ.
omic advance requiring, not slow,
measured steps, but a "forced march".
Jawaharlal Nehru's views on the
subject are too well-known for elabo-
ration. It was a very Indian thought
which he expressed in his Autobio-
graphy, when he wrote that "every-
thing that comes in the way (of the
classless society) will have to be re-
moved gently if possible, forcibly if
necessary-(with no hatred or cruelty)
*but with the dispassionate desire to
remove obstruction." He had little
patience with the Fabian idea of "the
inevitability ofgradualness"-he quoted
instead: "You cannot leap over the
abyss in two jumps", and also, from
the gentle English socialist, R.H.'
Tawney: "Onions can be eaten leaf by
leaf, but a live tiger cannot be skinned
paw by paw, for the tiger will do the
skinning first".

All this is not intended, of course,
to say that these great Indian leaders
were thorough-going socialists. They
were not. But as representatives of
their ancient country in an age of
doubt and change and conflict, the
orientation of their thought regarding
t-ie iOccoUstl olunc i o' i C,,.i oc:. Ic
gleaned this way. What basically is the
aim of socialism cannot, therefore, be
considered remote from this country's
mental frame.
On the marxist analysis, revolution
grows out of the womb of society and
at the moment of birth "force is the

midwife" of history. Just as with the
advance of medicine painless birth has
become today a feasible proposition,
so with the march of events, with
socialism in power today over one-
third of humanity, the old classical-
type revolution is no longer necessarily
unavoidable. In the search, therefore,
of the non-capitalist path of develop-
ment, India might well be an eager


On the issue of "ends and means"
which Gandhian ethics stresses strongly
perhaps it is salutary to remember
what the late Professor D.D. Kosambi
pointed out perceptively. In Indian
tradition no name is more honoured
than that of Shri Krishna. But as the
Mahabharata testifies, it was on
Krishna's advice that Bhishma was
killed unfairly by putting the eunuch,'
Shikhandi, ahead of the fighting
forces, and Bhishma would not soil
his hands by taking arms against him;
Drona was killed by Yudhisthira tell-
ing him a deliberate lie; Karna was
killed, against all canons of chivalry,
when he was dismounted anddisarmed;
Duryodhana was bludgeoned to death
after a foul mace blow that shattered
his thigh-every time Krishna bluntly
stating that victory could never have
been won otherwise!

This is not a plea for wrong, un-
ethical conduct, but a justification, in
the logic of life, of the notion that
-socialists hold that ends cannot be
always dissociated from means, that,
inpdecd, ;s K.C. Shelvankar's little
book's title avers, Ends are Means.
Perhaps, in India today, subject-
ive and objective conditions are ripe,
and yet not ripe, for socialism-that
will be for history to determine. But
let no one imagine that it is alien to
Indian soil and can never take root in




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) Race, Class and Politics

From Page 5

the policies. The militancy and unity
of the working class were decisive in
this period of revolutionary upswing
to force the opportunist elements to
retreat. National liberation and working
class ideology superseded racial
ideology both inside and outside the
party: Not only were the racist
BGEIA and the 'LCP decisively de-
feated at the 1953 elections; appeals
to racial emotionalism were also un-
successful in the inner-party struggles.


But with the direct forceful inter-
vention of the colonialists and their
support of the opportunist wing of the
party after the October crisis, the
balance of forces tilted in favour of
reaction. In this situation, race again
surfaced and became a dominant factor.
This was aggravated after the split
of the PPP in 1955. At the leadership
level, because of ideological conscious-
ness the split was recognized as based
on political opportunism and did
not result in racial division. But at
the rank and file level, where there
was political but not enough ideological
consciousness, the split took the form
largely of a racial division.
All of this was aided and abetted by
the British Government and particular-
ly the Robertson Commission which
engineered the split and supported
the Burnham faction of the PPP.
That it occurred not at the leadership
but at the rank and file level was due
to two factors; firstly, not sufficient-
development of working class, Marxist
ideological consciousness among the
rank and file, secondly, the failure by
the PPP to carry out openly in a
principled manner through criticism
and self-criticism inner-party struggle
The racial problem became more
pronounced after the PPP victories in
1957 andl961 for two main reasons.
Firstly, the Burnham faction of the
PPP, after its defeat at the 1957 elec-
tions teamed up with the UDP and
the LCP to form the People's National
Congress (PNC). This made it more
racist and reactionary. SECONDLY,
with the state machine largely hostile
to it, and the mass media under the
control of its opponents, the PPP was
viciously attacked, the PNC basing its
propaganda on race, and the United
Force (UF) on anti-communism.


To cover up its own racism, the
PNC falsely accused the PPP of using
the slogan "Apan Jaat" (own race).
That slogan in fact had been used
against the PPP in the 1953 election
campaign by the workers and Farmers
Party led by Daniel Debidin and pre-
vious to that by A. Seeram in the
thirties. This succeeded not only be-
cause of foreign intervention (the CIA,
the Christian Anti-Communist Crusade)
but also because the PPP "in office
but not in power" with limited con-
stitutional powers, could not change
the economic structure and thus solve
the problems mainly unemploy-
ment of the working class.
The race problem clearly obscured
the fundamental issue of the 1962-64
crisis the national liberation and
class struggles. After 9 years of PNC
rule (4 of which were in coalition
with the UF), with growing unemploy-
ment, rising cost of living, emigration,
balance of payments crisis, etc., the
material base the economic system -
is once again asserting itself. The racial
problem thus will increasingly play a

minor secondary role as the national
liberation, class and ideological strug-
gles sharpen.
Anti-communist ideology has be-
come a spent force as internationally
the cold-war is abating and nationally
the United Force has demonstrated
in and out of government its in-
capacity and reactionary character. The
racist ideology of the PNC has been
found wanting in practice. In the face
of the PPP's scientific, Marxist-Leninist
ideology and anti-imperialist program-
me and policies, the PNC has resorted
to cultural nationalism (dress, change
of name, obeah) and demagogy (co-
operative socialism). But these will not
stem the tide of working class ideology.

The PPP's position on the issue of
race and politics is clear. It recognizes
that there is a racial problem in Guyana.
But unlike others, it neither under-

estimates nor overestimates this prob-
lem. Though at a certain stage, it
might be the dominant force in
politics, this can only be a temporary
phase. Eventually, the economic base
and the scientific laws of political
economy will assert themselves, and
the political situation will be trans-
formed. For this transformation to
take place and for it to be accel-
erated, there is the need for a vanguard
party such as the PPP. At the ideolog-
ical level, it must put a scientific
(Marxist-Leninist) ideology in place
of an emotional (racial, and/or un-
scientific and utopian (cooperative
socialist) ideology.

It must pose an anti-imperialist,
pro-socialist programme in place of
the PNC's racist, anti-working class

and pro-imperialist programme. The
working class, confused and divided
by race, must conceptually be able to
understand why things are bad, how
they will get worse despite rosy prom-
ises about the future, and what must
be done to make them better. By
organisation at different levels wor-
kers, farmers, students, intellectuals,
etc. and fighting economic battles
around specific issues, untiy will be
The struggle must be joined not only
at the economic but also at the pol-.
itical level. For only by the attainment
-I working class power and the com-
plete transformation of the economic
structure will racism and the influence
of race in politics be finally brought to
an end. This has happened in the
Soviet Union and in Cuba. It will also
happen in Guyana under the leadership
of the PPP.

; .'*.'' W ;5
iIeagc ... or |tict ...io

eiO; iwer in price than a new fyre -

S- -iandag treads are mjcro-siped for .ven grer ...;e
Ssfevty,' .better starting, better stopping, better sk-
.- distance Micro-siped also extends Bandag T '- ,.
]F .tr e9.s, even longer. "
.:.Andag treadAs qr..densr, tougYr

... -.... .. i.
a~U,~S ru s

SUNDAY JULY 14, 1974


SUNDAY JULY 14, 1974

From Page 4

Council members and other
United Nations Members give
early and careful consider-
ation to this problem in an
,effort to arrive at some
agreed standards, some lower
limits to be applied in the
case of future applicants for
United Nations membership. "
In a scathing reference
to mini-states,a representat-
ive of one of the founding
members of the UN.declared,
"It was not anticipated, nor,
I believe, would it have been
accepted, in 1945 that the
United Nations be extended
to include tiny states whose
only justification for existence
is that their territory is no
longer wanted by the colonial
governments that for years
supported them".

A former U.S. represen-
tative, with obvious reference
to the growing membership of
very small states in the UN
wrote an article in the New
York Times Magazine
(September 1966) entitled
"The UN Needs Family
Ihose officials and jour-
nalists who felt that the UN
would be deluged by mini-
states argued that the coinage
of UN membership would be
debased, that the capacity of
the Organization to act re-
sponsibly and efficiently
would be reduced, and fin-
ally, confidence in the UN
would be seriously under-
The fear of delegates
from mini-states clambering
over seats in the General
Assembly led the Security
Council in 1969 to establish
a Committee of Experts to
consider the problems of
Up to this day the Com-
mittee has not been heard
from. It is known that the
Committee has considered
such proposed prescriptions
as weighted voting, partial
membership, no membership
When one considers the
difficulty in applying criteria
for weighted voting and the
political reaction by many
states to, not only categories
of membership but also to
weighted voting, it becomes
evident why the Committee
has held its peace.
SIn the meantime,Grenada
will join the UN with a full
vote. It will do so mindful
:of the fact that it is the small
nations which need the UN
for their protection, that UN
.membership will open a direct
line to world opinion, and
that as a member of the UN
it will be eligible for UN
development assistance.
Perhaps it was this last
point that Gairy had in mind
when he made his now famous
remark that independence
would support Grenada.


Raised taunt machetes mime your tears

Tension rolls beneath the rock of things

Blue-arsed devils
dance a diable-
diable beat
at the forked road

Don't Jeer;
let that line of approach bait
its own end.

Articles of faith are not enough.

They want your heart
in print
on every issue.

The problem has risen in stature
How to be
a Moko-Jumbie
without becoming stilted
I fear Ash-Wednesdays

My head burns.

and paint my lined reflection.

Stone this blank with stares.

It is you blindly
feeling your way along
the wall of time,
trapped in their return.

It was you
being dismembered again;
don't weep
for her.

It is frenzied us
who have blown
the calm lamps of sanity.
me with my throat
bleeding energy in flaming silence
of the journey back.
The journey from the bush
is harder.
No words,
only in metaphors
of the inarticulate.

To night,
we are bushed




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S4 AT /

I -he. Aiii

- -- -- --q ---- I --C _--_- I-


- --~- --

SUNDAY JULY 14, 1974





SO we've now seen the
first performance of Tri-
nidad and Tobago's Town
and Country Planning
tragi-comedy in what has
been called by some per-
vert the Chaguaramas
S"Development" Plan. But
!before writing yet another
obituary on the erosion
:of Human Rights let us
quietly and calmly set the
It all stems from our "Or-
dinance to make provision
ifor the orderly and progress-
ive development of land- in
both urban and rural areas
iand to preserve and improve
ithe amenities thereof ."

That slice of verbiage is
the preamble to our Town
and Country Planning Ordin-
ance 1960. And well may
you question the pomposity
of the language-
It is lifted wholesale, as is
the complete Ordinance, from
the British Ordinance of the
same title.
Never mind that the for-
mer Attorney General, in
congratulating the writer on
the stand ECO One has taken
on Chaguaramas, explained
that he went to great pains
in draughting this Ordinance
to prevent abuse etc. Surely
he got his dates and facts
- mixed up a bit.
Never mind that even the


Where people navel string bury

British have since, drastically
changed their Ordinance to
get rid of some terrible ano-
malies which we in true
mimicry are still subjected
to fourteen years after the
The fact still remains, that
for any major Government
Physical Development, the'
plan must be publicised and'
if perchance the public hap-:
pen to catch the statutory
single advertisement, a public
enquiry must follow any re-
presentations and a whole
string of formal "checks"
must be observed.
And so it was with this
Chaguaramas Development
Plan. The sole advertisement.
was seen and three bodies
surprised Government by
taking the issue seriously and;
sending in representations
within the stipulated time of
one month, all damning.
It was at this stage that
the bluff was called. Although
we obviously cannot accuse.
Government of taking evasive
action, we can at least quote.

from an Addendum of ECO
One's representation:
"9.05 And finally we
note that three days before
the infamous "month" was
up on the 30th September
1973, a one inch column
unpaid notice was publish-
edin the Trinidad G;.rdian
extending the time for sub-
mission by SIX days to
the 6th October 1973..."
"9.06 We trust that the fact
that representations faint-
ly praising the Plan from
the Trinidad and Tobago
Society of Architects dated
6th October 1973, SCAPE
dated 8th October 1973
and the Trinidad Chamber
of Commerce dated 10th
October 1973 were all re-
ceived after this date is
coincidental and does not
mean that these bodies
were requested to submit
criticism after the repre-
sentations from The Field
Naturalists, The UWI De-
partment of Biological
Sciences and ECO One had
been registered and digest-
"9.07 We also trust that the
fact that members of the
Town and Country Plan-
ning Division are actively
engaged in both the Trini-
dad and Tobago Society
of Architects and SCAPE
is only relevant in so far
that these bodies will na-
turally hold similar views
to that of the Planning
"9.08 We would however,
note thatboth of the last
two bodies, gave the En-
quiry enough reservations
to their praise of the Plan
to amount to fairly strong
condemnation on more or
less the same grounds as
ECO One."
Nevertheless, with occas-
sional prompting and veiled
threats from ECO One, the
Minister of Planning and De-
velopment eventually trod the
narrow path of legal procedure.
Despite Professor Kenny's
fear that the whole procedure
was window dressing, despite
ECO One's skepticism,
despite Commissioner
Stephen Norman's assurance
that representations would be
"guided unerringly to the
proper quarters",
despite the overwhelming
public opposition to the
despite the Commission's
reported recommendations to
cool it on large tourism,
we are now, thanks to
ECO One's reminder to the
Minister, able to see and com-
pare the final plan and docu-
ments as passed by both the
House of Representatives and
the Senate.
Thus, contrary to Govern-
ment's assurance to both
Houses that the plan had
been amended to meet the
Commission's reservations, the
,published and approved Wri-

tten Statement which con-
stitutes the Development Plan,
the document upon which
O'Halloran and his Chaguara-
mas Development Authority
can act, is virtually the car-
bon copy of the Draft Docu-
ments that were torn apart
at the public enquiry.
The very same documents
that had the puppet planners
stammering in explanation.
The very same documents that
were unable to be champion-
ed even by the establishment,
Architects Society, SCAPE
and the Chamber of Commess.
Mind you, under the Or-
dinance, the Minister need
not take any notice of the
public enquiry, nor his Com-
missions. He has the last
irrevocable say.


B u t whereas the U.K.
model for this totalitarian
legislation always acted in the
reverse that is, the British
Minister in his wisdom, is
usually the final arbitrator
on the side of public opinion
(as befits an astute politician)
- This same authoritarian
power is twisted upsidC- dovw
to give the Trinidad and To-
bago Minister, in his ignorance
and fear, ability to fly in the
face of the People and not
only follow through the oli-
garchy of ambitious develop-
ers but to also convince the
House of Representatives, the
Senate and the People of
Trinidad and Tobago that
democratic measures have
been observed and all is well.
Even the daily press reports
and editorials on the debate
accepted Government's verbal
assurances at face value on the
questions of reduced tourism,
preference to agriculture
over housing estates and the
resettlement of former in-
The publication of the
modified Plan shows the mis-
take of such assumptions and
the public must now be in-
formed of the double cross.
SSo be it.


But let it be finally re-
corded that ECO One stands
steadfastly and as now
proved rightly behind every.
word of their protesting re-
presentations. Chaguaramas is
a complete sellout and be-
trayal and it will, one day, be
brought to another public
forum and corrected.
This Final "modified"
Document is the most brazen
and bitter slap in the face. It
is identical no, to be truth-
ful, it varies on .three minor
counts from the original,
from the draft insult.
We suppose that the first
variation, by granting Sir
Arthur McShine his opening

Continued on Page 11



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From Page 10
of Harts Cut demonstrates
the Minister's recognition of
"public" opinion.
It is beyond our "gener-
osity" to forget the preferen-
tial treatment granted to the
queue jumping beknighted
royal subject at the Public
Enquiry on the grounds that
he was a busy man.
ECO One at the time
publicly recorded its objection
to this colonialist treatment.
And now, this is the result,
recognition by the Minister.

It is indeed hard not to be
facetious in the light of such
absurd and stupid grovelling.
We find the second amend-
ment in the omission from
the final document of the
embarrassing Agricultural ex-
posee, whereby the Govern
ment Planners only learnt
about the Government Agri-
culturists being in the same
area' at their own Public En-

Well may Denis Sotomon's
report on the confrontation
(Tapia January 13th 1974)
go down in the Trinidad joke
book "Oh God, why didn't
you all tell us you wanted:
the whole valley before we
made the Plan." (Ken Snaggs).
And even now the dust
hasn't settled there seems to
be one unholy muddle still
going on between Govern-
ment's left and right hand on
the subject of Tucker Valley
land tenure.
So much for the Minister's
claim "that great care and a
substantial amount of research'
and enquiry were involved in
the preparation of the Plan. It
was not a rush job or a docu-
ment put together in haste."
The third variation is a
very qualified acknowledge-
ment of the undesirability
of quarrying in the area.
The third variation is a
very qualified acknowledge-
ment of the undesirability

SUNDAY JULY 14, 1974

of quarrying in the area.
But mind you there is
absolutely no real change in
the Hotel and the elitist
Housing bonanza. We can still
count well over 20 proposed
hotels. We can still see Hotel
sites AVERAGING 11 acres
(hardly SMALL guest houses).
We can still see house sites
averaging over 1/4 acres.
There is no change from
the original "Realtors' Para-
dise." There are the. same
"wide horizons for bus boys,
garden boys, beach boys,
domestics and smart operators.
The peninsula still repre-
sents a "tempting vision of
affluent beach resort living."
We can still ask "What of the
heritage for our youth's
youth?" We are still passing
on "a psychic wasteland of
neo-colonialist suffocation."
And on top of all this
there is not one, not one single
sentence or even inference
on the legal rights, moral rights
human rights, or whatever


for the former inhabitants of
the area.
Small indigenous former
and fishermen now number-
ing some 3,000 people, sept
arated for 30 years a work-
ing lifetime from their
rightful plots, their born li-
velihood, their buried navel
True, the law the borro-
wed colonial and imperialist
law has been strictly fol-
lowed on the question of
the Planning. The law, after
all, as we've been taught,
comes before the People. But
now the law, the age old
property law of possession
has yet to be played out.
Strength, Power and Solid-
arity to the Back to Chagaura-
mas Action Committee, they
might well yet carry justice
beyond their own immediate
cause to that of Willians'

- "Chaguaramas,a kind of
Declaration of Independence
Let Government sell or

lease the first piece of Dehere
or La Roche or Cedeno land
and then we'll see litigation
-.like fire in the land.
We will yet see the real-
isation of the "breathlessly
existing possibilities in start-
ing afresh on an outstanding
beautiful and rich stretch of
country not far off the size
of Montserrat."
We will yet see Chaguara-
mas demonstrate, for the
Caribbean, "a procedure for
popular participation .to
set foundations to cater for
and encourage spontaneous,
sympathetic and meaningful
In fact, we will even yet
"make provision for the or-
derly and progressive develop-
ment of land in both urban
and rural areas and preserve
and improve the amenities'
thereof. ."
for the people.
Despite Government and
the Planners . and

ALTHOUGH they werethe most talented team in the world
cup, although they were a well oiled aggressive machine the
total footballers from Holland have not yet acquired the
habits of a world champion team. Certainly, another year
or two of top class international competition will correct
that tiny flaw which the West Germans, a vastly more
experienced world cup team, were able to capitalise upon.
The West Germans had two trumps in Beckenbauer
in the defence and the clever opportunitist Gerd ]Muller up
front. The Dutch trumps were an ultra aggressive approach
and Johann Cruyff's Genuis in their forward, line.
The Flying. Dutchmen revealed their lack of world
cup experience in the two very costly errors they com-
mitted one strategic and the other technical. In the first

Ruthven Baptiste

half when Germany .scored
their two matchwinning goals


Sthe inside story
,ThI nxt time you're on the Inddl looking out through NACO's smll, l~ opaings during protection r..r
a NACO Lboumn Window, take a color look It the window xlcdent with tsmll dlidr.
Hlt You'll mak ome very Intting obisrvtlon. NACO's reel ftyba for iWtn from IfiMh...
SFor intnm, you're bound to be lmprad with:- a optonalm extr. .
* NACO's clan, modern design In perfect harmony with NACOs easytoleai feematum tabour a igI
im llb buIlding tnda We.ooul-'on rit r'daot tll idw hav .
* NACO's n, fukh-fltting handles during troubsl-fre, Ex&cpm tBoetmiat NACO LOUVRE WINDOWS
flnge'-tp control are b aconomitall nation isaimpl., aindk brohe
* NACO's 900 -p opening tor extanal ventilation oontrl qipadily Ynd IYpinIvely e npld.
from downdraught to updrbght.. Instntlyl .Wara convind that you're convineLd. And Mfh s
S.NAC cmn plvotlngkeatuR for perfect lameubalbn; mlsch going for th, we think you'll ugnr the
1"y t bigv opan or ed rain in t1he position MACOLOUVRE Wl rreallywortf lookli

-,-A '", .:'.'. :" .-.- :..*

Cruyff had elected to play
deep in the defence after he
had been fould in the first
In the absence of
Cruyff, it was no coincidence
that the West Germans were
able to contain the Hollanders
attack comfortably and
mount an attack that realized
two goals, while, in the second
with Cruyff leading the attack
they didn't "see a pool."
Had Cruyff remained
in the attack, in spite of injury
or the restrictions placed on
him by a close marking de-
fender, his presence would
have placed sufficient mental
pressure on Beckenbauer and
his defence to think that
discretion'. is the better part
of valour.

The other error, the
technical one was the manner
in which Gerd Muller was
allowed to score West Ger-
many's winning goal. Muller
collected awakwardly at the
edge of the penalty box ob-
liquely opposite the left goal
post with a defender in at-
The g o a 1 keeper
positioned quite reasonably
near the left goal post. As
Muller collected awakrdly,
the defender then had the
time to narrow the angle of
Muller's shot, but, he (the
defender) left a maco gap
between himself and his goal-
keeper for Muller to place his,
shot wide of the goalkeeper,
sweetly and delicately. Had
the defender positioned
properly Muller's, shot would
have either rebounded offhim
(the defender) or have
gone straight to. the goal-
That's what I mean by
acquiring the habits of'
champions, that delicate
timing and co-ordination in
a crisis situation.
The highlight of the
world cup final was the battle
of wits between the two best


footballers in the game
today Franz Beckenbauer
and JohannCruyff. As Pele
and Bobby Moore are no
longer world cup campaigners,
Beckenbauer, on the evidence
of this final must have the
edge of Cruyff as the world's
best footballer.
Beckenbauer is com-
plete. llis reading of a game
is uncannily accurate. He is
calm collective and calculat-
ing. Technically, his chief
asset is his complete mastery
of the ball which enables him
to carry through whatever he
thinks of doing as in the case
of free kick which he took in
the second half. I e curled the
shot 'over the heads of the
defence barrier and as it
travelled goalwards it dipped, ,
forcing the goalkeeper to tip
it over.the bar.

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ut Ih lose ta

UIrs. Andrea Talbutt,
Research Institute for
Study of Man,
162, East 78th Street,
NE!' YORK, 1,.Y. 10021,
Ph. Lehigh 5 8448,
U.S. i,

aini house

bat M%.

KAIRI HOUSE opens another
phase of jts activity with an
Art Education" Programme
starting in the first week in
August: Directed by Judith
Laird, Art Teacher at Bishop'
Anstey High School for the
past three,years the courses
will be for children (7 plus),

and Adults. The children's.
course will be held on Satur-
day mornings while the adult's
course, will consist of three
workshop sessions each week.
Each day will involve at least
two hours formal tuition and
work will..be, done on a pro-
ject basis involving design

principles illustrated through
various media such as paint,
textiles, lino cutting etc.
Guest lectures by Trinidadian
and visiting artists will be a
regular feature of KAIRI's
. Enrolment is snctly
limited and registir,:t;cn will

take place from July 22
between 10.00 a.m. and 1.00
p.m. at KAIRI HOUSE 10
Pelham St. Belmont P.O.S.
The fees for the Children's
course are $6.00 per session
or $20.00 npr month and
for the. adults $60.00 for the
four week course.

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Fund raising for life or death

IN the face of the steep decline in revenue from our newspaper,
the Tapia fund raising drive is projected to continue at a
furious pace.
While spending has been escalating with the growth
of the Tapia Movement, our advertising earnings in the first
six months of 1974 amounted to only one-tenth of. the figure
for the corresponding period of 1973.

Ihe squeeze follows the
general cutback in advertising
and the wider dissemination
of Tapia's programmes in press
reports of our series of Gene-
ral Assemblies.
To maintain our General
Staff and to keep our news-
paper afloat while all other
official political organs dis-
appeared from public view,
we have had to increase mon-
thly pledges by Tapia people
and to circulate more duthorise-
ed donation lists.

Fund-raising efforts have
also been on the upswing -
the biggest venture so far
being the successful barbecue,
lunch organised by members
of a Port of Spain Tapia
Tapia supporters and sym-
pathisers are reminded that
there are many small ways
in which this guava season.
can be brought to a speedy

Sales of the paper and
pamphlets 10 copies per'
week add up to $130 per
year which means that if only.
1,000 people or 0.2% of the'
electorate stood behind Tapia,
and each of us sold 10 papers
per week, we would earn
$130,000 per year.

Sales of bound volumes
of Tapia bring $20 per time
and provide an excellent work
of reverence for those interest-I
ed in both the arts, sport, I
politics and current affairs
in general.
Membership dues are
only $1 per month. Twelve
thousand dollars per year can
.pay two members of staff,
@ $500 per month.
Pledges ofanythingfrom;
$1 to $100 per month could
bring in. colossal sums of mon-

Ajw~k 0o

Paula Williams
Ass't. Secretary
ey needed to pay fulltime
Tapia organizers and to main-
tain more community offices
up and down Trinidad and
Casual donations on au-
thoriged lists can be a regular
source, of cash for a move-
ment that has no wealthy




Basil Ince

Championships which
took place on 19th, 20th,
and 23rd of June, at the
National Stadium at Ari-
ma should not be allowed
to pass unheralded. They
were the first-ever champ-
ionships to be held on a
modern track in Trinidad
and Tobago. Those of us.
who campaigned in the
early fifties could not be-
lieve a dream come true.
Those who campaigned
in the 20's, 30's, and
40's had given up hope.
Indeed some old athletes
have passed away without
seeing a meet held on a
modern track in Trinidad
and Tobago
The meet itself was not
the best run in the world but
the officials of the NAAA,
who recognized their short-
comings on the first day,
attempted to rectify them
for the last two days. For
any organization to endure
and prevail, it must be able
. to recognize its shortcomings
and be prepared to accept
criticism. Even though there
there may be occasions when
the criticism is unwarranted,,
it is made with the best of
intentions. All sporting or-
ganizations, therefore, must
be prepared to accept criti-
cism and use it to their ad-
The meet brought toge-
ther many of the foreign-
based and local athletes; It
served to emphasize the su-
periority of the-foreign-based
athletes vis-a-visthe local,boys

in the sprints for which Trini-
dad has become celebrated.
The meet also emphasized
that local athletes can do bet-
ter times on an up to date
track. Several records were
broken during the course, of
the "three days, but in my
view, some of the times ii
the sprints were very generous.
Many of the records were in a
sensephony because they were
compared with previous per-
formances made on grass
tracks in the country. The
record books should be closed
on times made on the grass.
tracks and a new record book
opened for times on our mo-
dern tracks.

A word on the foreign-
based athletes. I am very sym-
pathetic towards them, having
once been a foreign-based ath-
lete, and. all that that carries
with it little or no com-
munication from home and
archaicthinking, on the part
on officials. However, when-
ever foreign-based athletes
are sponsored by the govern-
ment or local firms, they
should give of their best in
their pet distances once they
return to run.
In short, they should not
pick and choose their events,
and in the process, pass up
their pet distances, for what
turns out to be frivilous rea-
sons. If they continue to do
this they cannot expect any
public support for funds, for
example, to send them on
summer tours to Europe. Al-
though these summer tours
to Europe. Although these
tours are useful, they are not
absolutely necessary except
in the year when the tour leads

into the Olympics or some
other big Games. In any case,
the top flight athletes receive
personal invitations and are
invited by European officials
to compete.
Finally the meet empha-
sized that the popularity of
track and field is at an all-
time high. The enthusiams of
the crowd and young per-
formers was very much in
evidence. The new modem
track is definitely a filip to
local athletes. What is needed
now is the laying down of two
tracks like the one at Arima
in other parts of the country.
The multi-national firms in
our midst would have no prob-
lem doing this.

P I N D7kDFIJS 8A #4OUSE'PUSU6NIE 5 00. LtO. 9':1 PUS

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