Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00116
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: June 30, 1974
Frequency: completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00116

Full Text


ON TUESDAY evening at the
Public Library in Port of Spain,
Tapia Secretary, Lloyd Best,
branded the report of the Wood-
ing Commission a "testament of
despair, equalled in our time
only by the notorious 'retirement'
speech of September last, in the
gloomy view it takes of the po-
tentials of the Trinidad and To-
bago race".
He described the report as
outstanding not only for its
"intellectual poverty" but also
as "unpardonable for its ignomi-
nious failure to rally the nation
to loftier purpose and to trans-
port our hopes into a more ex-
alted realm of possibility".
Best's remarks on the Wood-
ing Report were made in the final
part of his address to a large and
appreciative audience at the
Library. In his address entitled
The National Crisis and The
Wooding Constitution, the Tapia
Secretary proceeded to analyse
the nature of the crisis which
faced the country and the events
that led to the appointment of
the Commission.
He declared that "Wooding's
historic task was to arrange the
funeral of the Crown Colony
political system, in so far as a
constitutional exercise is capable
of affecting any political change".
Best further stated that the mis-
sion of the moment for the Wood-
ing Commission was "to abolish
the legacy of Doctor Politics, to
establish a state willing and able
to demolish the plantation eco-
nomy and Afro-Saxon culture".
The Tapia Secretary insisted
that the Commission's task was
to "promote freedom and justice
and participation" and to "seek
to win for our peoples that iden-
tity for which they have yearned
so long".
Best felt that in this task the
Commission had failed miserably.
"The chilling conclusion", he
said, "to be drawn on reading
the final report is that the Crown

STAPIA knows that "peopI2 never choose
tional models". The choice is always couc
one between leaders and organizations".
Tapia is offering "a different kind
where Trinidad and Tobago will be a diffe
from the nightmare assumed by the cynic
pudiated by the spiritual yearnings of the
tion and the young people who, made it v
country and some misguidedly perhaps
very life-blood."
In the final analysis the choice
"Tapia, he concluded, "had always

politics of choice" and
trumpet sounds."

Colony corpse has been given
new life with an extraordinary
cosmetic job". The result of this
failure is that the Wooding re-
port has had no impact on the
country. It has served only to
set up Williams.
In looking for the reasons
for the failure Best rejected any
aspersions on the integrity and
competence of the Commission.
He described as "insolence" any
attempt to claim that the mem-
bers of the Commission, whom
he described as men of rank and
standing in the academic world,
the professions and the realm of
public affairs, did not swish to
serve their country with all the
wisdom at their command.
The failure of the Constitu-
tion Commission, Best ventured
to say, had nothing to do with
integrity or competence but was

we will be

"a failure
and of lea
SThe r
sion's fail
its negati
of the p
sirfply d
country c
stand tha
carried t(
yond', the


by Tapia. For as the Tapia Secre-
between constitu- tary put it,."we have not suc-
hed, Best said, "as ceeded in rallying the country",
nor have we kindledthe country's
of model, a World imagination to a point where peo-
rent kind of place ple would rally and.fight and win
s, resoundingly re- by the methods which we es-
February Revolu- pouse.
with their love for In concluding,JBest declared
even with their that while Tapia' respected the
men ot the Commission for their
is very simple: attempt to give the country a
iany or the few? political chance, "we cannot
's understood the honestly share the philosophical
ready, when the and historical assumptions which
le behind their plan".
y He described the Wooding
Constitution as absurd, "a re-
of perception,ofision gression to the. days of yore".
odership". Tapia, he insisted, was looking
eason forth Commis far into the future. ee have to
ure in the firstpacewas build a new civilisation in this
ure in estpacewas country, one that takes an open
ve view of the capacity democracy for granted and no-
eople of Trinidad and
Best charged that "they thing can turn us away from that,
o not think that the. because the only way to build an
an make". open democracy is to take an
had' failed to under- open democracy for granted. We
it people can only be must start off by trusting our-
) heights which lie be- selves".
Hirexperience by the SoUth next
n of leadership or by

the deveroprmnt of the.situation
to the limit of old and tested
But, he went on' to say, the
failure of the Constitution Com-
mission went Yfurther than their
lack of faith in the little people.
It was a failurefor which blame
had to be share ad by the opposi-
tion forces as, well, and above all

TAPIA will be taking the discussion of
the Wooding Constifutior'and the
prospects for political'change around
the country. The next appearance will
be at the Town Hall in San Fernando.
This was announced by Chairman
for the night, Michael Harris; on Tues-
day night when Tapia made']ts first
appearance at, the Public Library in

Continued onPage 2

- I

'~e~-b~l~l~ls~a~sa~~ ~I

Vol. 4 No. 26

3a Lents

SUNDAY JUNE 30, 1974

THE ROLE and place of
the media in our society
have been within recent
weeks the subject of
much intense discussion.
Although the discussion
of the issue thus far has
been mainly concerned
with the yearnings of
some of our journalists
to break free from the
restrictions imposed up-
on them and their po-
tential for expansion,
there is a much more
fundamental aspect of
the discussion that cannot
be ignored.
The media, whether that
of the printed word or radio
and television, constitute a
tremendous force in the life
of any society. It might even
be said that one can judge a
nation by looking at the
development of its media.
Freedom of the Press,
that phrase so often used by
the charlatans in our midst,
must be understood in all its
implications. At its most
fundamental level it has to
do with the nature of
democracy itself.

For democracy to have
any meaning whatsoever it
must depend on the active
participation and awareness
of the-majority of its citizens.
This can only be obtained
in a situation in which the
machinery of information and

that it admits the %idest possi-
ble dissemination of infor-
mation, discussion and dissent.
A primary task therefore
of any democratic govern-
ment is the education of its
citizens and in this task the
free and unfettered- media
are of cricial importance. By
contrast the most urgent task
of any undemocratic, totali-
tarian or doctorcratic go-
vernment is to keep the popu-
lation in a state of ignorance;
or, at the very least, to en-
,sure that the information and
discussion which reach the
population are carefully se-
lected and controlled to suit
its own purpose.
So that when our young
journalists seek to break out
of the mindless syndrome in
which they find themselves,
let them not forget that their
struggle is, above all, a poli-
tical one.
They must understand
that they are fighting a go-
vernment and a regime which
have long since turned their
backs on their early promises
amongst which political edu-
cation of the people was not
the least prominent.
The shameless manipula-
tion' of the media and the
intellectual and professional
castration of our journalists
by this government, while it
began a long time back in
their eighteen years of ini-
quitous rule, took on a much
more repressive nature after
the February Revolution.
The response to the Feb-
ruary Revolution by a Go-
vernment totally incapable
aspirations and yearning of
the youth of the nation was
a resort to the repressive
legislation of the 1971 period.
Significantly, much of

this legislation was devoted,
to stifling political expression
and dissent. It is not to be
expected that the whole in-
stitution of the media was
exempted from this more de-
termined thrust to muffle all
political opposition particu-
larly thboe voices which sought
'to rally the nation to new
levels of vision and conscious-
ness by serious and informed
discussion of the important
issues of our time.
This effort to sabotage
the forces of political change
has 'led to the systematic
corrosion of the integrity and
value of all the popular chan-
nels of communication. The
television and radio media,
owned in the main by the
government, have never risen
above the level of calculated
insipidity. For their part, the
daily papers have been con-
tent to. make of themselves
vehicles of distortion and pur-
veyors of mindlessness.
It would be too simple

It would be ttoo Simple
and moreover unjtist to lay
the blame for this state of
affairs on the men on tht
media. They can and must be
charged with not having done
enough to raise the standards
of their profession and to
emancipate themselves from
shackles of State control.
But we must confess that
there have been times when,
like blossoms in a desert,
they have ventured to assert
their freedom. One such occa-
sion was after the election
of 1971. The Trinidac
Guardian, its idealism un
throttled for a rare moment
summoned the courage to
tell the Government in its
editorial that the country had
convincingly repudiated its
appeal for a "massive vote"
and called for a Conference
of Citizens.

Continued From Page 1

Port of Spain.
The Chairman after wel
coming the large crowd told
them that, as far as he wa:
concerned, their appearance
in such numbers that night
was an indication that we
had reached a critical stage in
the nation's history and that
it was the beginnign of the
end for the Old Regime.
The Chairman also an-
nounced that the Tapia team
had plans to take the discus-
sino to Tobago. The tentative
date for the San Fernando
meeting is July 16. Further
particulars will be announced.
TAPIA Secretary, Lloyd Best
leaves next Tuesday for Ja-
maica. Best is going to Jamai-
ca on University business. He
will be away for one week.

But such moments have
been all too few. And the
country has now reached a,
stage in which the dangers of

a plaint and prostituted press
are all too apparent.
The Wooding Commis-
sion, for example, in the re-

On April 25, 1974 Tapia wrote to political groups in Ti nidad
& Tobago, proposing joint-action to secure the right of access
to Radio & TV. Below we publish the reply of the DAC to
our original letter, and our own reply to them.

Dear Sir,
I am directed by the Strategy Committee of the DAC, to thank
you for your letter of April 25, 1974, on the subject of joint action on
the part of "opposition political groups" to secure access to Radio and
Firstly, we do not regard ourselves as an "opposition political
group" but as a substantial part of the popular forces that decisively
defeated the ruling clique in the No-Vote Campaign of 1971. We think
it is important for you to understand that the DAC, does not possess
the psychology of opposition.
Secondly, we appreciate your assurance that your proposal is not
an attempt to involve us in a discussion of Constitutional Reform
since our views on this subject are well known.
Thirdly, we regard it as essential that any action contemplated
must have two principal objects:-
1. it must be such as to achieve the desired effect
11. it must unify and not confuse the population.
We believe that the platform you have selected is too limited in
its appeal and to remote from the ordinary citizen's needs. In addi-
tion, in the context of the events of 1971 and after, it appears to be a
backward step.
We therefore propose the following programme which is more
meaningful, more extensive, and more likely to secure the necessary
backing for effective action:--
1: Freedom of association, and in particular, the right of peaceful
demonstration (e.g:, against hunger, rising prices, repressive laws,
destruction of the environment, to name a few).
2. Radio and television time for political parties.
3. Implementation of the Constitution Commission's recommends
tions on the conduct of elections.
4. Reduction of the voting age to 18 years.
5. A date for General Elections,
We would be pleased to have your views on the above programme.
Yours very truly,
Emil de la Grenade,

I hereby acknowledge your letter of May 8, on the subject of
joint action. The National Executive of Tapia is agreed that any actions
contemplated must be such as to unity and not confuse the population.
We are further agreed on the need for joint action to secure the
rights of freedom of assembly and of access t6 Radio and Television for
all political groups and the reduction of the voting age to 18 years.
On the question of the implementation of the Constitution
Commission's recommendations on the conduct of elections, Tapia
has already made it clear that such fundamental rules governing the
political life of the country cannot be determined by any commission
or committee, deriving its authority from the illegitimate 1971
In a situation where Executive abuse of power has destroyed the
trust of the people in the established institutions the one thing that
cannot be a solution would be to concede the Executive the right to
remake the rules and to supervise the arrangements for the selection of
a new Government.
Tapia is certainly not prepared to concede to the present
Tapia is certainly not prepared to concede to the present
the fight to pilot any reforms, whatsoever be they
constitutional or merely electoral through the illegiti-
mate 1971 Parliament
or the right to name an election date not agreed to by the
country as a whole
or the right to supervise the elections
The only acceptable alternative is for the nation at large,
through the political interests which represent it, to shape new election
rules, name an election date and supervise the ensuing election. We
can put no other meaning to the nation's massive boycott of the 1971
election which not only rendered the resulting Parliament illegitimate
but also exposed the public's fundamental mistrust of polling arrange-
ments made by the ruling party alone. ,
In practical terms, as Tapia sees it, this means:-
S the calling of a Conference of Citizens
the selection of an All-Party Commission as the decision-
making body at the Conference
decision by the All-Party Commission, on the basis of one
party one vote, one new electoral rules and the date for
fresh elections.
The people of this country are well aware that if all political
groups enjoyed access to Radio and Television, the issues of bread and
butter would be subject' to a far swifter justice. We are therefore
confident that they would support any concrete programme of joint
action to remove present restrictions on the media.
We are equally confident that the country would give un-
qualified support to any political collaboration which would win back
our freedom of assembly and all those natural rights of which this
iniquitous regime has been systematically dispossessing our people.
We propose early action between all groups which can agree to
to act together. Weawaityour proposals in this regard.
Yours faithfully,
Allan Harris
Administrative Secretary.

commendations which ac-
companied its report, called
for the granting of free radio
and television time for oppo-
sition groups during the period
of discussion which it pro-
posed. Those four months of
non-discussion are now up.
Apart from four spots on a
Sunday morning show, de-'
voted to routine discussion
by the youth of NJAC and'
Tapia, the Government has
ignored _completely the
Wooding recommendation
that opposition forced be
conceded free broadcasting
But we must understand
as well that, apart from simply
closing the media to informa-
tion and discussion emanating
from other political groups,
the Docracy hasbeen using
the press as the main tool in
its strategy for emerging, re-
born, to stand alone on the
public stage.
Ever since Williams' "re-
tirement speech", of Sept. 28
last, we have been inundated
with a surfeit of newspaper
interviews, television simul-
casts the contents of which
have been utterly spurious
but the desperate purpose of
which has been to refurbish
the Doctor image for just one
final fling..
There has been as well,
what might be taken by the
unwary as an attempt to open
up the discussion on the Con-
stitution Issue. It is but an
illusion however.The editorial
statements in the Guardian
and the long discourses by
"Special Correspondents
have been no more than offi-
cial propaganda.
When the issues present
themselves for serious report-
ing and discussion, as was in
fact the case last Tuesday
night with Tapia's meeting
at the Public Library, the
Guardian is noticeably absent.
Moreover, ,they abused
the courtesy of an early copy
of the text to present a hope-
lessly truncated version bu-
ried amongst the classified
ads. Is it an accident that on
the same morning there ap-
peared, prominently placed
on page 3, a cynically dis-
torted interpretation of a
Tapia letter to the DAC re-
leased well over two weeks
These are precisely the
kind of manoeuverings which
trapped the '56 movement
into a settlement of its con-
frontation with the Guardian
by a muzzling of the journalist
profession. This was the be-
ginning of' the suppression.
Our new movement must
never be seduced by such
simpleminded and dangerous
resolutions of what is really
another facet of the constitu-
tidnal crisis. The only valid
solution is to erect a new
journalism ,on the founda-
tions of unconventional poli-

The Media and The Political Crisis


S a*


SUNDAY JUNE 30, 1974



the riches of the


Denis Solomon
the background to
the Caracas Conference
on the
Law of the Sea

tions in the matters of the sea
and its resources have always re-
flected the state of technology
and the distribution of power in
international affairs. And up to
now international agreements
have largely codified existing
The present series of inter-
national conferences on the Law
of the Sea, of which the latest is
now in progress in Caracas, re-
presents a new departure. It re-
flects the concerns of the nuclear
age, the age of conservation and
the age of development, by seek-
ing to make internationally agreed
provision against future dangers -
against eventualities as yet out-
side the scope of technology,
although only just outside it.
The British scientist and writer
Lord Calder said in 1970: "The riches
of the sea bed, since they are outside
the zone of legal control, are up for
grabs. I can imagine companies and
oonsortiums making use of private
navies to protect their mineral inter-
ests in the depths of the sea ... no
one can tell how extreme this compe-
tition will be, but there are many
experts who do not rule out a great-
power confrontation".


Starting from the time when a
nation's territorial limits began to be
defined by the range of a cannon-shot
- three miles countries first con-
cerned themselves with matters such
as the right of innocent passage; juris-
diction on board ships; freedom of na-
vigation outside territorial limits; and
demarcation of these limits between
nations separated by six miles of sea
or less. In the latter case, the median
line was generally adopted, though
there were the obvious quarrels about
where the measurement should be
taken from, especially in the case of
heavily indented coastlines.
Then, for reasons of security, in-
crease in volume of shipping and de-
velopment of fisheries, the chief con-
cern became the desire of some nations
to extend their territorial waters -
the waters in which they had absolute
control over everything (except inno-
cent passage of foreign ships). By
the time of the Hague Conference
in 1930 certain Mediterranean coun-
tries were already claiming four miles,
the Scandinavian countries six, and
the USSR twelve.
The next phase was marked by
the expansion of many national deep-
sea fishing industries, and by the
growth of concern for conservation.
Led by Peru demanding 200 miles for
her anchovy fleets, and Brazil wanting
exclusive access to the shrimp spawning

off her coasts, most Latin American
nations declared territorial seas of
200 miles, a claim that found no
favour with nations possessing wide-
ranging ocean fishing fleets: shrimp-
ers from the USA, Japanese and Rus-
sian tuna and cod fishermen. In one
celebrated incident, the whole of Aris-
totle Onassis' whaling fleet was im-
pounded by Peru. The continental
shelf began to take on importance
too, and the ludicrous "lobster war"
between France and Brazil a few years
ago hinged on the question of whether
catching lobster represented exploita-
toin of the sea bed, where they crawled,
or of the water, where they swam.
The problem of conservation of
marine resources became prominent
when in February 1972 Iceland, having
previously claimed a limit of 12 miles,
extended the boundaries of her terri-
torial waters to 50 miles from her coast.
The reason was the obvious and rapid
decline of the fisheries, on which
a large part of Iceland's economy de-
pends. The comical confrontations of
the "cod war" which ensued concealed
a desperately serious clash between
the interests of a small country whose
major economic resource was fish and
the proportionately smaller but still
considerable' interests of the British
fishermen who had fished the gale-
swept cod-banks of the mid-Atlantic
ridge for three hundred years.
At the Geneva Conferences on the
Law of the Sea held in 1958 and
1960, the sea bed shared the limelight
with the territorial sea. The Conven-
tion on the Continental Shelf defined
the Continental Shelf as consisting of
the sea bed extending to the 200-
meter line of soundings, or as far to
seaward as exploitation is presently
possible. This was placed under the
control of the coastal state. This
means that any state has exclusive
rights to exploit any resource on or in
the sea bed to a depth of 200 metres
from its coasts.


From this history it will be seen
that the Caracas Conference will be
faced with problems of varying de-
grees of difficulty. The least difficult
is that of the territorial sea; here a
general twelve-mile limit is likely to be
accepted, with no more problems than
the odd reservation arising out of
unusual contours of coastlines or ship-
channels. Next in order of importance
is the problem of the fisheries within
the present "unofficial" 200-mile
limits that is to say, the resources
of the waters above the continental
shelf and outside the territorial limits
at present generally accepted.
The solution here, if one is found,
is likely to be found in the "economic
.zone" or patrimoniall sea" concept
proposed by 47 members of the UN
"Committee of 94" which dealt with

si ~ii~

the question. The resources of this
zone, which would probably be 200
miles wide, would be the exclusive
property of the coastal state. Accept-
ance of this principle would be the
only terms onwhich the nations claim-
ing territorial waters of over twelve
miles would accept a twelve mile limit.
More. important than a majority in
favour of the "economic zone" is the
composition of that majority; such a
convention would only have teeth if it
were signed by all or most of the
powerful nations now opposing it:
Britain in the case of Iceland, the USA
in the case of Latin America, and so
forth. This is the main reason why
there is unlikely to be any formal
voting in Caracas, and why any con-
crete decisions are likely to be left for
another Conference in two year's time.
The third problem, less immediate
but potentially far more important, is
the problem of the resources of the
ocean floor, outside and even far dis-
tant from the present areas of sea bed


The present legal limit of the con-
tinental shelf 200 metres is in
fact, roughly the limit of economic
mineral exploitation with existing
technology, and the only minerals
exploitable at that limit are oil and
natural gas. But although the greatest
water depth over which marine drilling
rigs can operate is 200" metres,
"drillships" built for exploration pur-
poses can drill into the ocean floor at
depths of more than 20,000 feet of
water. If such explorations result in
the discovery of large reserves of oil
or gas, the present limit of exploitation
will quickly be exceeded. And the
greater the depth at which exploita-
tion takes place, the more difficult it
will be to control ecologically danger-
ous spills and leaks.
However, the undersea riches
coveted by the industrial powers do
not consist chiefly of petroleum, but
of metals. World industry, faced with
shortages of iron, copper, nickel and
manganese, has been excited by the
prospect of mining from the ocean
floor "nodules" containing rich de-
posits of precisely these minerals.

These nodules, the size of marbles,
billiard balls, cannon balls or even
bigger, were first discovered in 1873.
They are composed of alternate layers
of manganese oxide and iron hydroxide
around a nucleus of variable compo-
sition (a shark's tooth, a lump of rock
or lava). Between the layers is found
a wide range of metallic ions, chiefly
nickel, copper and cobalt and less
frequently titanium, zinc and lead.
Although nodules have been found
in all the oceans of the world, the
chief deposits so far discovered are in
the Pacific. These deposits, expressed
.in terms of weight per unit area, are of
the order of 5 to 10 kilos per square
metre. The total reserves of the Pacific
alone are estimated at 1,600 billion
tons. The most accessible deposits,
and economically the most viable be-
cause they have the highest content of
copper and nickel, are in two belts
stretching from California to Japan
between 5 and250 N,and from French
Polynesia to the Tonga Islands. Some
of the deposits are at depths as little
as 1,000 metres, but the richest are
found only below 4,000 metres.




Who will

Just how much of this ore can be
recovered and processed into metal is
another question, but governmental
and industrial agencies of the large
nations are pushing ahead furiously
with exploration and industrial ex-
perimentation. Kennecott Copper,Ten-
neco, Hughes Tool Co., International
Nickel, ,all of them US companies;
Mitsui, Mitsubishi and Sumimoto of
Japan, the West German companies
Metallgesellschaft and Preussag, have
had heavily capitalised projects going
for the last few years. Tenneco alone
has a 14 million dollar pilot scheme in
operation designed to treat 10 tons of
recovered nodules per day. All experts
agree that world production should
soon rise to one million tons of raw
nodules per year; on this basis a not
too optimistic growth estimate would
put production from nodules in 1980
at 100% of estimated world demand
for manganese, 65% for nickel, 65%
for copper and 400% for cobalt.
The important thing about this
ocean bonanza, apart from the poten-
tial for great-power conflict mentioned
by Lord Calder, is that its benefits
should not be reserved for the nations
with the wealth and technology to
exploit it. In 1970 the UN General
Assembly passed, with 14 abstentions,
a Resolution declaring the oceans to
be the "common heritage of mankind".
and calling for an international con-
trol system, or "regime", over all
The Caracas conference will pro-
duce no firm agreement on this, but
one of its tasks will be to initiate
debate on the possible forms such a
regime could take, and the powers it
might have to licence exploration,
tax production and distribute profits
for the benefit of all states, particularly
developing ones and including land-
locked ones.


There are no issues of specific
concern to Trinidad and Tobago on
the agenda of the Conference. The
fishing dispute with Venezuela is more
a problem than a dispute neither
country denies that its .fishermen
operate in the territorial waters of the
other; the question of how these
incursions should be limited or regu-
lated is a bilateral one.
As regards territorial limits both
Trinidad & Tobago and Venezuela
claim 12 miles now, and presumably
the straits between them will be divided
by the median-line principle in some
form. The continental shelf may pro-
duce problems. The sea bed in the
Gulf of Paria was divided down the
middle by a treaty between Venezuela
and Britain in 1942; in 1958 Vene-
zuela entered a reservation to the
median-line principle embodied in the
Continental Shelf Convention, saying
that such matters would be settled
"by agreement". This was ostensibly
because of her dispute with Colombia
over the Gulf of Venezuela, but she
specifically- included a reference to
the Gulf of Paria in the reservation.
There has been no indication that
Venezuela wishes to dispute the already
agreed division of the Gulf made in the
1942 Treaty, but she might well wish
to do so to gain leverage in some future
dispute. If she did, her 1958 reserva-
Continued on Page 9

movement for Journalists

A CALL for the forma-
tion of a "new movement
of journalists" was made
in the Tapia Open House
session last week Thurs-
day night.
Arguing this case before,
the small audience who came
to hear the panel discussion
on "The Role of the Media'
was Lennox Grant, former
editor and now Secretary to
the Tapia Executive.
On the panel with Grant'
were Raoul Pantin, veteran
newspaperman and now 610
Radio Current Affairs staffer,
and Alfred Aguiton, noted
radio journalist who recently
came into a different kind of
prominence in the infamous
Aguiton-Da Costa sacking by
Radio Trinidad.
Explaining why he thought
the time ripe for such a new
movement of journalists,
Grant said that -current dis-
cussions on and concern with
the state of the media by
journalists represented the
growth of a consciousness
that had developed over the
last six years.
Five-six years ago, he said,
"journalism was not among
the preoccupations of journal-
The "important years of
crisis in the country since,
Grant continued, had had
their impact on both the
state ofjournalism and'on the
minds of journalists.
He referred to the
"diaspora" of journalists from
established media, recalling
the number of persons who
had left the daily newspapers
in search of something better.
On the other hand, there
had been the appearance (and
in some cases, the disappear-
ance) of the "little papers"
like MOKO, TAPIA and/the
smaller-scale offerings like the
NJAC "area newspapers" in
Also responding to the
mandate for a new kind of
communications media was
the BOMB which began in
July 1970.
It was in this context.
Grant said, that the concept
of the"unconventionall press"
became significant, for it
south to describe the strivings
for the creation of new media

better 'ttuned to the demands
of present-day Trinidad &
Against the view that
journalists are helpless in a
situation where the media are
owned and controlled by in-
different non-journalists, the
former TAPIA editor urged

that journalists should do
something definite for them-
If they had to concede
substantial failure in the past
to create a situation in which
they could operate fulfillingly,
then journalists would see
that what is now required is a



DEM TWO Guyanese poet/actors Ken Corsbie and
Marc Matthews are returning to Trinidad with their
show the "Caribbean Experience". The "Caribbean
Experience" consists of dramatised readings of Carib-
bean poetry.
Among the poets whose work is included in the pro-
gramme are: Bruce St. John, Edward Brathwaite, Robin Do-
bru, Derek Walcott, Martin Carter, Eric Roach, Louise
Bennette and Dem Two themselves.
Dem Two were first seen in Trinidad in December last
year when, under the auspices of the Trinidad Theatre Work-
shop they did shows for the public and for schools in Port-of-
Spain and San Fernando. Since then the show has been up
-and down the Caribbean as far as St. Croix, Jamaica and
Belize and has been the stimulus for many productions seen in
Trinidad since most recently, ISWE's Tanti Go See We.
This time Dem Two are being presented by KAIRI at
Kairi House 10 Pelham St. Belmont where they will stage one
show only on Tuesday 2 July at 8.30 p.m. Tickets are priced
at $2.50.

higher level of discipline and
In this respect, he men-
tioned Pat Chokolingo who,
undoubtedly, had established
himself as the most successful
journalist in the country by
dint of hard work and per-
It was this, more than
anything else, about the
BOMB which had lessons for
Grant said that what made
him feel a new movement pos-
sible now, was the number of
capable journalists who were
currently outside the main-
stream of the profession.


Recalling Raoul Pantin's
reported criticism of the
Journalists Association of
Trinidad and Tobago as "a
figment of somebody's ima-
gination", Grant urged that
JATT could be left right
there, and those journalists
who felt concerned enough
could start something with
more vitality.
Grant said what he had in
mind was a "means of con-
tinuous communion of jour-
nalists who are disposed to a
new order in the profession"
It could start with any
number of journalists who
are prepared to do the work
of meeting regularly and con-
tributing to commonly agreed
He was certain that one
of these projects should be to
start a small paper, something
like a trade publication which
would reach other journalists,
it nobody else.
It was important to start
and keep such a thing going,
as it would be a tangible ex-
pression of what journalists
could do for themselves. More-
over, journalists would learn
for the first time what it
means to own and operate
their own paper.
Another task of this new
movement, Grant proposed,
was the writing of a history
of the press in Trinidad and
Tobago, paying attention to
the contribution made by
journalists to social and poli-
tical development over the
last half-century, for example.
A third project would be
the preparation of a prospec-
tus for the media in the con-
text of a new society. This,
he felt, would force journal-
ists to come to terms with the
political realities of the time
and to take position alongside
those who were projecting a
society in which journalism
would be a more feasible

occupation than it is now.
The audience last Thrus-
day night was treated to a
stimulating and richly illus-
trated talk by Alfred Aguiton,
arguing the case of the su-
preme relevance of radio to
communication in Trinidad
and Tobago.
Aguiton felt that the vital
task in political communica-
tion was getting on the air.
If a new radio station was not
an immediate possibility, theh
means and ways should be
found for getting time on the
existing stations.
Sound was so much more
important than print, the
broadcaster argued, because
this was a society in which
book-learning had created a
schizophrenia in the national
Radio, properly used,
could therefore serve to inte-
grate people's split conscious-
ness, and this was required if
there was to be any progress
or development in the coun-
Aguiton assailed "print
conditioning" as being re-
sponsible for so much aliena-
tion and distortion in the
society. He saw that commer-
cial radio, as we have had it
has not taken up the enormous
challenge to correct the ills
of print.

Raoul Pantin described
the connection between the
state of the media and their
patterns of ownership.
He saw that media own-
ers have tended to be more
concerned with making money
than with things like profes-
sional ethics and standards.
In the circumstances,,
journalists were more or less
impotent and are less respon-
sible than ordinarily thought
for what appears on the air or
in print.

The media owners tended
to look with suspicionand
disfavour on "trouble-makers".
Many journalists had in-
deed succumbed to alcoholism.
And the very wretchedness
of the situation in which iitey
had to operate made it diffi-
cult to organise journalists for
their own interests.

There had been many
initiatives to start journalists'
organizations, and mar dis-
cussions like this one which
had had little practical result.
Pantin, however, felt there
was substantial dissatisfaction
in the country with the per-
formanceof thepresent media,
which might lead to the accep-
tance or success of a new







Guaranteed to last long

are available




SUNDAY JUNE 30, 1974


SUNDAY JUNE 30, 1974

The 1969 Bus Workers'Strike..

. "A fight to the finish".

This is the first part of Lloyd Best's address on the question
of Constitution Reform and the political choices facing the
nation. A report on the second part of the address is
carried on page 1. The rest of the text will be published
in the next issue.

ON NOVEMBER 16 of 1969, the TAPIA
newspaper, Vol 1 No 3 ripped away the mask
of superficiality from the constitutional de-
bate over Monarchy and Republic and posed
the basic question: Who is to be in charge in
Trinidad & Tobago? The little people? Or the
little king?
Today, after 55 interminable months of
personal trauma, social torture and revolution-
ary upheaval, that fundamental question re-
mains unanswered still and the constitutional
crisis continues unabated.
"Governors and governed stand on either side
of a gulf which no tinkering will bridge, and
political energy is diverted into other channels
or simply runs to waste ...
". .. led as we are by a string, we remain with-
out credit abroad and without self respect at
home, a bastard, feckless conglomeration of
individuals, inspired by no common purpose,
moving to ,no common end". (C.L.R. James,
The Case for West-Indian Self-Government,
(p 32).
It will doubtless fill you all with horror to be told
that that image of a gulf between governors and
governed, unbridgeable by mere tinkering, has been
borrowed from CLR James, writing over 40 years
ago, before I was born and presumably most of us
here. It seems strange that as a nation we have been
slipping backward down a hill. Why else would a
diagnosis made in the dark colonial days fit so
exactly with the symptoms of today?
And yet, amongst a frighteningly complacent
set, there is a curious indifference a revolutionary
indifference to this unhealthy state of things.
Revolutionary because nothing so defines a revolu-
tionary situation than when the ruling classes are so
insensitive to the dictates of their time that they
keep the bottle tightly corked.
On May 28, 1971, at a Picadilly Street victory
meeting following the general election, the Prime
Minister blandly asserted to the country that:
"There is no crisis. There was no crisis. And as
far as possible for any human being to see, I
anticipate no crisis".
Famous last words. Not two weeks later, the then
Minister of Legal Bungling, Q.C., reckless of plagiarism,
urged a crowd at Simeon Road that:
"there 'is no constitutional crisis, nor do I
perceive that there would be any".
How right the Heir Transparent was! His crisis was a
succession crisis. Today we are bombastically being
told. that the cirsis is not political or constitutional
but administrative. In other quarters, other ex-heirs
apparent are singing the self-same tune. The crisis
is electoral, we are told. And so some say it is econo-
mic, cultural, social or moral, according to taste. That
it embraces not only Trinidad & Tobago but the
entire universe as well.
Well, perhaps, in every country when you ask
for stamps in the post office they say come back to-.







Lloyd Best

morrow. Perhaps the hospitals tell you, we have no
bandages today, come back tomorrow. Perhaps you
put your garbage out today and the truck will pass
tomorrow, if you're lucky.
Perhaps in every country, prices are galloping
away from housewives, one today, two tomorrow.
Perhaps in every country they have an oil bonanza
and money is knocking dog for Governments while
the people broke to thief. Perhaps the poet is speak-
ing truth for all the world when he says:
"each evening there is darkness at the door
:each morning terror ot the light.
Perhaps, But Ramdine luck can't be Sookhdeo own.
Some country has to break the vicious circle and lead
us out of bondage. And what better place to start
than in Trinidad & Tobago? And to start we must
acknowledge the constitutional crisis which exists.
An entire country is crying out for change. The

marrish and the parrish say we've spread our inde-
pendence seed on barren ground. And still we linger in
the desert, desperately searching for an oasis and
findingrepeatedly the same mirage. Whathurdle blocks
the way to calling an election, to summoning a
Parliament which could represent the people, to charg-
ing a new government with the mission to restore
administration that is honest, energetic and efficient?
What is the obstacle to economic reorganisation? To
a moral resurgence and a cultural revival? What, if not
constitutional crisis in the very make-up of the coun-
try? In the very structure of the State? In a Parlia-
ment that represents nobody?
Or is it that Trinidad & Tobago kill a priest? Is it
light they put on we? Who went to Demerara to put
we so?
Hear the Prime Minister in 1955:
"The alibi is that Trinidad & Tobago lacks an
effective party system. Of course it does. And
it will continue to do so unless and until a
sensible constitution is introduced which will en-
courage responsible people to join responsible
parties to form a responsible government.
Organised parties do not precede a sensible
constitution. They did not in Jamaica or Bar-
bados or Puerto Rico or Great Britain".
We know now that that was not the whole truth.
Constitutional reform will still produce a Doctor
Party if not accompanied by the unconventional
,politics of patient community building to erect solid
foundations for the politics of participation. The
whole truth is that constitution reform is not suffi-
cient but it is vitally necessary nonetheless. How can
the political parties function when the State ma-
chinery robs them of their natural following by
patronage and power over jobs? By police terror
and restriction of assembly nights? By publicity
arrangements which entrammel free expressionthrough
the crucial media? Only those who condone this
wicked dispensation can say there is no constitutional
crisis in this country. The most dangerous impostors
in our midst are those who simply wish to change the
faces of the men in charge and leave the rest intact.
I imagine that those of us who have assembled
here tonight take it for granted that comprehensive
constitution change must come. I am glad to see
so many people in spite of all the maddening frustra-
tions we've experienced over the five years since
According to the Trinidad Guardian of May
16, 1974, one political jumbie from the University
claims that constitutional reform is a trap for the
simple minded. I agree; it is going to trap all those who
mistake constitution reform for a simple constitu-
tion question, for their failure to see what we all
here tonight appreciate that it is the most revolu-
tionary issue of the lot.
Constitution reform puts on trial not only the
incompetent government now in office but the whole'
iniquitous system of government, politics and" ad-
ministration as well. If it has been subversive to pro-
mote a search for the cultural groundings of our
peoples, to-win-back unfetteredpolitical expression by
colossal marches on the streets, to demand atnequit-
able deal for sguar workers, cane farmers, wood-
cutters, fishermen, housewives, journalists, trades
unionists, women, young people, black people, little

Continue on Page k

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~-LBBB~s~e~C-~ rTa~g~__SICs-8~S~B






choices for


and Tobago

people; if it has been subversive to give our sweat
arid tears and blood for freedom, is it not in the grim
logic of that struggle to insist that the entire appara-
tus to State is so corrupt, so wicked, so unjust and so
hostile to the interests and the hopes and the dreams
of the large majority of law-abiding citizens that a
.total and uncompromising reorganisation must come?
And if constitution reform holds no terrors
for the present office-holders, why has the Govem-
*ment been chinksing all along? -Put the question in
your pipe and smoke. Why have there been so much
disruption and delay, ever since, out of dire necessity,
and as nothing but the lowest strategem and dodge,
the Wooding Commission was established?


What the February Revolution forced him to
concede with that Commission, the Prime Minister.
sought immediately to take back. (He go get a cattle
boil, if he ent careful). At the outset he would give
no guarantee that the Wooding Report wouldbepub-
lished and acted'on wheif, clearly, the shelving of
many prior Commissions of Enquiry had completely
dissipated the nation's trust. Then the ruling party
barred any official participation by its members in'
the first round of public discussions conducted by
the Wooding Team. When Reports came out of those
meetings in different parts of the country, they were
shamelessly doctored by the Government Broad-
casting Unit so as to muffle the significance of what
the little people in the localities had said.
Later on, the same weekend that the Chaguara-i
mas National Convention was opened, the Prime
Minister tried brazenly to overshadow the whole
proceedings with his notorious San Fernando Speech
on the issue of Proportional Representation, a speech
that even the Bishop of Trinidad found repugnant.
And then, at the National Convention itself, the
ruling party sent an ostentatiously low-level delega-
tion and pitched its contribution in the very lowest
key. The overall strategy has been clearly one of
toning down political discussion.
The question we must ask is why? When Wood-
ing reported in January gone, he proposed that radio
and television time be made available to opposition
groups during the discussion period of not less than
three, not more than four months. The Trinidad
Guardian Editorial of January 24 optimistically fore-
saw no difficulty about radio and TV tune for oppo-
sition. Hear the Evening News:
"We expect that just as Government was quick
to react favourably to the Commission's call
for early publication of the document, so will
it accede to the suggestoin that free radio and
television time be given to groups and indivi-

duals to express their opinions.. ." (January 25)
Well, tomorrow the four months will be up Feb
27 to June 26. And what radio and TV time have the
opposition forces got? All along, the Government has
been scared mat tne constitutional question woula
awaken interest in fundamentals forcing the country
to take alignment and form real parties not in rela-
tion to the conventional politics of race, religion and
personality, but in relation to the kind of society the)
want for Trinidad and Tobago. Scared that the gaze
of the country may be shifted trom the necessary
but limited and negative, politics of short-term, sec
tional protest and agitation to the broader and more
positive politics of long-term, community mobilisa-.
tion for disciplined and constructive government and

What this Government welcomes is military
opposition. Yes. The police have been equipped with
the most effective and modern guns and the Govern-
ment's friends across the sea have teen alerted .)y
the fumblings of the February Revolution. The State
of Emergency, the repressive legislation against meet-

.iggs and marches, and the muffling of the communica-
1i.ons media serveonly to whip up anger and indigna--
tion and to promote the politics of confrontation
which the little people can never win. The only time
that the little people can succeed in a military con-
frontation is when constructive opposition, capable
of wiser and nobler administration has been blocked
along the constitutional road and when every law-
abiding citizen perceives no other political option
than to embark on violent revolt.

Constitutional politics is essential even for
military success and that is another reason why the
Government is mortally afraid to promote open dis-
cussion of constitutional reform. Those who insist
that only force can inove this grasping oligarchy will
want to bear these factors in mind .. whether they
may be freedom-fighters, frustrated men of affairs oj
.just inveterate sitters-on-the-fence.. The constitution
question is crucial for all of us. Make no mistake
about it.
The biggest threat of all posed by reform of
the constitution to the politics of yesterday lies in the
issue of Proportional Representation. Nothing strikes
moer terror in the heart of the Little King. We have
'been told that "The purpose of proportional repre-
sentation is to dissolve the PNM majority". That
fittingly, was uttered last year on All Fools' Day.
The truth is that the PNM majority was effectively
demolished in 1970 by the Revolt of the Black Power
Movement which, in its call for Afro-Indian unity,
/sought finally to repudiate the politics of race.
The strategy has all along been to make an
unholy calmour against proportional representation
and to create a climate of universal racial antagnoism,
whitewashed by specious scholarship on the blackest
thing in slavery. If this strategy drove Africans back
together, proportional representation would magical-
ly become the most gracious and democratic conces-
sion, suitably dramatised by the earlier sound and
If that was the plan, the widening split in the
ruling party has introduced its own little spanner into
the devious works. Proportional representation is
,one thing when great is the Movement and it will
prevail. It is quite another thing when you have not
only Black Power and Dedicated Citizens, but also
the new rich oligarchy, dressed-to-kill in dynamic
threads and threatening to take they bundle and
leave and go.
Brothers and Sisters, constitutional reform is
'dynamite for the has-been National Movement. That
is why Tapia has made of it the central issue since
1969 and consistently ever after. And that is why the
Government is laylaying and galaying, terrified to
break the pack.

_ I LL-'"L ~CBp-C ~L-L~1 ~I~C~L


Iq I ly

INE 30, 1974



of the



mw- -M NNW

IF ANYTHING is going to bring this abomin-
able Government down, it will not be the
guerrillas but the constitution confrontation.
The Government appointed the Wooding Com-
mission; the Commission has reported, the
Government now have to act on the Report
and they cannot declare a State of Emergency
and put Tapia Chairman, Syl Lowhar, in jail
again as they did in 1970. They have to act
and it would be a miracle if they did not make
a fatal error. When the large majority of the
people are against you. anything you do -
chinksing even is bound tobe a mistake. Only
a miracle can save them.
We have come a long way since the debate in
thelastquarterof 1969. ,On the surface, that debate
involved no more than simple-minded clowning by two
generations of double-barreled attorneys over the
question as to whether a Republic should replace
the Monarchy. At bottom, the debate was no less
than the climax of the first cycle of the February
Revolution which had begun with the Rodney March
in October 1968.
The warming up for the 1970 Revolt expressed
itself in vague yearnings for change as incident after
incident pointed to the frustrations of the people,
exposed the corruption of key institutions like the
University, and introduced new political personages
on the national stage. James Millette led the CARIFTA
debate, re-opened the issue of blackness in his sparr-
ing with Ken Gordon, Tommy Gatcliffe and Elton
Richardson, and threw the New World Group into
the spotlight.


In the shadows was Geddes Granger who was
later to emerge with the Rodney March, followed in
,succession by the Michener and the Anguilla Epi-
sodes, the Five Rivers, Santa Flora and Montserrat
disputes over little people's problems, and later, the
Country Club, Camacho and St Francois confronta-
And what did all this periodic skirmishing
-achieve? apart from exposing our anxieties and'
ushering the personalities and the organizations which
would minister to our hopes and fears. In the final
analysis, the turbulence of 1968 and 1969 pointed
to the disintegration of the central institutions, un-
covered fundamental political and constitutional
choices and opened the gate to the hottest phase
to date of the February Revolution and the confron-
tation which is waiting still to be concluded.
Parliament had never been working well after
the explosive election campaign of 1961 and the bitter-
ness was only sugar-coated by the rhetorical excesses
of the Marlborough House Settlement of 1962. As
CLR James. put it, our country went to Independence
like a funeral and by 1966, the disenchantment had
already led to a drop of one quarter invoter participa-
tion from 88% in the emotional swell of 1961 to
66% in the doldrums of 1966.
That 1966 election produced only the illusion
of a functioning two-party democracy. It under-
represented the DLP and destroyed their trust and it

excluded the Liberals and the left-wing Workers and
Farmers Party altogether. Somehow Parliament did
not express the country's wishes and the Govern-
ment's ruthless abuse of power, flauntedin its failure
to heed the strictures of the Auditor-General and in
its criminal failure to account for such schemes as
BWIA, added insult to the injury. Already by April
1967, the crisis over the Finance Bill had to be re-
solved by the first dramatic simulcast Parliament
had died a natural death.
Deprived of meaningful representation, the,
country had to find a way and it was only a matter
to time before the Unionists, the youth, the students
and the dispossessed would open up the People's
Parliaments and bring the system of government and
politics :nto the streets.
The most important issue in the entire series
was Joe Young's Transport and Industrial Workers'
Strike. It was the most decisive confrontation of all
because it finally swept away the ISA and disavowed
the moral authority of the Legislature; it brought into
the open the new alliance between the white-collar
workers from the Unions; and it confirmed that the
conflict was fundamental. It was the Prime Minister
himself who remarked in a fit of candour that, the
battle was one to be "fought to the finish". More
famous last words.
The battle was a battle over the plake-up of the
country, over our system of government, of politics,
of administration; over our fragmented and disjointed
society; our degraded culture of psychic shame and
self-contempt; our economy controlled by a few and
dominated from abroad. We had retreated from inde-
pendence, from federation, from morality in public

affairs, from political education and economic plann-
ing; corruption and abuse had become the only
goal. But
power is not enough to make us strong
the heart must also sing me human song"
(Syl Lowhar)
The words of the poet express what Trinidad &
Tobago felt in its heart as the February Revolution
of 1970 waited for Carnival to pass before that final
desperate assault on the old regime that would split
the Army, the Courts, the Church (over a cocktail
party), the Press, the and professions (over the Public
.Order Bill) even as the tuning up had already split
the Trade Union Congress. (over the ISA), the
University over Camacho and Parliament over the
lop-sidedness of constitutional advantage. Soon many
of the citizens, driven to the limit of their patience by
unemployment, inequality and deficient and insensi-
tive political representation, would abandon all re-
straint and confront the Direct Docracy with direct
Power to the People. We would huff and puff to blow
-the house down.

ai i

Tapie Jemsegs



at tke



1 1"1 ~C~-LIIILd in IPe -6 1~L

~s -I NNW

- I

SUNDAY JUNE 30, 1974

A matter of Sovereignty

WHY DID the nation take to the streets in
1970? What were the root causes of the crisis?
In the middle of the 19th century, Lord Harris,
Governor of Trinidad had remarked that a
race had been freed but a society had not been
formed. That was our crisis after Emancipa-
tion. After Independence, ow crisis is that a
state has been founded but two races had not
been freed.
We were transported out of Babylon into Inde-
pendence by the magic of the national movement
which came like a thief in the night, carrying all be-
fore it. All except the legacy of old arrangements.
Party politics has been survived by Doctor Politics
even if we have substituted a Grammar School Doctor
for a Sunday School Doctor. The time did come when
the British Constitution, suitably modified, as de-
signed by the Prime Minister and executed by the
Governor-General, his neighbour and botanical com-
panion, was applied to Trinidad & Tobago. But while
the British Constitution was good enough for Great
Britain, it has proved, contrary to the Doctor's
expectations, to be less than good enough for
Trinidad & Tobago.


Above all, the Plantation Economy, built ori-
ginally to sustain slavery, indenture and colonialism,
is still very much a way of life. It was not until 1970,
that, officially, we made a bid for economic power,
adopted perspectives for the new society and sought
to bring into being a people's sector. But then, with
all the inevitable delays of implementation, the
economic kingdom has been waiting for the roaring
seventies to begin at last, fuelled by the oil bonanza.
In 1974, the issue is exactly what it was in 1960
at the time of Chaguaramas. "Whose Republic" is
the question? A Republic for the many or a Republic
of the few? The Little King and Little People, once
again. A matter of sovereignty, you might say! Who
is incharge of T & T; that has always been the recurr-
ing choice.
Ellis Clarke and Eric Williams faced the choice
in 1962. The Constitution is inevitably the outward
visible sign of the inward spiritual grace. If we wish a
society equitable, just and free, we must erect the
State so as to inform and instruct central power by
the participation of the citizens in the local areas, we
must limit the power of patronage, distribute the
power of publicity and restrain the power of police.
In 1969 and 1970 these two comrades-in-arms
faced the issue once again. Once again they side-
stepped it with a trivial formulation which opposed
Monarchy to Republic and turned aside the central
question of dispossession vs participation.
In the midst of the debate, on October 22,
1969, after the party had spoken, one Bayliss, in a
letter to the Trinidad Guardian put the matter very
"What is wrong with our present constitution,
particularly when the concentration of actual
power is visibly, constitutionally and practically
vested in our Prime Minister? He appoints
directly, or indirectly "in consultation with"
"He is Parliament; he is the Party; he meets
the people; he receives the complaints that
receive prompt attention; he makes the loans,
"What benefits will the change to republicanism
bring? Spiritual, cultural, moral, material or

"What practical advantages are the people to
Constitution reform in 1969 was not an abstract
legal question. It was a choice about practical
advantages. On October 28, 1969, at the San Fer-
nando Library, a Tapia spokesman proposed a sweep-
ing reorganisation of the power structure. On No-
vember 4, following, Ellis Clarke appeared on tele-
vision advocating a mere window-dressing change that
by merely abandoning the Queen and substituting a
President for a Governor-General, would only have
unmasked the actual King while leaving his absolute
control intact.
"We have reached the age of reason .... after
seven years of independence ...
the time has come when we have proven
ourselves to ourselves ... We have long proven
ourselves to everybody else, but now I think we
should have the courage ourselves to move
This unctuous Afro -Saxon verbiage persuaded only
the Pussonal Nonarch and on January 9, 1970 a
Joint Select Committee of Parliament was established
innocently looking towards the new Republic, obli-
vious of the nation's stirring. Meanwhile, the people
were finalising the psychological preparations to
prove themselves. On February 26, the Revolt ex-
ploded, preventing that Select Committee from ever
The fundamental assumption behind Afro-Saxon
thinking is that we the people of this country are not
equal to the opportunities of a free society. The
unmistakable implication has always been that we are
incapable of sustaining a fight for liberty and justice.
The constitutional problem of reorganising the insti-
tutions of the economy and the government and the
politics to accommodate the imperatives of freedom
has repeatedly been confounded with the politics of
changing faces, officers and titles.
In 1962, we took over the British Constitution
and substituted a British Governor by a home-grown
one. In 1969, we were content with a Republic in
place of a Monarchy. In 1971, we sought to retrieve a
revolutionary imbalance by holding an election. In
1970, when we might reasonably have held an elec-
tion, we held a curfew and a State of Emergency
instead, suggesting that the authorities are merely
playing stupid when it suits them. Powerful stupid,
too besides.


The trick that we must never cease to look for,
is the tendency by authority always to anticipate
the basic yearnings of the people and head them off.
with Better Village Culture, Crash Programme Em-
ployment; Cultural Council identity, People's Sector
localisation, and all those perspectives for the old
society that are to much dust in people's eyes. The
only constitutional reform and national reconstruction
which has ominously been taking place is the consbli-
dation of Doctor Power, backed by a grasping oli-
garchy of the few, based on a colossal State machine.
That State machine now controls broadcasting
media, electricity, water, telephones, road transport,
airlines, ports, hotels, flour milling, printing and
packaging, some banking and finance, the lion's share
of sugar and a growing slice of petroleum and the
energy based industries. Its investment in 27 com-
panies now approaches $105 million not counting the
little odds and ends. The jobs controlled directly by
the State amount to fully one-third of the paid labour
force, in the region of 90,000 people.
At the apex of this gigantic empire sits the

Prime Minister. The Central Government dominates
the local authorities. In the Central Government, the
Cabinet dominates the Senate and the House of
Representatives. And in the Cabinet, the Prime Mini
ster is King, President and Czar. Three in one and one
in three.


His powers of appointment, under the Consti-
tution, apply to the following list:
Governor General
Chief Justice
Chairmen and Members of Service Commissions
Auditor General
Permanent Secretary
Deputy Permanent Secretary
Head of a Government Department
Deputy Head of any such Department
Chief Professional Adviser to a Ministry
Deputies to such advisers
Director of Personnel Administration
Solicitor General
Chief Parliamentary Counsel
Registrar General
Crown Solicitor
Commissioner of Police
Deputy Commissioners of Police

Still more, the Prime Minister appoints 13 out of 24
members of theSenate and advises the Governor
General to appoint 7 more. In his own party, he
naturally selects the Cabinet Ministers and if that is a
Doctor Party, his favour is required before any candi-
date can win the nomination for a seat in Parliament.
Discussing the separation of powers -in the
Trinidad Guardian of July 20, 1970, Civicus re-
marked that when we voted, "we were voting for a
Prime Minister .. ." In Africa, they have established
the one-party State. True to our reputation for play-
ing personalities, here in Trinidad, we have invented
the perfect one-man State.
Sounds familiar too. Spurdle, author of Early
West Indian Government, describes the arrangement
in the 1620's where
"all legislative, executive, taxative, judicial, and
military authority centred in the Proprietor...
Lip-service was paid to one or two principles
of constitutional freedom, which were,however,
so devoid of machinery for making them
effective as to be of no practical use"
Those were the days just after settlement. Ours are
the days just after independence. Massa bull; mass




~ CIP~ -~B~ I~~p ~B~4~EB~ls~r~lllL~-I~a~c-~- a ~~s~ap~~


SUNDAY JUNE 30, 1974

Who will benefit from riches of the sea?

From Page 3
tion would presumably form the basis
for doing so. Reopening territorial
disputes already judicially settled, as
,in the case of her claim to all of
Guyana west of the Essequibo, could
get to be a habit.
In the case of Brazil, Trinidad &
Tobago has given defacto recognition
to Brazil's claim for 200 miles of
territorial sea by entering into an
agreement whereby the Brazilians per-
mit the operation of a few Trinidad
shrimp trawlers, at a price. Trinidad
& Tobago supported the proposal for
a 200-mile economic zone both in
the UN General Assembly and at a La-
tin American Conference on the sea-

bed held in Santo Domingo in 1970, so
if the economic zone is accepted
internationally,, we will have lost no-
thing from the policy point of view;
perhaps we could have had a some-
what more profitable fishing agree-
ment in exchange for our support, but
it is too late to think of that now.
As regards the continental shelf to
the east of us, there can be no dispute
about the oil and gas wells off our
east coast, unless Venezuela felt dis-
posed to lay claim to the whole of
Trinidad; but control of any deposits
south-east or north-west of us (that
is, below the line of our south coast or
above the line of our north coast)
would be subject to whatever provisions

are made or not made for delimiting
the continental shelf or "economic
zone" of countries in the relative
geographic positions of Trinidad and
The real importance to Trinidad
& Tobago of all the questions to be
considered at the Conference is regional.
It is imperative that this country
coordinate its policies on exploration
of regional marine resources, and on
the sharing of profits deriving from
them, with the rest of the West Indies
and with the mainland countries of
the region. It is essential to decide
how much of these resources, actual
and potential, we can control, and how.
There should be a regional fisheries

commission to foster and regulate
fishing; a regional oceanographic ex-
ploration commission; conferences to
decide on the demarcation of those
areas of the Caribbean falling within
the "economic zones" of the region
and how they may be exploited in
ways that will prevent the metropolitan
countries from playing one Caribbean
nation off against the other. There
might even be a regional agreement on
control of the ocean floor if universal
agreement is not reached. In case there
should be a rich find of minerals in
the depths of theCaribbean, such an
agreement would be a moral, if not a
legal, deterrent to the depredations of
the big powers.

Old problems haunt opening

of East footba

Earl Best

LAST weekend the Cen-
tral St. George Football
League season began with
a parade of teams at Con-
stantine Park, Tunapuna.
There was none of the
shimmer and gleam that
have come to be expected
.ot. these occasions and,
indeed, the parade itself
was a rather hurried af-
fair with a disappointing-
ly small number of teams
taking part
At the ea, of it all Arsen-
al, a team which had made
quite a name for itself in the
Sunday Morning Competition
in Honeymoon many years
ago, ran off with the trophy
and the $15 cash prize offered
by the League.
One feature that has not
disappeared from the cere-
monial opening is the collec-
tion "for the love of Foo*
ball". The President, in his
opening address made much
of the generosity of the
League's benefactors Mr.
Tom Gaskin and the C & N
Construction Company -
through which it was able to
offer cash prizes along with
all the major trophies at stake
in this year's competition.
It was therefore, some-
what surprising to see offi-
cials of the League "hustling
quarters" (as one youngster
put it) during the half-time
interval. Tapia has already
raised the issue of properly
enclosed grounds for the
League. "ConstantinePark...
stands as a living testimony
to the blunderings of an ad-
ministration completely de-
void of imagination, original-'
ity and foresight. Not a cent
has come into the public
coffers as a result of its con-
struction and the local foot-
ball leagues must pay rental
on the occasions that.
they decide to take gates,
impossible at Constantine
Park" (Tapia Vol 3 No. 34).
We are not suggesting that
the Leagues must acquire
their own grounds at any

rate, not yet but surely
the monies now being ex-
pended on rental etc. would
go some way towards ensuring
that CStGFL has a standing
source of income in future.
Would it not be feasible -
even if somewhat impolitic -
to attempt to enclose the
ground itself and seek reim-
bursement from the slow-
coach authorities? The ground
is certainly getting no better
and by the time these latter
are ready to get moving only
windball cricket and pitch
will be playable on the dusty


It was being whispered
around the Park on Saturday
that Tunapuna has decided
not to take part in this year's
Village Olympics Competition
in protest against the authori-
ties' refusal to respondto the
Village Council's proposals
for the ground. It is anticipat-
ed that this move will have a
decidedly catalystic effect;
I don't share that optimism
since I do believe that the
inaction derives not from ill-
will but from sheer ineffi-
ciency. If you beat a duncy
child he. wouldn't finish his
homework any more quickly!

There was another sideto
the question of money and
sport that was raised if
only in the minds of an
esoteric group by the events
of Saturday's opening. The
second half of the programme
featured a game between the
National Youth Team being
prepared for an outing in
Canada in August and a
-TECSA squad preparing for
the opening of the National
Soccer League next month.
We were treated to a fine
display of skillful ballplay
from the youngsters whose
coaches deserve ample praise
for the job they are doing.
The technical command
of the Youth Team's players
one remembers' the goal-
keeper throwing a ball right
on to the feet of the left
winger standing a couple of

yards from the half line and
two superb crosses from
Michael Grayson who charged
down;the left flank at high
speed and hit the ball back to
the edge of the box from 2
yards inside the intersection
of touch line and goal line -
failed to produce any goals
in the first half but substitute
Richard Chinapoo's goal and
a penalty by Grayson towards
the end gave them a well-
deserved 2-0 victory.
The TESCA team was
disappointing throughout ex-
cept for a brief period in the
second half when the brilliant
running of substitute Errol
Passey almost produced a
couple of goals for them.
Their lacklustre performance
was not entirely due to the
obvious technical superiority
of the opposition for TECSA
fielded a 'oick-up side'.
Junior Mieres,(Under-the-
shop), Fitzroy "Jack"Valen-
.tine (Arsenal / Phoenix / Ma-
ple) Selwyn Williams (Arsenal/
Phoenix/Maple) Christopher
"Kissin" Pierre (Blackpool
and Colts), his brother Ste-
phen "Darkhorse" Pierre
(Blackpool) and Hilton Moore
(Colts) all donned the blue
and white TESCA jerseys for
the first time.


Valentine, said to be
among the best linkmen in the
country on his day, was clear-
ly a mad bull among chickie-
chongs' as all the other
TECSA forwards seemed in-
tent on going forward as
early and as quickly as possi-
ble while he was striving to
dish out square pass after
square pass after square pass
in an effort to build an attack.
Only his former team-mate
Williams seemed to be on the
same wave-length at any given

What is really surprising
is that this bunch has been
working together for at least
a month now. Admittedly
there has been some dis-
appointment with national
player Godfrey Harris failing


to join the squad as promised
The story is that a group of
concernedTunapuna business-
men decided that TECSA as
"Tunapuna's representative"
in the NSL should field the
best possible selection of
Tunapuna players. With this
in mind they agreed to offer
incentives to the players who
had "made it in the big
League" (POSFL). The attrac-
tive offer of semi-professional-
ism free gear, cash rewards
per goal, cash rewards per
match won or drawn, some
kind of insurance policy -
won over most of those wooed
and the general feeling was
that once Harris agreed to
play everyone else would.


Harris' story is that con-
fronted by his comrades, fans
and would-be sponsors and
asked to state whether or not
he would play he acquiesced,
"naturally". But he was al-
ready committed to playing
with Maple and later rescinded
his agreement. It is easy to
see the difference that his
absence makes. If he can be
persuaded to change his mind
which now seems very un-
likely he can bring to the
TECSA front-line the kind of
cool, the kind of temperance
it so desperately needs. If not
the TECSA administration
will be well-advised to get the
squad as many practice runs as
possible in order to weld into
some kind of team the pre-
sent incoherent bunch.
But one wonders if that
method of team-building is in
the best interests of the com-
munity. One wonders top
whether it does not defeat
the purpose of the NSL. Let us
assume for the sake of the
argument that TECSA is last
in the NSL and Arsenal wins
the CStGFL. What then hap-
pens to "Tunapuna's repre-
sentative" (as I assume they
will be termed) in the Champ-
ion of Champions Competi-
tion? Do they reclaim their
two former members and re-
cruit the rest of the TECSA

"stars" so as to give them a
fighting chance to make it
into the NSL? Or do they opt
for hitting the big time with
their depleted small-time
They may conceivably
also decide to reclaim just
their two former players and
face the music with their origi-
nal team. But will reintegra-
tion be a simple happy pro-
cess for the duo? Will it not
adversely affect the team's
performance? Hopefully, it
won't but why chance it?
Shouldn't we be thinking first
of ensuring that each of Tuna-
puna's teams and therefore
the Tunapuna League fields
its best eleven throughout
the season? Is that not the
best way of ensuring that the
district will always be well
represented in the NSL?
A league is only as strong
as its weakest team. It will
perhaps be argued that gett-
ing into the NSL is a con-
siderably more difficult task
than staying there. We must
consequently strive to ensure
that the bird in our hands is
not lost as we seek to cap-
ture those in the bush.TECSA,
it will be admitted is not our
best club team precisely be-
cause it is not a club team.
And the objections of the
POSFL testify to the fact that
the NSL is designed to allow
the best club teams in the
country to show off their
talents. They want, it seems,
to be guaranteed a couple of
places in the League.
That is obviously an un-
reasonable position to take,
based as it is on the assump-
tion that POSFL will always
continue to be the "big
League" in the sense that it is
thence that most of the
talented players eventually
When the communities
start organising in the way I
see as inevitable, viz. strength-
ening themselves at the club
level this migration will just
as inevitably come to an end
and the POSFL hegemony
will be broken. Ask Eddie
Hart there's a glorious morn-
ing coming for National Foot-


SUNDAY JUNE 30, 1974



TONIGHT June 28, the
participants of the
Brooklyn-bound exhibi-
tion "Creative Skills
Caribbean will be show-
ing some of their "works!"
Venue will be the Pent-
house on Independence
Square, where between the
Caribbean Extravaganza and
a special show put on by
the Grand Prize winners of
"Scouting for Talent" a show-
ing of fashion wear and handi-
craft,plus originally designed
textiles will be featured.
In the new art gallery of
the Penthouse, literary ma-
terial, carvings, shell work,
and vertiver 'rugs and foods,
will be displayed.
At this show which starts
at 9 p.m. participants will de-


-4 -~~-
'.--,;- 5''~"1b-.'- -, -v--

monstrate how they intend
to show another aspect of the
creative skills of the nation,
than the usual performing
ones, to New Yorkers.
The New York exhibi-
tion which opens formally
on August 18 takes place at
the Restoration Corporation
Building in Brooklyn.
The locale for this show
has been arranged by a group
of West Indian-Americans
spearheaded by Horace
Arrangements are also be-
ing made for a fashion show
to be held in New York in
collaboration with the famous
Grace del Marco Agency
which is owned and operated
by Ophelia de Vore.
Proceeds from this show

1. The look of glamour worn by Sharon Samuel "Miss Port
of Spain 1973" is the design and workmanship of Andre
Belix. Belix won the Stag Beer "Best Designer" award for
2. Mikey Alexander has long been recognized as a leather-
craft artist par excellence. He also makes leather jewellery.
3. Carlton Royer works with vetiver straw to produce the
beautiful rugs which grace buildings throughout the nation.
Shown here with two of his "weavers".
4. This hat- of Tarite straw -- is a sample of the fine crafts-
manship of Grace Caldon.
5. Stuffed toys arc the specialty of Cynthia Douglas of
Douggies's. She is bringing out a special line of Caribeban
animal toys for the New York show.

~a/ Ve/ 4bY


will go towards the Mack
Thaxton Scholarship Fund A 4
which was set up in memory 4 0 RE
of the late Afro-American
mathematician and physicist
who helped many West Indian a
students to obtain scholarships.
This fund which is en-
trusted to Caribbean House
Inc. a non-profit organisation
headed by Francis Redhead,
will assist students to train in
the technologies at university
Among the fashion de- .'
signers taking part in both
exhibitions are Copion's
Boutique; Opal's Afro-Carib- "
bean Fashions; Begum's
Boutique and Andre Belix of
Gem Fashions.
Also exhibiting fashion- '"-
wear will be Aldric Tudor .! -
and Andre Raymond.
Handicraft will be shown .
by Ruby Etienne, Gladys
Morris, Cynthia Douglas,
Grace Caldon, Mikey Alexan-- .
der, Carlton Royer, Aleem
Isuru Siwaju, Alma Demming, 12 -
Carl Thornhill En Famille
and Community Brothers
House of Craft.
Paintings, collages, and .
photographs to be displayed
have been submitted by Keith
Lovelace, Hollis Williams, C. '" ,
Boucher, Trinity Photogra- -
phers and Infocus Photogra- -, .---
phic Society.
Greeting Cards from Mal- .TL ".- "
don Ford and Jones Publish-
ing Co. and publications by ..
EDEL Publications and
SHOCK magazines will also
be on display. ,
A very special exhibit will
be Mrs. Ursula Lashley's
showing of bread and cakes
made with strictlyindigenous
vegetables and fruit.


.kaL ,''t'

.,,... :.- -
, : .?' . : .._ .. " :',,.- : .-- -:
5'! J?; ~~.
,~~' ;c.t .c .j ..-,..... .

_./ .' .. .";. ... ." .:- '.. .- .." -



Augustus Raroiekersingh

IT IS not unusual for the an-
nouncement of a team in any
sport to be followed by voci-
ferous criticism. No team selected
will ever please everyone entirely.
Sometimes the criticism attend-
ing the selection of the team is
based on parochialism or insu-
larity; sometimes on hard, solid
fact; sometimes a mixture of
The announcement last week of
the WI team for the tour of India-
Pakistan-Sri Lanka was no exception.
It is possible, indeed easy, to criticise
the selectors on grounds of insularity.
Yet the more telling case against the
selectors can be made on the basis of
evidence, making the charge of insu-
larity secondary, even irrelevant. There
appears to be no rationale for the
,choice of certain players in preference
to others.
The major area of contention lies
in the sphere of spin-bowling. Gibbs,
Padmore, Barrett and Willet. Several
of our local commentators in their
early state of shock dealt with the
issue in a manner which betrayed a
narrow, chauvinistic nationalism,
really insularity. They saw the issue
largely in terms of the two Trinidad
spinners being omitted; the emphasis
was placed on Trinidad. There is really
no need to argue the case- for Ali and
Jumadeen in insular terms.
Insularity is incidental to the case
against the spinners chosen, though it
does complicate matters somewhat.
The real argument has to do with skill,
performance and prospects for the
future. In other words, have we picked
our best combination of spinners?
Padmore, I accept, for reasons
which have much more .to do with
Gibbs. He isn't the youngest person in
the world but he is quite competent


and in the context of a dearth of top
class off-spin'ers in t',e WI he is a
reasonable choice, not to accompany
Gibbs, but to replace him.
Gibbs' selection makes little sense.
In the first place, the elimination of
Kanhai and Sobers gave us the impres-
sion that the selectors were going to
bank on youth (as distinct from in-
experience). Secondly, Gibbs, at 40, is
past his best. He is still bowling with
some skill but he lacks penetration.
He now has to buy his wickets, and
like all of us, he is a victim of the age
of inflation the price is too high.
Thirdly, Gibbs' attitude of wanting to
stay on the test scene until he has
broken Trueman's record is selfish and
He is making himself an obstacle
in the. way of younger players. He has
served us well in the past; he should
'continue to serve us but in a different
capacity. Otherwise, we, however re-
luctantly, may have to treat him as
the senile Caribbean leaders place
him in the dustbin of history, obscur-
ing whatever of value he. has contri-
buted. Fourthly,as a national coach
in Guyana, he can do much more than
on the field of play. Maybe he could
produce other Gibbses to grace our
team in the future. To hang on in the
way in which he seems intent may
well lead to his humiliation. And the
selectors 3 of the 4 close to Gibbs -
lack the moral courage to tell him as
it is: well done brother, but it is time
to move on.
Now for Barrett and Willet.Bar-
rett, I have seen for several years, both
at territorial and at test level. To put
it mildly, he is a very inoffensive leg
break bowler, unlikely to trouble
good batsmen a fact borne out by
the evidence. He is not a test class
bowler in normal circumstances.
Willet regarded by some in the
1971-73 period as some kind of sensa-
tion ha's not made the improvement
anticipated. His performances in this
year's Shell Shield series were quite
ordinary. In any case, he is, as .I have


Lance Gibbs -

A question mark

over his pick

maintained from the beginning, not a
deadly spinner; he is too flat and
turns too little; quick footed batsmen
can quite easily come to terms -with
his variations in flight. Jumadeen, who
genuinely spins the ball, is a far better
proposition on Indian wickets.
None of the spinners chosen, in-
cluding Padmore to whom I am sym-
pathetic and Gibbs to whom I am
most unsympathetic, deserves a place
before Ali and Jumadeen. Ali -in-
spite of his inconsistency is still far
'the best wrist spinner in the West
Indies. In the sphere of left arm
orthodox spin Jumadeen occupies the
pride of.place. He is as accurate as.
Willet and does more with the ball.
The case for Ali and Jumadeen, there-
fore, is based on competence. They
are the best pair of spinners in the WI
and should have been the first two
spinners chosen. And this judgement
is not in any way coloured by Trini-
Another selection which needs to
,o be queried seriously is that of Gor-
don Greenidge. He reminds me very
much of Cammie Smith explosive
against pace with little movement,
pathetic against spin. Just cast your
minds back to his first innings knock
against Trinidad last year :(he did not


.'r ',

-even survive the pace in the second)
- after ten overs the Barbadian score
had gone past 60; then, enter Juma-
deen and Imitaz Ali. Result: horrors
galore. And on an opening day.
Apart from the Pakistani seamers,
it is essentially spin with which our
batsmen are going to be confronted.
Greenidge is one of the worst, choices
for the job. If the selectors wanted to
choose an opening batsman they could
have chosen the less spectacular but
more solid Geoff Greenidge. If they
wanted a middle order batsman they
could have opted for either Larry
Gomes or Nolan Clark.
On the credit side, it is good to
see that the selectors have given a
chance to young Vivian Richards.
Some were scared for a while, won-
dering whether he would have been
ignored as Irving Shillingford was for
years on end.
The selectors did not do a very
good job. Apart from their choice.
of certain players who are established
or whose claims could not in any way
be disputed, they fell down badly. As
in the politics of the region the pro-
cess of selection is in serious question.
More often than not, indifferent per-
formance and defeat have their origins
beyond the boundary.


Turtle Talk
ON TUESDAY next the Public Library will be the venue of a
public meeting called by the Field Naturalist Club as part of
its determined campaign to save the Leatherback from extinc-
tion. Dr Peter Bacon of the Dept. of Biological Sciences, UWI,
and Ishmael Samaad of Tapia will address the meeting. The
latter will speak on "conservation and local Government".
After the meeting members of the club will go out in
groups to stick posters throughout the city. The public is
invited. Starting time is 8.00 p.m.

QRC Oldsters stage comeback
INTERCOL, they say, isn't what it used to be not only because the Queen's Park Oval is an
inadequate setting but also simply because there is a dearth of real talent among the present crop
,of college boys. True or false? Perhaps you will be able to speak with greater authority next
week when QRC's Day of Sport is over.
On Sunday June 30, at the College Grounds there is a programme designed to start the
arguments once more. At 10.30 a.m. there is a 30,over game between the present team and a team
comprising past 1960 ex-pupils. The old boys' te- mi ,; be captained by Maple's Vernon
Sadaphal aii includes Sheldon Gomes, Gary Dore, St:.pi lomez and Inshan Ali. The College's
five cricketers of the year will be presented with prizes during the luncheon interval and there will.
be a jumble sale put on by the PTA at the end of the match. The PTA will also have a well-stocked
refreshment stall going.
At 4.30 p.m. the footballers will take the field. A past teamincluding Rolph Clarke, Brian
Bain, Arthur Sandy and Ellis Sadaphal will oppose the 1973 team. The past team will be captained
by Roger Matthew.
The programme has been put on to raise funds for the College's tour of Lodge School,
Barbados coming off in mid-July. An 18-member team will engage Lodge School in cricket,
football and athletics for the Angostura Trophy which the hosts now hold. A special invitation is
extended to all students, past and present, and their parents.