Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00103
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: March 31, 1974
Frequency: completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00103

Full Text

25 Cents

Vol. 4 No. 3



-A REVIVED League of Wo-----------------------------------
I n V s ws s d to

cipants turned up to ,hear
I I _,

entertained as well as inform-

ad. Not a few left beaming, 23 SPEAKING on the hor- went to explain how unem- Tapia Secretary outlined the students in 1968 over the
at turned on as they had not rors of the economy to- ployment was caused by statistical picture on housing, Rodney March and had gone
Sdet a the Lag oned 7 l a r

Sth e onversation in the part-lush th val of th education system to help its Just before 1970, the He went on to deny that
n nc rdute to e ter on edn noe o
Spain's latest high-rise liming- dollar had dropped to js instead of waiting to be ad been only 60% that of and consumer difficulties
entertained as well as inforn-

Scentre, it could have been s i on the hor- went to explain how unen-mployed. men and in Secretaurants and th coule s udents in 1968 over thea-
fashions I
II ithe Basil Davis funera

beepants-suits on display. February for years day, Lloyd Best told the mechanisation, Earlier Lloyd Best had with the outward visible signs;

Iparties.sThe PNMta Guy, Presi. Assembarly 30% in 12 months- a 15% unempwillngness to "buy tion of income by race, occu- and the social revolt this year
dent of the League, oped infinitely a consumers' ni said Best was the brunt which had starteand wth thsex. by th e sugar workers.d on Page 8

stronger than it was. Phylliseducation system toare of spiralling prices andofthe licks fel on help its "Just before 1970, the He went on to deny thaty
tMaughan was there for UNIP. Id 1ne tan" v al tho wat tom ae rate was of women inequality, unemployment
nHelen Camps were there tor I eonomy today bad like sin". The af n show a high
keep tre, it c would have been a three shillings a steeper emproportion of the unemploy- Fron and in restaurants anc. 30,1973 we came to b saddled with

fashion show such was the ATTmilitantly flying, ad shortages has embraced ed shopsit was lad never worked at al TAPIA takes thanis opportuni- Bhadsuresase, that is howand theIRA.
range of elegan audience withats and the first fougar ricyears of these sinc Ei school and very theo warnk". Panday that our workers lost their voice. Thatnly
prisipants-suits on display. February, Revolution Earlier Lloyd Best had withat the outward visib all about.signs;
young Sisters, Tapiaence weeas not (1968 pro-gas"72). Food prAgainst the year sugar workerstedtha the Politi- the real problem is that thepu-
to ate left behind. Angela background of unemployment The most tragic resipult of cal School was a comented if diate his o position as a
I it held atr the Hootday Inn

ICropperiMae Guiu men of neal i ty and iniitya unt an a te e a n te h t of r t e h
a nd Carol B est were the threely "anyhow people turn is pes- real cause of th three terribrunt whe conventional trades unionism selected by Rampartap when
official delegatewas. Phyllis re. Like they put we s of the licks fell on the youand and build a industrial move- it suited the corrupt purpose
I m of.spiralling prices- and amon- whom the rate 'was

SpeMaughan was for the foray UNIP. runaway infld station", said the most whe-whe. ment from below of the sugar union bosses
three University Economists, important problems to ex- Another terrible W is Tapia has insisted all along Panday must now revoke his
I Imen tem Tapia Seretary, o plore wee unemployment Th"woman, es o ha o h a o a oo a
II Lloyd Best Sharing the plat- inequality because infla- unemployed man usually of bringing in strgmen throw his full weight behind
I form with him were Eric St tion could safely be left to the became involved as a "child om outside to head the the wishes of the rank and
keep the evergreen flag of "The record of scarcity proportiongof the unemploy- From TAPIA Dec. 30, 1973 we came to be saddled with

Cyr anTTd itantflying. exp erience and the imagina- father". Family planning is sugar UnA takes this opportni- Bhadase, that is how the
In an audience with a sur- I milk, sugar, rice, flour, cheese, since leaving school and very e h to warn Panday that our workers lost their voice. That
I siy lhre cti ne n they wee teaono k kerosene t e of work for ovr a prog n e he p u, cutir st ar dh the is what the isis is a
Sthrounghwithnearly four hourwa s because women gotonly be Panday must now repu-children
pas let hndre ang e hrod o plat This was "a prescription successful implemented if date his own position as a
I I cnTrled taod ere. Rolalfel I bl anaions to nunemploym

SI ipperMadseleine Gullaume of inequas the we abandon the habits of President General who was
and Carol Best were the three "anyhow people turn is pres- real cause of the three terrie c conventional trades unionism selected by Rampartap when
I delegates aure. Like they put we so". W's weed, wappie and and build an industrial move- it suited the corrupt purpose
i n thSpeakers for the day were Best said that the most whe-whe mentfrom below ofthe sugar union bosses.
on sI them Tapia Secretary, plore were unemploymen t woman Best continued. A n that we must stop the practice own backdoor entry and
I ILloyd Be s f Sharing the plat a unemployed man usually of bringing in stn.dgmen throw his full weight behind
I form with him were Eric St t ion could safely be left to the b eame involved as a "child fom outside to head the the wishes the rank and
ICyr and Fitz Francis. experience and the imagina- father". Family planning is sugar, Union. That is how the file
By the time they were I tion of the Sisters. not the answer, th e argued, corruption started .ta th e uow Page

throughwith nearly four hours I I because women got children
of cross'talk, under the charm- i mare opi n pe s and in a succession of unstable
I I stop looking for superficial relahponwhom t rt was
Sling Chairmanship of Jag fi- explanations to unef y r tion mply-tof t nelo ity

can-Trinidadian, Mrs. Rosalie I I 0 -It V tO ENC E
I I HATTmiltnty f. ad s e hs ebrac ed ead never worked at al AAteh

I IToby, Mass Guyewasihproposur ii I T hlar ich s lorcpees, sne Jamins o aican no ve list ,n nv that o w os er vicT

, I taz.and "young people ent Sylvia Wynter, had pointed
I Ito the gathering t hag t the shof I mat, c ing ol e a e t h s a the is al t .

Ibe taken next to Caroni to I aant to work". nout in Tapia that every newo
I bring in the sugar belt. I i Or "too many women child father" was really the

I The League aims to publish.I I
wrinttenversion is of the three even "population growing too the wonian had had "to prove
I Cropern verasdions e Guhlaee1 1 inequality and ifi al u t d he aban the hbito the fresiden Gcnralr wh was1

SI treUniersit mist I ifast" o her loer e". l i T
-among -em TapiaSec rI I poThe Tapia Secretary then Turning to inequality, the

~'' '
i~~ .-.-.,. ~;
1 ;t'
~~~- .-?; ~i
~-"; -' ~J~~
: ~ ~S:

1. I


IN CALLING for a new
Social Science in the
Caribbean, Professor Gor-
don Lewis quoted Susan
Craig's description of the
work of David Lowenthal
as Sociology. as Montage.
He then proceeded to give
a statement on ideological
trends in the Caribbean

In an hour and a half,
Professor Lewis outlined what
he saw as the three main
ideological trends in the re-
gion at the moment. In a
Caribbean where metropolitan
sharing-up has led to an al-
'most total ignorance about
one another on the part of
the British, French, Dutch
and American colonies or
neo-colonies, it was hearten-
'ing to hear a scholar with
such a wide knowledge of
political movements and
trends, in the entire region.
The lecture by this experi-
enced public speaker, widely
read in the social sciences,
certainly showed that Pro-
fessor Lewis is aware and
interested in the upheaval
now in process in the islands.
Unfortunately, the lecture
also tried to cram a millio.A
and one ideas, anecdotes and
quotables all into one even-
ing's entertainment and in
doing so may have posed an
acute problem of. digestion.
Lewis set out to do two
main things. The first was to
argue the need for .more rele-
vant research by Caribbean
social scientists based on the
recognition that revolutionary
change must come and bring
with it a new Caribbean
Secondly, Lewis sought
to establish the relevance of
Marxism-Leninism for bring-
img revolutionary change to
the region.

l elite. Oddly, this is exactly
the rum-shop and soda-foun-
tain interpretation.
Presumably, when 10,000
S^ demonstrators are attacked
by a gang of hired thugs, in
St Georges, it is only the
0 black masses taking revenge
on the mulatto elite. This is
only the latest in a series of
Sh e high-sounding theoretical ana-
lyses which make no sense of
of the Grenadian situation
because they are trapped into
making pre-conceived class
analysis and refuse to describe
the complex facts at work.
A serious analysis will
certainly have to acknowledge
the support which Gairy ob--
tained from the small-holders
when he first came to pro-
minence as the chief enemy
of the Grenadian planter class.
But the nature of his support
in the period since and its
Meaning for class-struggle at
the present time need more
than the simplification that
he is the populist peasant
Gairy also controls the
Juggernaut called the State
with all those formidable
powers of patronage,publiCity
and terror. So many people
are forced to skin
teeth with the State
that it is very difficult to
judge what support the Go-
vernment really had and what
conventional opposition an-
Stics really mean. Quotes from
Lord Asquith can hardly pro-
vide any useful clues.

A comment on Gordon Lewis' lecture

by Dennis Pantin & Lloyd Best

By his string of jokes and
quotes, his'stance, and his
erudite discourse punctuated
by sundry bouts of dry-wit
picong, Professor Lewis' per-
formance was strangely re-
miniscent of his old friend,
Dr Eric Williams another
latter-day Socrates, rapping
in the amphitheatre of
"The rich complexity of
the Caribbean does not allow
for over-generalisation". That
is how be began with a com-
mendable caution. It is dif-
ficult, he added, to distinguish
any overall trend in looking
at political ideologies-though
nowhere did he dare to define
what exactly he meant by
"political ideology".


Professor Lewis then
moved to identify his three
predominant ideological ten-
dencies. But this was not
before he threw his political
experience towards the Gre-
nadian situation. Grenada is
not understandable, he says,
unless one is aware of the
Haitian case where a popu-
list leader, knowledgeable
about the folk culture, leads
the peasantry against the
mulatto elite based in the
towns. (Again, nowhere was
the peasantry ever defined.)
In other words, Gairy is
really the Eastern Caribbean
re-incarnation of Papa Doc
while the New Jewel and
fellas like Bishop and Radix
are merely part of the mulatto


The meat of Professor
Lewis' statement was his as-
sertion that Marxism-Leninism
has a universal applicability,
provided it is applied in a
fashion which refrains from
being doctrinaire. In proceed-
ing to make this statement,
he lumps together a disparate
number of political organisa-
tions and movements under
the ideological heading of
"Constitutional Reformism",
the sann constitutional re-
formism of which he was.
such an ardent partisan in
those Marxcyon days of the
late 1950's when lie stood in
the corner of what turned
out to be Doctor Politics in
radical clothes.
Now, without any desciip-
tion of what each of them is
about, Lewis puts in one bag
the conventional clectot:;l
parties throughout lthe region.

Tapia and those Caribbean
social scientists who. he ac-
cuses of promoting the idea
of"Caribbean exceptionalism"
for precisely the reason that,
like him, their metropolitan
big brother, they have begun
to answer the call for a rele-
vant Caribbean social science.


To unravel all the con-
fusion, mis-representation and
irrelevance of such an omni-
bus grouping as "the constitu-
tional reformists" would re-
quire more information than
we have here in Trinidad and
Tobago. The conventional
press provides little or no
information on say, Surinam
or the Dominican Republic,
One of the things which
an academic such as Professor
Lewis could have done would
have been to bring some of the
facts to light so that we could
all be in a position to judge
the validity of his ideological
categories. Instead, by the
tendencious device of adding
on an "ism" to the idea of
constitutional reform he casts
some suspicion on the method
of his scholarship.
What does Professor Lewis
mean by saying that Tapia is
constitutional reformist? Can
he refute the Tapia argument
shared by Lenin that con-
stitutional reform is a sub-
versive issue precisely because
it focuses on law and order,
the one thing which the cor-
rupt State cannot deliver? Is
he not focusing on the
constitutional aspects of the
constitution question instead
of the polificdl aspects? -
What is his ground for
asserting that Tapia assumes
the OWTU to be of the same
strength as the Chamber of
Commerce? Can he not see
-as Lenin, his mentor, would
surely have done that a
Constituent Assembly is an
aid to the mobilization and
polarization of political forces;
and that its importance lies
not in its recognition of the
comparative strength of' forces
but in its contribution to the
change in the strength of
forces via the politics of arti-
culation, agitation and align-


The striking feature of
whole of Professor Lewis'
exposition is its complete
innocence of politics as a
process. It is not surprising
that for all his pontification
on the.question of ideology
his statement ended up in a
whimper, a tame'exhortation
to social scientists to be more
human and less clinical.
All he could say about the
political resolution of the con-
flict was that the people
would one day come marching
home to glory. How, nobody
know. Academic dilettantism
always leads to apocalyptic
vision and the real value of
the Marxist dialectic is that
it legitimates the chronic in-
action of the tourist intelli-
gentsia, whether' they are to
be found liming in the baron
Campus and romanticizing
about the "grass-roots" and
the "masses" or whether they
keep themselves busy sun-jett-
ing up and down the Caribee
islands delivering addresses on
the coming revolution.
Continued on Page 10





I enclose $ ......... as per rates listed below

T&T............ $12.00 TT
CARIFTA........ 18.00 WI
CARIBBEAN...... 12.50 US
US/CANADA...... 15.00 US
UKI............. :8.00 UK
W.EUROPE..... 10.00 UK'
WEST AFRICA..... 12.00 UK
INDIA........... 12.00 UK
AUSTRALIA...... 12.00 UK
EAST AFRICA .... 15.00 UK
FAR EAST........ 15.50 UK

All overseas deliveries airmail.
Surface mail rates on request.

RETURN TO: Tapia House Publishing Co Ltd.,
91 Tunapuna Rd. Tunapuna, Phone: 662-5126.
Trinidad and Tobago.






AGONY grips the sugar belt, whoever may be laughing on the outside.
Caroni reminds you of Port of Spain in December 1960, after we had
won the famous campaign over Chaguaramas. On paper the settlement
is wonderful, ent we get everything we were asking for?
But on the inside the heart is
heavy and every farmer and work-
er will tell you that abortive
struggle is his lot. But he would
never tell you in a public place. r .
No, he needs to keep his pride,
defend his judgment and protect
his investment in the Leader.
"Oh God, is politics, oui, and
you.have to take it as it come!"
So the power struggle is over for the
time being. At one level, it was a
struggle which has pit Panday vs
Rampartap in a bid to control the
industrial and economic base of politics
in the sugar area and to'wield influence
and power on the wider national stage.
Yet it would be a costly error to CHANDRIKASINGH
think of the struggle purely as a game
between the Senator and his erstwhileM
sponsor and collaborator, Rampartap
M. Singh.
The ding-dong between Panday
and Singh has kindleddonkey'syears
of seething discontent in sugar into a
raging blaze of fury in much the
-same-way--as the arrival of the national
movement in the 1950's has started a
bush fire not yet out. Locked in the
dispossessions of plantation life in
Caroni.and Naparima, the sugar bekl J
has long been trying to find an opening.

From time to time campaigns
against the old order at both Orange -
Grove and BC nave tried to alter the
poweristructureby shifting the'relations
between the All-Trinidad Union, the
Maha Sabha and the Democratic La-
bour Party in all its variants, But so
long as the three agencies in indus-
try, in religion and in politics were
safely anchored in the leadership of
Bhadase, new leadership was shot
down whenever it dared to raise a
subversive head.
The real opening came only when
the February Revolution shook the
entire political and social system by
creating a Black Power Revolt against
a black government notorious for sus-
taining a regime based on votes by
race. And then, in quick succession,
the election of 1971 made Bhadase
formerly the kingpin, a living dead so
that his ultimate resignation in 1972
only made the vacuum plain. By that
time too, Caroni Ltd had been oppor-
tunistically localised, after 12 years of
taking sugar "out of politics" had
failed to make the difference so highly
publicised by Williams in tlt Budget
Speech of 1958.
To take advantage of a State-
owned business run by a weak and
incompetent Government, the Union
had to be reorganised. To give voice
Sto a generation which could not be
sold religion as politics, new agencies
of representation were needed. The
faction and the ruction in the Maha
Sabha and the DLP were the obvious
symptoms of their historical incapacity
to fill the bill.
Such is the background to the
current struggle, the stage on which
Shah and Panday come out to play.
The new leadership as always, had



Lloyd Taylor

IN. OA I cn


The establishment has now found exactly what they have

waited ever since Bhaaase lost nis sting.

two clear choices. Either they would
settle down and build new structures
or they would take the easy road and
try to use the old to win their way.
Panday has never left his choice
in doubt. He is a petty manipulator,
pure and simple, an old-time politician,
ready to jump on any wagon or
gravy-train. He came to the job of
President of All-Trinidad as both an
old affiliate of George Weekes' (not
Rojas') OWTU and CLR James' WFP
and a Senate nominee of Richardson's
UPP. And above all, this both-side,
non-partisan, zig-zagger, entered at the
top, as the choice of Rampartap him-

Needless to say, only weeks before
he accepted the sponsorship of the
corrupt Union bureaucracy as Presi-
dent-to-bc.he had been desperately
scheming to undermine the same Union
from the shadows. At what turned out'
to be an important meeting in San
Fernando on February 4, 197-3, Pan-
day proposed that the rules of the
Staff Association be amended to allow
workers to cross over from All Trinidad
Rampartap countered with an offer.
Doubtless, discussions must have been
going on all the while. Tapia reported
on the.whole matter on May 13, 1973.
(Vol.3,No. 19). We asked the question





Lloyd Best

AFTER many moons of unrest, peace and
quiet have returned to the sugar belt. Or so
they say. At any rate, the farmers are reaping
what they sowed; and they will get a higher
price for it too thanks to the new price for
sugar to be dutifully paid by our understand-
ing housewives, God bless them.
It is true that Raffique Shah and Wins-
ton Lennard, with a claim that the large
majority of farmers are resolutely behind them,
have been left out in the cold. But at least
Parliament has now discussed the matter and
what is to stop Act 1 of 1965 from being bent
so that the new leadershipcouldreplace the
old provided that that is what the farmers
And then the workers. What about the
workers? Well, they are doing equally well, it
-seems. Have they not gotten guaranteed work
in the dead season, with minimum wages too,
besides? And they also get they Union back
from Rampartap, missing Vouchers included.
And above all, they get the "charismatic"
leader of their choice.
Comfortably installed, calm and collected
like the actor that he is, the Senator, still
sincerely steering clear of political involve-
ment, is now no longer the "disputed"
President in the eyes of a tolerant and patient
Government which deliberately refrained
from any suggestion that it might declare a
State of Emergency to put the suffering
workers down. And the illustrious managers
of Caroni now have no hesitation whatsoever
-in-trea.ting -anc.deali. -with this welcome
Babbagee, born again.
Which of the editorial writers in the
morning papers could have wished a happier
ending? Good sense has prevailed, giving the
open participatory- Docracy the cleanest bill
of health. Due process has proved its worth
again. Dissent, conflict, unrest, near-confron-
tation and amicable settlement at the end.
Now what can these unconventional
subversives mouth and grouse about? Is not
Trinidad and Tobago still a land of law and
order, committed to the ways of sane, com-
Spetitive and liberal politics? In fact, I would
say "there is no crisis, there was no crisis and
I don't anticipate any".

"Where does Panday Really.stand?"
.Panday rationalised his op-
portunist acceptance of the top-
job with the argument that the
sugar workers have always wanted
"charismatic leadership". tHe
went around the country touting
himself as a Brahmin and playing
Doctor Politics. It was only a
matter of time before the zandoli
hole would become too small for
two ambitious man-rat. President
and Secretary inevitably came in
The issue which launched Panday
was the issue of the vouchers. The big
gest single issue during the reign of
Bhadase had always been the check-off.
Bhadase had been brought back to
govern the Union in the notorious
sugar-melon deal in 1963.
After the racial flare-up of 1961,
Williams first made a deal with Capildeo
at Marlborough House in 1962. The
final touches to that arrangement were
put on during the sugar bonanza
which followed the Cuban loss of the
US market, hurricane devastations of
the crop, and an astronomical rise in
sugar prices. Williams and Carori were
only too glad to cut Bhadase in as the
final stabilising pillar of an oppressive
racial PNM-DLP dispensation.

The Mbanefo Commission.into.
Subversive Activities was in part called
to stamp out the opposition to this
crooked arrangement. Walter Anna-
munthodo (and Lloyd Best) conducted
a whole campaign in the sugar belt
under the auspices of the National
Union of Sugar Workers. The Betrayal
of the Sugar Workers was published
along with many NUSWOR Bulletins.
But the check-off went on undisturbed.
The Union never even bothered to
prepare -sham accounts. The ground
was fertile when Panday by chance
planted the voucher issue.
The response of the sugar workers
to a call for the vouchers reached a
scale of enthusiasm far surpassing
Panday'swildest dreams.The thousands
that turned up at Couva and Chaguanas
and elsewhere revealed a depth of
dissatisfaction in sugar matched in
recent times only by the indignation
that exploded in the People's Parlia-
ments in 1970.
It was then that the consequences
of Panday's ,choice began to tell. The
struggle against Rampartap demanded
organisation and democraticdecision ;it
demanded sustained activity. All that
Panday could offer was decision-making

Continued on Page 8



Three Caribbean




Dennis Pantin

THERE are three predo-
minant ideologies in the
Caribbean, according to
Professor Gordon Lewis,
Professor of Government
at the University of Puerto
Rico, Rio Piedras. The
visitor said so in a lecture
at UWI, St Augustine, last
Thursday,March 21,1974.
First, there is the ideology
of Constitutional Reformism
whose advocates see change
coming through the electoral
processand who reject violence
as a means of change. Pro-
fessor Lewis argues that one
can recognize this tendency
even among the independen-
tista parties in Puerto Rico
even though they were espous-
ing a breakaway from asso-
ciation with the giant im-
perialist, the United States of
America. The tendency is also
evident in the Dominican Re-
public and Surinam.
The Tapia House Group
in Trinidad & Tobago, too, he
said, was obsessed with the
idea of constitutional reform.
In calling for a Constituent
Assembly, Tapia assumes, ac-
cording to him, that all groups
are born free and equal; that
the Shouters are on par with
the Catholic Church and the
OWYT I of equal strength with
the Chamber of Commerce.


Professor Lewis' second
ideology is BlackPower, very
difficult to identify as a co-
herent ideology. Black Power
emphasises the property of
race rather than social class.
In its "conservative form",
Black Power is no more than
the development of a Carib-
bean Black Bourgeoisie, simi-
lar to that discussed by Frank-
lin Frazier in his celebrated
workBlackBourgeoisie. Black
Power fails to take into con-
sideration other groups in the
society, "Black is beautiful,
but so is Indian, Creole, White
and Javanese", quipped the
,lecturer. And the nicest of all
is the mixture of the'lot.
Black Power, he continued,
can be compared with the
romantic idea of the "Noble
Savage" which came" out of
the Enlightenment in Europe
-in the 18th century. However,
the February Revolution made
by Black Power in 1970 is
not to be dismissed although
it was not successful in taking
the power. It showed what a
profound appeal the ideology
of race had for a very large
number of people.
The failure to take the
power in 1970 was due to the
fact that the necessary objec-
tive conditions were not pre-
sent. In the State and the
Revolution, Lenin had des-
cribed these conditions as:
disaffection among the
masses and the armed forces;
and the existence of a
revolutionary vanguard or

cadre able to seize the mo-
ment,re-direct the frustrations
of the people towards the
capture of State power.
What happened in 1970,
Lewis said, quoting from CLR
James, was only "playing at
revolution",The vanguard was
not available at the crucial
moment in time.
The third ideological trend
identified was that of
Marxism-Leninism. Professor
Lews declared that he rejected
the doctrine of "Caribbean
exceptionalism" put forward
by certain constitutional re-
formists whose social base
is the middle-class intelligent-
sia. At the same time, he
agreed that Marx had under-
estimated the power of race
and nationality.


The principal features of
the Marxist dialectic are ap-
plicable to the Caribbean, he
insisted, including the idea of
class conflict and armed re-
volution. Professor Lewis then
quoted from a pamphlet by
two political scientists who
had written about the after-
math of the Rebruary Revolu-
tion to the effect that there
had been an upsurge ofMarxist
Surveying the scene Pro-
fessor Lewis then identified
certain groups which control
the economy and which con-
stitute a class in direct con-
flict with the proletariat. The
internal contradictions of
capitalism would lead inevit-
ably to collapse and the only
possible agency of the demise
of this capitalist state was the
working class be it the
peasantry or the industrial
working class.
In Puerto Rico, the inde-
pendentista party is having
its own differences on the
question whether or norPuerto
Rico could achieve indepen-
dence by constitutional means
through middle class reform.
Juan Bosch in Santo Domingo
had pointed to the US military
pentagonismo as a big factor
in the choice between con-
stitutionalism and violence.


No Socialist or Humanist,
continued Professor Lewis,
would argue for violence un-
less it became the only road.
Perhaps Puerto Rico was dif-
ferent from the West Indies in
that Puerto Rico was now
bargaining with a vibrant im-
perial power and Puerto Rican
independentistas may have tc
fight marines on the beach,
and to engage in civil war on
the island.
The West Indies had been
lucky to have been bargaining
for independence with an im-
perial power on the decline
after the Second World War
had removed the British will
and the British means to hold
on to the colonies. "Even
Winston Churchill, an 18th
century imperialist who had
wandered into the 20th cen-


Gordon Lewis

tury, had to agree to inde-
pendence for India and the
African States".
Exploring the question of
violence, Professor Lewis
argued that to his mind, it did
not serve the purpose advo-
cated by Frantz Fanon the
need for the oppressed to do
violence to the oppressor in
"-der to free himself psy-
chologically from the chains
ofcolonisation. "This Heming-
wayesque view of the com-
radeship of arms which would
continue after the war of
Liberationhas not been proved
inpractice". That is the les-
son of present-day Algeria,
ruled by a new elite.
Marxism, not the Fano-
nesque reflections on Algeria,
was the source of insight. But
it must not be a doctrinaire
Marxism. Marx had been a
prophet, it is true, of indus-
trial and technological capital-
ism and had had a contempt
for the pecasantry. But Marx-


ism-Leninism was the meaning
ful ideology.
In conclusion, Professor
Lewis noted that his analysis
had certain implications for
Caribbean Social Science. Up
to quite recently, "we have
seen metropolitan tourist
academics showing an interest
in exotic groups in Caribbean
society". Now the. social
scientist must study not the
slave but the master class, he
added, pointing to Acton
Camejo's 1970 study of the
business elite.
For Professor Lewis, the
social scientist must be "less
clinical and more humanist",
must be more concerned with
"social dynamics than with
social statics". The social
scientist must study in depth
the mechanism of American
control in the Caribbean; he
must promote a new science
based on the recognition of
the need for revolutionary
change and for a n e w
Caribbean man and woman.
Earlier on in the lecture,
at the start, Professor Lewis
had noted that the rich com-

plexity of the Caribbean does
not allow for over-generalisa-
tion. Travelling through the
Caribbean one could pass
through Haiti, still in the 19th
century and reach Puerto
Rico, ahead in the 20th cen-
tury. We must distinguish too,
between countries with a
Catholic background and
countries with a Protestant
Puritan base.
It was no accident, sug-
gested, Lewis that the "four
bacchanalian centres" of the
New World have all had a
catholic formation Rio de
Janiero, New Orleans, Santia-
go de Cuba and Trinidad.
In spite of the differences
and dissimilarities, a general
trend was recognizable. For
example, the present situation
in Grenada could be under-
stood in relation to the Haitian
analogy of a populist leader
of the peasantry, knowledge-
able of the folk culture and
fighting the mulatto elite in
the towns.

Commentary on Page 2



Power to the People
Tapia's New World
Tapia Back Numbers
Tapia Constitution
Democracy or Oligarchy?
Reform of the Public Service
Foreign Investment In T and T
Central Banking
Non-Bank Financial Institutions
Foreign Capital in Jamaica
Post War Economic Development
of Jamaica
Underdevelopment and
Peisi~rent Poverty
Readings in The Political Economy
of the Caribbean
Political Economy of the English
Speaking Caribbean
The Dynamics of W.I. Economic
The Adjustment of Displaced
Workers In A Labour Surplus
The Integrated Theory of
Development Assistance
Cuba Since 1959
Caribbean Community
The Caribbean Community
- A Guide

- C.V. Gocking
- Denis Solomon
- Mc Intyre & Watson
- C. Y. Thomas
- M. Odle
- Norman Girvan

- O. Jefferson

- ed Norman Girvan)
- George Beckford

- N. Girvan & O. Jefferson

- W. Demas

- Brewster & Thomas

- Roy Thomas

- Davidson L. Budhoo
- James Millette



$ 3.60










s o

At the Tapia House, 82-84 St. Vincent St. Tunapuna, Trinidad & Tobago.
Phone: 662-5126



Lloyd Taylor

"THIS non-response is
forcing us to use uncon-
ventional methods," said
Dale Scobie, President of
Mausica Teachers Union,
slowly labouring his
That was where the
'young, unassuming Presi-
dept pinpointed what was
at the heart of the troubles
between the student
teachers and the Ministry
of Education.
Lo and behold it happened.
Just one day short of one
week wherfhe. together with
a committee, spoke to me the
entire student body had run
out of patience. They barri-
caded the entrances to class-
.rooms, teachers' quarters, and
the college gounds. The un-
conventional method was
their last remaining option.
To recount the suffering
of these student-teachers is to
understand why we need to
reorganise the public service
on a sound and efficient
Since 1971, eight full
generations of Mausicans,
roughly 220 each year have
been seeking a hearing from
the Ministry of Education.
Their subject is the revision of
maintenance and book allow-

We are in March 1974 yet
nothing has been achieved.
That is bordering on five years
TtrtWillfams' 1970 National
Reconstruction promises, and
his platitudes to the February
Revolution about "inevitable
But student-teachers who
need bread to live from day

today cannot but try to force
the system to yield a little
First of all they wanted
to know why the Ministry
had not answered their please
all these years. The issue was
brought to the attention of the
teaching staff. And sensing
trouble, they decided to ap-
proach the ministry of Edu
The report subsequently
brought to the student body
by Mrs. Cuffy was a rather
conclusive remark: "No need
for further discussions".That
was the message from Mr.
Osborne, Director of School
Supervision. He noted further
that one Scipio had already
taken up the matter in 1971.
Come March 8, 1974 the
student body finally got a
hearing. One Achong told them
that the Teachers' Union had
-taken up the matter in 1971.
But Scipio had discovered
some legislation that debarred
it from negotiating on their
behalf. As far as the Ministry
was concerned, the student-

Who cyar




Dale Scobie

had not conveyed a true pic-
ture leading up to the delay.
They gathered, too, that a
place at the College was more
an act of patronage than an
entitlement. They were thus
subject to the whims and
fancies of the Ministry.
Three days after this meet-
ing the student delegation re-
turned to the Ministry. In
their brief was an entirely

Main Gate Barricaded

teachers did no teaching.
i This meant Mr. ,Scobie,
stressed, that Mr. Osborne

new case for upgrading their
allowances. Why all this time
there was no reply, they
wanted to find out as well.


Attending the meeting on
the Ministry's behalf were
Luis Barradas, Administrative
Officer 5; Miss Polo, Adminis-
trative Officer 4; and Mr.
Osborne, himself.
The students based their
case on a sarole budget of
basic requisites such as toilet-
ries, clothes, materials for
teaching practice, transport
etc. This amounted to a figure

of $145.00.
They also produced a
comparative analysis of
monthly allowances for some
of the different Government
trainees. The men at the St
James Police Barracks had
zoomed from a meagre $150
in 1963 to $260. This was
apart from allowances for
house, clothes and meals. Not
at all surprising for our securi-
ty-conscious times.
Nurses moved from $90.
in 1966 to $110 and finally
$240 in 1971 and 1974 re-
spectively. They were found
to have a potential maximum
of $305. But for the student-

teachers there has been no
movement in their allowances
-for the last 10 years. Since
1963 they have been getting
560 plus a S100 yearly for
But even with a hearing
at long last, the Ministry's
officials were found to be of
.little help. Just what the
allowances were for, they
could not even say. Nor could
they find guidelines to indi-.
cate the basis for increases. It
is clear the the Mausica's
Teachers College at D'Abadie
could not be properly'located
on file. And that for the
Government, the announce-
nent effect of its 'opening'
as all that mattered.


These teacher trainees
oon learnt that they could
look best after their own
iterests. It was not long be-
. .tfore 1t "e "dlsgeiz o'J w
their allowances ought to have
risen, in line with Agriculture
trainees at the UWI, St. Augus-
tine. But the Agriculture
trainees had already moved
$60.00 in 1963 to $240.00
in 1974.
Well the meetings which
the students sought and got,
proved to be a little fingering
in the Ministry's tail. Last
week the students received a
letter indicating that their
matter was being looked after.
This response has come too
late. Students, like the rest
of us, have grown too ac-
customed to these "inevitable
delays". They don't believe
that anything will happen.
If the Ministry cyar hear
well it go have to feel.


Rates tor 26 issues MANJAK


$ 7.00
6.00 (Jamaican)


- 4.00

Tapia House Bookshop


April 15 ,1974

Uzi- El,


Eastern Main Rd., Sangre Grande

NEW WORLD PAMPHLET No. 9 from 0.35 J
APRIL 1974 New World Jamaica 0.75 WI
Tapia Trinidad 0.50 US
0.20 UK

The Idea of a Caribbean Community

-I ~laL~I







A T HE Tapia Mini-Assembly
held at the OWITU Hall, Fyza-
bad, on Sunday March 17th,
Mickey Matthews presented
the proposals of the local
group for bringing economic
Mickey has resigned from
his job at Federation Chemi-
cals to run an automotique in
Fyzabad and to do his Tapia
work. He has been a member
of the National Executive
since November 1973.
Together with Alston
Grant and Junior Tobas, he is

ANY discussion on eco-
nomic reorganisation
must fall into the realms
of ideology, ideology
which is nothing more
than what one perceives
of the world. What hap,-
pens in the world how-
ever, informs outlook.
We know of food
shortages, of starvation
of our brothers in India
rand Africa and right here
in our midst; we know
of the "fuel crisis" as
our Arab brothers grap-
ple with the metropoli-
tan bloodsuckers the
multinational corpora-
We know that Capitalist
America is the ruler of North
Atlantic Civilisation and that
Socialist Russia is a contend-
er for that position. In other
words, the United States of
America is the Government
of the North Atlantic Civili-
zation and Socialist Russia
is the Opposition the con-
ventional opposition.
Admist the crisis people
all over the world face every
day, we find right on centre
stage in the middle of the
Government of the North
Atlantic Civilisation a pack

a tireless ranger of the blocks
in the oil belt, developing
professional and permanent
political organisation.
Mickey's message in this
address comes very clear. He
is interested neither in Liberal
Capitalism nor Russian So-
cialism "when none of
these is fitndamentally dif-
ferent in terms of their ap-
proaches to power and what
they conceive of man". Mic-
key thinks that we "must
attempt to build a new civili-
zation ".

of thieves and Mafia men.
And what does the conven-
tional opposition do?
Well, when they are not
conducting space excursions
costing billions of dollars -
and space excursions are no-
thing more than practice in
the control of guided missiles,
they have attempted to trap
us into a debate, into pole-
mics, Liberal Capitalism vs
---Russian-Socialism when none
of ltese is ifundainciicaily dii-
ferent in terms of their ap-
proaches to power and what
they conceive of man.

They think that we have
forgotten the Labour Camps
of Stalin, the brutal crushings
of the Hingarian and
Czechoslovakian Revolutions,
the treatment of Russian Jews
and recently the banishment
of writer Alexander Solzhenit-
syn. So when Gadafi attempts
to throw Castro out of the
non-aligned Conference and
NJAC says that we have to
devise a social order to the
needs of Black People, they
.are saying that North Atlan-
tic Civilisation has decayed.
In fact, all the unconven-
tional forces on the world
political stage, our brothers

in Grenada, in the metropole
itself the Symbionese Libera-
tion Army and the Irish Re-
publican Army, the guerilla
movements some Third World
Governments, indeed, where-
ever man is in battle with the
juggernaut, they are saying
the same thing.


The debate on Capitalism
vs Socialism is closing. Any
discussion on economic re-
organisation must attempt to
take this into account. It must
attempt to build a new civili-
zation. It must bring power
to the people and there are
all kinds of ways by which
this can be done. How it is
done, the possibilities ex-
plored, depends on the exis-
tential situation in terms of
of the social and economic
arrangements inherited and
the people you are dealing
We in Trinidad inherited
an-economy which is largely
exict .i.i oswscd and con-
trolled. The results of this
O inequality of income
immediately recognized by
class distinction
O large-scale unemploy-
ment and underemployment
O mis-allocation of our
natural resources
Economic reorganisation
must bring full-employment
to our people; but any serious
attempt at full-employment
naturally comes into conflict
with the imperial interests so
that seizing control of the
metropolitan sector of the
economy becomes a pre-
requisite for full employment.
Localisation is Tapia's
way of taking control of the
metropolitan sector of the
economy. It means transfer-
ring control from the Head
Offices of the Corporations



Is Stephens

in the Metropole to th
zens in the local areas
the citizens in Pointe-a-
Fyzabad', and Guayag
in the case of oil; Cou
Caroni in the case of
Control can be exe
through nationalisatior
through management
involves the Trades U
the Municipal Gover
and the Central Goverr
Texaco, Shell, Fed
Tesoro, AMOCO, Caron
Orange Grove, Trinida
ment and all banks and
ance agencies must be
Perhaps a little bit
oil will make the point.
are to join the sheik
play then we will have ti
control and there is no r
in the world why we
Markets? Why, we can at
oil in Port of Spain. Th
that our production is (
decimal of world produ
means that all we need



Is it that we don't have
the money to purchase 51%
of the shares? Well, we don't
need *thai. Both. our mineral
resources and our labour
entitles us to controlling
shares, and control means
se citi- price per barrel,marketing and
s to production decisions, a voice
Pierre, for OWTU, and control for
uayare housewives and taxidrivers at
va and the retail outlets for gasolene,
sugar. kerosene and prQ-gas. That is
n and Tapia's localisation.
which S A

ni Ltd,
id Ce-

If we
s and
o take
e fact
only a
is one

Having won control of the
metropolitan sector, we have
to propel our economy intern-
ally and that brings us to
land, land use, and sugar.
Sugar occupies most of
our arable lands in terms of
where the farmers are if not
in terms of fertility. It brings
in S20 m per year in foreign
earnings while we import
S100m. per year of food. It
employs the bulk of its la-
bour force only six months a
year. Wages are criminally
low. Sugar is in trouble.
There is absolutely no
need for us to subsidize the
metropole with our sugar.
no need to plant all that

FOR THE last 50 years a narrow-
minded, conservative bureaucracy
has been telling the Soviet people
to sit back and' shut up. Its
credo is the same as Louis XIV's:
"I am the state". Those who
challenge the bureaucracy's right
to run Soviet society in its own
narrow interests are told that they
are anti-Soviet, antisocialist, and
agents of imperialism.
The expulsion of Aleksandr Sol-
zhenitsyn from the Soviet Union is
the latest act in a whole history of
repressive measures aimed at maintain-
ing the political monopoly of the
bureaucracy. At first, when the bu-
reaucracy was consolidating its power,
the repression was aired at political
leaders and activists.
Thus, in 1927 Leon Trotsky, who
was the central leader of the Russian
Revolution along with Lenin, was
expelled from the Soviet Communist
party and exiled to a remote town in
central Asia. When Trotsky continued
to speak out, he was stripped of his
Soviet citizenship and forcibly deported
to Turkey in February 1929.
Under the leadership of Stalin, the
bureaucracy assured its position by
systematically destroying the revolu-
tionary heritage of Bolshevism. The
Bolshevik program of world revolution
was transformed into the Stalinist
policy of "peaceful coexistence" --
making deals witli imperialism at the
expense fo revolutions abroad.
The history of the party and the
revolution was rew\ittein the socialist
goal of drawing the masses of people
into political activity and cultural life
was replaced by thlie Byzantine rule of
Stalin; and in the Moscow show Irials'
of 1936-38. i..i. Il, thel entire ncle-
ration of Bolshevik lecideis who had
carried through the revoliitioniiand lihe
civil war was murdered.
Biutl having esiablished its power
inld privileges by driving i lc l I:!otsis' of
people oul ol polilicil .lcllvii lit
bulreaiiclacv \V;w s ioIictld to lll;lill:ill

2v LZ I I 'N



~' --'---~----I-~ -I
I --


RCH 31, 1974


sugar. We say, leave Orange
Grove standing to produce for
local consumption,scale down
the operation of Usine and
Brechin Castle, give the land
to farmers and the Municipal
Give the land to the farm-
ers, let them plant our food,
let our industries spring from
excess agricultural produce.
Brothers and Sisters, anytime
sugar workers begin to talk
about land ownership and
land use, you can bet your
bottom dollar the mobilisa-
tion is complete and libera-
tion is at hand.
To allow the economy to
find its own steam here, we
have to free-up enterprise.
Fhis may sound like the Cham-
ber of Commerce cry that
we should maintain the Free
Enterprise System but it-is
not. When the Chamber of
Commercecalls for the freeing-
up of enterprise, they want
the complete removal of the
Negative List so that the
buyers and sellers now posing
as entrepreneurs can sell the
people all kinds of junk for
handsome dividends.
What we are calling for is
the tightening up of the Nega-
tive List. We must not import
what we do not really need.
Those that we do need, make
their prices high so as to make
them prohibitive. This will
send the country looking at
its landscape for its need. The

frustration of the people as
they look for consumer dura-
bles would explode into
creative genius.
It would bring the mas
men, the wire benders, the
metal workers, the drag
brothers the real entre-
preneurs in the land it
would bring them into play.
Industrieswouldgrow organic-
ally; we only have to treat
the business delicately so that
the human spirit would not be
lost in the process so that the
heart may still sing the human

The rise in unemployment
caused by scaling down of
the sugar industry and the
possible confrontation with
the imperial interest over our
resources has to be taken up
by our housing programme.

By 1985 the country would
need 185,000 housing units.
To build these control of
banking becomes imperative.
The reason people are buying
cars and furnishings for homes
they do not have, is because
the banks don't lend money
for any other purpose.
Localised banking would
make loans for home-building
easily accessible. We start by
building 10,000 units per
year right now and more, on
to 30,000 yearly. This means
work for the masons, the
carpenters, the engineers, the
surveyors in short, full
It means decent commu-
nities for family planning and
for Municipal Government to
It means power to' the

itself by the same methods. No dis-
cussion could be allowed. Even exami-
nation of the past could lead to ques-
tions about the present. Those who
insisted on speaking out were elimi-
What had begun in the political
sphere was extended to all areas, in-
cluding culture, science, and philoso-
phy. The Moscow trials were followed
by vast purges in the Soviet military
apparatus. A Stalinist agent was even
sent to Mexico to assassinate Trotsky.
The purges continued throughout
World War II and the postwar era, and
on the eve of his death Stalin was
preparing a new series of show trials -
the famous "Doctor's Plot".
The need of the Soviet bureaucra-
cy, shown once again in the case of
Solzhenitsyn, to mobilize the whole
force of the state against the most
modest dissent, reveals the insecurity
of the whole ruling caste. After all, if
the regime were secure, if there were
no undercurrent of mass resentment
and opposition, what harm could one
or 100 or even 1,000 writers do in a
country of 250 million people?
The capitalists, of course, have
welcomed Solzhenitsyn with open
arms. They hope to win his soul and
use him,. not to defend the rights of
the Soviet people for which'they
care nothing but to put forward
the idea that democratic rights can
only exist under capitalism.
Whether Solzhenitsyn will lend
himself to this remains to be seen,
but whatever his course, the fight
inside the Soviet Union will go on.
The most dramatic proof of this came
a few days after Solzhenitsyn's expul-
sion, when the Soviet poet Yevgeny
Yevtushenko issued an open letter
challenging the bureaucracy, following
a private appeal to Soviet officials.
Yevtushenko's action was particu-
larly important since he had seemed
to have made his peace with the
bureaucracy, and has a worldwide
reputation as an official Social repre-
"Extremely agitated" over news

of Solzhenitsyn's arrest, Yvetushenko
says, ". I addressed not a govern-
ment of a foreign country, not the
United Nations, not foreign corres-
pondents, but rather appeal with
great confidentiality to the leadership
of my own country ...
"In my telegram (to the Central
Committee of the CPSU)' I even
emphasized that I did not agree with
many views of Solzhenitsyn.
"Nevertheless, in response to my
sincere, confidential appeal, there
followed immediately, crude and
humiliating punishment.
"I do not know who is responsible,
but my concert was canceled. I was
summoned to the secretariat of the
Union of Writers ...
"The cancellation of my concert
is nothing but the beginning of dis-
crediting my poetry as a whole.
"But who is needed by our people
writers who write or automatically
sign everything asked of them, or those
writers who, taking the positions of
socialism, nevertheless consider it their
right to have their own viewpoint on
the advantage of socialism of various
He attacked the bureaucracy's
refusal to reissue anti-Stalinist works
published in the early 1960s and the
painting over of Stalin's crimes, say-
ing, "The disparity between historical
reality and the description of history
in books and newspapers can lead our
youth only to lack of belief, to
cynicism, whereas we need belief, but
real belief can be based only on the
Using a Russing proverb, Yevtus-
henko summed up the entire history
of Stalinist repression in the Soviet
Union, from the time when Stalin
thought that he had finally laid to rest
the ghost of opposition with the mur-
der of Trotsky.
"A lie is like a bow. You hide the
ends in water but the middle pro-
trudes. You hide the middle, and the
ends slick out".
(Labor Challenlre)

1 J I

1 -1

t7,L A




; : I --- I =

a~-~n ~-

~--~ -PsBria

~4~ ~BBI

-- --


From Page 3

on the platform. It was the same tr:-
in which Granger foundhimself ii 1970.
Of course the decisions made were
democratic decisions in the sense that
they reflected the genuine feelings and
aspirations of the gigantic crowds
flocking behind a trusted leader. Pan-
day could do no wrong because his
tongue was being turned on by the
vibrations and the vocal demands of a
vast multitude of angry people, clear
about the objectives they were pur-
suing. But the method was the method
of Doctor Politics, a man deciding by
announcement from the platform.
The first major development of the
struggle was when the demands were
broadened to tie Caroni Ltd. to gua-
ranteed work and minimum wages. The
proposal ofone-week-in, one-week-
out came from Chandrikasingh and the
real leaders; Panday pounced-upon it
and the struggle escalated while Ram-
partap held on to the power of official
representation and Caroni, now Go-
vernment owned, insisted on regarding
Panday's Presidency as "disputed".
Now only solid organisation could
prevail. The workers had reached where
the transport workers had reached in
May, during Joe Young's Strike of
1969. The branches needed money,
food, succour, information if they
were to hold out. And they needed
moral support from other interests.

This is where the Union of
farmers founded by Shah, Len-
nard, Millette, Richard Jacobs
andothers came in to the picture.
In some ways Shah had had the
same choice to make as Panday,
a choice about whether to start
new or to try a thing with the
old organisation, TICFA.
It is arguable that the tie-up with
UNIP forces was an extraordinary
error of tactics and a strong case could
be made to the effect that Shah pre-
cipitated himself much too quickly
into Union organisation before estab-
lishing roots as a farmer (as distinct


from a sugar worker's son),, and conm-
:nunity worker.
But when all is said and done,
organisation separate from TICFA has
undoubtedly been at least one step in the
eightt direction. Whether it has been a
step far enough remains now to be
tested after the setback caused by
Panday's unexpected settlement. Those
who are looking for a genuine solution
.n sugar can only hope that the struggle
to build new organisation has blodoed
enough local leadership and ample-
local organisation to sustain activity in
the rigorous times that lie ahead.

It is precisely this creation of
permanent and democratic leadership
and organisation to which Doctor
Politics is hostile because inward hun-
ger needs the whole spotlight on the
Doctor. Lennard must certainly have
pondered his NJAC experience and
Shah, after the errors of the Movement
in 1970, must be thinking very deeply
about these matters.
However the new Farmers Union
(ICFTU) was organised, and whatever
its potential survival, its presence on
the political stage alongside the Panday
faction of the All-Trinidad Union
added up to an unbeatable political
hand to play. Only a State of Emer-
gency could, have made a difference
industrially, and a State of Emergency
in those circumstances .- with the
country 80% against the Government
and the sugar workers and farmers
solid could only have brought
political defeat for Williams.
The combined forces of workers
and farmers approached Carnival ap-
parently with all the trumps. The
Caroni crop was in ruins, the $20m.

Wor ke rs

World Bank Loan was jumping up in
steelband and the opposition to the old
regime was calling the tune. Was this
not the time to hold out for the
repeal of Act I of 1965; the recogni-
tion of the new farmers' Union; work-
ers' participation in the planning and
phasing of work over the year; mini-
mum wagesga new relationship between
the Union, the Government and the
Company; and a new union free of the
gangster heritage of the All Trinidad?
That is how it seemed on the sur-
face. But at bottom, there was not
even the chance of a snowball in hell.
Panday had all along been negotiating
and talking behind the scenes. And
why? Because he understood, as Wil.
liams had understood in 1960 and as
many other overnight Messiahs have
understood before and since, that
however you make up your bed, only
so you could lie down.
Panday understood that unless the
vast multitude of supporters in the
Public Square have been transformed
from a hopeful mass of enthusiasts
into a politically solid organisation,
they would disappear at the first
suggestion of gun-shot. Permanent or-
ganisation alone is equal to the fight.


To have gone for confrontation at
Carnival would have put Panday where
the 1970 Movement had reached in
April 21, 1970. Would the Movement
have stood its ground or would it have
put its tail between its legs and run?
Panday'certainly knew the-answer.
He knew what many of the real
sugar leaders liad been thinking of the
platform antics of the weeks gone by.
Certainly the key men in Brechin
Castle never trusted the whole opera-



'2 k.
7 -n
..*~ ~jh -


From Page 1
totally irrational way".
The Tapia Secretary then
went' on to focus on the con-
tinuing power-struggle be-
tween the Unions and the
Government which he said "is
no accident; it is inherent in
the situation, the back-to-
front economy".
"People like to talk about
Weekes and Williams as two
terrible W's depending on
which side they on but it is
pointless to see the struggle
in terms of bad men".
The real explanation is
the control of the economy
by the foreign companies. It




soft, light

Sand delicious.

makes sense for the Unions to
push wages up and reduce
the profits leaving Trinidad &
The only trouble is that
out of every dollar, the Minis-
ter of Finance would have
gotten a cut in company tax.
Foreign business is therefore
responsible for the power
struggle between the Govern-
ment and the Unions. Dog
eating dog for Texaco, Shell
and Fed Chem.
That, concluded Lloyd
Best, is the reality of the
economy today. A far cry
from the "Indian Paradise"
described by William Sewell
in 1859.
Sewell had described
Trinidadas a country smother-
ed in golden poui and orange
flower, exceedingly rich in
soil,with Port of Spain the
second city of the Antilles -
graced with elegant churches.
colmmodions stores, an abun-
dance ofwaler in tihe Maraval
River and all the potential
lir not 80,000 bhl 1.000.000
"Well. 135 yvc:rs later in
1974. we have the million
people. But we still have to
heed lthe advice of Sewell
tlIa I'a'l ior ire ains to ,'
donc to hriuy, lhic lnih i iirntl'r
l/h coimplctc 'dominujion of
11111 ".

lion and there arc myriad sceptics at
Orange Grove, seasoned in the new
conventions. Panday knew that it could
not make. Having chosen the easy way
when he accepted the Presidency from
Rampartap, he had no choice but to
settle as he did. He never did have any
organisation in place. There was no
question of a sudden sell-out;
backdoor settlement had always been
inherent in Panday's political settlement.
Panday's hope is that he will now
be in a position to trade his control of
the Sugar Union for political advantage
in the coming resolution of the Febru-
ary Revolution. This is why last
February, Tapia insisted that he bring
into the open what kind of political
alignments he regarded as beneficial to
the workers.
Now we know that his only choice is
to make a deal with the politics of the
old regime. Williams and Rampartap
read him right from the very start.
They both knew that, being an invete-
rate player of games, it was merely a
matter of raising the political ante.
They bid for him and they won. That
is what the settlement really means.
The only thing is that Rampartap
and Williams are two entirely different
kettles of fish. Rampartap has none
but a petty nuisance value; Williams
controls the formidable resources of
the State including the bread in the
hands of Caroni Ltd. That he intends
to make no real concession is now
clear from the Senate vote on Act I
of 1965.. If he wanted to help the
movement why did PNM Senators not
vote for Shah?
Rampartap is finished because, in
Panday, the establishment has now
found exactly what they have wanted
ever since Bhadase lost his sting: a
reactionary Doctor Leader of sugar
workers with a certain crowd support
in the public mind.
Rampartap has used Panday to
save All-Trinidad.Williams (through
Maingot, the technocrats and managers
ofCaroni) has now ditched Rampartap
and restored an "acceptable" regime
in sugar. The only fly in the ointment
is that Williams cannot himself survive.
That however is another big, big story.


nity furnimture'. I Store




Sstouch Li

of st le .

Malcolm Buggeridge
I WENT down on Satur-
day night and couldn't
get in. returned on Tues-
day and barely got a seat.
Bruce Lee was packing
them in at Strand with
his "Fist of Fury".

The fellah behind me
had one specific obses-
sion: to see men get dey
arse cut. But of course it
was more than a mere
desire for fantasy indul-
gence in the pleasures of
violence. It is obvious
that what marked out
Bruce Lee, before his
untimely death, was the
aesthetic quality of his
As the film, Fist of Fury,
establishes, he had an un-
usually mobile face, in fact a
body in which movement sug-
gested a cat, graceful, lithe,
and when need-be, deadly
swift. Like a Pele of the
martial arts.
Why have martial arts
films been so popular in our
time? One reason is nostalgia.
They refer back to a time,
and perhaps here in Trinidad
we are only partially past that

stage, in which body contact
fighting was normal.
If we consider the most
typical forms of the expression
of violence in Trinidad, we
see that getting "chop-up"
with a cutlish or being mowed
down by an SLR, or being
shot by a revolver, is the
in-thing. Modern warfare is
less a matter of individual
heroes with personalised skills
than confrontation between
groups with elaborate wea-

Here too, technology take
over and the meeting of man
to man, eyeball to eyeball is
not any longer the going
norm. Modern societies are
so complex, and often so
impersonal that individual
personal hates must be work-
ed out in symbolic forms.
The social content of the
film is both commonplace
and strange. The scene of the
action is a somewhat mysteri-
ous "international quarter"
in China, sometime earlier in
the twentieth century where
the Japanese consul exercises
extraordinary power and the
Chinese authorities are afraid
to act against the Japanese.


This specific identification
of the Japanese as the enemy,
as a hostile and oppressive
force is. not without interest.
It undoubtedly has its roots
in the fact that China has
been invaded by the Japanese
on a number of occasions but
this anti-Japanese feeling has
a contemporary reference as
In the Pacific and this
would include Hong Kong
where these martial arts films
are made, Japanese capitalist
imperialism and predominance
is as much resented as Yankee
capitalist imperialism is re-
sented in many places. Japa-
nese tourists are accused of
being as vulgar and undiscern-
ing as many American tourists
have been accused of being.

0 0

Japan's role in the Pacific
.is of course tied in general to
United States global policy -
and the Japanese are there-
fore seen as imperialists,
arrogant, decadent, vulgar and
Bruce Lee brings to this
film Fist of Fury a quality of
furious indignation which can
only have meaning in this
sociological, context of anti-
Japanese hostility. Bruce is
like a bad blackcatin white
Southern town who won't
take bullshit from nobody.

Noticeable is the fact that,
unlike Wang Yu who was dis-
cussed in Hero of The Third
World, (Tapia Vol 2, No. 13.)
of 31-12-72, Bruce Lee is
not presented as a chivalrous
type although he is unques-
tionably the Hero pitted
against an evil group of do-
mineering Japanese.
There are times in the
film when his body veritably
shakes with an almost apo-
plectic fury, and his outlook
is that of executioner pure
and simple.


Lee descends upon the
Japanese with an odd Russian
thrown in, like a horseman of
the Apocalypse. How different
from John Wayne, this 5' 7"
Chinaman. One wonders if
our cinema audiences make
any connection between the
Hero with the slit eyes and
the Chinee boy round the
We are always discussing
how to change people's con-
sciousness out of and away
from the Caucasian model.
The recent spate of Chinese
films, which are obviously
cheap'y made, indicate at
least one way.
The martial arts'film has
discovered a routine melo-
drama which has gripped peo-
ple's imagination. Is this not
what home-made TV shows
are waiting for? Someone to
find a melodramatic form
which relates to our experi-
ence while satisfying our thirst
for action?
We like action and neither
our playwrites our actors nor
script writers have taken suf-
ficient account of this. We
like body contact and above
all, we like style.


OUT of the blue, so to
speak, our TV Station
laid on a feature pro-
gramme pn John F. Ken-
nedy. Kennedy's name is
so little mentioned these
days that one wondered
The most usual form
of CIA propaganda comes
through a British produc-
tion called "Echo News
Magazine" which sys-
tematically says the nasti-
est things about left-wing
regimes while convenient-
ly avoiding reference to
such right-wing embaras-
sments as Brazil, Chile,
Greece and other official
"democratic" states. So
why then, this digging up
of the Kennedy mush?
There is an obvious ex-
planation. The State Depart-
ment must find the Watergate
affair with Nixon's role in
the investigations so embarras-
sing that they are clutching
at any straw to prop up the
significance of that great
office, the Presidency of the
United States.


Their line at least is .some-
what different from Al Capp,
our beloved cartoonist and
inventor of Lil Abner, who
also happens to belong to the
American Right and, in a
recent article in a British
Journal, insisted that he sim-
ply could not understand
what all the fuss was about.
Capp pointed out Nixon
was simply unlucky and that
all American politicians have
had dirty hands. It was an
accepted part of the business.
This brings us right back to
We have been all taught
to love Jack, till Sparrow even
eulogized him in a calypso.
It is to be hoped that at least
the few people who may have
taken some interest in the
Kennedy legend are now past
that stage.

As everyone knows, at
least some of the gloss has
washed off the Kennedy
legend, so expensively and
singlemindedly constructed
by the Kennedy's millionaire
father: Jackie's marriage to
Onassis and Ted's part in the
motor accident which led to
one girl's death by ,drowning.

And, apart from these
there has been the shocking
fact that JFK's biographers,
Schelesinger and Sorensen,
have allowed one to see what
public-relations really means,
how Kennedy never said a
word, never made a joke
which had not been pre-pre-
pared by his dedicated staff

It is only in a book like
Richard J. Whalen's The
Founding Father: The story
of Joseph P. Kennedy that
you get some insight into the
political machine which won
Kennedy his "charisma" and
the Presidency, Jack was so
carefully rehearsed that he
seemed, as Malcolm Mugge-
ridge once wrote, out of a
strip cartoon.

Kennedy's gestures were
somehow mechanical, his tone
of voice invariable and the
same whether he was address-
ing a boy-scout rally or the
American nation during the
Cuban missile crisis.
The TV feature on TTT
set out to emphasize JFK as
a world statesman and a vigo-
rous national leader; and so
insidious are the ways of
propaganda that his misjudg-
ments and his blunderings are
quietly slurred over.
First of all, was the noto-
rious !Bay of Pigs invasion in
which the CIA, with the Presi-
dent's approval, organized the
abortive attack on Cuba, al-
lowing Fidel the opportunity
to bouf and humiliate the US.

0 9

And nowhere is the con-
nection between this viola-
tion of international law and
Castro's determination to ac-
cept missiles from the Russians
co-related. For Castro's feel-
ing, with United States Agen-
cies plotting his downfall, was
that he needed a deterrent. It
was Kennedy more than
Krushchev who created the
Cuban missile crisis.
Next it was Kennedy who
pushed America into that de-
testable war in Vietnam while
Johnson and Nixon have
tended to receive most of the
abuse. Nor finally, did Kenne-
dy ever do much effectively
to promote Civil Rights for
Blacks in the States.
One hopes that when
Holly marched to Whitehall
with his band, part of his
grouse was that TTT, in these
odd ways, is a stooge of
American propaganda inter-
ests. And who are the real
bosses of TTT?

r T.TT.-



machine ?


IFromn PIage 2

lnl"ile they idle their hours
awa.v, ;Capit;lismn, tllat irre-
sistible historical force, is inak-
ing hay I'for them.
II Professor Lewis wislies
to abandon these empty
dreanis -and to understand
what is going on in Trinidad
and Tobago lie would be well
advised to read his Tapia's
again, this time without the
mystification of the Stock
Marxist simplifications of
One of the distinctions he
would learn to make is the
distinction between starting
options and finishing options.
There is no simple choice
between black power, consti-
tutional reform and armed
Conceivably, all could be
tributaries to the final roar-
ing torrent that would sweep
the old regime away. It all
depends on how the cookie
crumbles. Given the militarist
pentagonismo which Bosch.
has so effectively communi-
cated to Professor Lewis, and
given the practical failure of
the guerrilla movement to
make a breakthrough here, it
would clearly be foolhardy
to make a credo of violence
on operational grounds alone
- let alone considerations of
its desirability.

Another lesson which Pro-
fessor could well learn from a
study of Tapia is the real
meaning of Black Power and
the February Revolution of
1970.The cardinal error Lewis
is making is that he believes
that the February Revolution
is over.
L!nin's Revolution should
have warned him against that
kind of half-arsed interpre-
tation which fails to perceive
the connection between events
and misses the developments
that culminate in the transfer
of state power.
It is futile to discuss
whether Black Power failed

Violence and ideology in the Caribbean

or succeeded in 1970. It ob-
viously did both. It profound-
ly affected the consciousness
of the country, solidified
opinion against the old racist
PNM-DLP regime, gave black'
people plenty confidence in
themselves, activated political
lifeand exposed the limitations
of a mere spontaneous politi-
cal crowd in the People's
That has only been the
first and ground-clearing half.
The succession of events from
the defeat of the Public Order
Bill up to the politicisation
of the sugar workers has been
preparing the way to the
second and final half of the

As a Marxist, Professor
Lewis should know by now
that revolutionary upheavals
take time to reach their climax
and that time means the
growth of organization and
the acquisition of political
The question inevitably
arises as to what kind of
Marxism-Leninism Professor
Lewis exhibited iifthe course
of his lecture.Classdifferences,
he said, do exist and there-
fore class conflict is inevit-
able. Capitalism, by its own
internal contradicitons is des-
troying itself.
The middle class lives too
well. Only the working class
- industrial and peasain cai
be the revolutionary class.
No class is going voluntarily
to hand over the reins of
power therefore violence is
necessary. Hence black power
and constitutional reformism
are out.
Black Power has an appeal
to large numbers and cannot
be dismissed because race is
important in Trinidad and
Guyana but class is the key
to political mobilisation; we

have only to apply tie Marxist
dialectic in a non-doctrinaire
Inailncr. So be it.
Perhaps Lewis is a re-
visionist; or perhaps as a resi-
dent of Puerto Rice, he is not
so sure of his status. But this
regurgitation ofclicies smacks
of the kind of Marxism which
led Marx to exclaim that he
was not a Marxist.

What on earth is the middle
class'? Middle between what
and what? And what is their
relation to the productive
forces? That is the crucial
Marxist question.
The fact that an oligarchy
exists with high incomes and
multiple consumer durables
tells you something about
relations of consumption.
Marxism, however, focuses
instead on relations of
The mere acquisition of a
PH. D and of a $2,000 per
month job in the University
or the Central Bank does not
by any means transform a

college-exhibitioner from be-
hind the bridge into a bour-
geois. Not with the impotent
rubber-stamp existence that
he typically leads in the West
Indies; and above all, not 135
years from slavery when black
power is still an issue.
Professor Lewis is nothing
short of impertinent to have
offered us these thirteenth-
rate left wing platitudes about
class and politics without any
precise definition of terms
or any very clinical interpre-
tation of the empirical facts.
The case for class-theory
remains to be made in the
context of Trinidad and To-
bago. On the facts of politics
it is obviously suspect and
on the facts of theory all
that needs to be said is that
no moderately serious
"Marxist" thinker has yet
made his appearance in the
field of West Indian political
CLR James claims that he
is a Marxist but he is such an
elusive and sensible one that
his main work on Farty
Politics in the West Indies

makes a long quotation from
Lloyd Best which points to
the utter political weakness
of the"middle-class"oligarchy
as a class capable of standing
And the book devotes
two separate Chapters to the
Indians and the White People,
suggesting the co-ordinacy if
not the paramountcy of race,
whatever James'protestations
to the contrary.
Apart from James, all the
self-avowed Marxists are in-
veterate limers on the scene of
thought, Lewis included. His
lecture, as a statement by a
Marxist, was outrageously
loose and "idealistic"; it had
no grounding in objective
reality, it is not worthy of
any serious attention. Quotes
and jokes are no substitute
for rigour and documentation.
James Millette did not
know how right he was when
he remarked in the vote of
thanks that the evening had
been in the best academic tra-
dition. Yes, the best academic
tradition of the Oxford Union.
Political analysis as montage.

['1 S I I~ [lJf4gk

THE Commission of Enquiry
into Cricket and All Sports
except cricket and horseracing
are being nicknamed Com-
missions of Inquests. The
commissioners seem to be of
theviewthat "certain things"
out not to be said.

One testifier to the com-
mission into cricket, Mr. Ranm-
lal Bajnauth, the Wes Hall
league President, after being
cross-examined in true court
room fashion felt urged to
say that he should have
brought along his lawyer and
that if the commissioners in-
tend to pursue their duties in
this way then the whole exer-
cise isa waste of time. Another
lestifier (Rawle Raphael) t(o
thecominiission intoAll Sports
except cricket and horseracing
this lime aclua;lly brought
along his lawyers.

What is really going on?
Are the commissions not con-
cerned that the exercise which
they are pursuing is being
reduced to comedy?
My suspicion is that both
commissions have already
made up their minds what they
they are going to propose in
their report and they are only
interested in hearing evidence
they want to hear. Why then
the reported intolerance to
views from people labelled
as "controversial" in the daily
Already the early optimism
which sportminded people had
when the two commissions
appointed is rapidly dissipat-
ing, an unfortunate develop-
ment which can be only ar-
rested by a cultivation of trust
and the creation of a climate
conducive to free expression,
by the (Commissioners.-R.I /.

Pl? ICE~ $3.00

PA C I -' 10 TA I'l A


Chairman -- Syl Lowhar
Vice Chairman Volney
Secretary Lloyd Best
Asst. Secretary Lloyd
Taylo r
Admin- Secretary Allan
Treasurer Baldwin Mootoo

Outgoing Executive

Education Secretary Denis
Community Secretary Ivan

Secretary to the Executive
Carol Best
Editor -- Lennox Grant

Director of Tapia .-' l,:. ,
- Arthur Atweil
Public Relaions Officer
Deniis Pantin
Unas&i,;!cd -
lmink Joseph
Keith Smith
.'iston Grant
i'ickey Matthews

A Case



if he could see his children now

Sonny was a careful man prudent and
hard working. Himself and his childhood
friend Lal, started off with a tyre repair shop
that eventually grew into a Gas Station
Empire. Sonny was a widower and decided
to ensure that his children would be well
taken care of in the event of his death. He
made a Will, leaving his estate to the child-
ren, but in the care of Lal as Trustee and
Executor. Upon Sonny's death, Lal his friend,
looked after the children well. In good faith.
he invested their inheritance together with a
sizeable part of his own fortune. The invest-
ment was ill timed and ill advised and as
Sonny would have thought, "much too ad-
ventuorous" The plans for a profession for the
boys and a suitable marriage for his eldest
daughter never materialised. Sonny's dream,
so carefully nurtured, came to nothing.

An institution such as the N.C.B. Trust
is in a position to safe-guard your fortune
for your children, ensuring their inheritance.
Your estate will benefit from investment
opportunities as a result of our financial
counseling. We can be appointed Trustee
and Executors under your Will, or share the
Administration of an Estate with a Co-

Executor. Your business with us will be
conducted in the strictest confidence and
secrecy, and you may rest assured against
negligence or fraud.

N.C.B Trust Building, 20 Abercromby St., Port of Spain.
Phone: 62-32576-7


Ruthven Baptiste

WE HAVE had Panorama,
Block-o-ramas, Sport-o-
ramas. The Pamoja Pan-
thers Basketball Team
staged a fiye-a-side Basket-
ball Tournament at the
Honeymoon Recreation
Savannah last Sunday,
March 24.
It was our first Court-
o-rama, aimed to promote
Teams from all over Trini-
dad participated in the day
long programme of basketball.
Music was provided by D.J.
Clarkie. In all there were
eleven teams:
Freelinger Jets (Tunapuna)
Harambe (Barataria)
Grassroots (Curepe)
Ball Weavers (Curepe)
Ball Players (Arima)
Ball Brothers (San Juan)
Prosperers (Port of Spain)
Atlantas(St John, Tunapuna)
Suffolk United (Belmont)
Dodgers (free lancing)
Pamoja Panthers (Tunapuna)
Speaking to Wayne De
Landro and Haynes Carring-
ton after the tournament, I
learnt that the Court-o-rama
had been organised to pro-
mote basketball in the district.
Now that we have a Court,
said the Team's PRO and
Captain, we plan also to
organise a minor league.
"The Court-o-ramas are
intended to be the publicity
build-ups for that League",
De Landro added.
Was Basketball catered for
in the original plan for Honey-
No. When the plans were
drawn up, there was virtually
no basketball played in Tuna-
But three lawn tennis
courts were in the original
plan and we managed to get
Frank Stephen to convert one
of the Lawn Tennis Courts
into a Basketball Court.

Were you all pleased
with the attendance?
In spite of the bad wea-
ther and only word of mouth
advertising we still manage to
attract about three hundred
people. People were so glad
they attended that many
asked when would be the
next Court-o-rama.
The report is that the
players too, enjoyed them-
selves so much that the Pan-
thers fear that they may not
be able to accommodate all
the clubs likely to be attracted

to the next Court-o-Rama;
Pamoja? What made
you select such a name?
A lot of people feel
"Pamoja" is a sponsor but it
is a Swahili word for together.
And Panthers?
-Well, the panther is a
swift, agile animal.
I suppose those are the
qualities you attempt to bring
out in your game.
-- Yeh.


l~rs. ,td~te for
R LOST XCh 1nStitute BO
Study Of Ian,
1622 'ast 78th StroetI
ph. Lehigh 5 c 'L-,


Sunday April



9.00 10.00 a.m.
10.00 10.30

- Registration
- Community

10.30 12.00 noon

12.00 12.30

12.30 1.00 p.m.

Michael Harris
Ivan Laughlin
- Secretary's Address
Lloyd Best
- Treasurer's Report
Baldwin Mootoo

- Chairman's
Syl Lowhar





T -_

~6'i i.t