Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00101
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: March 17, 1974
Frequency: completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00101

Full Text

Vol 4. No 11

NEW YORK 21, N. Y.
z' 22.74

Gandhi belongs

tra [
_to__al .....


As we move ahead in time,
as everything gets not only
big, but becomes enormous,
as the scale of buildings and
factories serves only to dwarf
but not elevate men then,
surely we shall ponder once
again about the issues that
bothered him.
Intimately related to these
sets of concerns was Gandhi's
sensitivity to the role of af-
fluence in society. He strug-
gled against poverty with all
his might but he also cease-
lessly advocated the pursuit
of simplicity. In part this had
a political and economic com-
ponent to it he realized
well the enormous distances
created between classes and
men when the instruments of
production proliferate and
become centralised.
It was the potential reality
of class war that bothered
him. He saw in the principle

of the limitation of wants a
way out. of the coming bru- -
tality of industrialism without
But, there was also, I
suspect, something of an
aesthetic quality about sim-
plicity that held an appeal for
Gandhi. The philosopher and
the artist met in him after
all, Tolstoy and Ruskin meant
a great deal to him. It is per-
sistent concern with the quali-
ty of life that distinguished
Gandhi from others.
Already, Gandhi's concern
is also the concern of some
of the best minds of our times.
We listen to these men be-
cause they use words, labels
and images that are different.
For, after all is said and done,
it is the measure of man of
the human being -- that
counts. In this sense, as in
many others, Gandhi's
thought and his concern were
universal, for they govern the
fate of men and women every-
where. Gandhi was one of the
greatest sons of India and,
above all, he was a man who
belongs to all men and to all
See Centre spread

THE Indian Panchayat of
1899 stands out in the
history of Trinidad and
Tobago; there is no better
example of how the voice
of the people could pre- -
vail over the authority of
the rulers.
Only the victory
achieved by public opin-
ion over the Hudson-
Phillips Public Order Bill
of 1970 compares. That
- too registered a resound-
ing triumph for politics
over the government.
It is 75 years ago that the
celebrated Conference of
Citizens succeeded in forcing
the Government to withdraw
its decision to cease paying
the return passage of the
indentured workers back to
Then as now, the cdm-
munity was in great commo-
ti on. Some 80,000 East Indians
had been aroused to indigna-
tion of an unprecedented
pitch and were virtually up in
Little wonder that after
notices of the Panchayat had
been widely circulated, a
gathering of more than 1,000
people turned out in Tuna-
puna. It was a macco gather-
ing for those times when
there was no public transport
worth the name.
Then as now, the idea of
a Constituent Assembly was
attacked in terms which
doubted the validity of a
"self-constituted body" and
insisted that its moral autho-
rity Would and could have no
political clout.


It is amazing how tight is useless
the hold that Crown-Colony party
political habits have in the roots
realm of political punditry. Panda:
Yet in 1899, the Panchayat sides I
did meet before a decision- the v
making body of twelve selec- world.
ted citizens. It unanimously W
elected a Chairman, found a need&,
Secretary and proceeded to sider
carry popular opinion to a and C
memorable victory over re- ground
action. Febru;
Now in 1974, the people Wi
in the sugar belt are pup in owner
arms again. Colossal meetings factor
have been held in the struggle work
by farmers and workers to volved
stake their claim for equit- We
able and humane conditions for lai
of life and work. for ir
It is clear from the ma- putting
noeuvres of the past few tion o
weeks that neither Govern- Al
ment, Company nor Union is design
inclined to make any real govern
concession. The solution as politic
always must necessarily belt.
come from below. The voice W
of the people must be heard. now
It is time for another this t
Panchayat. Center;
Parliament is completely Th

Council Meeting

THE March meeting of the
TAPIA Council of Represen-
tatives will be held on Monday
18th, at the San Fernando
Office, 17 Royal Road.
The Council will consider
reports from the Executive on
the editorial situation, the
financial position and the po-
litical situation in general.
The meeting will also con-

sider reports from the local
group representatives and
Secretary Lloyd Best will
speak on the "Politics of the
Wooding Commission".
Council members will also
be asked to finalise arrange-
ments for the General As-
sembly of 7th April. The
Meeting begins promptly at
7.30 p.m.

part o
ness it


s, there is no political
which speaks for grass-
interests in sugar and
y is obviously a both-
player. It is time to put
whole issue'before the
hat the sugar belt now
is a Panchayat to con-
the crisis in Naparima
aroni against the back-
1 of the unfinished
ary Revolution.
e need an airing of the
choices we have in
e need to talk about
ship and control of the
ies by the citizens and
rs most directly in-
need to consider a plan
nd reform and prospects
rigating the plains and
ig them to the cultiva-
f food.
above all, we need to
I a new system of local
nment that would bring
cal power to the sugar
e could make a start
with another Panchayat,
ime somewhere in the
al Areas. -
ie Panchayat should put
r, Rampartapsingh and
y on trial as well as
i Ltd and the other
ssors in that particular
fthe country.
uch a gathering could
anything like 20-25,000
e. It would have a tre-
ous political weight..
would succeed precisely
se it would be both a
lonal and a entirely new
of political action.
he initiative should be
by those whose busi-
: is.

ELECTIONS 1974 -75

Annual General Assembly


25 Cents



1_1~ _


EVERYWHERE the soothsayers and the hearsayers are insisting that
the the Doctor is preparing for an election soon. "And the PNM go win
again". The dominant theme is resignation; people give up. "Boy, this
man understand the country too bad, you can't beat him at all, at all".
Such is the habit of impotence and ignorance bred by years of
Crown Colony government and sedulously cultivated by Doctor Politics
and PNM rule. Authority systematically suppresses political educa-
tion and the media of communication are kept in a state of such un-
compromising corruption that mere political information is subversive
and political analysis positively revolutionary.
The most potent thing we
can do is to pose straight and
simple questions and answer them
in terms of facts. The old regime
thrives so well on congosah and
crookedness that merely to des-
cribe what is going on has become
a cause of continuing political
crisis. You saw it in the Neville
Clarke case, you saw it in the
investigation into the Telephone
Company, you can see it in the
WASA probe.
We go see it by looking at what
Williams has been up to in the months
since December 2nd last. The last time
we described the Doctor's manoeuvres
we concluded that he was intent on
holding the political stage for the
second decade of independence. A
reading of Perspectives for the New
Society (1970) made that clear to all The following
who cared to see. In the end, those of Lloyd Best, at
us who refused to be guided by wish- meetings were
ful thinking and were led by evidence LocalAssembli
alone were able to judge in advance
that the Messiah would make his
second coming for Christmas.
This time, if we are to figure out
what the Doctor is doing, we must
again study the relevant political de-
clarations and draw the right political over you can find men, technocrats
conclusions. In doing so, the first bureaucrats, academics who can func
thing we must understand is that tion only when they are in position:
Williams does not understand politics which carry title. In the University
at all. and the Civil Service you see men wh(
This explains the paradox of a have all to say when they are a Deal
man who has had such a tremendous or a Head of Department or something
political impact, while being com- where their formal status is very clear
pletely unable to commit the country But invite them to an open semina
to serious effort with ordinary students students, an
This may seem a curious thing to sundry colleagues and they have nc
say about a man who has survived in opinion whatsoever; they speak, sec
pow(,- for going on 18 years involving and hear no evil. They have no concept
no fewer than four national general of relating to people, persuading people
elections. Survived, too besides, while in numbers, getting across to others or
achieving very little, except widespread the assumption that they are dealing
unemployment and inequality, increas- with equals and that they must mak
ing domination of the economy by their case and win their authority by
foreigners, the entrenchment of racist work and wit and insight and flail
politics, the breakdown of the political It follows that Williams did no
order, the reacceptance of corruption invent Doctor Politics; what he di,
and bribery as standard practice in was to change the basis of authority
public life, and the wanton waste of and status in the political system. H
public funds. made educational title and scholarship
Least or all in the field of educa- boy credentials the qualification fc
tion has PNM achieved anything worth political pre-eminence. The symbolism
recording. We continue to keep more was very clear in the idea of the Un
children off the streets and to turn out versity of Woodford Square and it
and elite of certificated clerks bored to Constituent Cqlleges. It had a chari
death by 19th century British Victo- matic appeal partly because people
rian curricula. Even when we get an recognized that technical command
oil bonanza, it is only scholarships, was necessary for competent running
scholarships, scholarships, college- ex-
hibition myopia gone mad.

"Even with an oil bonanza we build no libraries, no facilities
for elevating the human spirit, it is only scholarships the
college exhibition myopia gone mad".

Inspite of the life which ihe PNM
under his leadership undoubtedly gave
to the country in the last half of the
1950's, the Williams regime has been a
remarkable barren one. The initial
hope, the sense of purpose, the quick-
ening pulse of a new humanity have'all
tragically dissipated in a ruthless game
of holding power at any cost.
Yet Williams has absolutely no
understanding of politics at all. What
he understands so well is the exercise
of the power of the State. For Doctor
Politics authority is always the de-
cisive trump. There is no question of
feedback, of intercourse, of discussion
and exchange. Leave the damn doctor,
if he say so is so. '
This absence of a political dimen-
sion is a thing we cannot afford to
miss because it is a characteristic of
the whole neo-colonial generation. All

article is a detailed version of presentations made by Tapia Secretary
Tapia meetings held at Point Fortin, Mt. Hololo and Cascade. These
part of the current intensive programme of House Meetings and
es, being undertaken by Tapia throughout the country.

I power at all cost

University and the secondary schools
have provided that tragic blend of
idealistic half-literacy which has been
at the back of much of the political
movement in recent years.
Every graduate with a certificate or
Degree regards himself as fit to pon-
tificate on Marx, Guevara, Fanon and
what have yo. Every Professor assumes
the right to a public voice even when
they manifestly have won no intellec-
tual authority for their -work among





of the modern state; partly because
education had been crucial in the
social advance of poor people all over
the West Indies and especially in
Trinidad (where neither the trades
unions nor the peasant class had done
too well; and partly because Williams
had been undoubtedly a man of ex-
ceptional intellecutal energy and
achievement. It is significant that the
teachers were the first to rise behind
him and to provide their Doctor with
his lieutenants in the field of political
Williams has survived because the
country_ continued to respond to
college-exhibition authority. The
PNM's failure to provide political edu-
cation after 1960 and relevant school
education of any kind in the entire
17-18 years of its reign has consoli-
dated the base of Doctor Politics. The

kinds of utterly and manifestly in-
credible trivia.
We were.onto it in Tapia so we
did not buy the claptrap. The crisis in
the country persists in part because the
entire country is on to the hollowness
of Williams' intellectual pretensions
and the bankruptcy of the tradition of
scholarship-boy credentials. That is the
real significance of Black Power's ap-
parent anti-intellectualism in 1970 and
of the protest which has since ex-

their students and their academic peers.
By the same token, every aspiring
politician seeks to show the world
what excellent academic bona fi'des he
enjoys. Nothing makes more hilarious
reading than the curricula vitae pre-
sented in the Trinidad Guardian by
candidates in the 1966 General Eelc-
tion. Williams ,has had a tremendous
impact; everybody was citing examina-
tions passed and publications to their
name. "
This is the background -against
which to assess Williams' speech of
September 28 in which he persuaded
almost the entire country that he was
about to quit the political scene. The
speech recreated the aura of authority
by an irrelevant academic excursion
into the apparent intricacies of mul-
tinational corporations and Caribbean
integration. When talking about his
colleagues both home and abroad
Williams elevated himself onto a burn-
ing deck whence all but he had fled.
In practice much of his statement
was a regurgitation of third-rate
orthodoxy about the corporations,be-
traying the lack of intellectual insight
to which we must attribute the con-
tinued domination by Texaco, Shell,
and the rest of all these years. But the
striking feature was the authoritative
character of the declaration. Every-
body else was corrupt and incom-
petent and the Doctor was making the
definitive statement before he washed
his hands of the complete mess. In this
context, a lot of people fell for what
Williams was really selling them: the
idea that he was returning to private
life because of his daughter and all

ploded in the form of NUFF. Our
people have a firm intuitive grasp of
the phony and false character of
Doctor Politics.
We are looking for political organi-
sation and leadership which would for
the first time represent the real econo-
mic, social and cultural interests of
people. Doubtless that is why the
idea of class-struggle, for all its con-
fusions, is attractive to a good many
serious people.
Much Of the resistance to Tapia is
due to doubts over our association
with intellectual life and work. We
have no reason to fear because our
intellectual standing is due neither to
the exploitation of campus issues to
achieve political publicity nor to the
parading of academic title and status.
We have survived and grown in the
service of a philosophy of Caribbean
man and we have built media of com-
munication and political organiaztion
around that philosophy. We are only
incidentally connected to the campus
and we flow counter to the orthodoxies
there. Time has been mercilessly un-
covering that.
Tapia represents a social force in
conflict with the colonial view of
Caribbean people. That force could
embrace different economic classes,
different races, different colours, dif-
ferent social strata, different cultural
groupings. Too much of the economy
has been controlled from abroad for
too long for the war of economic
classes to be the dynamic force of
political life in the Caribbean.
Continued on Page 4

"Tapia represents a social force in conflict with .the colonial
view of Caribbean people. We can anticipate the coming fall
with confidence because we have a grasp of the facts
which reveal beyond any doubt that imported orthodoxy
is failing now to excite the Caribbean imagination.
- .... .. Is-- -, II--



THE PANCHAYAT as a symbol
of the Indian corporate life has
been a very old institution. The
sanskrit word for five is 'panch'
and the Hindi and Urdu form is
'panch'. Thus the panchayat is a
strict sense means 'a tribunal of
From the very ancient times the
rural communities in India had village
-councils presided over by a group of
five to decide disputes of various
types. In course of time a 'panch'
came to mean an arbitrator; the num
ber of the Panchayat also varied. The
caste panchayats became more promi-
nent as the courts of arbitration in
caste matters. In the first half of the
nineteenth century British observers
like Charles Metcalfe were surprised
at the corporate nature of the little
'village republics', unaffected by poli-
tical upheavals. In spite of the domi-
niance of the British courts the rural
communities believed that 'the voice
of the panchayat is the voice ofGod!'
In independent India the system of
the panchayat as a unit of the local
government is a recognized symbol of
democratic decentralisation.


The Indian immigrants to Trinidad
revived the panchayat system in their
new village settlement from 1970 on-
wards. As in India, the leading lights of
an Indian area in Trinidad would form
bigger panchayats too for specific
purposes like the atonement (rayaschit)
for a sin, the punishment tor the
elopement of a girl, and so on. The
Port of Spain Gazette of 9 July 1897
refers to a panchayat which discussed
the inhumane assault by a young
overseer on six indentured Indian
labourers, while in its issue of 31
October 1901 appeared a report en-
titled 'row over panchite' at Princes
-Town '-ivr the insult of an Indian
priest by another Indian. There are
other reports in the contemporary
newspapers on the panchayati pujas
(worship )or Kathas (reading of scrip-
tures) to which almost every Hindu
family of a particular area contributed.
In 1899, however, a big panchayat
of a special type was held in Tacarigua
which created a stir in the Trinidad
press for some time.
It was Friday, 21 July; the sun was
shining bright. From the early hours
groups of Indians were coming to the
old Government Tunapuna, school
building. By the afternoon more than
one thousand Indians, most of them in
their traditional dress, assembled.


From the middle of June there
was a great commotion in the East
Indian community of about 80,000
people in Trinidad. They had already
been sad at the decision of the British
Government to reduce the payment
of the back passage to the Indian
immigrants after their ten years' indus-
trial residence here to only one-half;
the rest was to be met by the immi-
grant himself. And then on 13 June
1899 Dr. John Morton, the famous
Canadian Presbyterian missionary in
Trinidad, proposed in the Agricultural
Society's meeting in Port of Spain that
the back passage should not be paid
to the Indians at all.
After village to village consultations
Bihari Singh, village headman and
Jagmohan Singh, a rich Indian shop-
keeper, both of the Tacarigua district,
were authorised to organise a panchayat
to discuss the conduct of Dr. Morton
who happened to be a friend of the
Indians. Notices were widely circulated
and the result was a good gathering.


*East India






** s

0 *

*. Panchayat

" of Trinidad

* *




* e

Besides the twelve persons forming
the panchayat Bulaki Maharaj, Nage-
sar Maharaj, Pandit Surujbali Mahraj,
Kempjum Maharaj, Rasukh pandit,
Boodan Singh, Ram Padarath, Kissoon
Maharaj, Dobra Maharaj, Gajadar Pra-
sad, Parmesar Maharaj and Rukirjan
Lala there were prominent Indians
like the two Singhs mentioned above,
Reesal Maharaj, Gurusar Ram Singh,
Jagmohan Singh, Hanuman Maharaj,
Robert Eccles, Paul Bhukhan, L. Chi-
nibas, E. Sankar and Charles H. Rag-
hunandan Singh.Thepanches (arbiters)
were seated like the jury in a court of
Justice in a space reserved apart from
the rest. Nawaldas Maharaj who was
unanimously elected chairman, sat to
the right of the twelve members. La-
lapee (Bachu.Lala) acted as the secre-
Dr. Morton had first indicated his
unwillingness to attend a 'selfconstitut-
ed and unnamed panchayat'. But even-
tually he came along with Thornton
Warner, the Warden of Tunapuna.
These two gentlemen sat opposite the
This was the first occasion when an
Indian 'national panchayat' was organ-
ised in Trinidad to discuss a specific
issue. The reason for this was the
indignation' of the entire Indian popu-
lation of Trinidad aroused 'to an un-
precedented pitch' at the resolution
initiated by Dr. Morton and passed by
the Agricultural Society, against con-
tinuing the payment of return passages
to the Indian iminigrants.
Even though Dr. Morton announc-
ed that the refused to be tried by the
panchayat, the meeting was called to
order and Bihari Singh accused Dr.
Morton, the missionary sent out from
Canada to help the Indians of Trini-
dad, of having got such a 'cruel' mo-


tion passed by the Agricultural Society,
without even caring to take a consen-
sus of the Indians.
Warden Warner explained that the
meeting had summoned Dr. Morton to
answer certain accusations and if the
charges were made in the panchayat
Morton would be 'bound to answer'.
Dr. Morton then explained that his
motion would apply to the future
immigrants only; what he had done
was for the good of the Indian com-
The panchayat, however, was not
at all satisfied. lalapee said he refused
to agree with Morton's reasoning. If
the Indian immigrants had been grant-
ed the return passage in the past why
should not the future immigrants en-
joy the well-deserved privilege?.he
asked. If the immigrants had lately
been forced to pay half the return
passage from their pocket, he argued,
Morton should have tried to remove
that injustice rather than try to bring
more misery to the Indians.
C. H. Raghunandan Singh, a school
teacher, was the most vocal critic. He
first appreciated the three decades of
the missionary work done in Trihidad
by Morton, but now, he felt, the
missionary was going beyond his work
of teaching and preaching. 'Consider
the feelings of the Doctor himself, he
told the gathering, 'were he to be sent
to a strange country, thousands of
miles away from his native country,
his friends, and his relations'. Keeping
the Indians permanently, he pointed
out, might be for the benefit of Dr.
Morton himself and of the Government
and the planters: it would facilitate
'a safe and profitable investment in
the increasing number of schools; the
planters would have a continuous sup-
ply of cheap labour; and the Govern-

0 UP=q mp

Continued on Page 9

80,00 people in great commotion



ment would collect more revenue. If
the father of the first immigration
ordinance, he argued, could not see
the need of changing the regulations
regarding the back passage why should
this 'new prophet' arrogate to himself
such a responsibility and teach the
Indians'politics' rather than the gospel?
Warden Warner suggested that the
panchayat should nominate a delega-
tion to wait on the Governor to-re-
present 'the strong disapproval of the
Indian people to the doctor's motion'.
The panchayat, however, decided that
Dr. Morton being the proposer of the
'obnoxious motion' he himself should
move for its disapproval in the next
meeting of the Agricultural Society.
Ultimately Morton drew up the
(a) that the East Indians are glad to
note that Dr. Morton's motion did not
affect the immigrants who were already
in Trinidad;
(b) that the panchayat rejected the
terms of Dr. Morton's motion and
asked that these resolutions be re-
corded in the minutes of the Agricul-
tural Society.


As promised, Dr. Morton moved
these two motions in the meeting of
the Agricultural Society on 8 August
1899, asking the society not to take
note of the insinuations made against
him at the panchayat.
Meanwhile, the Trinidad Press was
full of comments on the panchayat.
Even though the proceedings of the
tribunal from 3 to 6 p.m. in Hindustani
language was described by the Mirror
and the Port of Spain Gazette as
rather noisy, they emphasised the im-
portance of the assembly. The Gazette
on 23 July noted that 'the East Indian
brethren' had taken the cue from the
carters' strike among the non-Indians,
realizing the efficacy of orderly meet-
ings to draw the attention of the
authorities to their grievances. The
Mirror in its -leader of 26 July 1899
called the panchayat 'exceptionally
interesting from several points of view':
it proved that the East Indian element
in Trinidad was not 'insignificant' for
it represented one-third of the total
population with'a considerable amount
of cohesion and unity;' it brought
home the truth that the so-called
'peculiar' East Indians, still preserving
their language, customs and in a great
measure the dress of India, were now
taking 'a very deep interest' in the
affairs of Trinidad; they already had
a well organized East Indian National
Association and yet in the panchayat
more than a thousand Indians gathered
from the different parts of the island.

0. *

Both the newspapers agreed that
the return passage to the Indian immi-
grants created an anomalous position
and still they- condemned the strong
language used by both the parties in
the panchayat: Dr. Morton had used
the words like 'liar', immoral' and
'ungrateful' for his critics. The Mirror,
however, rightly emphasised that the
East Indians were so much agitated
because unlike the European immi-
grants, the immigrants from the East
had a peculiar attachment to their
native land. Since the Indians, like the
Chinese, wanted to ensure the prospect
of returning one day to their mother
country at least to die there, it noted,
the change in the law regarding the
return passage might adversely affect
the recruitment of indentured labour.
This point was also made by some letter


From page 2
IT IS precisely this alienation
from material control of the
environment which simultaneous-
ly explains why the academic
qualifications (or "brain") could
have such charismatic appeal in
generating such passionate hate
and love and why meaningful
"class-formation" in the Carib-
bean can take place in relation
to the dialectic of ideas rather
than the dialectic of productive
In the technological civilization of
the North Atlantic where European
man became arrogant at the fact that he
was harnessing nature on a scale never
before envisaged in human history,
Marxist materialism necessarily found
a receptive psyche and Hegel was
readily turned on his head. In the
Caribbean, the ultimate plaything of
European technologicalcapitalist mani-
pulation, a new race in a new land
could only have survived by inha-
biting a make-believe world of dreams.
What Williams, with characteristic
lack of irisight and compassion, keeps
describing as the carnival mentality in
Trinidad is the ultimate expression of
a psyche which has learnt the art of
survival by inventing and re-inventing
realms of masquerade. This way of
relating to the universe cannot but
produce its own means of political
mobilisation where nothing is more
crucial than faith and creative ima-
gination, so easy to confuse with
learning and erudition.
The crisis now is that we are at last
drawing this important distinction.
The college-exhibition regime is now
going to fall. In Tapia we can antici-
pate the coming fall with confidence
because we have a grasp of the facts
which reveals beyond any doubt tha
the mere authoritative regurgitation of
imported orthodoxy at the expense of
creative interpretation of the realities
of the home environment is failing
now to excite the Caribbean imagina-
tion. Political independence and the
breakdown of North Atlantic civiliza-
tion have discarded neo-colonial
authority into a dustbin of obso.
lesence. The trend is as clear in the
system of government and politics as
in the lecture rooms of the University
campus. _

ing now on what has been happening
in the sugar belt.
As the country learns. Williams
finds that the old methods can no
longer work. Tapia saw through the
Speech of September 28 and alerted
the nation to the desperate conspiracy
afoot in the land to regain sympathy
and win a new mandate. The orches-
tration which Williams had been plan-
ing was therefore muted. The letters
to the press, the editorial supplications
to come back Doctor, the demonstra-
tions by loyal supporters in the public
places, none of this could be engineered
in an effective way once the sui I
picions of the country had been duly
aroused. The Doctor came bacK and
the Guardian claims that many people
called him back but not a soul is C
persuaded that Williams has any massive
'The December 2 speech and all the
speeches which have followed on
'Radio-TV simulcasts, must be seen as
an attempt to recreate the old Doctor

any moment, from the standpoint of
the preparedness of the party machine.
They all have to fall in line. That is
how their bread is buttered. It is
obvious to all and sundry. Williams is
the sole and undisputed leader in the
party, the locus of all authority and
light. -ludson-Phillips may have been
mamaguying him when he utterred
similar words in August last but the
Queen's Canary has never been more
uncannily exact.
Williams has been systematically
constructing a new political base. Or
trying to. And the oil bonanza has
been the most important instrument
at his disposal. The Budget tells the
tale as well as anything else. With this
colossal sum of money to
spend not a single project
of the spirit has been mooted.
Not a stadium even, not a theatre, a
library, a museum, not a steel-band
conservatoire. Not a contribution to
West Indian nationhood except the
bramble of gratuitous loans to the

"Granger 's emergence as a "dropout" leader had a profound
historical significance. The apparent anarchism of "the
people will decide" carried a constructive message. '
p~~II I-r -~cb~~i -----e~

image of a Messiah with the plaster
for every sore. It must be clear from
December 2 that Williams is batting for
survival as much as he has ever done.
He bought time by promising wide-
spread and thorough discussion of the
Wooding Report followed by an elec-
tion at the earliest possible date. And
then the country will decide on the
party and the leader of its choice.
Williams clearly intends that party
to be a refurbished PNM in the context
of a Direct Docracy in which both the
party and government bureaucracy
will be by-passed. National consulta-
tions and fireside chats on TV will

"The solution must select ideology and organisation from
struggle in the local areas. That alone can yield judgement
to control messianic excess.

The conclusion here is that Williams
cannot retrieve the situation caused by
the Revolution of February 1970.
Granger's emergence as a "dropout"
leader had a profound historical signi-
cance.. The apparent anarchism of
"the people will decide" carried a
constructive and important message.
The change from the University of
Woodford Square to the People's Par-
liament was an attack on the method
of personal rule by political manipula-
tion. In a sense, the emergence of
Hudson-Phillips as the challenge to
Williams inside the party is not as
absurd as at first sight it may appear.
'The country andthe party are search-
ing for leadership that it can control,
which does not pretend to command a
monopoly of information.
The solution can only come by
selecting ideology and organisation
which arise from struggle in the local
areas. That alone can yield the informa
tion and the quality of judgment
needed for the community to control
the State, for the rank and file to keep
leaders from messianic excess. And
the solution will come in time as the
country acquires wisdom born out of
trial and many errors, at intervals which
are obviously becoming increasingly
short. For the moment you can see the
experimentation and learning which
are taking place as each episode en-
gages another section of the Trinidad &
Tobago and the February Revolution
spreads. The sugar workers are reflect-

now be the basis of a presidential
authority. It is the logical culmination
of a trend which was inherent in the
Doctor Politics of 1956 and which
began to accelerate out of necessity
following the debacle of Chaguaramas
and the emergence of Meet-the-People
Tours as an alternative to Parliament-
ary discourse.
Now that the 1971 election has
killed Parliament altogether, the way
has become clear for exclusively per-
sonalist politics, the authority of
which 'is completely unchallenged by
Opposition or Cabinet presence. Now
that the-Second Coming of December
2 has swept aside the rules of the party,
exposed the emptiness of alternative
party-leadership, betrayed where oppo-
sition to the Doctor was lurking, con-
firmed that the country is against the
party and showed that the Doctor is
more than ever needed to hold the
show together, Williams has Ivan Wil-
liams, Irwin Merritt and the rest of
them exactly where he wants them.
Nobody has declared assets, no-
body is in a position to do anything
but take orders. The party may be in
disarray but the Doctor only has to
issue commands and they must all now
jump to attention. He and his control
of the State is the only trump which
they have. It may be a Queen and
you can't hang jack with Queen when
the country have ace; but it's still
their one and only trump.
Wil!iimis can call an election at

IADB and IBRD for the circuitous
purpose of relending to the Caribbean
.It was a Budget of pure flour and
rice and motor-car, withno less than
$32m going to the subsidisation of
gasolene. If ever the country had any
doubt it knows now that we are
governed by people lacking in emo-
tionality, spiritually dry, incapable of
being transported in the nobler realms
of humanity, imprisoned in a slum of
jobbery and bribery and commerce. It
is a politics which sees no people, only
clients and stooges and pwatiks.
it is a politics so caught in mani-
pulation and zig-zag, that it now ope-
rates without any plan whatsoever.
The Five-Year Plan has been post-.
poned, the Throne Speech cast aside.
It is now government by ad hoc an-
nouncement another trend to be
discerned from earlier times. It was in
1967 April that the first TV
intervention was made in a virtual
Budget Speech aimed to by-pass due
process in the Parliament and the Party.
Then as now, the content of the
Doctor Programme was no more than
idle promise in what by then had
become a land of no more than
promise. We are still to solve unem-
ployment with a 14-storey building on
the site of the old Fire Brigade Build-
ing, to build a hotel at Tyrico Bay and
to effect myriad other magical trans-
formations. April 1967 was no more
than a presage of March 1970 and
December 20, 1973 and the.hook-ups
in-between and since.
Williams understands nothing
about the petroleum economy and has
no plan for coming.to grips with the
lifeline sector of Trinidad and Tobago.
The Budget was empty of concrete
projects and the subsequent state-
ments have in no way fillco! out the
picture. It is not that the Governmernt
lacks technical expertise or ihat Wil-
liams lacks capacity or that the Govern-
ment is incapable of economic plann-
ing. It is simply that the political
method of one-man domination makes
it impossible to undertake coherentc
and sustained administration and leaves
the public sector in total disarray and
the private sector under thle thumb
of the big corporations.
OPEC refuses to take a chance on
Trinidad and Tobago because it can-

not perceive any radical purpose in
relation to oil and gas. They regard us
as a possible Trojan Horse which is
exactly what we would become if so
weak and inept an administration as
the PNM were to represent us. As in
1970, they are always likely to be
calling on American help at the in-
evitable price of being stooges for
Texaco and Grace. That they may
intend to govern in the interest of the
country is of no significance here.
Last November, Williams gave an
interview to Bernard Cassen of Le
Monde Diplomatique. Cassen was sur-
prised that he could get an audience
when nobody but ithroe wise men
(Dodd Alleyne, Prevatt and Ellis
Clarke) could see the Doctor during
his alleged pre-retirement leave. He'
seemed even 'more surprised to hear
Williams remark that "If in 1970
the Americans wanted to prop me up,
that is their problem, not mine".
Williams could have straightened
him out by revealing that -he had
picked up the phone and called the
American Ambassador. We can only
hope that he has not forgotten be-
cause he may have to call them
again one of these mornings.
And this time it will unequivocally be
his business, because the threat is not
going to be from a regiment of soldiers
in Teteron but from an army of citizens
intent on finishing the fight about
which he talked in 1969 at the time of
the Transport Strike. A coup and a
revolution are two profoundly dif-
ferent things. Who don't know go
find out possibly before the year is out.
Williams senses that the end is
coming and he is desperately announc-
ing the most fanciful of intentions for
economic reconstruction. Participation
in Texaco and Shell has been thought
out about as much as the 1970 parti-
cipation in Tate and Lyle. The same
old projects for aluminium smelting,
for sponge iron with natural gas as the
fucl, for fertiisear icd petrocherieals
and refineries and, for deals with
Japanese and Germans and Martians
are being peddled with a frenzy that
confirms the lack of system or order.

"The first thing we must under-
stand is that Williams does not
understand politics at all".

The PNM has long abandoned any
notion that Trinidad and Tobago can
manage and control its own affairs. We
are too small, too backward, too
black; we are too stupid to assume
any political or economic offensive.
Every radio and TV hook-up insists
that we can't hope to be in more than
bodow. These schemes for participa-
tion are always a reaction to some event,
a concession to Black Power, a chance
development because of the world
energy crisis. The PNM has no funda-
mental interest in taking charge. You
can't see men restlessly planning to
put the people on top and to call into'
being an entirely new Caribbean world.
It is always a question of fixing the
road before an election, bringing a
Budget to fool them again, building
some Junior Secs to head off a crisis.
Doubtless, we will have a brand new
plan for the 14yr olds who are about
to graduate from the last ad hoc
Junior Sec zig-zag.
It is because we are seeing-through
all of this that the revolutionary crisis
has been developing our national con-
sciousness to a point where the regime
will be toppled for once and all. Wil-
liams may call any number of elections
he likes; it is not going to make any
difference. If he calls it and wins it
will only deepen the crisis of !he day
before the poll. That is why he is not
going to call an election without an
attempt to provide ilie Direct Docracy
with the legitimio-iy nd the mnor:il
authority it li;s lon, since lost. In this
context. The Wooding Constitution
Report lIhs now become the critical
issue li b, being the only possible
:inems olF re-legitin u;itin \ ,, ,,. when
IPNM's, pi ogirlilnes ae devoid oft tny
credible conlt et.
Continued on Page I 1








ONLY three of the Spa-
nish soldiers who began
the conquest of Cuba had
a knowledge of music, that
is, strong musical tenden-
cies. Their names were
Ortiz, Moron and Porras
(unknown even today)
and of them, Ortiz, was the
most outstanding.
"Ortiz the musician", as
he was called by historian Ber-
nal Diaz del Castillo, took part
in all .of the Spanish conquest
in America. He came to Cuba
and in the city of Trinidad he
founded "a school for dancing
and music", before: he follow-
ed Hernan Cortes to the con-


quest of Mexico.
Diaz del Castillo affirmed
that after the Mexican "ven-
ture" was finished, Cortes re-
warded Ortiz with a land-grant
in Mexico City.
Installed in Gayas.Street in
the primitive colonial city, the
musician founded another danc-
ing and music school.
When these men came to
Cuba and interred themselves
into its jungles in search of

gold, they found among the
aborigines three musical instru-
ments they had never seen
before: the maraca, the guiro
and a strange wooden drum.


The wooden, drum dis-
appeared in the mists of his-
tory, dying with the people
that had created it. The maraca
and the guiro, .however sur-

vived. "Together with the
maraca the Spaniards found
the whispering guiro", said
Samuel 'Feiioo, "that strange
vegetable instrument whose
shape is half fish and half
The Spaniards also found
the "guamo", a shell which-
when blown produces a pene-
trating deep sound. Until a
few years ago the guamo was
heard in Cuban coffee fields
where it was named the

"fotuto" and used to call the
workers for meals.:
Nothing remains of Cuban
aboriginal music. It is known
that the "areitos", primitive
fiestas, sometimes lasted two
days and were led by im-
provised orchestra directors-
(called "tequinas"), but no-
thing more is known.
Only 50 years after me
discovery of Cuba, history re-
veals the existence of a Cuban-
born musician: Miguel Velaz-
quez, the son of an Indian
woman and a Spaniard related
to Governor Diego Valazquez.
In 1544 Velazquez was the
curate of the Cathedral of
Santiago de Cuba. He had re-
turned to Cuba after having
studied in Seville and Alcala de


He was so respected by the
community that the chronicles
of the time describe him as "a
youth in age and an old man in
doctrine and example".
The conquerors ;despised
the music of the conquered.
They did not understand it nor
record it for history. Of th"
Indians in Cuba, there remain
only the legend of their dances,
the maracas and the guiro,
since with their extinction,
their music died too. This
social and cultural phenome-
non brought about the arrival
of the first African slaves,
with their highly developed
music and dance.

The Birth of Afro-

Cuban Rh ythms

THERE were Black peo-
ple in Cuba as early as
1513, according to serious
historical accounts. It is
believed, however, that
the first Blacks arrived a
year earlier. With their ar-
rival, say the ethnologists,
Cuban color and rhythm
begins to take form.
"The Blacks always played
instruments, sang and danced,
after their brutal slave work",
said Feijoo. "They lived for
dancing and music, in them
they found their lost happiness
and fulfillment.
The Africans mixed with
-the people and the landscape
of Cuba. They brought melodic
wealth and produced the great
combination of sounds which
-Cuban music has today. They
became so intimately connect-
ed with the new land that
Alejo Carpentier affirms:
"Those blacks who sang in
the churches, accompanied
themselves with maracas
and guiros".
In other words, they assimi-
lated the indigenous instru-
ments and, at the same time,
created a Cuban musical style:
"insistent short rhythm, which
seems to be monotonous and
hypnotizing but which has
variations in every emission, in
every singer and in every move-

The Blacks brought drums
("The Emneror"), "the magic
box ot hide and wood which
shook the continent", declares
Feijoo, "and which came to
shake the world, bringing the
great beat of the jungle, the
fire of the African sun, the
sound of the flooding of the
Congo and the roar of fero-
cious beasts in the wild".
The music and the dances
of the Black people had a de-
cisive influence on .Antillean'
culture. Both mixed and the
vigor of Africa gave a healthy
coloring to the languid and
soft tones of the.Antilles. Thus.
white and black influences
produced a formidable and
very typical musical product.
There was no Indian in-
fluence. Aboriginal music was
incomprehensible to the rude
ear of the conqueror. "Mines
and the exploitation of gold
were what had meaning to
him,, but dances, 'areitos",
musical instruments of great
originality, costumes no-
thing of that interested him".

That is why the first really
Cuban musicians were those
who came forward in the early
days- of the colony. The guiro
and the maraca were soon
joined by the bandola and the
bandurria, the flute and the

The Africans



wealth and

produced the


combinat ion of

sounds tound

in Cuban

music today

harp. From this combination
came the tones of today's Afro-
Cuban music, a blend which
.conquered the world four cen-
turies later.
In 1582, a rough census
carried out in Cuba verified the
number of inhabitants in Hava-
na and Guanabacoa, confirm-
ing that there were no musicians
among them. However, during
that time, a Spaniard called
Pascaul de Ochoa had a small
orchestra in Santiago de Cuba.
Ochoa played the violin. He
was accompanied by two fife
players and two sisters, free


Blacks born in Santo Domingo
who played the bandola and
the "viheula", an instrument of
the guitar family.
One of thoes women,
Teodora Gines, composed the
first Cuban "son" The Son
of "Ma" Teodora and was a
popular figure in the eastern
zones of Santiago de Cuba and
It was in 1598 that Havana
had its first orchestra, led by

Malaga-born Pedro Almanza
and composed of some of
Ochoa's musicians who had
come to the capital.
Thus began a musical de-
velopment. which reached its
heights in this cen tury.Admired
by the world, Afro-Cuban
rhythms have imposed their
vigor in the most demanding
musical circles. It is a triumph
whose roots go back to the
mists of the 16th century.

--~111~-"- --- "I


THESE days the term "intellectuals" seems
to have elbowed out "intelligentsia" which
was used by the generation prior to ours, and
and which, however, meant more or less the
same thing. Intellectuals are regarded as the
most articulate section of the population,
naturally cast in the vanguard of movements.
The intellectual's voice, some would like to
think, soars like that of a "prima donna"
above the massed voices of the chorus and
There are, of course, from time to time, rumbl-
ings of distrust, both from the side of the prima
donna and the chorus. How effective, how relevant,
is the intellectual after all? Is he not (to change the
metaphor) some kind of a parasite? With his merely
theoretical concerns, is he not above all someone who
is incapable of action? Without roots can he hope to
blossom at all? Like the cactus is he not a prickly
sort of being whose blooms are exotic and few and
far between?
On the apparently credit side, those who
occupy seats of power certainly include not only the
rough diamonds thrown up by representative pat-
terns of government who would not claim to be
called intellectuals but unmistakable intellectual
types, such as the economist, the lawyer, the teacher
and so on.
A question which can be legitimately raised,
however, and which intellectuals themselves are
raising, is about the proper role of intellectuals in our
present-day society.




surrounding him. Therefore, he can only use his
talents not bfr self only but for the social
structure of which he is -but a part and on
whose sufferance he lives.
Intellectual was not to be ranked higher than
work of other kinds. This message was especially
directed to his own society where for centuries those
who did not labour with their hands had been ranked
higher than those who did. It was of an ideal state
that he was thinking when he said:
Mere mental, that is intellectual, labour, is for
the soul and is its own satisfaction. It should
never demand payment. In the ideal state,
doctors, lawyers and the like will work solely
for the benefit of society, not for self
How could the gulf between one way of life
and another be bridged? Only by the undertaking by
each man of what Gandhi called "bread labour",
that is productive manual work, preferably agricul-
ture, but if not agriculture then spinning, weaving,
carpentry or any other proauctve activity.
"Intellectuals' work is unportant and has an un-
doubted place in the scheme of life", he wrote. "But
what l insist on is trhe inci..ssiy or physical labour".





The ivory tower approach is generally frowned
upon as being tantamount to ineffectiveness. At the
other extreme the ill-equipped theoretician, who
plunges into the muddy waters of practical affairs,
especially the day-to-day running of institutions, is
likely to find himself not in a river where he can
swim, but in a drain which sucks him under. It is in
relation to this dilemma thatGandhi'slife and work
present a challenge. A generation has passed since he
was among us, and it should be possible at this yant-
age point in time, when we havq already learnt many
lessons the hard way, to look afresh at what he said
and did.
Many people think of Gandhi as an anti-
intellectual, as a populist. No doubt, lawyer that he
was, he held no brief for the intellectuals as a class.
Gandhi referred to them as "educated classes" and to
him the "classes" were always contrasted with the
"masses" by whom he meant the peasantry, that is,
those who live in villages. Gandhi himself presented
the remarkable phenomenon of a man who belonged
to the educated class; and yet who managed to
identify himself with the masses, so much so that he
lived among them and could speak on their behalf as
one of them.
It is on account of this achievement for
achievement it undoubtedly was that many of our
contemporary intellectuals brand him as a populist,
for he was able to do the one thing which they,
which we, have not been able to do to establish
contact with the masses.

kjandhi never began with theory, but always
with practice, and whatever theory emerged and was
formulable in words was born out of what he had
himself tested and found to be true in his own
experience. Even with respect to non-violence, no
specific strategy could be read off, as it were, by
appealing to an abstract principle. The situation it-
self. nnd this included "'1-al was feasible in the
This intelligent appraisal of a situation and its
possibilities is something which the intellectual an-
xious to bring about revolutionary social change
hopes to be able to make. Gandhi was a past master
at making such appraisals and what is more -
acting on them.
The intellectual has special gifts no doubt, and
this Gandhi recognized. But the special gifts and
privileges too are to be understood in the context
of his idea of trusteeship. Talents, no less than
wealth, should be held in trust. He wrote in Harijan
in 1942.
Every individual must have the fullest liberty to
use his talents consistently with equal use by
his neighbours, but no one is entitled to the
arbitrary use of the gains from the talents. 'He is
part of the nation or say the social structure

When asked whether he would expect a man
like Rabindranath Tagore to contribute "bread labour'
he replied (and there was a smile on his face as he
said this) that he thought the poet would write
better poetry if he did. If the present educated class
found it difficult to accept this new conception of
time-allocation between manual and intellectual tasks,
it was then its business to see that the younger gene-
ration was brought up along the new lines.
Gandhi was very aware that a new generation
would have to be trained to recognize the dignity of
manual work and this was what he had in mind in
his scheme for basic education. In the meantime, he
had reservations about the ability of the educated
classes to give up their ingrained sense of superiority.
in 1920 he wrote:

I do not merely rely upon the lawyer class or
highly educated men to enable the committee
to carry out all the stages of noncooperation.
My hope lies more with the masses so far as the
latter stages of noncooperation are concerned.
Highly educated as he was Gandhi had learnt
that mere celebration is not enough. Translated into
our contemporary indiom, models, theories, blue-
prints and plans are but mere symbols on paper. They
may have no relation to the facts, nor may there be
the will power or the faith to put them into effect.
The take-off poirtt may never be reached.
This is very true of many legislative measures.
Gandhi is often spoken of as a pragmatist. But behind
this pragmatism there lay a very definite conception
of the human personality and its many facets an
equilibrium model, if one may so put it where all
the forces were carefully balanced and each given its
due weight. Intellect by itself was a barren faculty. It
was not from Kant that he had come to this conclu-
sion but from his own personal experience. In
Harijan he wrote in 1938:
It is impossible that a thing essentially of the
soul can ever be imparted through the intellect.
It is just like trying to impart faith in God
through the intellect. It cannot be, as it is a
matter of heart The intellect, if anything,
acts as a barrier in matters of faith.
This faith, for Gandhi, was in the power of
nonviolence, faith in the essential goodness of man
and in the ability, of ordinary men to bring about e
society where exploitation would be no more. As far
nonviolence, ahimsa, was concerned, he was aware
that all could not share this faith with him. He
spoke movingly of this during his famous debate
with Maulana Azad in introducing the Bardoli reso-
Ahimsa with me is a creed,the breath of my
life. But it is never as a creed that I placed it
before India ... I placed it before the congress
as a political method, to be employed for the
solution of political questions If I have
carried the congress with me all these years, it(
is in my capacity as a politician. It is hardly fair
to describe my method as religious because it is



For Gandhi the springs of action welled from
his own devotional life, something peculiar .to his
own psyche. But even those for whom this was a
foreign language could try the way of ahimsa for
themselves and not find it wanting. For Gandhi, no
doubt, religion was the root and not the super-
structure that it is for so many. But this was not
something which could come as the result of per-
suasion, as the result of an appeal to the intellect.

The whole technique of self-suffering which was
the driving power of satyagraha was based on an
appeal to the heart and this must not be confused
with emotionalism. He wrote in Young India in 1931:
I have come to this fundamental conclusion
that if you want something really important to
be done, you must not merely satisfy reason,
you must move the heart also. The appeal of
reason is more to the head but the penetration
of the heart comes from suffering. It opens up
the inner understanding in man.
This can well be set along side C.J. Jung's
remark in his biography that "Rationalism and doc-
trinarism are the disease of our time; they pretend
to have all the answers". In addition to the heart the
imagination must also be activated. This was amply
exemplified in Gandhi's owi conduct of affairs.
During the Faizpur session of the congress he
instructed the volunteers to utilize for decorative
purposes the brooms and brushes which were used by
the sweeper community so that they should have a
,sense of participation in a function associated with
the national movement. The "salt march" could only
have been devised by a man who had a tremendous
imagination, an eye for symbols, for symbolic ac-
tions. But in all this we must not think that reason
was felt out.
Gandhi's however, was not a model-construct-
ing type of reason, but the scientific reason which
likes to proceed from a firm basis of facts. During
the Calcutta riots volunteers came and told him that a





particular bustee was "razed to the ground". Being
somewhat doubtful about the report he himself went
to investigate and found some of the walls still stand-
ing; whereupon he reprimanded the volunteers for
'exaggerating their accounts and departing from the
It is interesting to reflect that whereas intel-
lectuals in the west have seen in Gandhi a champion
of the individual, we in India find in him a man with
a new conception of society, a man who discovered
a new technique of collective action, the method of
satyagraha.- Both these ways of understanding Gandhi
certainly complement each other. Gandhi saw the
quest of self-perfection and the building of a new
order of society as processes which were inter-
We were not to postpone the new order until
such time as a sufficient number of individuals had
performed their own separate ascesis. Nor would
attempts at transforming social institutions succeed

unless there were individuals engaged in it who were
.themselves self-disciplined.
Almost in the same sort of way that Plato saw
it, Gandhi too saw a close connection between the
equilibrium of society and the equilibrium within the
soul. The equilibrium in a society for Gandhi could
only be attained through a combined effort on all
three fronts, political, economic and social. Simi-
larly, equilibrium within the individual depended on
the proper harnessing of all man's faculties, head,
heart and hand.
Gandhi's own contacts with intellectuals were
of great variety, and this aspect of his career has
perhaps been glossed over in our understandable

concentration on Gandhi, the leader with the com-
mon touch. All the overseas friends with whom his
interviews have been described testify to his interest
in practical problems rather than in intellectual debate
for his own sake. Louis Fischer writes that "he
focusedd his attention on issues which he could
affect and -on questions put to him". Gandhi's first
letter to Tolstoy which he wrote on October 1, 1909
concerned no theoretical question but the condition of
Indian workers in the Transvaal. The mutual respect
and affection that developed between the two great
men is now a cherished page in literary history.
Norman Cousins has rightly said that Gandhi was
very attracted to men who "regarded themselves as
world citizens caught up ina great adventure of ideas".
This throws light on the famous friendship
between the Mahatma and the "great sentinel"
Rabindranath Tagore. Men like Tagore, C.F. An-
drews, Romain Rolland and Jawaharlal Nehru trans-
cended the "intellectuals" category, although they
were surely men of great intellect. At me same time
there is plenty of evidence to illustrate Gandhi's
relations with those whom the label more exactly fits.
Teachers and doctors in Noakali were given
the same message Gandhi had given the intellectuals
in that they should spend some of their time and
money for the benefit of the poor who had paid for
their education and comforts.
During the same Noakhali days, a Mahasabha
leader. complained to Gandhi that the Hindu com-
ponent in the peace committees set up under the
Muslim league administration was composed of
fishermen, weavers, washermen and farmers, whereas
educated people should have been there instead.;
oandhi replied that this, was a good thing, for how
could the poor be represented by those who had run
away? The fishermen and other simple folk were in
the best position to represent themselves.
No less significant evidence of Gandhi's atti-
tude to intellectuals is found in the records of his
daily interviews. The great rubbed shoulders with
the small. No one could jump the queue in his time-
scnedule. lNenru woia nave to waL Ius turn whne
Bapuji advised a villager about his rheumatism or a
Young man about his career.

It may be objected by some that the intellect-
ual today, whether in India or elsewhere, faces prob-
lems of a different kind from those faced by those
who lived in the Gandhian era. This objection, how-
ever, hardly stands if we understand the heart of
Gandhi's message to intellectuals and nonintellec-
tuals alike. The intellectual has always been a natural
critic of the establishment. But without a vision of
the new society that is to be built in place of the

old the intellectual remains a mere carping critic. The
gulf between this vision and actuality can be bridged
by what Gandhi called constructive work.
The content of constructive work has to be
rethought by each generation. In India the need for
Hindu-Muslim unity, the removal of untouchability
and the betterment of village life call for as much
constructive effort as was the case when Gandhi was
alive. Gandhi had the welfare of India's villages'
to his heart because this was where the bulk bf the
population lived and still lives.
But the fact is tlat 'Me intellectud' -aAost
invariably is a city man. He may rarely have.any
contact with the masses at all except in the context

of political campaigning. Without this contact, how-
ever, the intellectual will inevitably be aware of his
own irrelevance and have a sense of his own aliena-

The intellectual of today makes much of the
concept of "commitment" but commitment per se is
worth little. Gandhi's commitment was to swaraf for
toiling millions, a swaraj to be attained through
nonviolence. Commitment is a matter not of inten-
tion, but, of concrete action. "Participation" is.
another stereotype beloved of today's intellectual
who usually means by it physical presence round the
table, with powers to take part in decision-making


By "participation" Gandhi understood actual
involvement in the concrete programmes of action
which were implemented through the net work of
voluntary associations which he built up. "Meaning-
ful dialogue" to Gandhi was not conceived in terms of
seminar situations but exemplified in the rigorous
attempt to find a solution to intransigent situations
in Cnamparan and m1 Ahmedabad, to take two
instances the attempt to change the heart through
the method of self-suffering.
The "conceptual framework" of Gandhi's
thought can be spelt out with more clarity than can
the vague disquiet felt by many intellectuals today.
Its basic coordinates are these that civil dis-
obedience must be matched by constructive- work
(here we can read "the fight against injustice" in
place of '"civil disobedience"); that violence breeds
violence and so conflict-resolution must be brought
about by non-violent means; that political activity
well be self-defeating if it is divorced from economic
and social betterment; that there are clear casual
lines between excessive industrialisation, dependence
on foreign capital, the centralisation of power, and
the risk of warfare.
No man who was an obscurantist; an anti-
intellectual, could have thought out such a frame-
work. In times such as these, intellectuals worth their
salt are plagued by their social conscience, and feel
their task to be something more than merely contact-
ing other intellectuals.
We will do well to learn from Gandhi how a
man who belonged to the intellectuals by birth and
education broke out of his shell and became the
spokesman of everyman, encouraging the villagers to
discover their own nonviolent strength and shape
the course of events in a remarkable way through
their own cooperative efforts.
( Indian & Foreign Review )


* ~H 17, 1974



Selwyn Ryan

ONE OF the dramatic develop-
ments which have taken place on
the African continent in the last
few months is the fact that Arab
and black African States are now
finding it possible to work closely
together. This newly found unity
is a far cry from the mutual sus-
picion and hostility which prevail-
ed in the 1960s. This new trend
reached a high point at the tenth
anniversary meeting of the Organi-
zation of African Unity Heads of
States which took place in Addis
Ababa in May 1973.
Prior to this, African states had
normally been moderate in their sup-
port of Arab states on the question of
Israel. Most of them had diplomatic ties
with Israel, and eagerly sought the
latter's assistance, particularly in the
areas of cooperative development, agri-
culture and the training of security and
.para military forces. African states were
reluctant to identify Israel as a neo-
colonial agressor state even after the
June 1967 war. By 1972 however, the
OAU was ready to offer Egypt "effec-,
tive support in its legitimate struggle
to recover totally and by every means its
territorial integrity".


This change of stance was due to a
number of developments which had the
effect of altering the progressive image
which Israel had long sought to culti-
vate in Africa. The failure of Israel to
respond positively to the OAU's efforts
to mediate the Middle East conflict in
1971 was deeply resented by many
African states, including those such as
the Ivory Coast and Zaire, which until.
then hd been extremely well disposed
towards her. Amin's expulsion of the
Israels from Uganda in April 1972 and
his successful attempts to forge closer
economic links with Libya, Egypt, Saudi
Arabia and Kuwait also helped to set
off a chain reaction.
Following Uganda's move, several
other African states with large Islamic
populations Chad, Niger, Mali, Cen-
tral African Republic broke ties with
Israel many of these states were perhaps
encouraged to make the break as a
result of promises of economic support
from Libya, but a majority had come to
the conclusion that Israel was an agent
of Western neo-imperialism in Africa
and not really a true supporteL of the
African revolution.
By 1973 Arab states had also suc-
ceeded in convincing Africans that the
struggle to liberate Palestine was of the
same order as the struggle for the
liberation of Southern Africa. As Presi-
dent Boumedienne of Algeria told the
OAU Heads of State, "Africa cannot
adopt one attitude towards colonialism
in Southern Africa and a completely

different one towards Zionist colonisa-
tion in Northern Africa". Israel's occu-
pation of Egyptian soil (about one-third
according to the Arabs) was said to be
as much of an insult to the entire
continent as was Portugal's occupation
of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea-
B6umedienne concluded his speech
by calling on African states to cut ties
with Israel as a "concrete act of African
unity". Following the OAU meeting, 21
African states broke off relations with
Israel in addition to the eight which had
previously done so. This was a stunning
blow to Israel which had always argued
that the Arab-Israel dispute was not an
"African problem".
Once the Araos decided to use the
"oil weapon" in their struggle against
Israel, it was hardly surprising that Afri-
can states would have appealed to them
to employ the same weapon in the
struggle against the racist regimes of
Southern Africa. At an emergency meet-
ing of the OAU Ministerial Council in
Addis Ababa in November 1973, the
Secretary General of the OAU, Nzo
Ekangaki noted that "statistics show
that the countries which are our worst
enemies depend considerably on us for
their energy supplies". Ekangaki went
on to tell the meeting that "the time
had come for our Arab brothers to use
the oil embargo as a weapon against
these countries".
The Arab states not only agreed to
impose a total oil embargo on South
Africa, Rhodesia and Portugal, but also
expressed a determination to provide
material and other forms of political
assistance to African states and libera-
tion movements. As President Bourne-
dienne told a meeting of Arab Kings and
President, "the time has come to con-
solidate Arab-African solidarity in other
spheres of mutual co-operation. Such
cooperation representing human and
material resources of the Arab countries

will constitute a formidable force in
international relations capable of playing
a decisive role in e e service of justice
and freedom in the whole world".
This new found Afro-Arab solidarity
expressed itself in the agreement on the
part of Arab states to make some at-
tempt to alleviate the serious disloca-
tions which the rising price of petroleum
and other oil-related products have
caused to the economies of African
states. Apart from Algeria, Libya, Ga-
bon, Zaire and Nigeria which are all
self-sufficient in oil (Nigeria however
still imports about 10 per cent of its
oil needs) African states are all im-
porters of oil.
Mansour Khaiid, Chairman of the
OAU Oil Committee estimated that
Africa's oil bill would more than double
in 1974 to $1,000 million (US). This
estimate was however made before the
Last price, increases. These will inflate
the bill to well over $1,600 million (US)
by the end of 1974. African states will
also lose some of the markets for their
mineral and agricultural exports due to
production cutbacks in western coun-
tries and Japan.


Future prices for many products
has in fact already begun to decline.
Cocoa, which reached an all-time record
level of 1970 per metric ton in August
fell back to 500 per ton in mid-January.,
If the boycotts persist, countries like
Japan, which import Africa's iron, cop-
per and steel will be forced to renege
on contracts, crippling the economies of
these commodities to finance their com-
Smitmerdts. African states will also have
to pay more for imports of food and
machinery since production and shipping
costs have risen.
The flow of tourists on which many
of them depend particularly those of




soft, light

Sand delicious.


Af rican


t s


a now bloc

East Africa will also decline as a
result of increased air fares and growing
unemployment in Britain, Japan and
the United States.
Arab states have recognized their
responsibility to their African brothers
and have announced plans to set up a
$125 m. (US) Development Bank to
provide aid to African states. A special
fund of $200m (US) has also been an-
nounced to cushion the impact of
increases in the price of oil. Loans will
be made at a token interest of 1 per
cant with a 3 year grace period.
The Arabs rejected as impracticable
a proposal to set up of a two-tier oil
price system which would help African
and other friendly third-world states.
African states are however not convinced
that ways could not be found to im-
plement deals. The Development Bank
will no doubt be of some assistance to
African states, but it will add consider-
ably to their future debt commitments.
It will in no way be adequate compen-
sation for what the "oil weapon" will
do to their economies however, and
Ghana and Kenya have already com-
plained that they are being poorly re-
warded for the support which they have
given on the issue of Israel.


It will also have the effect of putting
African states in a client relationship to
a new. power-bloc which has not been
noted for its stability and consistency.
Col. Gaddafi's demand at the 1973
OAU meeting that the Headquarters of
the OAU should be moved from Ethi-
opia's links with Israel is perhaps some
indication of the sort of unreasonable
demands which African states might
expect in the future in return for Arabi

It is worth nothing that the oil em-
bargo on the white-ruled countries of
Southern Africa will hardly achieve its
intended aim. Although South Africa
imported 90 per cent of the oil which
it needs from the Gulf states, half of
this comes from .Iran which has not
joined the oil boycott. Moreover only
21 to 25 per cent of South Africa's
energy needs are supplied by imported
oil. The Republic has unlimited supplies
of coal and a stockpile of crude to last
for three years. It also has vast strategic
reserves in disused gold mines which
could be mobilised in the event of
need. The country also uses the costly
and inefficient sasol process to convert
coal into oil. Ten per cent of its oil
needs are met in this way. Only 10 per
cent of South Africa's manufacturing
industry will be affected by the boycott.

It is perhaps not insignificant that
over 25,000 foreign ships including
many giant oil tankers call at South
African ports annually for bunkering and
repair purposes. South Africa is critical
to Western security interests and it is
unlikely that Western countries will
stand idly by and -allow the Arab boy-
cott to destroy its economy. Even if
Suez is reopened, tankers wouldhave to
continue using the Cape route.
Although petrol "rationing' has
been imposed in Rhodesia, Angola and
Mozambique (stations close at nights
and weekends and speed limits have
been imposed), the economies of these
countries will not be 'crippled by the
boycott. South Africa will no doubt
help Rhodesia, and Angolan crude will
probably be redirected from US re-
fineries to Portugal and South Africa. A
new refinery is also being constructed
in Angola. Arab solidarity may well be
of some help to Africa in its struggle
to.liberate the continent, but weapons
other than oil would have to be em-
ployed if the white regimes in Southern
Africa are to. be brought to their knees.



From Page 3
writers in the Trinidad papers. 'Several'
of San Fernando wrote on 24 July
that Morton's motion had given a
dire offence to the large, hard-worked
and by no means to be despised body
of the East Indians', separated as they
were by 'thousands of miles from their
home, their country, their friends
and the home of their religion'. The
panchayat was a proof enough, if such
a proof was needed, that these people
were prepared to defend their rights
and privileges.
It was also suggested, for example.
by one 'free return passage' in a letter
to the Mirror, that the whole issue
should be referred to the -newly-
established East Indian Association
of Princes Town for its approval. How-
ever, George Adhar, the Secretary of
the Association, clearly said that his
organisation had nothing to do with


the panchayat. On this score the
Association was bitterly criticized as
a so-called responsible body, deplor-
ably shirking its responsibilities at a
time when the East Indian community
was facing a crisis.

A. A. Sammy, in reply to a letter
of some 'X' attacking the Canadian
Missionaries in Trinidad, tried to de-
fend Dr. K. J. Grant who with his
assistant Rev. Lal Behari had done an
excellent job in the San Fernando
area towards the educational develop-
ment of the East Indians.
Several letters in the Mirror and
the Port of Spain Gazette condemned
the personal attack on Dr. Morton in
.the panchayat, but 'An Indian' Trom
Princes Town wrote on 29 July 1899

to the Mirror that Dr. Morton was not
sent to Trinidad to sit in tl, Agricul-
tural Society and to move resolutions
affecting the interests of the Indians.
'A- 'patriot' wrote to the Mirror that
E.C. Sankar, a teacher of the Tunapuna
C.M.I. school was dismissed by the
Canadian Mission for his part in the
panchayat, but how could he 'turn
against his own country-people in the
time of their distress,' he asked. It was
also alleged that Morton was wrong in
claiming that he had spent his own
money over theeducation of Raghunan-
dan Singh and Sankar.

Some Indians of Princes Town,
even though they were not Christians,
condemned Jagmohan Singh and Rag-
hunandan Singh for going beyond the

terms of reference for the panchayat in
bitter criticising Dr. Morton
In spite of these healing balms Dr.
Morton was a sad and perhaps a wiser
man after the unusual episodes of June,
July and August 1899. The efficacy of
a traditional institution like the
panchayat could not be challenged,
and ultimately the return passage of
the Indian immigrants was not abo-
lished. However, by 'venting its spleen
on the Rev: Dr. Morton as the Port
of Spain Gazette of 30 July 1899 said,
some members of the panchayat per-
haps dug the grave for this traditional
institution .and prepared the ground
for the success of the western type
pressure groups like the East Indian
National Association and later the East
Indian National Congress.




Ruthven Baptiste

scored a surprise victory
over- Joey Gonsalves in
the final of the Bat-O-
Rama staged by the Tuna-
puna Tigers Table Tennis
club ;at the Tunapuna
Community Centre on
Saturday 9 and Sunday
Brewster a good defensive
player, countered his oppo-
nents loops well and varied
his chops intelligently. With
players such as Wade and
Darceuil to practice with
Brewster is certain to make
his presence felt in future
national tournaments.

The Bat-O-Rama provided
a rare treat of entertainment
for the spectators drawn large-
ly from Tunapuna.
The two nights long pro-
gramme was highlighted by
fascinating games from tiny
tots S. Gill and L. Celestine,
Kenneth Gilland Julius War-
ren (National Junior players)
by the final between Brewster
and Gonsalves and by a thrill-
ing exhibition match between
Stephen Wade and Lionel
Both Wade and Darceuil
demonstrated that they had
learnt a lot from their China
trip last year. A stroke which
they brought back with them
was the high loop which at
times couldn't be executed
properly because of the low
Truly, that Bat-O-Rama

J. Gonsalves bt Steve Calliste
K. Gill bt Hilton Williams
D. Brewster bt Michael Edwards

J Gonsalves bt Ken Gill
D. Brewster bt David, Lee Pong

was worthy of a better setting
but unfortunately better
couldn't be done. In the first
place the Community Centre
does not have sufficient play-
ing room and only one row of
chairs along the internal peri-
meter of the building was-
available for the accomoda-.
tion of spectators.
Many had to be contented,
on thefirst nightparticularly,
with looking in from outside.
The lights, the table and the
net were all inadequate.

Every hard shot into the
netshifted it.Yet under these
conditions the Tigers have
managed to breed national
champions and the current
Caribbean singles champ.
The Bat-O-Rama- ended
with a short prize distribution
ceremony. The presentations
were made by Tapia Secre-
tary, Lloyd Best who com-
mended the club on its ability
to survive in a community
where 35% of the youth were
unemployed. Actually out of
fifty members of the Club,
only five are employed.

He was happy the Tapia
Secretary said, to see that the
club had maintained the tra-
dition of table tennis set by
the Tunapuna Flamingoes
which had yielded no fewer
than five national champs.:
Tigers had been able to go
one up on their predecessors
by producing a Caribbean
champion of champions.

21-11, 17-21,21-17
21-13, 21-19
21-17, 21-15

14-21,21-16, 21-14


D. Brewster bt J. Gonsalves

21-15, 21-17, 1.7-21,21-16

Some of.the Tunapuna Tigers team members

At the Tapia House, 82-84 St. Vincent St. Tunapuna, Trinidad & Tobago.
Phone: 662-5126.

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Now Showing at





ONE cannot help viewing
the current dispute at the
Television station with
some degree of sceptical
amusement. The workers
at the television station
are calling for the resig-
nation of the company's
general Manager Mr.
.Sonny Rawlins, and its
programme director,
Farouk Mohammed.
Accusing management of
mal-administration the work-
ers have stated that "there
is continuous deterioration of
the already low quality ser-
vice being given to the Pub-
lic". Their concern for the
public welfare is admirable
but it is also very question-
The shit that TTT has
been throwing at the public
did not start yesterday. The
station has been in operation
for over ten years now and
its standards of presentation


have never risen above its
present alarming mediocrity.
The present management
of the station has been at the
controls for a long time and
criticisms of the station did
not begin with Jeremy Taylor
as excellent as he might be.
So one must ask why it is only
now that thp workers are
prepared to admit to the low
quality of service.

It is interesting too, that
Holly Betaudier should be in
the forefront of the current
protest. For years he has been
hosting one of the most ago-
nisingly atrocious shows on
the station. If this is the type
of encouragement "of local
initiative in the creative field",
that the workers are advocat-
ing then may God help us.
Let me say right now that
I hold no brief for the pre-
sent management at the sta-


tion. On the contrary, a blind
man on a troting horse could
see that they are grossly in-
competentfThe point is how-
ever that the workers must
understand that even within
the framework of the present
unhappy circumstances that
their own responsibilities must
be fulfilled.
The workers must ask
themselves whether their own
performances in their parti-
cular areas are all that they
should be. It is easy to blame
bad management for all ills
and to ignore ones own possi-
ble contribution to improv-
ing the situation.

According to how the
workers answer this question
we would know whether or
not their concern for the
public welfare is genuine or
merely serves as an attractive
exterior to very ordinary la-



bour demands.
Nonetheless their protest
does in fact raise certain im-
portant issues. By now we
should have been able to
anticipate Governments re-
sponse to the situation. Ap-
point a Commission. (One
could also talk about the
implications of the Workers
"running to Whitehall". But
sufficient unto the day etc.)

The question is what can
we expect from the present
enquiry. It is significant that
one does not even have to
concern oneself with the in-
tegrity or the competence of
the Commissioner Mr. Clyde
James, to answer this ques-
Somewhere, in some go-
yernment building, there is a
growing stack of reports. A
dusty monument to many
hours of wasted time and
wasted energies, and to this
Government's strategy of de-
fusing every potential issue
by commissioning enquiries,
the reports of which, what-
ever the contents, it knows it
shall never use.
That this shall be the final
outcome of the enquiry now
being mounted in the Tele-
vision dispute is even more
certain. It is possible of course
that the workers may have
some of their grievances sa-
tisfied. They may even suc-
ceed in getting rid of the
present management. It is
easy to find incompetence
and willing impotence about
the place.:


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'A lston Grant

EX-FIELD policemen are
the ones who have headed
the Prime Minister's Special
Works Programme in Fyza-
bad from its very incep-
These men have in the
main been ignorant of the pro-
cesses necessary for good road
construction and repair. They
have lacked initiative and crea-
tivity, or any semblance of
administrative ability. Corrupt
as they have been, they are
also card-carrying .party-men.


The net result of this in-
efficiency and incompetence
which mirrors the general per-
formance of the regime can be
seen anywhere in Fyzabad, and
most of all in a small com-
munity called Delhi Road.
There one finds broken
and unrepaired sidewalks, pot-
holes and everywhere stag-
nated waters in clogged canals.
Such is the story of Delhi
Road, F y z a ba d. Such
are the sorry conse-

quences of 17 years of PNM
The question arises as to
why this road has deteriorated
so dangerously that both walk-
ing and driving are now risks
despite the so-called repairs
done to the Delhi Road main
causeway, by the Special Works
One answer is simply that
those people who are able and
competent to perform road
repairing and construction jobs
are never employed. These are
the ones who cannot get jobs
in Fyzabad. They are the ones,
too, without party-cards.
It is they who with others
are opposed to the Government,
the who-eh-with-me- against
meh ones. Crapaud not only
smoking they pipe, but also
that of the whole Delhi Road
Community now. And that in-
cludes those with and without
party-cards. The chaotic con-
ditions now prevailing attests
to this.
But for a'few, Delhi Road
would have remained in tile de-
plorable conditions consignecd

to it by the insensitive party-
hacks. The young people here
are organising themselves into
groups groups with an inter-
est in.the welfare of the com-
munity. Dustbin campaigns are
in the making, and keep-the-
village-clean campaigns are to
come as well.
Central to the problem of
group organizations in the area
is the persistent fear of police
brutality. Ever since the search
for arms and ammunition be-
gan in the area terror and inti-
midation have increased ten-
A state of emergency type
vigil by the police and army
has also been introduced to the
area. In the face of all these
problems the fight for a just
and humane society continues.
People are becoming more
aware of their problems. and
the methods that should be
used to confront them. The
power of tile king. his troops.
and treasury is being under-
stood. And the fight to destroy
the citadel ofiniquity colntmiuis.

As far as any improve-
ment in the quality, content
and orientation of the pro-
gramming is.concerned how-
ever, we can forget it. We
must understand that the Go-
vernment is quite satisfied
with the present diet of bull-
shit served up nightly by TTT.
The utter mindlessness of
most of the shows now aired
aids and abets Government's
other attempts to keep the
population in blissful igno-
rance, except, of course, for
the occasional burst of putrid
propaganda- spewed out by
the Filming Unit.

Circuses come in many
forms and "ludicrous Lucy"
and Barnabas are the two
best Ministers of Culture this
Government ever had. They
survive every Cabinet re-
The point is that the
Government is mortally afraid
of the prospect ofan informed
population. So they shall con-
tinue to close the television to
political discussion, they shall
continue to resist any attempt
to air programmes that dis-
cuss in any serious way, social
and political events here and
abroad, and above all they

must continue to stifle all
"local initiative and creative
endeavour". For this is the
most subversive thing of all.
If the workers are serious
about their concern then they
shall have to wait until this
Government crumbles before
they can get rid of Lucy et al.
have to wait long.


The Doctor Has

Three Choices

IN THEORY Williams has three choices. The first is to many d
heed the call of Robinson and for DAC elections now. until th
Robinson says that the issue of constitutional reform interests
is irrelevant, what is needed is a new government that tion tha
reflects the will of the people. not, a
The question he cannot answer is how we are going to create t
induce Williams to call an election that the opposition could ditioe
win when the time is not legally (or even militarily) up. Both
'Robinson is in the same box as those who advocate armed Both
struggle by a vanguard as against political struggle by the political
communities. posed s
It is equally impossible to say how we could succeed in a scaling th
war of arms if the people have not first been politically organ- w Majest
ised to give the movement a solid political base outside the Majestya
realm of direct military action. So elections are out and a coup Re-ort,
by a handful of military activists is also out In spite of the four mo
rhetoric of "by any means necessary", you can see that both and elec
NJAC and Tapia are now clear on this; you can tell from what
they are doing from day to day.
Where Tapia is on its own is that we have always seen
the relevance of the constitutional issue. In fact we made it an
issue from early. We were the first to see that a boycott of the follow t
1971 election was necessary in order to outlaw the resulting fowno
100% PNM Parliament in the eyes of the world and force referee a
Williams to concede that his method from 1961-70 had ex- referee a
posed the invalidity of the Westminster model here. More than to give t
anybody else perhaps, we forced Williams to create Wooding sasr a
and the current significance of Wooding is that Williams has to spirit a
do something about the Report. This is his second option, follow '
doing something about Wooding and he can't avoid it because political
he needs it more than we do. political
Political leadership which is not simply relying on happen
unchallenged authority -or on decisive military force must the PNh
always know that to engage the enemy, you have to inveigle steered c:
him into an issue of which he has greater need than you. timetable
Otherwise he simply would 'not play. Only a political infant along w
could have staked his future on an election that Williams does along wi
not dare to call because the country is against PNM and is Ve
prepared now to try anything else. p ay r
play for a
S( Wooding
in any wa
The February Revolution has scared people and many As always
think that the Williams arrogance is the cause. Even the con- ment wh
servatives would have been relieved if he had gone last Decem- opposition
ber. They believe that it is time to open the game up, to get agitation
rid of Williams and see what will happen. And now that we In
have gotten the petroleum bonanza, people are more willing to Williar
than ever to take a risk and experiment, just as they did with Report i
the PNM in 1956 at the time of the last petroleum boom. conclusiv
Williams will lose an election if he holds one without inept a r
rigging. Tapia is on record more than once for estimating that without
DAC or some new DAC-DLP coalition is likely to win. take it t
It is common knowledge that some quite improbablepeople on that we
the left have settled on pro-tem support of an opposition concession
coalition if Williams calls an early poll. We are not'going to tional op:
intervene to confuse the country. The fewer the options, the The
greater the certainty, that PNM would lose. Williams is for more
intelligent enough to Iknow that he must not take the chance. Tapia ha
His only hope is Wooding. Tapia put him so. tunity fo
Nothing is more subversive of the interests of the mer in We are in
office than constitutional reform. The issue focuses on law and Tapi
stable order, the one thing they cannot deliver if they could, only supi
there would in the first plaec have been no crisis. On the other publicity
hand, the issue is bound to elicit multiple proposals from irrelevant




mm rvw w"ruco

different political interests so that it cannot be resolved
lere is a polarisation that lines up a decisive political
s so that it cannot be resolved until there is a polarisa-
it tines up a decisive political force. More often than
civil war is necessary. In any event, a considerable
of political time must necessarily elapse so as to
he psychological and political (if not military) con=
conducive to a settlement.
Williams and Wooding understand the importance of
time and we must take note of the diametrically op-
trategies they, were driven to adopt. Williams was
for thorough and widespread discussion obviously
aim of dragging on. Wooding, cast in the mould of Her
s Royal Commissioner then proposed the most definite
le possible. He advocated early publication of the
a discussion of not less than three and not morethan
*nths, a changeover, to a new constitution on Aug 31
tions within three months.

own Colony thinkers believe that Williams is going to
these proposals to the letter. They forget that there is
Colonial Office and that the Doctor is now both
.s well as the other player. Williams obviously is going
he impression that he intends to follow Wooding. He
idy won plaudits for his new democratic and humble
id confounded his critics by going along so far.
t Williams could only go so far and no further. To
Wooding to the letter would be to give up PNM's
space and tell the opposition to ready itself for
er, October or November. Never happen. It could
only if following Wooding to the letter would bring
1 a win. That is why Robinson, who has all along
lear of the constitutional issue, welcomed the Wooding
e with glee. DAC imagines that if Williams went
th Wooding, it would be a victory for all those who
d themselves with the specific timetable.
can therefore anticipate that Williams is going to
in altogether different option. He will engage with the
Report because he has to. But he is not going to do it
.y which would effectively prevent him fromchinksing.
's, chinksing is the least risky option for the govern-
iich is in possession. The onus then lies with the
on which needs somehow to seize the initiative when
is circumscribed by repressive legislation.
practice, such chinksing is the only real choice open
ns. This means that he may try to process the Wooding
n such a way as would make the deliberations in-
*e, or he may organise a Consultation and put so
nan in the Chair that it would break up in disorder
formulating any clear directives. Or again, he may
o Parliament and so frustrate the country's wishes
would revert to where we started. Or he may make
ns that would pull the rug from under the conven-
ere is room for endless confusion, infinite opportunity
zig-zag and political manipulation. Fortunately we in
ve known this all along. We know that the oppor-
r .fatal error. Williams galaying and we galaying too.
viting him to play.
ia knows that in a revolutionary situation such as this,
erior political organisation will tell. Dynamic threads,
in the media and conventional antics become totally
beyond a certain point. We definitely pass that stage.



LAST Sunday March 10,
members of the Na-
tional Executive and
Council delegates met
with the Tapiamen of
Point Fortin at the Civic
Centre Annex.
The meeting was
chaired by Community
Relations Secretary,
Ivan Laughlin.
Speaking ^ at the
morning session were
Vice Chairman, Volney
Pierre and Campaign
SManager, Michael Harris
both) of whom briefly
outlined Tapia's philo-







___ ____

Saplaman Alston urant
inspects dustbin

Junior Tobas

THROUGHOUT the years
sanitation has always been
one of the major prob-
lems facing the country.
Fyzabad which is part of
Trinidad can by no means
Sbe exempted.
Over the years very little
has been done to solve this
hazardous problem. And even
if the political events are. head-
ing for a crisis, there is no
reason why we should be sub-
jected to environmental con-
Week long campaigns
launched to deal with sanita-
tion problems are just not
enough to control a problem
that has already gotten well
out of hand.
If you were to take a walk
through the streets of Fyzabad
it would not be long before
you realize how serious a prob-
lem sanitation is.


Firstly the garbage disposal
units are both insufficient in
number, and inadequate in
capacities. So that while garbage.
trucks may clear garbage regu-:
larly the work is never really
done properly.
Further where the covering
on the backs of the trucks are
not properly made most of the
garbdgecollected falls back into
the street once the vehicle
takes off for the dumping
With very few sanitary
bins available for use it is by
no means surprising to find
that our pavements, canals, and
our streets are used as dumping
grounds. Around the market
area this particular aspect of
the problem is gravest.
Therefore we in Tapia
Fyzabad have decided to lend
some assistance to deal with
this problem. We plan to im-
plement a dustbin campaign.
Towards this end we are ap-
proaching the business com-
munity, and the community at
large for assistance.
The assistance may take
the form of donations of drums,-
paint or finance. We in turn
plan to paint these barrels and
have them distributed through-
out the entire area for public
use. The people of Fyzabad
are called upon to give their
fullest cooperation.


iras. 1-drea Talbut~tt
RIesetrch sti-.tllte for
Study of Ivnq
62, Last 78th Str eet9
162 )'RXast fY iO,j
I~iz"i YORK9 I N.Y. 1-01 --, 9
Ph. Lehigh 5 -8 448,

Baldwin Mootoo

FROM England's point
of view, one down and
two saved. After the de-
bacle. of the first Test not
a bad record. True they
have come perilously close
to defeat in both the
second and third Tests,
but considering the rela-
tive strengths of both
teams the position at this
stage in the series must
be satisfactory from their
point of view.
Their tactics one imagines
would be the same as before -
dig in and bat as long as possi-
ble, and as was done in the
first innings in Barbados (al-
most two full days to score
less than 400 runs).And hope
that at some stage the West
Indian batting machine col-
Yet the prospects are not
rosy. West Indies have essen-
tially batted once only in all
three test matches so far. But
Denness must be pinning his
hopes on the glorious un-
certainties of cricket and
surely he must be saying at
the very least that he can
keep the margin of victory
down to 1-0.
What will he do for the
next test?



His experiment on open-
ing failed and Boycott clearly
prefers to settle in to his
innings against the fast bowl-
ers. In addition Boycott's batt-
ing at No. 4 certainly created
no improvement in the per-
formance of the. other main
line batsmen.
So that the -logic of the
situation will necessitate his
reversing this decision and
putting Boycott back at the
opening position. I don't sup-
pose that the obviously strain-
ed relationship with Boycott
will help,but we shall see.
Jameson is playing in a
league beyond him I think -
I would plug.for the reinclu-
sion of Hayes at his expense.
Which three of Arnold, Willis.
Old and Underwood should
play may best be solved by
pulling from a hat.
The pleasing aspects of the
game for Denness must be

the return to form of Knott
who must have been close to
being dropped, and Fletcher's
and Greig's batting. But the
Problem remains how does
he get the West Indian team

From the West Indian
point of view, twice they
have had victory denied them
almost as the celebrations had
already started. True in both
cases England must blame
themselves getting into these
situations on such easy paced
wickets. But having got so
close the West Indies should
have that little extra to pull it
off even though the pitches
easy paced and batsmen are
only prepared to put their
heads down and stay.
It does reflect specially in
the light of our euphoria over
the batting of Rowe, Kallie-
charan and Julien with at least



30 rqore .years-batting-among
them on the fact that the
area in which we4 are most
deficient-at the moment is in
not possessing a bowler of
real penetration.
SFor example, one like
Wes.Hall who would produce
that odd ball, even on the :
most placid of pitches, that
would be unplayable and al-
low the other bowlers to bowl
at a new batsman.

In situations like this we ""'
cannot afford to drop catches
When Julien takes an incriedi-
ble catch to dismiss Amiss,
it is soon negated by both
Lloyd and Fredericks dropp-
ing close to the wicket catches
on the last day. .
One senses too, a certain
lack of urgency in, the run
rate by the lower order bats-
.gen .-afer the West Indies
have amassed a formidable
total so that the West
Indies too have to take stock.
The Shell Shield matches
give no real indication of what
to expect of the Guyana
pitch this year both fast
bowlers and spinners have
shared in the wickets and
sides have had no difficulty
scoring once they buckled
down to it.
So while the West Indian

batting must remain the same,
and the bowling could only
change if one has to make
way .for a fit Boyce then if
we are to try and win this
one we have to take not only
the brilliant catches but the
difficult ones as well.

We also have to continue
batting well and speed it up
for a while (even though the
English bowlers will not be
particularly concerned about
..the over rate).
So we in the fourth test
with the situation pretty much
what it-was at the end of the
1st. except that England
must feel a bit better having
saved the 2nd and 3rd, and
West Indies a bit frustrated at
having been teased out of
victory twice in a row.

In addition several people
owe the team some runs -
Sobers, Kanhai, Lloyd. Add
io this, Kalliecheran's consis-
tency and Rowe's form and
Julien's continuing improve-
ment in every aspect of the
game, and it should be a good
test with England's strategy
one of saving the game.
To counter this West In-
dies must show a little more
needle in the field. It is going
to be another good test match.

Secret Agent


Lloyd King

AT THE last meeting of the
Trinidad-Cuba Friendship So-
ciety, which took place on
Thursday 7th March, 1974 in
Daaga Hall at UWI the lecture
topic was 'The Arts in Cuba',
which attracted an audience
of seven people.

The first highlight of the
evening was the presence of a
young security man. He was
disguised as a civilian and a
concerned citizen, but some-
how managed to stick out
like a sore thumb.
As I stood to one side,
waiting for things to start he
approached me and attempted

Writhes in

to start a conversation:
Sore Thumb: So the lec-
ture is on Cuba tonight, eh?
Boy you find we have a lot of
confusion in Trinidad?
I; Grunt, grunt.
Sore Thumb: Eh, you doe
-tink that if we have to take
over the country, a few peo-
ple must be prepared to lose
dey life, eh. What you think!
Dee ting bout Trinidadians is
that dey aint interested in
losing dey life.
I: Umh, ah, grunt.
It was clear to me that this
fellow had misread the title of
the lecture. Instead of the
Arts in Cuba, he felt it was
'The Art of Subversion in
Trinidad'. For him anyone
interested in Cuba was either
a total fool, totally mad or
Sore Thumb: You know
Ge-or-ge (stammer, stammer)

Weekes say that we go have
the same ting in Trinidad dat
dey have in Grenada. You
tink dat true, eh, you tink we
have a lot of confusion here?
When Sore Thumb rea-
lised that he was conducting
a monologue, he withdrew to
a bench in the darkness out-
side the hall, to report to his
colleague, who must have a
Diploma in recording subver-
sive conversations in the dark.
Sore Thumb later came up
to the lecture and his amaze-
ment was visible as he wit-
nessed the lengthy discussion
on whether the Cuban Estab-
lishment had applied the prin-
ciple of 'overkill' in handling
presumed dissenting artists in
the interests of a presumed
National Security.
Let us hope that Sore
Thumb's twisted conscious-
ness was in some way sub-
verted towards sanity by the
intelligent discussion that
took place.



THERE is another addition
to the world of information
here in Trinidad. Last week
the first issue of the new
literary and cultural maga-
zine, NEW VISION, scheduled
to be a quarterly publication,
came on the bookshelves.

The managing editor of
the publication is psycholo-
gist and journalist, Aknath
Maharaj. In his introductory
editorial Maharaj declares the
purpose of the magazine to
be, the provision of informa-
tion "for us to understand
and appreciate one another a
little better".
In this context the maga-
zine will discuss all major
facets of life. Maharaj sees

the success of New Vision as
being based on three criteria.
Firstly, young talent must be
sought out and exposed.
Secondly the magazine must
'"help raise the consciousness
of its readers".

The third task of the maga-
zine that Maharaj envisages is
that of assisting people in
developing a new vision, one
that rises "above the pettiness,
selfishness and prejudice".
The first issue of the maga-
zine brings together,articles.
by writers in several fields
ranging from art to politics.
The articles themselves are
largely of a cultural and so-
ciological nature. Contribu-
tors include Brinsley,Samaroo
Merle Hodge, M.P. Alladin
and Allan Harris. The cost of
magazine is $1.25.



1972 $15.00; 1973 $20.00 CONTACT -662-5126



_ ~_