Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00115
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: June 23, 1974
Frequency: completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00115

Full Text

Vol.4 No.25

The message from the Pan African Congress in Tanzania

* .

THE SIXTH Pan African Congress begins this week in Dar-es-Salaam
in Tanzania. Meanwhile, here at home, the National Joint Action
Committee (NJAC), debarred at the last hour from attending the Con-
gress, stages a cultural rally the theme of which will be "The Great
It is to be hoped that even as NJAC focuses its attention on
the "conspiracy" that resulted in their exclusion from the Congress
that they will not miss the opportunity to make an honest assessment
of themselves, their strategy and their ideology in the context of this
most recent humiliation. Such an assessment would have been useful
to the movement as early as March of 1970.
Only fools and reactionaries have cause to rejoice at that hu-
miliation For in a very real way that humiliation extends beyond NJAC.
and covers all the progressive forces struggling in Trinidad and Tobago
and the Region in general.
Those of us who genuinely advocate change and are working
towards it must be humble enough to recognize ourselves as parts of a
much larger movement locked in an uncompromising struggle against
the dehumanising and materialistic impulses of Western Civilization.
That civilization, propelled by the
rapacious thrust of capitalist enter-
prise goes back for centuries and has
left its ugly imprintsover the entire l

Here in our part of the New World
the inhumanity of the civilization was
given its most blatant expression. The
decimation c the indigenous popula-
tion was foll.-wed by the creation of
artificial societies designed to serve
as exclusive instruments for the satis-
'fatiron"of capitalism's wants;: "-' -"--
But almost as long as the civiliza-
tion has existed there have arisen men
,of courage and determination who have
made a stand against the brutalities of
.the system and, in ways large and
small, have successfully defied the
colossus. "
So that it is not surprising that we
n the Caribbean, who have been
unong the worst victims of the civili-
zation, have thrown up some of its
.fiercest opponents. It is common know-
ledge now that the moving spirit of
the first Pan-African Conference was
Trinidad-born Sylvestre Williams. And
the names of CLR James and George
Padmore, and in another context,
Marcus Garvey, have figured- promi-
nently in the Pan-African Movement.

The goais that those pioneering
figures set themselves were nothing
less than the liberation of Africa
from the yoke of European colonigsm
and the upliftment of the sons and
daughters of Africa wherever they
might be. The very character of the
current Congress in Tanzania demon-
strates the extent to which the dreams
of these men have been realized, for
the early Congresses were gatherings of
revolutionary freedom fighters and
not, as now, the representatives of
State power.
The politics of the Pan-African
Movement has been transformed by
the attainment of formal Independence
by the majority of African and Black
Caribbean peoples and by the social
and political upheaval in Black Ameri-
ca during the decade of the 1960's.
The very presence of Barrow, Burn-
ham and Manley as sponsors of the
Congress should have alerted all pro-
gressive forces to the grave implica-
tions of this shift. The arrival of Eric
Gairy at the Congress drives home the
point with tragic finality.




Denouncing the old regime at home Constitution Commission meeting, Naparima Bowl

Even though they appeared to
group themselves under the banner
of race, for the early pioneers of Pan-
Africanism an.equally, if not more,
important principle of organization
was their common hostility to colonial
oppression. Even less today can we
afford to shape our perceptions in
simple terms of black vs white. Now
we are faced with a bewildering va-
riety of black governments.
Independence has thrust the form-
er nationalist freedom fighters into
the confusing world of international
power \politics, competing regional
economic blocs and multi-national
corporations. In addition, the demands
for social and economic change at
home have provided the rationale for
the creation of strong, personalised
regimes, often of the one-party variety.
In these circumstances, there is no
automatic equation, if ever there was,
between blackness on the one hand,
and freedom, justice, equality and
democracy on the other.
In the light of all this we may ask if
there is any need for a Pan-African
Movement today. There can be no
denying that important tasks remain
to be accomplished before the historic
project the founders of the Movement
set themselves is brought to consumma-
tion: The struggle against colonialism
and white racist regimes in Africa
continues. There is the persistence of
institutional racism in the United
States. Above all, there is the work of

restoring Black dignity in face of the
common heritage and continuing ex-
perience of racist oppression.

So that while undoubtedly there
is and will continue to be a basis for
collaboration among Africans and peo-
ple of African descent worldwide,
there are other considerations which
dictate the need for greater discrimina-
tion between different black situations
and for a reappraisal of the emphasis
we put on Pan-Africanism.
For one thing, prinary-producing
countries are now moving to win better
terms of trade between themselves and
the industrialized countries. These
moves transcend the limits of race or
culture and point up the limitations of
the Pan-African framework in the
new setting. Contemporary interna-
tional economics and diplomacy are
pushing all dispossessed peoples to
collaborate for our survival, to organise
ourselves on the basis of trade, pro-
duction, transportation and techno-
logy; such considerations do not al-
ways coincide with those of race, or
even of politics.
As the inheritors of lhe Pan-
African Movement, it is our duly now
that we have rid ourselves of the Iformal
control of the imperial powcis, to
devote our energies to their translorina-
tion of the colonial legacy at home.

That is the logical progression from
the 'work of James and Padmore.
Success here demands that we pay
attention to questions of ideology
and organisation. We cannot at one
and the same time be eager to declaim
at the international level, while at
home we steadfastly turn our backs
on all possibility of dialogue dialogue
which could very well bring about a
much needed understanding among
the progressive forces.

$ A

Nor can we afford to play fast and
loose with ideological formulations
which fail to take 'account of the com-
plex reality we have here. Whatever
the advantages to be gained from
Pan-Africanism, there is a danger that
it could be promoted in such a way as
'to create divisions in our multi-racial
If any lesson emerges from the
defeat over the Congress, it is that we
need now more than ever to 'embark
on a critical examination of our ideo.
logies and strategies, to take into
account both our situation at home
and the emerging situation in the
world at large. There will no doubt be
an exalted place in that broader per-
spective for Pan-Africanism, as there
must be for genuine multi-racialism at
home arid regional and international
collaboration abroad. The first step,
though, is to open our minds on the

In this regard, it remains to be
seen if the leaders of the NJAC, who
so far have been vocal advocates of
universal African liberation, now per-
ceive that, by dissipating their energies
in pursuit of such elusive goals, they
have been forfeiting real opportunities
for liberation at home. The only bene-
ficiaries of such a strategy are Williams
and his forces of reaciton.
Granger had promised us to expose
the ?niquities of the Caribbean regimes
in Dar-es-Salauam. What prevents him
now from doing so at a home-grown
Conference of Citizens and so help
demolish Williams' neo-coionial order?
The moral of the Great Betrayal is
that charity begins at hone.


25 Cents



... Some facts you should know...


Bauxite is Jamaica's most valuable mineral
resource. Mining operations started in 1950
with the first shipment of ore being made in

Today, four companies mine bauxite and refine
it into alumina. They are Alcan, Alcoa, Revere
and Alpart (a consortium of Reynolds, Kaiser
and Anoconda). Two other companies, Kaiser
and Reynolds, mine and export raw bauxite to
refining plants in the U.S.A.

Up to the end of 1973 some 154 million tons of
ore had been mined. Of this, 44 million tons
were converted into 17.5 million tons of
alumina and about 110 million tons exported as
raw bauxite.

Our total bauxite exports go to the USA.
Alumina is exported to Canada 45 per cent;
Norway 28 per cent; USA 14 per cent;
Sweden 7 per cent; and Ghana 3 per cent.

Jamaica is the world's second largest producer
of bauxite, after Australia, accounting for
nearly 20 per cent of world production.


Jamaica's Bauxite and Alumina industry is
owned by six giant US and Canadian
multi-national Corporations which depend on
Jamaican bauxite to keep a major segment of
their overseas refining and fabricating plants in

During the 1952-55 period bauxite exports
reached the two-million-ton level. Between
1956-58 exports more than doubled through
expansion to meet demands of the US
Aluminium industry.
Exports reached 7 million tons in 1967 and have
revolved around the figure, since then as more
ore is being processed into alumina in Jamaica.

Total production has climbed steadily, reaching
13.4 million tons in 1973. Of this 7.3 million
tons were shipped as raw ore and 6.1 million
tons processed into alumina.

Rated capacities for alumina production in 1973


Kirkvine Works
Ewarton Works


550,000 short tons
550,000 short tons
500,000 short tons

1,350,000 short tons
220,000 short tons

One ton of Alumina refined in Jamaica is worth
seven times as much as the equivalent in
bauxite exported as raw ore.
The economic value of bauxite increases with
each stage of conversion.

Mining and Processing

Jamaica's bauxite lies directly on or just below
the surface and is therefore easy and
inexpensive to mine.

Proximity to North America results in cheaper
shipping costs.


Million Tons


0.3 11.8 12.2 12

69 70 71 72 73


Millions of

20.7 29.5 24.4_
69 70 71 72 73


Some 9,500 persons are employed by the
bauxite and alumina industry.

Approximately 1,800 are employed by the two
companies which only mine and ship raw ore.
Of this number small percentage are non-
nationals. This segment of the industry is
almost fully managed and operated by

The four alumina companies employ some 170

The industry creates far more jobs outside
Jamaica than within.

The Future
Jamaica needs to get more from bauxite to
meet the pressing social and economic needs ol
the country.

The country must get a substantially higher
return from each ton of bauxite mined. This is a
"wasting asset" which, once dug out of the
ground, is gone forever.

The country must exercise considerably more
control over the manner and rate at which the
industry develops and it must be restructured
to better serve the social and economic interests
of the country.



HERE in Trinidad, we are still
waiting for the battle over the
control of oil to begin in earnest.
Waiting for a competent, honest
and energetic administration to
replace the bunch of crooks who
now are selling the country out
while Tesoro and Texaco, Shell,
AMOCO, Fed Chem and the rest
agree "in principle" to all these
hollow announcements.
Up the road, in Jamaica, it is
a very different story and you can
tell by the responses in the metro-
politan press. As the Toronto
Globe and Mail has put it:
"Jamaica may be about to give multination-
al companies a taste of the medicine which
developing countries may force them to
swallow by the bottleful in years to come".
(Editorial, May 21).
So far from agreeing in principle
and skinning teeth with Manley,
the companies are saying that the
tax increases planned by the
Jamaican Government may force
them to turn to other sources.
They are making all kinds of
noises to the effect that the new
taxes could make Jamaican baux-
ite uncompetitive, cut into their
profits and push up prices to cus-
tomers. They do not like the Ja-
maican move at all.
How the struggle will end
depends on two sets of political
factors. The first is the effective-
ness of all raw material producers
in changing the terms of trade
between themselves and the
metropolitan exploiters. What
the Arabs and the Oil producers
have done with oil is being re-
peated by the owners of mercury,
copper, iron-ore, bananas and of
course by the owners of bauxite
The companies know very
well that Jamaica is leading the
International Bauxite Association,
headquarters of which are now
being established in Kingston.
In March gone, Guinea, Australia,
Guyana, Sierra Leone, Surinam
and Yugoslavia met in Conakry
with Jamaica to set up the needed
organisation. Also present as ob-
servers were Algeria, Cameroon,
Ghana and Mali.
Shareholders on the New
York and Toronto stock ex-
changes have already indicated
how they expect the game to
finish. They know that after one
time is two; accordingly alumi-
nium share prices have been fall-
ing sharply. There is no question
whatsoever, that ifthe outcome
of the big company-small country
struggle depended solely on the
balance of international political
power, we would all be sitting
pretty or prettier than we've
been accustomed to. The corol-
lary of the post-war independence
movement, of the military parity
between the USA and the Soviets.
of the emergence of China and
the European Community is that
we now have plenty more room
to manoeuvre. In some ways
smallness of the kind we enjoy
in the Caribbean may now be the
biggest advantage of all.

SUNDAY JUNE 23, 1974





This brings us to the second
factor which will determine the
final outcome. That is the strength
of the Governments at home.
The Trinidad & Tobago case illus-
trates dramatically how a weak
and moribund administration in-
stinctively sees only defensive
political weapons where every-
body else perceives no less than a
golden chance.
Equipped as much for diplo-
macy as they are for robbery
and terror, the giant companies
pay a close attention to how
weak the governments are (and
to what help they can give to see
that they do not become too
strong). In the case of the Union
of Banana Exporting Countries,
Standard Fruit has sent special
representatives, according to the
Globe and Mail, to try and
"persuade" individual countries
to back down from the newly
imposed export tax of $1 per
crate. United Brands has cut
production and exports in Pana-
ma. "It is not going to be easy
for anybody", goes the editorial.
"The companies who deal with
them won't like it; some will
fight it. The consumers of the
developed world won't like it..."
The elite who form the com-
fortable oligarchies inside the
producing countries are not going
to like the disruption either.-
This provides the key to under-
standing why Jamaica is currently
quite different from Trinidad &
Tobago and why there is a limit
on how great this difference can
ever get.
At the moment, the PNM
oligarchy is weak. The Black
Power Revolt of 1970 destroyed
its original political base. Since
then the collapse of the State
machinery under the weight of
its own corruption has deprived
Williams of his most effective
political weapon. Add to that the
split in the party, the illegitimacy
of Parliament and the rise of
opposition that is both technical-
ly and politically superior under
conditions of independence and
you have the reason why the Go-
vernment is totally incapable of
dealing with the corporations for
the benefit of this country. The
Texaco big-boys are not threaten-
ed by any of the television noises.
In Kingston, Manley is still
strong. There is nothing radical
about the PNP which is still a
party very partial to the welcom-
ing policies of the 1950's. But
the facts of Jamaican public
finance and balance of payments
have a logic all their own. Man-
ley had no choice but to begin to
talk some turkey. We shall see
that the issue will take him much
further than the PNP elites can
afford to go. But for a good
little while yet, the corporations
will remain on the run.

... The case for more revenue

Ingot From

Take of In

1971 12.2 2.85 30.00 $1.5 billion 1.7
1972 12.3 2.87 25.00 $1.4 billion 1.4
1973 13.4 3.12 24.40 $1.5 billion 1.4

The present position
In 1972 Jamaica earned $25 million in royalties
and taxes from Bauxite Alumina.

These earnings were based on a system devised
first in 1950 and revised in 1957 and 1966.

Revenues from Bauxite and Alumina are
obtained in two basic ways:
(i) A royalty on bauxite mined at a rate
of approximately 26c per ton.
(ii) Income tax of approximately $2.25
per ton based on the profits.

No attempt was made to place a value on the
worth of the mineral, and thus the country
never got full money-for-value for its greatest
mineral possession Bauxite.
Jamaica was therefore losing millions of dollars
of revenue for a commodity whose market value
was constantly rising.

The case for re-negotiation
This could not continue as only the aluminium
companies who owned the mines, smelters and
fabricating plants were reaping the real

It was time that the Jamaican people, as
owners of the resource, had a say in what was
going on.

Came 1972 and world inflation which brought
drastic increases in the prices of our flour, soya
bean, butter and many other basic raw
materials which we had to buy from abroad.

Suddenly the country had to pay three times as
much for its oil supplies. New, large sums of
extra money had to be found in order to keep
the country going.

Jamaica's case
to the companies
Jamaica's case for increased revenue was put
forward on two basic grounds:

(i) A price for Jamaican bauxite in
relation to the price received by the
companies for aluminium ingot.

(ii) The companies would not be ad-
versely affected by the higher rates
because the industry was enjoying
excellent market conditions.

Under the new levy Jamaica will get 7.5 per
cent of all aluminium ingot sales in 1974, 8 per
cent in 1975 and 8.5 per cent in 1976.

With an average ingot price of 32c per lb. and a

minimum production of 14 million tons of
bauxite in 1974, Jamaica will earn $170 million
between January 1974 and March 1975. In
1973 Jamaica earned only $24.4 million from

This also means a new price per
of approximately $10.16, as
previous price of $2.50.

ton of bauxite
against the

It has been proven beyond doubt that the
companies are able to pay the new rates and
still make substantial profits. What is more the
aluminium market can more than sustain these
payments, e.g. the total value of all aluminium
produced from Jamaican bauxite in 1973
amounted to $1.8 billion.

The following table shows how Jamaica had
been earning less than 2 per cent of the total
value of finished aluminium products produced
from Jamaican bauxite. Some raw material
producing countries earn as much as 45 per cent
of finished product sales.

The companies' response

The companies offered a payment of approxi-
mately 3.5 per cent of all aluminium ingot
sales, which would raise the price per ton of
bauxite from $2.50 to $5.30.

Under this offer, Jamaica would have earned a
mere $74 million in revenue in 1973 from sales
which grossed $1.8 billion to the companies.

Figures also showed that the companies will
enjoy increased profits for 1974 over 1973 in
ranges from 250 400 p )r cent even after paying
Jamaica's revenue at the new rates. One
company for example, showed increase profits
of some 450 per cent for the first quarter of this
year alone over the same period last year.
A similar pattern was true of all companies.

Why we had to legislate

The companies were given every opportunity to
prove that Government's case was either
unjust or unreasonable. This they could not do.
When it became evident that the companies
were unwilling to accept Jamaica's reasonable
demands, or even to offer viable alternatives,
there emerged a clear duty in which the
Government had no choice.

The Government was forced to legislate the
new revenue scales so as to protect Jamaica's
basic interests and to make it unmistakably
clear that the country, as a sovereign state,
expects an equitable price for its mineral



& Income
Tax (J$

Value of**

- F -- --*- ---

SUNDAY JUNE 23. 1974




SUNDAY JUNE 23, 1974

Tate and Lyle...

Getting out while

a m

The. recent refusal by -the
US House of Representatives.
to renew the Sugar Quota
system has raised tremors in
the' Caribbean sugar baron
circles. Short-sighted as ever,
one can expect a Caribbean
Governments delegation to
lobby the American Senate,
which is still to endorse the
lifting of the quota, for a
special dispensation.
This story taken from
the British Business Observer
of 26 May, 1974, takes a look'
at.the British Market by way
:~ examining the operations
of Tate and Lvle.


has minority shareholding
in Caroni Ltd. (The Govt
has 51 per cent), and
sugar plantations in Be-
Slize,. Jamaica and South-
Africa, besides controll-
ing more -than 55 per
cent of the British sugar
market, is reviewing its
traditional sugar refining
activities and the reper-
cussions are likely to be
felt in the heart of this
The British*BuSiness Ob-
server in a feature article on
26 May, quotes Saxon Tate,
*Chairman of Tate and Lyle's
Executive Committee as warn-
ing of a reduction in capacity
in the United Kingdom which
he hopes to balance by ex-
panding into the beet sugar
The Executive Chairman
says that the'.aim is to cut
down on a number of activi-
ties that are notoriously vola-
tile: "too many of our pro-
fits are affected by things that
are -completely beyond
management control.

The Business Observer
'points out that the traditional
sugar-refining activities are
more of-a problem than any
other are of the. Group's
activities because of supply
shortage due to a sugar strike
or boycott in Trinidad)..
Founded in 1921 through
the merger of two sugar firms
founded in the nineteenth
century by Henry Tate and
Abram Lyle,..Tate and Lyle
controls more than 55 per
cent of the British market for
* sugar and sugar products.
Today, sugar refining, ac-
counts for less than 20 per
cent of group profits, even
when refineries in Canada
and Africa included.
Sugar is a much smaller
slice,- according to the Obser-
ver, of a much bigger cake,
with about two-thirds of the
profit ingredients coming
from overseas.
The company has been

transformed from a sugar re-
finer to an international trad-
ing, distribution and servicing
operation, with a pre-tax pro-
fit of about f 25 million.

Today it takes in three
fleets of ships, fourcommer-
cial transport operations, en-
gineeriug companies, a small

The following article taken
from a recent issue of the
Canadian paper LABOUR
CHALLENGE and itself re-
printed from the socialist
published in New York, raises
questions about FBI involve-
ment in the death's of Mal-
colm X and Martin Luther
King Jr.

THE recent publication
of a series of. memoran-
dums issued by the late
FBI chief, J. Edgar Hoo-
ver, not only raises doubts
about the involvement of
the U.S. Government in
the deaths of Malcolm X
and "Martin Luther King
.Jr., but also provide evi-
dence that illegal U.S.
government surveillance
and disruption did not.
.begin with a bad lad call-
ed Nixon but was always
part of official policy.
The rigorously-censored
documents are the second
batch of counterintelligence
programmes memos to be re-
leased to NBC reporter, Carl
Stern, who had sued for them
under the Freedom of Infor-
mation Act.
The seven Xeroxed me-
mos contain major new revele-
tions on the FBI's disruption
of the Black.Panther Party,
Socialist Workers Party and
various unnamed Black Na-
tionalist groups.
Dating from 1961 to 1970,
the first "Disruption Program"
memo is dated Oct 12, 1961,
and was put into effect under
John Kennedy.

During the Lyndon John-
son years, which witnessed
the ghetto revolts and the rise
of the Black liberation move-
ment, stepped-up programmes
of repression against Black
groups and individuals were
put-into motion.
The newly-released papers
contain the strongest evidence
yet seen from-official sources
of government complicity in

shipyard, bulk liquid storage
facilities and major commo-
dity trading interests.
Tate and Lyle now owns
22 ships with eight more on
charter and a further three on
order. The Group has special-
ised in highly sophisticated
"'parcel" tankers which can

the murders of Malcolm X
and Martin Luther King Jr.

The FBI's goal, as re-
veled in a documents dated
March 4, 1968 (one month
before King was assassinated),
had been to "prevent the rise
of a 'messiah' who could


the getting good

carry more than 30 different
kinds of chemicals and liquid
products at the same time. It
has poured f 20 million into
parcel tankers and grabbed
a quarter of fast growing
world market.

The other big money-
spinner at the moment is the
commodity trading side,
which has grown out of the
group's sugar market activi-
ties. It is now heavily involved

unify, and electrify, the mili-
tant black nationalist move-
Although the names that
followw are blotted out on the
Xeroxed copy, the name
Malcolm X fits into one
blanked-out area, by counting
the letters and spaces made
by the typewriter, Moreover,
part of the X is still visible.


That sentence would then
read: "Malcolm X) might
have been such a 'messiah', he
is the martyr of the move-
ment today".
Counting the typewriter
Spaces and with an educated
guess, a.following sentence
might read: "King could) be
a very real contender for this
position should .he abandon

Clico means people -

Syour kind of people

The first and oldest local Insurance Company in Trinidad &
Tobago was founded in 1936 for
Trinidadians by Trinidadians.

Tqday we have over $70,000(,000,00 in assets and
branches throughout Trinidad, Tobago and the Caribbean

Insure yourself and family witholonial Life Insurance
Colonial Life Insurance

Company Ltd


in the trading, storage and
distribution of molasses, oils,
fats, alcohols and edible
It has-moved from trans-
portingsugar around the coun-
try to running a major road
haulage fleet, with 800 vehi-
cles of its own.
The group's sugar refine-
ries has taken it into other
engineering fields. In fact, in
Canada, the engineering inter-
ests will this year, for the
first tithe, surpass sugar in
their contribution to profits.

his supposed 'obedience' to
'white, liberal doctrines'
(nonviolence) and embrace
black nationalism".
One memo reads: "pre-
vent the coalition of militant
black nationalist groups. In
unity there is strength; a
. truism that is no less valid for
all its triteness. As effective
coalition of black nationalist
groups might be the fisrt step
toward a real 'Mau Mau' in
America, the beginning of a
true black revolution".
One of the early memos
from Hoover says that the
purpose of the new counter-
intelligence endeavour-"is to
expose, disrupt, misdirect,
discredit or otherwise neutral-
ize the activities -of black
nationalist, hate-type organi-
sations and ,groupings, their
leadership, spokesmen, mem-
bership, and supporters .. .'

29 St. Vincent St. Port of Spain Phone: 62-31421

__ I


F .IUn.i

K i l-.n

M 1 i on X


WOULD YOU believe that
in this day of high prices
and rising cost of living,
people are working for
$3.50 for a full day's
And that when these
people approached the
boss for a raise, they were
given the enormous sum
of.-25 cents?
Well, it's true and it's
happening in a small village
of about 15 families in the
Hills of Central Trinidad. The
people of this village called
Maraval depend wholly on
employment provided by the
La Concordia Estate for their
very existence.
This cocoa and coffee
estate is. owned by Balraj
Deosaran, M.P. for Couva.
With the increase of 25
cents, the new salary rates
are $3.50 for women and
$3.70 for men.
In: the past, the then
owners of the'estate, Gordon
Grant and Co., were in the
habit of renting the aban-
doned lands of the estate to
the labourers for a small sum.
The produce from these lands
used to help make ends meet.
Under the present owner,
no such lands, although un-
cultivated, are leased or rent-
ed for cultivation of corps.
To add insult to -injury,
Mr.Deosaran is in the process
of establishing a stock farm in
and around the homes of these
people, on lands formerly
rented on a yearly basis.
At present.the homesteads
are all standing on, single lots
with the surrounding vegeta.
tion cleared away.'
It is .envisaged that the
estate workers will be re-
cruited to work on the stock
farm. The workers plan to
demand higher wages.
It seems a miracle that
families of six and more are
able to survive on salaries of
not more than $130 monthly,
the combined incomes of
both husband and wife.
At least five children 6f
this village attend school in
San Fernando, which is 12
miles away.
The least that could be
done would be: firstly, to up-
grade the salaries until they
evenwith the rates of other
estates and, secondly, to lease
unused land to villagers so
that they could cultivate crops
to subsidise their meagre salary
and poor diet.

T /pia


on sale

At the House.

Police Chief warned

wrote to. Commissioner
of Police Tony May, pro-
testing against the.police
harassment of Tapia mem-
bers at Corosal.

The letter also warned
that Tapia would take what-

even action is necessary to
prevent future abuses of this


These decisions were taken
at the Council of Represen-
tatives meeting held last Sun-

-day, following a report by
the Representative for Coro-
The meeting heard thaf
four Tapia members returning
from selling the paper in
nearby Hard. Bargain, when
the incident occurred.
It all happened in 'true

"cops .and robbers" fashion.
As the taxi in which they were
travelling was-about to leave
the filling 'station at Kelly
Village, WilliamsVille, a police
jeep driven by Constable
Richardson pulled suddenly
in front of the taxi. -
The driver was ordered to
switch off. the ignition and
the passengers to get out.
A personal search was
carried out on the. Tapia mem-
bers but nothing was found on
them. The car was also

my Native Land -IG,^
my INatilve Land One. Tapiaman asked
about his rights. Constable
Dawn's gone from the sky Richardson commented:
And I told him, fuck off pig "What rights you have? Who
Flick off you orderly beetles swimming told you you 'had rights?"
SIn the piss of hope, rass-claat priest
And I turned to a different heaven The police after, making
a different scene, calmer than a woman's a public display for the occu-
Lyingface. Lulled by a restless flow pants of some six cars look-
Of thought, I fed the wind, unleashed monsters. ing on, left without produc-
Away from the disaster scene, I heard ing a search warrant or telling
The flutter of the doves and the secret growth anyone wvhat the search wa,
of the Savannah grass rooted in my soul in all about.
Inverse proportion to the isolent skyscrapers Commenting on this inci-
Which guard the twilight zone presided over dent, Corosal Tapiaman Ken
Day and night by a pustular and penitential sun Ramsumair said: "This inci-
dent, as the many in various
Rising with the sun, the hungry Caribbees parts of the country, makes
Frail'with flowing creeks, pockmarked, one wonder what is becom-
Blasted by liquor, stranded in this bay's slush ing of the law and order that
Shipwrecked in this city's dirt used to prevail in the past.
"One wonders what pro-
In broad daylight, a decietful desolate scar tection for the person there
on the waters' wounded face; martyrs to no useful end, is in this society.
Blood-red flowers, dried up and scattered on the futile wind "Can a law-abiding citizen
Like parrot's cries; an old life with a deceiftul 'be subjected to public display
Smile on its lips, theirtwisted anguish has been demobilized an old at the whim and fancy of
Unprotesting poverty rotting in the sun, an old every ego-inflated policeman?
Silence warm and pustular, -the inanity and horror "Can conditions be worse
of our right to life in a dictatorship republic?!'

For ours is the power and glory


men have stood, up against
.tyranny in their struggle for
freedom;.some were banished,
others were put to death. In
Northern Ireland we have the
iIrish uprising against British
Dominationn. The Middle East
war continues, in the divided
African Continent, dictator-
ship rule causes, many grave
problems. *
In the Caribbean we are
-facing almost the same prob-
:lems. In Guyana the minority
.rules' the majority, grasping
power by fraud. Some of our
leaders are 'prepared to use
the army and police and the
judiciary to steal the Govern-
ment, harass or .even murder
to stay in power.
SEven in Trinidad, day after
day Trinidadians are humili-
ated, harassed, their homes
invaded and individuals are
The rule of law is broken
Sby those who should enforce
'it. All that we are asking for
is for an end to misrule and
fraud and a return to self
respect and fair dealing among
Grasping power, for
powers sake, does not solve
the problems, what we need
is total political changes.

People who have a genuine
consciousness, not- those who
'will seek vengence against
another race..
One must realize, we are
living in changing times, we
cannot achieve our goals by
burning or looting or by fol-
'owing destructive methods.
We must be prepared to
stand as men in times of Na-
tional emergency. National
interest should be our main
subject and not- personal or

individual gains.
We must reject with scorn
those who bring gifts and try
to bribe us. We must tighten
our control of the resources
we command, we must tell
those power drunk; who are
just seeKing fame at the ex-
pense of the society that they
must and this infamous rule.

We must tell them that
we are the producers and

consumers of this land and
with us lies the power, not
with those who are trying to
use the same methods as in
those countries of dictator-
ship, with leaders like, Big
Daddy Amin, Williams, Gairy
and Burnham, who intend to
use the army and police ser-
vice to hold power.

Bhagwatt Maharaj





P Stephens

From Cesaire's Return to

___ _I



WITH the rescinding of the Arab oil embargo
and the availability of oil supplies once more
in the North Atlantic, talk of the energy
crisis has largely faded from the daily head-
lines. But though the embargo and its head-
lines are over for now, the revolution in the
world of international oil and its concomitant
of high oil prices remains accomplished fact.
Well outside of current public attention, and
with all the secret stealth of an early cancer,
an economic crisis is developing in the Cari-
com countries apart from Trinidad Tobago.
Largely due to the massive recent increases
in oil prices, there now exists a serious
possibility of an economic calamity in the
region which threatens to shake the embryonic
Caricom to its very foundations and even to
destroy it utterly.
Oil prices are now somewhat more than three
times their 1972 level. However, the demand for oil
and its products which are so critical to modern
civilization is relatively inelastic. Even with substan-
tial price increases and even with ruthless conserva-
tion measures, demand remains strong since this.
commodity has now become such a necessity. Jamaica
expects its import bill for oil to double in 1974 to
about $160 million US. According to newspaper
reports, Guyana's import bill is already up by an
estimated $200 million (G) this year, and St.
Vincent's fuel oill is expected to triple Irom its 1972
size. A similar story can be related for the other
Further, since oil is so critical as an input in so
many production processes, the recent rises in its
price are engendering further inflationary pressures
on the prices of other commodities important in the

imports of the under-developed world,-particularly
manufactures needed for development and food.
Given the paucity of the foreign exchange re-
serves held by the 'Caricom countries and their
generally weak export performances, they just do
.not have sufficient foreign exchange available to
purchase their import requirements at the prices they
now have to pay for them. There is a consequent
necessity to ration whatever foreign exchange is
avialable through various austerity measures aimed at
reducing imports. Since there are really little in the
class of luxuries remaining to be cut, given the region's
historically dismal record of continuous balance of
payments disequilibrium, further cutbacks on imports
now have to strike at what are largely necessities.
Choices must be made as to what is less necessary
that what. But the likelihood is that new cutbacks
will mean serious reductions in the standard of living
and the retardation of the developmental effort.
Furthermore, the lack of necessary imports is
likely to turn to have serious engative repercussions
on the export industries. Crisis and hardship today
are able to breed further crisis and hardship tomor-
row. The severity of the deflationary measures that
may be required can lead to economic disaster and
depression for the region. With the exception of
Trinidad and Tobago, the spectre of at least serious
hardship, and at worst, uttie economic calamity now
stalks the Caribbean people as a frightening possibility.
It is within this context that there has been talk
of Trinidad,more favoured by Fortune, coming to
the assistance of her Caribbean brothers and sisters.
The Trinidad response has been the Chambers'
proposals. The Chambers' proposals are twofold.
First, for the less Developed Countires of the region,
Trinidad will.provide funds for a special soft loans
programme to be administered through the Carib-





bean Development Bank. Secondly, for the more
Developed Countries (Jamaica, Guyana and Barba-
dos), Trinidad will repatriate part of her sterling
reserves and deposit these with the respective Central
Banks of the M.D.C.'s.


It is important to emphasize that at best,
Trinidad can only provide support for, and not a solu-
tion to, the balance of payments problems of her
partners. The fundamental balance of payments prob-
lem of all the ,Caricom countries including Trinidad
stems from the economic structure maintained, its
lack of flexibility and the vigorous pursuit of erro-
neous policy. The continuing deficits on trade and
current account have stemmed ultimately from the
relative slow growth of export earnings and the
heavy outflow of capital in the form of profits,
depreciation etc. accruing to foreign direct invest-
The poor export performance is related in turn
to two factors. First, an obstinate attachment.to the
moribund old agricultural staples, inefficiently pro-
duced, wretchedly organized, with poor prices, poorer
prospects and an insatiable need for quotas and pre-
ferences. Secondly, the failure to properly exploit
the potential inherent in the mineral resources of oil
and bauxite. Aiding and abetting this, of course, is the
control of so much of the export sector by foreign
capital which has little interest in directing the
investible surpluses that accrue into new growth
areas of importance to the economy.
It is interesting to note, for example, that
Japanese planners have developed as a planning tool
the so-called 'specialization index'. This index mea-
sures the percentage share in world trade of given
commodity groups. By studying the trend of the index
over time, it is possible to determine which commo-
dities are declining, and which rising in importance in
world trade. A conscious effort is then made to shift
the Japanese economic structure and specifically its
export lines into the high growth areas that represent
the future, and away from the poor growth areas
which represent the past. Of this type of approach,
unfortunately, we here in the Caribbean remain
largely innocent.

The solution to the basic balance or payments
problem in the regionlies ultimately in the renuncia-
tion of the present philosophy of error and the
the policies based on it, the planning of economic
diversification regionally, based on the spin-off possi-
bilities associated with oil and bauxite, and on a
rationalized agriculture, the development of new
export lines and the development of productive
The role of Trinidad then is not to try to solve
the balance of payments probelms of the region. It
has failed to solve its own. Its role rather is to provide
its brothers and sisters with the most effective help
possible, stemming from its position as an oil pro-
ducer and as a beneficiary of the current high level of
oil prices. The issue is whether the most effective
form of aid is through providing funds (loans) or
through providing oil. As an oil producer it is natural
to- ask whether Trinidad could not provide the Cari-
com territories with their oil requirements at lower
prices. Is it that providing loans is a more effective
measure of help than cheap oil? If not, we are not
providing oil because we cannot, or because we will
not. Let us examine the economics of the alternative
It is not possible to make direct numerical



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- JlrL -I~CL~rI- -, ~dMM1M"



Trevor Farrell examines the Crisis in Caricom,

Oil and the Chambers' Proposals for Aid.

comparisons of the value of the aid to be provided
under the alternative schemes since it is clear that a
considerable amount of latitude is available in
exactly how mcuh in loans is advanced or exactly
how much below current prices Trinidad chooses to
provide oil. It is possible to find price levels and loan
levels for the two schemes at which the value of the
aid provided is directly equivalent from the point of
view of the recipirnts.
If however *.i products were provided to Cari-
com at say 1972 price levels, what would be the
effect? From their point of view the aid would equal
the amount of money they would have had to find as
a result of the massive price increases of 1973 a
very significant amount. 'From Trinidad's point of
view, the cost of this aid is simply what economists
would term the 'opportunity-cost loss'. This is simply
the extra money Trinidad could have made by selling
the oil at higher prices. It gives up some of its poten-
tial gain to help its brothers and sisters. However, the
deal will still show a handsome accounting profit, as
well as having the advantage of enabling us to re-
rionalise the market for petroleum products under
joint regional control and for the regional benefit.


What happens if loans instead are provided, in
whatever form? First, anytime loans are provided to
enable Caricom countries to purchase oil, they end
up paying-higher oil prices by comparison with say a
developed country which does not have to borrow. If
oil costs $20 a barrel and you borrow the $20 at 5%
simple interest, then by the time you have paid back
the loan, the barrel of oil has cost you $21. The
interest ($1) accrues to your creditor who thereby
benefits from your financial distress. This procedure
will aid Trinidad certainly. It can only be held to aid
the other countries by arguing that if they have to
borrow to buy oil and you offer to lend at lower
interest rates, then to the extent your interest rate is
lower they are 'aided'. Only the cynic would regard
this as a case for Trinidad's beatification, however.
Other economic problems arise. If Trinidad
lend money to the others to buy oil through the
petroleum multinationals then there is a loss to the
region as a whole since part of the proceeds are
pocketed by the companies as profit and is trans-
ferred out of the region. Also the oil will be bought
and supplied at current high prices levels.. Oil is so
important as an input in industry and agriculture, as
well sa being important as a consumption good, that
this will stimulate even higher inflation rates in these
Apart from the negative effects on general
social welfare, this raises another problem. Increasing
costs will make these countries less competitive in
regional markets as compared to Trinidad. Trinidad

thus stands to garner an advantage which will cer-
tainly be resented when once its source is under-
stood. Caricom, already a shaky proposition in the
eyes of the LDC's who see little gains from it, may
well come under further serious strain. In any event,
poverty in the region is.of little economic benefit to
Trinidad since it means poor markets and in addition,,
grabbing gains from this situation seems somehow
morally repugnant.
The more those Chambers' proposals are exa-
mined, the more they become like the things Alice
found in Wonderland, "curiouser and curiouser". The
aid to the LDC's is in the form of project loans
rather than direct loans for balance of payments
support. This necessarily means all the problems of
lengthy project appraisals, etc. This already has the
LDC's up in arms. Since the loans are not directed
specifically at the oil problem it will be difficult to
evaluate their avlue as aid in the oiic
evaluate their avlue as aid in the oil crisis.

The MDC's are to be aided by depositing
Trinidad's sterling reserves or part thereof, with their
Central Banks. It is not clear why such support was
not also offered to the LDC's whose balance of pay-
ments problems are quite intractable. At least Jamai-
ca and Guyana have bauxite they can do something
with. But most curious of all is what emerges from
Trinidad's reserves position.
It is not clear why sterling reserves are being
transferred when payment for oil is largely in US
dollars and the region's import needs are increasingly
coming from the dollar area. Trinidad must desire tc
hog its dollars for itself rather than share them with its
poor relations.
Also, Trinidad's reserves are, and have been, very
small. At the end of June 1973, total reserves
amounted to only $111.7 million..Of this only
$23.1 million was in foreign balances (cash) and
$48.4 million in foreign securities. This has generally
been the case over the years. It means that the size of
foreign exchange reserves held are small and sterling
reserves as a component of this even smaller.


It will no doubt be retorted that with the new
high prices for our oil and the consequent increase in
foreign exchange earnings, reserves will rise. The prob-
lem is, that this is not necessarily so. The growth in-
reserves will be determined by the policy decision on
how much of the increased revenue is to be directed
towards remedying Trinidad's own debt position and
increasing her imports of needed commodities.

What is likely to be transferred to the current
tiny reserves may well be what little is left after this.
The upshot is that there may be much less in the way

of sterling reserves to be loaned out than people
think. The other countries may be quite surprised
when it is blandly explained to them that the paltry
sums they have just received represent the fulfillment
of the Chambers' proposals.
Given the question marks attached to aid in the
form of the Chambers' proposals, the question to be
asked is whether it is not feasible to adopt the
superior solution and directly provide cheap oil to
the other territories. After all, it will be argued, tha
multinationals control the Trinidad oil industry.
They do, but channels nevertheless exist which can be
made use of.
Trinidad's oil production this year is likely to
be well over 60 million barrels. Taking this 60 million
figure as a lower-case estimate and taking the average
royalty rate to be 10% (though it is 12%% and
more on a significant volume of production) it means
that Trinidad can get an absolute minimum of 6
million barrels of oil by taking its royalty in oil
which it can legally do. Trinidad also owns 50.1%
of Tesoro whose production including its share of
TNA is likely to be over 15 million barrels this year.
Deducting the royalty already counted, it means that
that we can get 7 million barrels from this source,
making a total of 13 million barrels that can be
gotten without lifting a finger.
Since we claim that we are the majority partners
in Tesoro and since Tesoro's bargaining position is so
weak, we can, if we are serious, get the rest of Tesoro's
production. If we add production from Shell which
we are now arranging to pay through the nose for, we,
could easily get about 30 million barrels of oil.


The Petroleum Law as per the 1970 regulations
(Secs. 43 (a) 51-53) provide a basis for making the
refineries refine the oil on demand. It would also be
beautiful if we make them refine it at the same redicu-
lous processing fees their affiliates have been paying
them u. to 1970.
The data on Caricom demand is sketchy and
inadequate. Jamaica is the largest consumer with a
daily requirement of 53,600 barrels. 68% of this is
fuel oil, presumably used to a laige extent for bunkers.
Guyana consumes about 6 million barrels annually
including bunkers and Barbados somewhere around
3 million. The other territories all use small amounts.
It is clear that we can more than satisfy their internal
needs, though our ability to supply foreign bunkers is
somewhat more in doubt. This however is much less
As it turns out then, we have the available oil.
If we have the gumption we can have it refined, and
the tankers can be rented initially. We can move to
take over marketing in the Caricom initially and
spread out into the rest of the Caribbean later.
Since we clearly can do this, the question is why
don't we. It will certainly mean more meaningful aid
to our brothers and sisters. It can be that we are not
doing this because we don't recognize the possibilities
Sor because we stand to gain more from the Chambers'
proposals and their economic implications. Either
then we are thoughtless, foolish or weak on the one
hand, or cynical and fraudulent on the other. As a
citizen and a believer in Caribbean integration this
is one time I hope we are merely thoughtless, foolish
or weak. As an economist impressed with the subtle-
ties of the Chambers' proposals and doubtful that
they are accidental, it seems alas, that we are cer-
tainly not thoughtless.

. -t

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SUNDAY JUNE 23, 1974

he Region ... The Region ... The Region... The Region The Region .. The Region .. The Region ... The Region The Region ..The Reg

Puerto Ricans fight Americanization

San Juan, Puerto Rico... US flags, US cars dominate the scene

suppression of the US
Federal Court in Puerto
Rico has now become
part of the island's struggle
for independence.
In Puerto Rico, the top
judicial power is shared by
the U.S. Federal Coutt. This
Court was established in 1899
"to be powerful agency in
the Americanization of the
It was, however, enforced

against the protest of the
islanders who were perfectly
awareof its significance.
A. Puerto Rican historian
has observed that the original
civic-institutional system,
"wvas not incompatible with
American methods of pro-
This marked the start of
the accelerated assimilation
of the judicial system, .which
was thus Americanized as part
a wider process,
Earlier, Puerto Rican

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Ma.n born in -Gernm~i spend mi-re i',n :ur ',cj
home or ele- ', u '.'.ill lt I i tal u r t:,r hr is iI,:.. j r,
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MO M Gold Seal Slacks rmi-J-: in Crim,,pler-nF,-:r
Men ahi .:, tih.er rm-e.
Now at all ie- }:.e.; -tr,:re

teachers in the educational
system had been replaced by
US teachers; Puerto Rican
normal schools were abolish-
English officially became
important inthe life of the
A campaign was launched
against so-called bilingualism
with.the aim of forcing Puer-
to Ricans to adopt a foreign
language as .their own, with
the- resulting deformation or
loss of their native tongue.
Spanish-speaking inhabi-
tants found themselves forced
out of the educational and
juridical fields, as well as out
of the economic field.
To complete the process,
General Order No. 132 was
passed on August 31, 1899
which stipulated that law de-
grees could only be obtained
in US universities or law
schools established by the
US on the island.


In "1900, US Congress
passed the Foraker Law which
established so-called civilian
government and consolidated
the island's status as a colony.
Judicial power underwent
another transformation: a
Supreme Court was set up,
made up of five judges ap-
pointed by the president of
the United States and ap-
proved by the Federal Con-
gress,t.o share authority with
the Federal Court.
Later, the Jones Law,
passed on. March 2, 1917,
gave US citizenship to all
Puerto Ricans, but not the
right to elect the governor
of their island, senators, re-
presentatives or the president
qf the United States.
Under the new legislation,
the judicial branch was hot
altered, but the jurisdiction
of the Federal Court was ex-
panded. This deprived Puerto
Ricans of the right to adminis-
ter their own justice in thier
own country.
In view of these circum-
stances, the Bar Association
of Puerto Rico vigorously
opposed the presence of the
Federal Court.
In February of the same
year, a resolution was ap-
proved which asked th3 US
Congress to suppress the
The document was sent
to the then Resident Com-
missioner ni Washington, Luis
Munoz Rivera, for its presen-
tation, but nothing ever came
of it.
In 1973 the'Bar Asso-
ciation again approved a mo-
tion asking for the suppres-
sion of the Federal Court.
saying that the application
of Anglo-American laws by
the court "is foreign to'the
juridic order of Puerto Rico",
and that the Federal Court
constitutes "a foreign tribune,
exotic and removed from our
legal traditions".
The existence of the Fede-
ral Court, which operates uni-
laterally, is but one aspect in
the problem of the island's
political status and reflects
the subordinate situation of
Puerto Rican culture and lan-
guage. .. [P.L.J


SUNDAY JUNE 23, 1974

Oh, my pill! I forget

take my

I REMEMBER when the
FPA first mooted the idea
of free and easy distribu-
tion of contraceptives to
young women; I was one
of those who supported
the plan with considerable
gusto.Now alas I am not
sure, not so sure at all.
I mean things just have
not worked as I thought they
would. I had supported the
idea originally for a. number
of reasons which seemed so
good at the time, but in look-
ing back I fear. that I was
the fool who rushes in where
angels fear to tread.
In the first. place I had
supported the idea because
it seemed like the "liberal"
thing to do. After all IWhad
always considered myself as a
progressive individual and be-
sides which I had at the time
a number of "women libbers"
as friends and I feared that if
I did not lend my support to
the plan I would be dubbed,
Heaven forbid, as a "male
chauvinist piglet".
I must admit though that
there were other more selfish
considerations. The pill after
all is, in some respects, an

instrument of mercy. It pro-
tects both he who gives and
she who receives..
I mean it did promise to
lend a certain freedom and
ease of tension from certain
aspects of social intercourse .
And for a young man,(which
I was at the time,) just mak-
ing his way in the world this
was an important factor.

But as I say, now I am
just not so sure. My experi-
ences qitie frankly, have
been more frustrating than
before. I an, convinced at this.
point, that the pill, whatever
its physical effects, undoubt-
edly has certain psychological
side-effects which at times can
be really frightening.
For. example, there was
this young lady friend of
mine. Our friendship had al-
ways been a very platonic
one, or so I thought. Let me
put it this way, I admired
her mind tremendously.
Well the Pill changed all
that. She had been on the pill
for about a year when he
personality underwent a re-
markable change. I had been


aware of the fact that she was
taking the pill and I had
vaguely wondered why but
having learnt long before that
the female mind works in
mysterious ways I was not
too concerned.
In retrospect I can only
attribute her subsequent be-
haviour to a strangely in
averted logic. Having bought
protection it seems as though'
she was. compelled to find
something, or more correctly
someone, to be -protected
from. I, unhappily, was the
victim closest at hand.
Until that fateful day on
which she approached me
and I, in panic.and confusion,
stammered my thanks, but no
thanks, I had never really
understood the old adage that
"Hell hath no fury like a
woman scorned".
I was wrathfully thrown
out of her apartment my
suitcase and my few clothes
close behind. I tell you it was
grievous, blow, she had been a
woAderful cook and had never
stinted with her mbney when-
ever my own meagre resources
had evaporated.
One of the alarming things
about the pill is that one can

never be sure just what type-
of effect it is g6ing to have.
You see it affects different
people differently. After my
first experience I had foolishly
thought that the pill's effect
would .be the same in all
cases. I learnt at considerable
cost that it just was not so.
I had been going with this
girl for the better part of a
year and I had just about per-
suaded' myself that I was in
love with her. She was one of
those rare woinen who seem
to understand everything you
say or do, she magnified my
virtues and minimised my

She could be gentle and
,wild, serious'and playful
exactly at those moments
when I wanted her to be so.
I was blissfully happy, here
was the girl of my dreams.
But I reckoned without that
blasted pill.
Never shall I forget that
night we parted. We were
locked in a lovers' embrace,
our eyes pledging, one to the
other, eternal devotion, her
sighs were like symphony
music to mine ears and the
music moved gradually from
a gentle amoroso to a wild
apassiofata when all of a
sudden she shouted, "Oh
Gawd, my pill! I forget to

take mih pill!'.
Now I ask you what in
the name of hea en could I
be expected to do at that pre-
cise moment. I mean what the.
hell did she expect. me to do,
just remain suspended in mid-
I remember breathlessly
mumbling something about
the "mDrning-after pill" but
apparently she was not satis-
fied with my response to her
crisis so she decided to take
the matter into her own hand,
I almost fainted.

What really made me mad
was that she proceeded to
walk calmly into the bath-
room and wash her face or
something. Humiliated and in
pain I nonetheless mustered
as inuci dignity as I could
and walked, somewhat aw-
kwardly out of her door and
out of her life. She has never
seen me since and it serves
her right.
After such experiences
you would no doubt expect
me to steer clear of all women
who were so mad to as be on
the pill. Well that is exactly
what I did. But quite frankly
I still -don't know if I made
the right decision. Oh don't
get me wrong. I really love
my wife and our six children.
It's just that sometimes, I
can't help thinking that the
pill was not so bad after all.



The c, ,

; ,, ",.,THE Makonde, a Bantu people of
... East Africa, live on a 5,000 sq.
km. plateau astride the frontier
between Tanzania to the north
and Mozambique to the south
and bisected by the wide valley of
the Ruvuma River. Colonial parti-
tion in Africa brought the Ma-
konde under the rule of different
European powers, In 1964, with
the creation of theRepublic of
Tanzania, the Makonde to the north
of the Ruvuma became free citi-
zens of the new state. Those still
living in Mozambique remained sub-
ject to Portuguese control. Ma-
konde resistance to colonial rule
began in 1960 but was brutally
suppressed. In the armed conflict
Makonde that followed, the Makonde gave
many freedom fighters to the war
art waged against the Portuguese by
the Mozambique Liberation Front
A a .(FRELIMO). At the same time
Afric thousands were forced into exile
in Tanzania where two thirds of
genesiS the 500,000 Makonde people now
n e y live. On its isolated plateau,th e
in ebony ancient Makonde culture has
brought forth a remarkable flower-
dSt Afm;.. h-: on ,i .OO, sq kin.
plateau astrido ith, frontier between
Tanthii., to the nonh a; d Moztam-
hqi to: ri e sUtI1t ilth ta'dbisc d by

undor thu Irul. o dllItn Euolpean
powor. In t9 &. w6o ilh tla- ,
of the Ficpubili of l Tan hnia. it'
Mekond,, to t' h ,ort.; ol the Ruvunm

ing of sculptured art. A closely
knit, traditional farming people,
the Makonde have developed their
woodcarving skills over many cen-
turies. For them wood is a material
imbued with force and sacred
meaning, and one of their legends
tells how their first father carved
with his hands the wood out of
which the first mother came to
life. Today most of their sculpture
is in the ebony that abounds in
East Africa, a noble wood but
difficult to carve because of its
extreme hardness. Using the na-
tural form of branch or root, the
Makonde sculptor can conjure
forth realistic everyday images or
symbols of rare abstraction. Mo-
dern Makonde art is a unique
achievement as much for its rich
variety of styles as for the abun-
dance of works. During the past
15 years it has known an even
richer flowering that of a tradi-
tional art delving into its past
while realistically adapting itself
to modern conditions. Here we
present a few examples of today's
Makonde sculpture in wood.

1. The Cry, a recent carving by a
Makonde sculptor from Mozambique.
Using the natural shape of an ebony
branch, the artist has created a symbolic
motif of fertility

2. Hope of motherhood. The wished-
'or child is shown on the woman's head.
In the Makonde matriarchal society, wo-
men symbolize the continuity of life

4. A herd of antelopes (elongated
shapes of many Makonde carvings are
determined by the sculptor's choice of'

3. Woman, a symool of fertility, a
work whose harmony of line and move-
ment recalls the carving on our back

SUNDAY JUNE 23, 1974

better to the editor ... letter to the editor... letter to the editor... letter to the editor ... letter to the editor ... letter to the editor ... letter to the editor ... letter to the editor ... lettc






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RETURN TO: Tapia House Publishing Co. Ltd.,
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Trinidad and Tobago.
-I- 1--- -- b



The Editor,
No, it is almost as if a
diabolic joy is experienced by
the powers that be, when yet
another samaan tree is cut
It appears to be an act of
public defiance almost.
I speak of the giant sa-
maan that has just been felled
in the Savannah outside the
Casuals Sports Club.
The point is even though
the tree may have been dis-
eased and ear marked for
death, surely the concerned
public deserves an explana-
tion from Mr. Robinson, the
Town Clerk or whoever orders
the cutting down of our di-
minishing trees.
This is just another effort
on the part of authority and
Government's Public Rela-
tions Department that would
continue to incur the wrath
of the people.
Surely the public deserve
some accounting of its pro-
perty. We deserve to know
why a samaan tree must be
cut and whether it would'ever
be replaced.

Simone Chagrin



Power to the People
Tapia's New World
Tapia Back Numbers
Tapia Constitution
Democracy or Oligarchy?
Reform of the Public Service
Foreign Investment In T and T
Central Banking
Non-Bank Financial Institutions
Foreign Capital in Jamaica
Post War Economic Development
of Jamaica
Underdevelopment and
Persistent Poverty
Readings in The Political Economy
of the Caribbean
Political Economy of the English
Speaking Caribbean
The Dynamics of W.I. Economic
The Adjustment of Displaced
Workers In A Labour Surplus
The Integrated Theory of
Development Assistance
Cuba Since 1959
Caribbean Community
The Caribbean Community
- A Guide

$ 3.60










Appet -r

KINDLY oblige by pro-
viding space in your weekly
paper for the publication of
the attached items of public
A. Since the year 1970 a
registered petition was for-
warded to our worthy Prime
Minister Dr. Eric Williams for
the cause of diverting the
Canque River at certain points
and also changing a few nar-
row cylinders north of Biche
Ortoire junction in order to
avoid the overflow of water
inside the underneathof build-
ings. To this date we have
not even received a reply to
this petition.
B. Since April 6, '74, a
registered letter was forward-
ed ot our worthy Minister
of Health Mamuladin Moham-
med to inspect the Biche

Health centre, so as to pro-
vide the necessary equipt-
ment for this important place.
In this matter as well we have
failed to receive any reply.
C. Last of all another letter
was forwarded to the Minister
of Labour and Social Security,
Mr. Hector McLean bringing
to his attention a couple of
cases in which old age pen-
sioners have not received
their pensions, for several
years. In addition the case of
a retarded East Indian girl
and a East Indian lady who
has been paralysed for nine
years was brought to his at-
tention. Both of these people
have been refused public as-
Some action is needed
Nourang Lal.

message reaches to Hard Bar-
gain, Rio Claro and surround-
ing areas.
In Rio Claro, the brethren
fromCorosal report, more
papers are sold than in any
3ther district in that part of
So much so, that they are
thinking of putting new life
m an old Tapia initiative in
Rio Claro where several meet-

ings have been held and the
nucleus of a group still exists.
The first big occasion in
this new initiative will be a
bazaar to be held in Rio Claro
by associates in that region-
11 capital.
The Tapia members from
dl over are asked to watch
his date, to book it for Rio
'laro and to keep looking
n this paper for further de-


New move

Rio Claro

- C.V. Gocking
- Denis Solomon
- Mc Intyre & Watson
- C. Y. Thomas
- M. Odle
- Norman Girvan

- O. Jefferson

- ed Norman Girvan
- George Beckford

- N. Girvan & O. Jefferson

- W. Demas

- Brewster & Thomas

- Roy Thomas

- Davidson L. Budhoo
- James Millette






TUNAPUNA 662-5126


I I L I I ~L L I Id -1 ~ ILCI

.OUI11LVFI. J, ..-

liii {~-.-

and hIear
what we

Which way to Political Change ?

(Tuesday next, June 25)
8p .m
Lloyd Best
Chairman Michael Harris