Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00093
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: January 20, 1974
Frequency: completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00093

Full Text


HEAR Mr. Chambers in
the 1973 Budget:
"Agriculture is being re-
vitalized, and a new peasantry
created Industry and tour--
ism have grown with greater
national participation at all
levels; we are beginning to see
the emergence of a new indi-
genous managerial class. The
whole education system has
been enlarged and refurbished
. The housing stock has been
expanded .. Cultural expres-
sion and the development of
local art forms have reached
new heights per capital
national income has increased
and employment provided by
the Government increased
from 77,800 in 1969 to 91,300
in 1971".
Not boasting.


Whom the Gods wish to
destroy they first make mad.
After that delightful perspec-
tive on the new society, we
have ended up the year bawling.
Official prognostications for
1974 read like a litany of
woe which has taken before
before before take it.

Chandrika Singh, a Griev-
ance Officer in the sugar
industry. Associated with
the industry since 1925.
Worked under the regimes
of Cipriani, Quintin
O'Connor, Lionel Seuke-
;ran, Rienzi, Butler and
Bhadase Maraj.
(See Page 2).

What is it that went wrong
in 12 short months? How come
we gone off on this altogether
different scene, a scene of
doubt, despair and gloom? What
has happened to the roaring
seventies, premised on a pro-
mised oil bonanza?
Well the oil bonanza here
and this Government so bless
that they saying it ent here. We
have an energy crisis, runs the
tale. So you can confidently
expect another pragmatic Bud-
get, another crisis dodge. The.
trend established in April 1967
over the Finance Bill, and de-
veloped in 1970 and 1971 over
the February Revolution con-
tinues. Fundamental planning
If there is a crisis in 1974,
that crisis already existed in
1973. All the signals of escalat-
ing shortages and runaway
prices were already there for
serious men to see. And in any
case, the political eruption in
our own country was enough
to summon the Government to


But Mr Chambers, charac-
teristically, presented another
People's National Budget, show-
ing an optimistic face, offering
rosy forecasts and golden pro-
mises while making the usual
obeisances to the hegemony
which those "powerful de-
veloped countries" seem per-
manently to have established
over the Afro-Saxon-mind.
The only difficulties the
Minister could see were the
"unrealistic expectations" of
the people. He could therefore
proceed gaily on to pave his
way to hell with good inten-
His aim? continuing action
in three fields:
equitable income sharing
both between foreigners and
nationals and amongst na-
o maintenance of relative
price stability and;
support for rural standards
of living and promotion of
agricultural production.

We were to achieve these
aims by free and subsidized
goods and services; low-cost
housing; Minimum Wages Le-
gislation; negotiations of more
remunerative" prices for our
exports; and a National Con-
sultation on prices. By cuts in
dealers' margins; stronger price
surveillance; moral restraint on
dividends through voluntary
action, inevitably, on the part
of firms; through overtime con-
trol and reclassification of posts
in the public service.
Emphasis was to have been
given to Agriculture, Industry,
Housing, and Water Supply
with special attention to Health,
Sport and Culture and to main-
tenance of the level of Special
Works employment.


In other words, last year's
Budget was another masterpiece
of incoherent strategy and a
guarantee of the kind of confu-
sion in which we find ourselves
today while the energy crisis
opens for this country the
biggest single opportunity we
have ever had to put our econo-
my on an even keel.
The farce of Productivity
Year has left the Government
even more out of touch than
ever. Their first response to
this golden chance was to pre-
sent some drivel on TV about
BWIA, the airline with the
defensive political weapon.
Twelve months have gone
and we are still as far as ever
from the PetroleumTechretariat
which we need to harness the
industry to suit our own de-
vices. We are still enmeshed in
a futile exercise of integrating
non-existent Caribbean trade
and co-ordinating policies of
kow-towing before foreign in-
vestment by tariff adjustment
and tax harmonisation when
the region is crying out for
rationalisation of production
by any means necessary.
If you think this new Bud-
get go focus on these basic
issues; please remember what
thought make a man do.

New Year


THE Tapia New Year Assem'-,'v comes off THIS
Sunday January 20 at the V" :: in Tunapuna. The
full Ag~aida is published n -,e 8.
Highlight of the day wil oe the presentation of Part II
of the Tapia Manifesto, in two statements. The first by
Augustus Ramrekersingh will focus on Tapia's Newi Wo'dJ
for Trinidad and for Tobago.
The second by Angela Cropper will sketch Draft
Proposals for Economic and Social Change.
Others on the card include Tapia Secretary, Lloyd
Best whose theme is Race, Class and the Facts of Power
Chairman, Syl Lowhar who will explore The Wooding
Report and the Constitutional Crisis and
Community Secretary, Ivan Laughlin who will talk
on Organisation for Radical Change.
Resolutions from the Assembly will be taken at the
end of the day.

Angela Cropper
ON SUNDAY morning from 9 a.m. volunteers will
be operating a shuttle service to transport Tapia supporters
and associates up to the House from the corner of the
Eastern Main Road, and St. Vincent St, Tunapuna.
At the House, literature and Tapia Jerseys will be on
sale. A cheap lunch will be served from the community
table on which participants are asked to deposit their
contribution on. arrival. A limited quantity of pelau will
also be on sale at a price of $1.50.


Syl Lowhar

Productivity Year, Mr. Chambers makes no sense of the February Revolution
It is doomed from the very start. TAPIA, Vol. 3, No. 2 on the 1973 Budget.

p-oor memon~e

25 Cents

Vol. 4 No. 3



THIS series focuses attention
on some of the key personal-
ities behind the current struggle
to improve the lot of the sugar
workers, and on those whose
opinion and support are de-
cisive for complete victory.

RADIATING confidence,
talkative, attentive, tall
with a greying crop of hair,
that is Chandrika Singh, a
Grievance Officer with All
Trinidad Sugar Estates and
Factory Workers Trade
"Chan" as he is affectionate-
ly known throughout the in-
dustry, and particularly among
Workers from Caroni and Orange
Grove, the areas for which he
is responsible, has been in-
volved in 'sugar' as far back as
1925. This first period was to
last till 1941, to be followed by
20 years of more or less com-
plete absence.
Between 1961-1964 he was
back on the sugar scene with
Sutton, was expelled from All
Trinidad, and subsequently
called back fn 1967 through
the instrumentality of a dele-
gation led by Bissoon Indar-
singh, a shop steward for Ca-
roni district.
No better judgement could
be made of the man Chandrika
Singh than the fact that he
seemed always to be getting
.himself 'in trouble' on the side
of his workers.
It all began in 1934, Chan.
assured me. Then he had to
face his first problem in sugar.
"Hardship of work by the then

ment and minimum pay
are what sugar workers in
cultivation section have
been demanding from the
'sugar barons' over the last
ten years now. But so far
the situation has remained
That was how Chandrika
Singh summed up the current
crisis which led some 5,000
workers in cultivation, and
who are in the pay of Caroni
Ltd. to down tools pending a
speedy settlement of the issue.
A few years ago the issue
came up before the Industrial
Court. The then President of
the Court, Justice Hyatali was
taken on a trip throughout the
fields so that he could have a
first-hand insight into the con-
ditions under which cultivation
workers laboured.
According to Chandrika
Singh, the Industrial Court
remained unpersuaded by the
need to improve the lot of
workers, and so rejected their
It was therefore ironic that
All Trinidad Union should
hasten to retain Hudson-
Phillips to fight the issue, and




Lloyd Taylor



manufacturers, Caroni Ltd.
sparked off a rebellion. And we
had the cause to beat-up some
foreign whitemen."
In the aftermath 21 per-
sons were charged for rioting.

that the Court should at once
find it fit to re-open it.
.But, Chandrika Singh
assured, sugar workers have
indicated that they are not
prepared to stand by any
decision arrived at by the
Court. "I asked them, 'Would
you people be prepared to
work if the Company agrees
to give as much as 3 days a
week?', and the answer was
He went on to state that

These men were defended by
Mitra Sinanan and the workers
won the case. Following im-
mediately upon this was an
increase in pay. Weeders moved
from 25c to 30c per day, While

the sugar workers in fact did
not want any settlement from
the Court. They would abide
only with a settlement around
the table, and Basdeo Panday
must represent them.
As far as they are con-
cerned the Company and the
Union, which comprise merely
two sides of the same coin,
have decided to take the
issue to the Court in order to
cut the support from under
Panday's feet.

forker men got an increase of
10c on the old 40c per day
rate. And above all 'else no
victimisation took place.
This event was to mark the
beginning of upheavals in la-
bour which later were to en-
gulf in its entirety the oil and
sugar industries in what is now
known in history as the Butler
Riots. For Chandrika,the period
also marked the end of his
fist phase of active involvement
in 'sugar'.
By 1961-62 Chan was back
again* on the battle field. He
had been called back by cultiva-
tion workers in Caroni. Sugar
workers were once again sensing
a new ray of hope when W.W.
Sutton entered the picture pro-
mising all manner of things.


Chandrika Singh could not
resist the call of the warrior and
soon found himself devoting
his organising skill, and his
knowledge of the conditions in
the sugar industry to the task
of overthrowing the old order
in labour.
Representatives from all
over the industry joined in the
struggle backing Sutton, a new
man, and the result was one of
the largest demonstrations of
sugar workers from Orange
Grove, Brechin Castle, Caroni,
Forres Park, Reform and Wood-
ford Lodge.
The movement led by Sut-
ton failed. Bhadase was brought

A ./' *

back and the old order was
firmly entrenched. According

to 'Chan' Sutton had "sold out
the workers to Bhadase, lock,
*firmly entrenched. According

stock and barrel, for a few
thousand dollars. We managed
to force the Honeyman Com-
mission of Enquiry into the
industry. But nothing more
came out of it".
The passing away of Bha-
dase,and the growing animosity
towards Hunte and Tello at
Orange Grove provided the
launching pad for Chandrika
Singh, aged but undaunted by
past failures, to once again take
up the workers' standard.


Soon 'Chan' found himself
plump in the middle of the
scrimmage to rid the Orange
Grove National Sugar Company
of mismanagement and ineffi-
ciency. From foreday morning,
as is the lot of every sugar
worker, Chandrika would find
himself at Orange Grove to
take up the grievances workers
By the time the two-man
Commission of Enquiry was
appointed to go into the charges
brought against Hunte and
Tello 'Chan' had already carved
out his name as an able fighter
on the side of the workers.
Occupying the postiion of
workers' representative before
the Commission 'Chan', by his
experience, completely out-
witted Lennox Hunte, the Per-
sonal Manager, and once fired
a barrage of questions aimed at
establishing Clement Tello's
competence who of course,
declined to answer even once.
With such a record of
championing workers' causes
Chandrika Singh inevitably
found himself on the wrong
side of Rampartap Singh, and
other oligarchs in the All Trini-
dad Union.

Next Week- How All Trinidad's
Executive tried to contain
Chandrika. Singh 's zeaL

Our printing-plant is open at
The Tapia House 82-84 St. Vincent
Street, Tunapuna.
Kindly phone orders to: 662-5126.









An Institute of Petroleum
Conclusion.of price and tax negotiations with the
Companies for the period since 1970.
.Strick compliance with the terms of Crown Lands
New market in Princes Town; New abbatoir in
Sangre Grande; Completion of Rio Claro Market; Exten-
tion of wholesale section of Central Market
Expanded system of contract and guaranteed prices
to pay farmers promptly and reasonably
Completion of large agricultural training facilities
at Centeno
A Farmer Training Centre and Mobile Training Units
Agricultural Exhibitions to introduce new techniques
and new equipment
Sure and good marketing facilities for livestock and
poultry farmers
Laboratory testing facilities, better breeding stock
and cheaper local feeds for farmers
A (National) Re-insurance Company
Greater surveillance of the entire insurance industry
DFC Machinery to provide export credits
Localization, of Trinidad. Mortgage and-Finance Co
An optimistic outlook for the PTSC



/F O S A R R n s

A continued drive to improve existing roads
The South Bound Carriageway of the Solomon
Hochoy Highway paved and opened for traffic
Deliberate reduction of the increase in cars on the
Completion of Junior Secondary Sch~nls in Aran-
guez, Sangre Grande, Siparia, point Fortin and Princes
Work on 6 other Junior Secondary, 4 Combined
Junior and Senior Secondary Schools, 3 Senior Com-
prehensive Schools, one Teacher Training College, one
Technical Institute, one Technical Training Centre, and
three Mobile Units for Farmers.
Work on Conversion into Junior Secondary Schools
of Government Secondary Schools at Woodbrook, San
Juan, Tunapuna, Arima, Palo Seco and Vessigny.
Improvement of John S Donaldson Technical Insti-
tute and Pt Fortin Vocational School. Final plans for
construction of technical and vocational schools in
Fyzabad, Point Fortin, Chaguanas, and Tobago.
Repairs and improvements to 76 schools,5 5 Primary,
and 21 Secondary
Establishment of Student Loan Fund '
Improvement of the -National Library Service, ad-
vance of the Caribbean Examinations Council anid
research into "indigenous music and other art forms".
;Sustained momentum in the public programme .

Construction of a new 100-bed Maternity and Teach-
ing Hospital at Mt Hope and of seven new Health Centres
in Diego Martin, Toco, Chaguanas, Rio Claro, Freeport,
SLa Romain and Debe
Upgraded playgrounds, improved facilities for basket
ball, volleyball, lawn tennis, more swimming pools;
extended coaching programmes; Chaguaramas National
Commission of Enquiry into WASA
National Consultation on Productivity in the Public
Review of Special Worki Programmes to curb excess'
and to emphasise constructive development projects
Priority to projects in the redevelopment ot Scar-
borough with provision for Court House, County.Hall,
Police Station, Post Office, Bus Terminal, Fire Station
and Market Extension
Construction of one child-delivery unit at Roxborough
Roxborough Fire Station
Completion of Roxborough-L'Anse Fourmi Road
Industrial Arts Centres at Roxborough
Scarborough and Roxborough Secondary Schools to
be converted into Junior Secondary
Bishop'p High School to be extended
A new abbatoir at the Hope Farm






.., ,.APIAV ~PGES''




ECUADOR'S entry into
the Organization of Petro-
leum Exporting Countries
is the fulfilment of a long-
held desire of this country,
Latin America's second
largest petroleum exporter,
and constitutes the gua-
rantee of the government's
forward-looking petroleum
A country traditionally in
search of an agricultural pro-
duct to keep afloat its weak
,economy, Ecuador had always
played the role of transitory
supplier of certain minor pro-
ducts on the world market.
Petrolium, according to the
experts, will balance the eco-
nomy and stabilize the socio-
political situation of this coun-
tr3 which has had 17 Constitu-
tions and more than 50
On August, 16, 1972, the
first shipment of Ecuadorian
petroleum left port, petroleum
extracted by the U.S. consor-
tium Texaco-Gulf in the eastern
deposits of Lago Agrio. This
marked the sudden break of
Ecuador's dependence on the
banana industry, although the
country is still the world's fore-
most exporter of the fruit.


The government of General
Guillermo Rodriguez Lara, four
months after it came to power
on February 16, 1972, decreed
some provisional amendments
to the Petroleum Code and
,gradually increased the refer-
ence prices up to $7.30 per
This increase, according to
the minister of natural and
.power resources, reflects the
OPEC policy,Jhe growing rise.
in prices of crude on the world
market, the fluctuations of the
U.S. dollar and the power de-
ficit now affecting the big
Ecuador's petroleum policy,
while not radical, is regarded
as positive in that it has curbed
the "generosity" with which
former governments have hand-
ed over the country's natural
resources to foreign companies.
The more important achieve-
ment of the policy perhaps is
having put an end to the scan-
dal of onerous petroleum con-
cessions granted in the past to
foreign companies, chiefly US,
which in 1971, for example,
owned some 90,000 square
kilometers of land, almost one-
third of national territory.


The temporary provisions
returned to the state some
4.096 million hectares, increas-
ed the land-surface rents from
$60,000 to $240,000 during
the exploration periodand from
$920000 to $5.6 million during
the exploitation period. They
also reduced the duration of
the concessions, from 40 to 25
or 30 years, according to the
The importance of these
measures lies in the fact that
they were expedited twC
months before the first export.
of petroleum and at a time
when a subtle but perceptible
international campaign began,
predicting an uncertain econo-
mic future for the country.
The basis of these predic-
tions was the government an-
nouncement that 1it would re-

vise some 50 existing contracts
and that the temporary pro-
visions which had for the first
time established order in the
midst of reigning chaos would
no longer be enforced.


Now in the final stage is the
renegotiation of the contracts
which limit the land area of thd
concessions granted in the past
and increase royalty payments
to the state. The government
recently declared that conces-
sions in contract form were
henceforth banned from petro-
leum legislation and announced
that from now on only 'asso-
ciation" and "service" contracts
would be signed.
The first type of contract
establishes that CEPE, the state
petroleum corporation organ-
ized by the present govern-
ment, will participate in 25
per cent of the shares of the
companies operating in the
In the "service" contracts,
CEPE will hire the services'of a
company for the operation of
mutually agreed-upon areas.
The state entity will pay the
"contractor" either in petro-
leum or in money.
With renegotiation, said the'
minister of natural and power
resources, Captain Gustavo Jar-
rin Ampudia, Ecuador will ob-
tain participation in 80 per
cent of the companies' shares.


The most important con-
tract is with Texaco- Gulf since
it is now exploiting the petro-
leum that Ecuador is exporting
and is also the owner of the
country's only oil pipeline (503
kilometers long) which carries
crude from Lago Agrio in the
eastern jungle lands to the port
of Balao on the Pacific. It is
from this port, under the con-
trol of the Ecuadorian Navy,
that crude is exported to the
rest of the world.
Texaco spokesmen indicat-
ed that in the. new "association"
contract with the government,
the consortium retained con-
trol of the richest land grants.
The contract calls for an
additional payment of
$712,000 for education, re-
duces the concessions from 40
to 30 years with the obligatory
payment of an entry bonus of
$118,980 and the investment,
in the first three years after the
signing of the contract, of
$19,654, 000. The contract in-
creases the surface-land rents
and increases royalties to the
state from 11.5 per cent of
production to 16 per cent (35
to 45,000 barrels per day).
Ecuador's basic weapon

against the foreign companies
is, however, not in the signing
of new contracts based on the
renegotiation of existing con-
tracts, but in the operational
ability of the recently organized
CEPE and in the development
ofits nascent oil fleet (FLOPEP),
formed as a mixed enterprise
with a Japanese company.
FLOPEP's objective is to
transport 50 per cent of Ecua-
dorian oil exports. It has only
two tankers and is now study-
ing the immediate possibility
of purchasing others in Europe.
Recently, the Japanese
consortium Sumitomo-Chiyoda
was granted the contract to
build a state refinery in the
province of Esmeraldas, with a
daily processing capacity of
50,000 barrels, at a cost of
$92 million.


The country now has two
small refineries in Santa Elena,
ownedbythe Anglo Ecuadorian
and Gulf, which process more
than 30,000 barrels a day and
import "reconstituted" petro-
leum from Venezuela and other
countries. The new refinery
will eliminate these imports
when it begins to produce in
1976, according to the minister
of natural and power resources.
It is calculated that Ecuador

has some 758 million barrels of
proven reserves with substantial
possibilities of increase. Texaco
spokesmen revealed that the oil
investment of only companies
in Ecuador amounts to some
406 million dollars.


The government, through
the ministry of natural and
power resources, is conducting
an active "oil diplomatic offen-
sive" with Argentina, Peru,
Colombia, Mexico and other
countries in the search for
formulas of cooperation and
inter-state-oil-company associa-
CEPE announced that it
will begin operations on its own
account in the areas which
belonged to the US consor-
tium Minas y, Petroleos. The
latter's concessions were abro-
igated in April because of viola-
,tions of the Petroleum Code
'and illegal transfer of areas.
In June CEPE sold 100,000
barrels extracted from Santa
Elena (at $4.51 the barrel) to
the US Tefina Company, by
way of international bidding.
It also signed a sales contract
with the Swiss Erinam A.G. for
900,000 to 1,200,000 barrels a
month proceeding from royal-
The two-year renewable.
contract establishes the price



of $5.10 per barrel and brings
the state an annual income of
$72,144,000 dollars.
It is estimated that Ecuador
will receive, by the end of this.
year, from $250 to 300,000,000
from royalties and taxes, taking
into account the increase of
income generated by the rise of
reference prices.
Petroleum thus covers a
little more than 60 per cent of
the national budget, based on a
stable production of 250,000
barrels a day. But its influence
promises to be much greater
next year if official predictions
of exports of 400,000 barrels a
day (maximum capacity of the
transecuadorian pipeline) are


The influx of petroleum
dollars into the country and
their conversion into national
currency will progressively in-
crease the amount of money in
circulation,as thenation is being
shaken by the world inflation-
ary spiral.
Jaime Morillo, president of
Ecuador's Monetary Board,
stated that 40 per cent of in-
flation in the country has an
"external origin".
This is, in part, the other
side of the petroleum coin, in
a state with an anemic indus-
trial structure and a semifeudal
agricultural base, deformed by
the banana single-crop system.
Therefore, the problem to
solve, according to President
Rodriguez Lara, is the rational
use of the, country's oil re-
serves for the overall develop-
ment of the economy.
But the good intentions
*and the successes of the govern-
ment in the petroleum field
seem to be pitted against the
international financial decision-
making centres,chiefly US, who
are eager to lead the country
down the path of dependent


There is herewith established a group to be
know as the Tapia House Group of Trinidad
and Tobago, hereinafter referred to also as
"National Tapia".


(i) The aims and objects of National
Tapia shall be as follows:
(a) to promote the free discussion
of Caribbean affairs, and
(b) to undertake whatever action
the members deem necessary
to advance the welfare and
enhance the dignity of the
Caribbean peoples.
(i) The members of the Tapia House
House Group of Trinidad and Tobago
shall consist of all those who are
members of an established Tapia
House Group, as defined in Article 4
below. Such Tapia House 'Groups are
hereinafter referred to as Local Tapia
(i) An established Tapia House Group
shall be a group which:-
(a) possesses a Constitution
(b) goes by the name of "The
Tapia House Group of ..."
followed by the name of the
community in which it exists
for example,"The Tapia House
Group ofMorvant".
(c) nas, in its Constitution, aims
and Objects identical with
those in Article 2 above,
except that any local Tapia
Group may have additional
specific Aims and Objects
relating to its own community.

(d) is approved by the Council of
Representatives of National
Tapia as an established Tapia
House Group.
(i) All local Tapia Groups shall deposit
with the Secretary of National Tapia
copies of their Constitutions, speci-
mens of letterheads, membership
cards, official seals and signatures,
credentials of delegates to the Organs
of National Tapia, and other instru-
Local Tapia Groups shall also inform
the Secretary of National Tapia
promptly of any changes that may be
made in these instruments.
(i) The Organs of National Tapia
(hereinafter referred to as the national
organs) shall have the following
(a) to exchange information, co-
ordinate local projects and
develop national policies.
(b) to carry out projects and put
into effect policies at the
national level, alone or in
collaboration with one or more
local Tapia Groups.
(ii) The national organs shall be as follows:-
(a) A General Assembly
(b) A Council of Representatives
(c) A National Executive

(i) The General Assembly shall be an
Assembly of all members of National
Tapia. It shall be the supreme organ
of National Tapia. Its purposes shall
(a) the elaboration of national
(b) the amendment of the Con-
stitution of National Tapia
(c) the election of the National
(d) the determination of the
amount of annual levy
(ii) The General Assembly shall meet
ordinarily once a year
(iii) No rice of Ordinary meetings, and the
agenda for such meetings, shall be



(Tapia House)

( Group

circulated by the Secretary of National
Tapia to all members, at least thirty
(30) days in advance.
(iv) Extraordinary meetings may be
(a) on a request to the Secretary
by fifteen (15) members of
National Tapia in good stand-
(b) on a request to the Secretary
by any established Tapia nouse
(c) on the decision of the National
(v) Notice of extraordinary meetings
and the reason therefore must be
given by the Secretary of National
Tapia to all Local Tapia Groups, at
least seven (7) days in advance of
such meeting.
(i) The Council of Representatives shall
be a council of delegates of local
Tapia Groups. Its purposes shall be to
discuss the ongoing work of Tapia
at the national level, and to elaborate
national policy for adoption by the
General Assembly.
(ii) The membership of the Council of
Representatives shall be as follows:-
(a) Two (2) delegates from each
established Tapia House Group.
(b) All members of the National
Executive, ex officio.
(iii) The Council of Representatives shall
meet once a month, the date of each
meeting to be fixed at the previous
(iv) Extraordinary meetings shall be
(a) on a request to the Secretary
by both representatives of
any local Tapia Group.
(v) Notice of extraordinary meetings of
the Council of Representatives and
the reason therefore, shall be given to
all local Tapia Groups by the Secre-
tary, at least forty-eight (48) hours
in advance of such meeting.
(1) The affairs and finances ot National
Tapia shall be managed by a National
Executive. The National Executivei
shall be elected annually by the
General Assembly and shall consist of:
(a) The Chairman
(b) The Secretary
(c) The Treasurer



(d) Such other offices as may be
decided by the General

(ii) The National Executive shall have no
power to co-opt additional members,
but the Council of Representatives
shall have the power to appoint, at
the request of the National Executive,
additional members to the National
Executive for the remainder of the
term of office of a given National
Executive, or for any shorter period.
(iii) The Council of Representatives may,
by a vote of two-thirds (2/3) of its
total membership, remove from office
any member of the National Execu-
tive. Upon such removal, the Council
of Representatives shall immediately
request from all local Tapia Groups
nominations to the office thus falling
vacant, and shall by a ballot held at
the next ordinary meeting of the
Council of Representatives elect one
of the nominees of the vacant office.
(iv) Upon the resignation or death of any
member of the executive, the Secre-
tary of National Tapia shall, immedia-
tely upon receiving notice of such
resignation or death, invite from all
local Tapia Groups nominations to
the office thus vacated, and the
Council of Representatives shall, at a
ballot held at its next ordinary meeting
elect one of the nominees to the
vacant office.
(v) Whenever a delegate to the Council
of Representatives is elected to an
office of the National Executive, the
local Tapia Group of which he is a
delegate shall immediately appoint a
delegate to replace him.
(i) At meetings of the General Assembly
and the Council of Representatives
decisions on the matters of the
following categories shall be taken by
a majority of two-thirds (2/3) of
those present:-

(a) approval of established Tapia
House Groups
(b) Constitutional amendments.
(ii) A question as to whether a matter
falls into one of the above categories
shall itself be decided by a two-thirds

(2/3) majority of those present.
(iii) All other matters shall be decided by
a single majority of those present.
(iv) At meetings of the General Assembly
there shall be no quorum. At meetings
of the Council of Representatives the
quorum shall be quarter (1/) of those
eligible. At meetings of the National
Executive the quorum shall be half (%)
of those eligible.
(i) Each local Tapia Group shall pay to
the Treasurer of National Tapia, for
the purpose of carrying on the busi-
ness of National Tapia, a Levy of
which the amount shall be fixed
annually by the General Assembly.
(ii) The General Assembly and the Council
of Representatives shall have the
power to raise funds from such other
sources as they may see fit, for the
purpose of carrying on the business
of National Tapia.






THE Report of the Constitution
Commission has been presented
to the nation just when we have
entered the final stage of the
February Fevolution.
The political awakening which,
five years ago, started amongst
the students, has now engulfed
the entire country and the para-
lysis of the PNM administration
only deepens our economic and
social distress. The overwhelming
majority of the people are cla-
mouring for a new dispensation.
The crisis is certain to resolve itself
before the 1976 election is due. The
only meaningfulquestionsare whether
the resolution will be military or civil
and whether we will swing to the right
with the colonial forces or to the left
with the forces for change. The middle
is the only thing that cannot hold. The
nation is tired of marking time.
The outcome of this five-year
upheaval depends heavily on how we
manage the constitutional reform from
here on. The constitution issue is not
a constitutionalist manoeuvre, it has
become crucial for the politics that
necessarily lies behind it.
If we the people of Trinidad and
Tobago and the political parties which
represent us now fail to agree on a
procedure which at one and the same
time rejects the illegitimate 1971 Par-
liament, repudiates the corrupt and
oppressive 1962 Queen's Hall Con-
stitution and acknowledges the sove-
reignty of the ordinary citizens over
Prime Minister, the Cabinet and the

State, then we will move dangerously
towards an escalation of political con-
flict with a real risk of civil war.
The coming reform of the Consti-
tution is a test of our political wisdom,
a gauge of how mature we are, and a
probe into whether we are in fact
ready to found an undivided nation
out of the legacy of fragments we
have inherited from the past.


The Wooding Report itself is
merely a guide to action. The respon-
sibility for action now necessarily rests
with the people. Since the 1971 Par-
liament obviously does not express the
will of the people and since the elec-
tion rules have long been brought into
disrepute, we have no choice but to
arrange a Temporary Conference of
Citizens in order to make new ones and
pave the way to election of a Parlia-
ment that reflects the political strength
of the different parties.
The obvious solution would be to
ask Sir Hugh Wooding to chair a Con-

stituent Assembly of citizens, groups
and parties and to place the Majority
and Minority Reports of the Constitu-
tion Commission on the Table as
working papers in a free debate.
The problem ofwhomto invite to
such an Assembly is best solved by
.making it clear that the entire country
is free to involve itself. In practice,
only the political and community lead-
ers will come forward to stay. Politic-
aiiy, LlIaLd i CA.dLLiy ilW it S1OLhldI uDe
after the five years of scrutinizing
organizations, programmes and leaders
and of activating the community inter-
ests to speak for themselves.
Now people and groups will see
that they must form genuine coalitions
at the party level, in order to make
their voices clearly heard and to carry
the weight they rightly deserve. That is
the only way to select the leaders and
parties that matter and to settle the
so-called succession crisis.
The big problem will hardly be too
many wanting to be part of the
Constituent Assembly but too many
deciding to remain aloof. If the ab-
sentee interests prove to be numerous

and significant in the political arena,
it would mean that the country is still
irreconcilably in warring fragments and
that confrontation is the only way out.
If that be the case, it is something
we should want to discover early and
what better way is there to find out
than by calling the Assembly now?


If all the weighty political groups
do decide to turn out, then we will be
in a position to commit the nation
to whatever decisions we succeed in
making. In practical terms, the making
of binding decisions at this Temporary
Conference of Citizens would require
us to. elect an All-Party Commission or
some such representative and executive
body elected on the basis of one
representative for each bona fide poli-
tical party.
I 'f we decided on such an All-Party
*Commission, there could be a problem
of deciding what the bona-fide political
parties are. This could be resolved
by requiring candidate-parties to register


Call a Constituent Assembly, a Temporary Conference of


Invite Sir Hugh Wooding to take the Chair and appoint the

Constitution Commission as Secretariat

Invite all community groups and political organizations to


Accept the Majority and Minority Reports of the Constitu-

tion Commission as the working papers of the Conference

As the machinery to make decisions at the Assembly,

select an All-Party Commission. Alternatively, let the Assembly

elect a Council of Delegates from the floor





I _




P. A 3

with the Constitution Commission, to
pay some reasonable fee as a pledge of
citizen support in the form of a
specified number of signatures (say '
of one per cent) from those on the
electoral roll.
The objection to this procedure
is that it could delay the country
unduly especially since it would de-
mand full registration of voters and
validation ,of signatures by the Wood-
ing Commission. On the other hand.
the process can be expeditiously com-
pleted if we accepted automatic regis-
tration of all voters with the Wooding
Commission performing for the current
Elections and Boundaries Commissions.
If time is at such a premium that
we do not want to risk leaving Williams
and the PNM in power just to weed
out the paper parties, then we would
need either to risk an Interim Govern-
ment or to risk having a rash of
splinter parties. Perhaps the common-
sense solution to this problem would
be simply to begin by accepting those
parties the names of which the coun-
try already knows even though some
of them may be no more than imagin-

ary media-creations.
By that route we could have parties
numbering up to ten (10). These would
UDLP, UNIP and URO and conceivably
even the New Beginning Movement and
The West Indian National Party.


One altogether different annroach
to the creation of machinery for
making decisions at the Temporary
Conference of Citizens would be to
abandon the idea of an All-Party
Commission and simply elect a Coun-
cil of Delegates out of nominees put
up from the floor. This course would
pose new problems by focussing atten-
tion on how representative is the
representation on the floor of the
Constituent Assembly.
Each course has its weakness, each
possesses a certain strength. There is
certainly no perfect solution; we sim-
ply have to find the patience, the
tolerance and the wit to make com-
promises with the second best.

However we settle the question of
decision-making machinery at the
Temporary Conference of Citizens,
the work for it to do is clear. It will
* to decide on new election rules
* to name a new election date
* to organise, itself to supervise fresh
elections employing the Constitu-
tion Commission as its administra-
tive arm in lieu of the current Elec-
Lio Us a id c;i.duaric Commilssions
* to decide after full debate at the
Conference, whether it is feasible
and wise to agree on a new Consti-
tution at the Consituent Assembly
itself or whether it would be pre-
ferable to leave that task to the new
Parliament and the new Govern-
ment to which the entire electorate
would have given a mandate under
the new election rules.
The alternative to establishing an
All-Party Commission or a Council of
Delegates from the floor would be to
let the 1971 Parliament amend the
election rules, ,to let Williams decide

on the election date and to allow the
present Elections and Boundaries Com-
missions to keep responsibility for
administering the elections.
If we did not agree on a new
Constitution at the Constituent As-
sembly and referred the matter to a
new Parliament, it would mean elec-
tions at least twice around. The first
would choose a Government to intro-
duce the needed reforms in response
to the thinking of the country while
the second would elect the actual go-
vernment to operate the new arrange-
ments and rules.


The danger with this approach is
that two elections could easily multiply
to three. If the Government fails to
achieve an overwhelming lead over its
opponents in the new Parliament it
would be unable to pilot the new
constitution into being and would
have to return to the polls. Or it
would have to work out a compromise
acceptable to all significant political
The sensible and practical thing
would obviously be to fashion the
compromise in advance, at the Con-
stituent Assembly itself.. Then we
would be in a position to go to the
polls for once and all under both the
new election system and the new
Constitution as well.
In other words, it would be con-
stitutional reform first and elections
only after.


6. Charge the All-Party Commission or the Council of

Delegates to:-

decide on new election rules

name a new election date

supervise the new elections and

determine whether or not it is feasible and wise for

the Conference itself to agree on a new Constitution

or whether it is preferable for the citizens to give

that responsibility to a new Parliament








82-84 St. Vincent-Street, Tunapuna
Cu a ly, January 20, 1974
9.30 hrs. Registration
The State of The Country
Syl Lowhar, Chairman
Manifesto For Trinidad And For Tobago
Augustus Ramrekersingh
Proposals For Economic And Social Change
Angela Cropper
The State of the Movement
Ivan Laughlin, Community Secretary


2.00 hrs Race, Class & Unconventional Politics:
The Facts of Power in 1974
Lloyd Best, Secretary
For further information contact Allan Harris, Administrative Secretary at 662-5126

I I b L I ~p-e le I ~k I ~_ I I


ALEX LA GUMA'S fourth novel "In the Fog of the Seasons'
End" is a moving portrayal of one aspect of the national libera-
tion struggle now being waged in South Africa. This aspect concerns
the distribution of agitational leaflets by Beukes who is part of an
underground political organization fighting apartheid. Through
Beukes' activities we get a picture of his character his great
courage and determination, portraits of the varied people who
make up the underground movement, their contacts, glimpses into
their personal lives, the brutality of their daily existence and the
risks involved in their work. The latter are described in the fright-
fully realistic scenes of torture at the Security Headquarters.
The novel opens with a prologue that lays bare the punish-
ment reserved for African patriots who have decided to fight. The
African patriot, who remains anonymous until the end of the novel,
is interrogated and beaten. One of the Security Officers even
urinates on him to revive him then beats him again when he refuses
to disclose anything about his work. All this takes place, not in
slums. which have their own terrors but behind the "polished
windows, the gratings and the Government paintwork"and is what
Alex La Guma describes as another "dimension of terror". The

eighteen chapters of this short novel
fighters of the movement, those
on the fringe of action but per-
forming vital tasks, and others
who are demoralized and have
,surrendered "to the powers that
Beukes' agitational work keeps him
continually on the move. He must
constantly make contacts, receive and
deliver packages of illegal leaflets and
avoid the heavy police dragnet. The
novel is built on the portrayal of this
activity, the reminiscences of Beukes
and his encounters.


This is not a novel about extra-
ordinary men and heroic actions which
only a few daredevils can undertake.
In the Fog of the Seasons'End is about
ordinary South African men and wo-
men industrial workers, and some
with middle-class occupations who
have decided to put up a fight utilizing
all the means available to them. This
novel is therefore not a thriller but one
rooted in the political realities of South
Africa As one character says:
"We are beginning to recover from
earlier setbacks. Step by step our
people must acquire both the tech-
niques of war and the means for
fighting such a war. It is not only the
advanced.ones, but the entire people
that must be prepared, convinced".
The task of preparing and convinc-
ing the entire people is an extremely
difficult thing. This is so because of the
power of the South African white ruling
class, the support it gets from its Western
allies, and the tribal, class and racial
divisions among the exploited and op-
pressed peoples of South Africa. This
task of preparing the people is the main
theme of the novel. The author pro-
ceeds from the presentation of personal
details to stating general political prob-
lems in a literary way. This is best seen
in the character, Tommy. In his por-
trayal of Tommy, Alex La Guma offers
a picture of an a-political individual who '
is a 'regular' fellow. Tommy is the kind
of person who avoids
"any serious kind of discussion ...
reality, life, could be shut out by
the blare of dance-bands and the
voices of crooners. From this cocoon
he emerged only to find means of
subsistence, food and drink. Politics
meant nothing to him. He found it
easier to live under the regime than
to oppose it".


Tommy is a man who has "sub-
stituted the worship of ":irce-music for
religion". The radiogram, La Guma says
in several places, is his altar. Tommy's
outlook and character differ sharply
from that of Beukes who is committed.
i.- ib, are'friends and Tommy assists
: :'i; n obtaining a package of hand-
:: ot because of any political con-
'Ictions but because he is his friend.

introduce us to the leading

This ordinary, commonplace rela-
tionship, is not just thrown in for good
measure in the novel but is the presenta-
tion of the problem of preparing and
convincing people who are either demo-
ralized or brutalized and have spun a
cocoon around themselves. Tommy re-
presents a type and an attitude that is
many times more difficult to deal with
and is very widespread in countries
crushed by capitalist exploitation and
racial oppression. It is an attitude which
is found among all sections of the work-
ing population in varying degrees. It is a
major political problem and the way
Beukes handles Tommy shows he under-
stands this. Tommy's life-style and out-
look revolt Beukes but he does not
adopt a 'holier than thou" attitude. He
does not make an enemy of him but
manages to get his assistance although
this is on the basis of a relationship
which is personal, not political, and
which is therefore inherently unstable
and dangerous in this context.


La Guma describes the movement in
South Africa at that stage as one which
writhed under terror, bleeding, It had
not been defeated, but it had been
beaten down. He writes:
"It crouched like a slugged boxer,
shaking his spinning head to clear
it, while he took the count, waiting
to rise before the final ten. Life still
throbbed in its aching arms and
fingers; wholesale arrests had.battered
it. The leaders and the cadres filled
the prisons or retreated into exile.
Behind them, all over the country,
tiny groups and individuals who had
escaped the net still moved like moles
underground, trying to link up in the
darkness of lost communications, and
broken contacts. Some of them knew

each other and wrestled to patch up
the body. They trusted each other
because without trust they were use-
less. They burrowed underground,
changing their nests and their lairs
frequently. Those who were known
to the police walked in fear, shaken,
hoping that they might be able to
disappear before the police decided

muscles of the movement established
shaky communications with centres
abroad". (pp. 48-49).
In this state of extreme repression
only the best emerge to lead the fight
and can see through "the fog of the
seasons' end". Characters like Beukes,
Elias, whose father was killed in a mining
accident, and Isaac, an office worker in
a petroleum company, are revolution-
aries. The novel ends with Beukes being
shot, Elias captured and Isaac's escape
from the Security Police.


La Guma's style has been described
as being characterizedd by graphic des-
cription, careful, evocation of atmos-
phere and mood, fusion of pathos and
humor, colorful dialogue, and occasional
surprise endings". This is generally cor-
rect. To me his style is photographic and
journalistic, in that he has a keen eye for
relevant detail which not only creates
an atmosphere but brings his characters
to life.
For example, take his description of
two white policemen who are inspecting
the passes of Africans on their way
from work. They are on duty near the
sub-way station and talking about foot-
ball and women in one breath and
harassing African workers in another.
He describes one of the constables, who
is glad that his day-off will be Saturday
in time for him to see thlie first match of
the season, as "young and burly" with
"a pale, chubby face blemished by small
La Guma does not end here. I-1$
goes on to say that this young constable
is the "one with the sten-grun and the
pimples". The sten-gun and the pimples
bring out an important contrast that
the author uses to highlight reality.

that their time had come. Little by
little the raw nerve fibres and tired
La Guma's use of detail is also
extremely well done in the chapter
describing Isaac's routine as a handyman
in the office of the petroleum company
where the black workers are treated like
"boys" in the worst sense of the word.
The white women in the typing pool
constantly harass and belittle them ask-
ing them for a little more sugar for the
tea, muffins that they like, alka-seltzer
or anything that comes to mind. This
involves grown black men in making
several errands of a petty nature each
day. Isaac's repressed hostility to them
is graphically drawn by La Guma where
he writes:
"The chatter of typewriters met him
like rifle fire as he entered the big
room where rows of elegant, beauti-
fully-kept, mostly young women
exuded the mingled scent of perfume,
powder and various lotions. Apart
from a casual upward glance when
the door opened, nobody took any
notice of Isaac. The 'boys' were only
noticeable when an order had to be
given or when a favour was required,
otherwise they were part of the
furniture, like the grey typewriter
covers, the coat rack, the tiny bottles
of liquid eraser, copies of memos".
The way in which Alex La Guma
selects and uses details is the most
interesting and exciting aspect of his
literary technique. He can do this be-
cause he knows his subject extremely
well. Both the content of this novel
and the style indicate this.


After reading this novel the under-
lying reality of South Africa comes to
life more sharply than from newspaper
reports and books on apartheid. We
begin to understand a little better the
situation in that white-dominatedrepub-
lic, which is the richest and most indus-
trialised on ihe continent.
Here the white minority of nearly
fcur million people enjoy one of the
highest living standards in the world,
moving from skyscraper, air-conditioned
offices to high-rise apartments, while on
the other hand the 15 million African
and nearly three million Coloured and
Indian population provide the riches of
the earth and sea with their sweat and
labour. Africans live in reserves and
slums and their liberties depend on the
whites. They face infinite regulations
and passes are necessary for them to
travel from one place to another, even if
it is from home to work. If these passes
do not bear the correct stamps and
signatures it means interrogation and
Alex L.a Guma, who is .a coloured
South African, is not only a.novelist but
a political activist as wejl,' who has
personally experienced some of what
lie describes. Since 1967 he has been
living in exile. Five yearsdbefore that lie
was confined to his-house under Soteh
Africa's- Sabotage Adt which allowed
the Government to'detain him without
trial, and ever since then his writings
have, been prohibited in South Africa.
In the Fog of the Season's l:id can
be recommended unreservedly to any-
one interested not only in African
literature but in thlie political and armed
struggle now taking. place in Southern

e.w o s person", ;7

fi d.tBhi lise iinder', South

6: ag",,A'cfv ic a we



Let s have



Dear Sir,
Far be it my intention to
take issue with Tapia on
political grounds. May I in
fact emphasize that Tapia's
attempts to analyze problems,
to offer solutions and to
really cut across the barriers of
race, class, religion, etc. to
reach the grassroots, in fact,
have won nothing but my com-
mendation in most cases, and
my support as well as my
criticism in others.
Nevertheless, what appears
to be your greatest strength
has at times appeared to me
your greatest weakness. Tapia
has attempted vigorously to
identify itself with the working-
class of this country. I bear in
mind particularly your slogan,
"Power to the hardwuk," as
well as your numerous articles
dealing with the poor. tlhe
underprivileged and the
"scrunters" of our society.
Apparently, however, your
attempts to identify seem to
run overboard sometimes, in
several minor yet very
significant ways.

In Vol. 3, No. 52, for
example, Denis Solomon
replies to a letter that suggests
that Tapia, despite its
philosophy of "greater partici-
pation of the masses," is in
fact "comprised of a bunch of
intellectuals." Mr. Solomon
attempts to refute this argu-
ment in a rather paradoxical
manner by using language
that by its very nature suggests
intellectualism, and conse-
quently (a fact which is no
fault of Mr. Solomon's),
distances Mr. Solomon's article
from the interested but un-
comprehending reader. I quote:
"the, columns of the
conventional daily press
are full of. material that
is so nebulous it can
neither be supported nor
refuted in its own terms;
and the weekly gutter
press is repleie wiith gar-
bage deliberately con-
cocted to manipulate the
sensationalism that is in
all of us."
Let me state that I have no
intention of attempting to

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criticise either Mr. Solomon or
Tapia in any personal fashion.
However, I believe that the
former, as a representative of
the latter, should consider
closely the -irony involved in
the attitude he adopts, and the
medium through which he
expresses it.
May I cite another example?
In Vol. 3, No. 51, Augustus
;Ramrekersingh, in his article
on the road and drainage
'problems of Champs Fleurs,
uses the word "mangovine" as
a substitute for "grapevine."
I recognize Mr. Ramrekersingh's
good intentions, and can
certainly see the need for
change if the change made
is a meaningful one.


The word "grapevine", how-
ever, is acceptable European
slang because grapes in fact
grow on a vine and the
nature of that vine suggests
far-reaching, subtle and some-
times unseen contact and
penetration. Mangoes, however,
grow on trees hence
"mangovine" tends to ring
somewhat false.
My point is, of course, that
in its attempt for "total
participation by everyone,"
Tapia tends at times to don a
.pseudo grassroots outlook.
.1 mention it, minimal and
unfounded as it may appear,
because there is an urgent need
for the movement to survive
and expand. Our beards, our
close-fitting sleeveless merinoes,
our criticism of the "Doc" or
our endorsement of the New
Jewel Movement these are
ino enough to win wortihwiilc
public support and recognition.
More attention must be paid
to active social work, active
adult, education-programmes
and direct personal contact
that cannot be achieved on
platforms or through news-
papers, and less to patting
ourselves on the back for each
and every achievement.
Ken Jaikaransingh.

Bring in the


Ruthven Baptiste

AT A TIME when the
currents in our country's
sporting life are drifting
inexorably towards profes-
sionalism, conceptions of
amateur and professional
have erected impediments
in that movement. It is
easy to understand why
organizers are happy with
amateurism but when
sportsmen in this day and
age express worry over
losing amateur status then
it becomes necessary to
expose the amateur myth.
The amateur concept in
sport has had a long innings
and its time it is clean bowled
out of existence. If the issue is
professionalism in our sporting
life and the imagery is cricket
it is because amateurism had
its origins in that game. It
arose out of the manner in
which cricket was organised
in mid-nineteenth century


From 1840. until Interna-
tional cricket took the spot-
light the contest that decided
the cricket supremacy was the
G'.entimcn vs Players match.
That match could easily have
been named Amateurs vs Pro-
fessionals or Aristocrats vs
People.. The gentlemen team
was selected exclusively from
the aristocracy and the players
from the lower ranks of the
social order.
Class distinction became
more identifiable by acceptance
or non-acceptance of money
in a similar way as colour
used to identify a much more

diluted version of class
differences in WI cricket. The
aristocrats, rich and powerful,
could afford to play for
nothing while the poorer
classes could not. The con-
sequence of that was that
amateurism became synony-
mous with patriotism and
professionalism with less noble
In a society as riddled with
class as England the distinction
between amateur and profes-
sional was valid in that it was
an accepted way of life. Of
course that is no longer true.
Today, in Europe the persis-
tence of the International
Olympic Committee in banning
professional athletes from the
Olympic Games has been
coming under heavy fire with
every Olympic games.
One commentator in "World
Sports" magazine labelled
amateurism, "shamateurism."
He stated that shamateurism is
doing for Russia what Northern
Ireland is doing for atheism
Because the system operating
in Russia whereby its athletes
are drafted into national ser-
vice, live and train as profes-
sionals and yet retain amateur
statushas allowed that country
to send their best athletes to
the Olympics while the other
countries cannot.
At home, we in Tapia
repudiate all notions of class
as is inherent in the amateur
concept. We believe that what-
ever our circumstances demand
in allowing our talent the time
and opportunity to develop
their maximum potential
ought to be put into opera-


In football and tennis, in
my view, professionalism is
eminently feasible. Where
soccer is concerned the inter-
national governing body, FIFA
has adopted the IOC's rulings
on amateurism.
That ruling has served as an
effective deterrent to the
demand for professionalisation.
It is said that professionals
cannot play in the forth-
coming Pan Am Games and
similar international tourna-
ments. And because of the
disposession characteristic of a
neo-colonial existence many
players would rather turn a
blind eye to professionalism
at home than to miss an
overseas tour.
That is all losing amateur
status in fact means the
inability to play in second-
rate international tournaments
organised by FIFA. The Inter-
national tournaments that are
of true value to us are the
World Cup and CONCACAF
and professionals play in these
tournaments. In place of those
tournaments which ban pro-
fessionals, informal tours can
easily substitute.
Why then no professional
football? Organisers are happy
with amateurism. What
organiser with an eye on gate
receipts is not happy with
free labour?




TUNAPUNA 662-5126



Surface Rates on request

THE Enquiry at present
being conducted into the
draft Chaguaramas De-
velopment plan was this
week the scene of unex-
pected and dramatic de-
In a startling and
frightening statement sub-
mitted by the Dep't of
Biological Sciences at the
U.W.I. it was revealed that
Trinidad and Tobago is a
prime target of attack in
the event of nuclear war.
The scientists disclosed
that the OMEGA naviga-
tional station being operat-
ed at Chaguaramas by the
United States is part of a
world-wide navigation net,
the prime purpose of which
is navigational and strategic
communication with the
U.S. fleet of Polaris nuclear
OMEGA is considered by
the U.S. naval authorities to
be the only navigation system
suitable for subsurface com-
munication. It is A highly
sophisticated system whose low
frequencies penetrate sea water
to considerable depths, so that
a completely submerged sub-
marine can be guided through
any seas without having to
surface or use any of its own
navigational equipment which
might reveal its own position.
The important and frighten-
ing consideration which we in
Trinidad have to face in terms
of the presence of the OMEGA
station here is that such an
installation constitutes a prime
nuclear target in the event of
hostilities. The U.S. navy itself
has-almost admitted as much.

T Ia

A target



Attack I

The Naval institute has
declared, "In wartime many
bases would be untenable if
not destroyed...naturally coun-
tries on whose territory the
various installations associated
with the use of nuclear missile
weapons in general, and sub-
marine missile carriers in
particular, are being built
would draw nuclear retaliation
onto their territory."
It is quite clear also that the
presence of such an installa-
tion has important political
considerations for us here in
Trinidad. It effectively com-



D layer ionosphere
4 Dusk
S Transmitter .1 .. ...

Electric Ear.h 90 km
E ar tEair j .,--90dkm'
field lines

.D.."aw"n-, .... i .... ...... ..

SA global VLF navigation network cari cover the-wiole world with relatively.
surface of the Earth and the ionosphere's lowest or D layer. Ships would.:
navigate by comparing the phases of identifiable signals received from two or
more transmitting stations. The US Navy's O4ega system is based upon eight.
:radio stations. Existing stations are in Hawaii rrinidad And Norway; another
. near New York, is to be moved farther inland; others, still to be negotiated with
,.foreign governments, may include installations it trie. Philippines, in' New::
Zealand or Australia, and on one of the islands to the east.of Africa: The
System should be fully operational by 1972 or 1973. .


promises our independence
and sovereignty and jeopardizes
any attempt at promoting a
meaningful foreign policy. It is
for all these reasons that
scientists and public officials
in New Zealand demanded and


effected the removal of the
OMEGA station that had been
built in that country.
As the University scientists
in their statement to the com-
mission pointed out, "in

Revelations 1-8 it is said, 'I am
the alpha and the omega, the
beginning and the end'." We
cannot allow the U.S. Omega
station to spell our end. It
serves no national purpose.


- PLUS -





Now showing


PARAGUAY'S health and
welfare ministry is con-
ducting a widespread
campaign to further
USAID-backed "planned
parenthood" as a means
to development.
Under an 83,000 dolla-"
program, the U.S. Agency
for International Develop-
ment is helping to organize

an "institute for human
reproduction" in a country
whose population of two
and a half million is grow-
growing at 3.2 per cent a
With a per sqt e kilo-
meter density o 6.14
people, Paraguay/is one of
the most unde populated
countries in te world.

With an infant mortality
rate of 83.3 per 1000 live
births, the Paraguayans live
mostly from subsistence farm-
ing and part-time agricultural
labor. The 70 per cent of the
population who eke out a
living in the farming sector
earn just 85 dollars a year each
on an average.
Such statistics lead local
social scientists to look upon
the present population control
campaign as a false solution
for very real problems. More
than 30 per cent of the coun-
try's children suffer from
infectious diseases, while life
expectancy is about 40 years.
However, this is a poten-
tially rich country. Its hydro-
electric potential alone the
government of Alfredo Stroes-
sner has recently signed
treaties with Brazil and Argen-
tina for the construction of
plants that will produce more
than 13,000 million kilowatts
- would be sufficient to
provide a decent living for a
population far larger than the
present one.
Prensa Latina






Tapiasays: """


- --- --


i.ms. s ndrea Talbutt,
..Research Snstitute for
Study of mbn'
162, East 78th Str'Oeet~
SYORKS N.Y. 10021,
Ph. Lehigh 5 8148
-1303 zz7--0 0J

HE. s pVJD 4 OF
c,'r 7




Keith Smith

YOU don't have to sing a
calypso to be a "calyp-
sonian". In the sense that
you are part of the world.
Sharing in the life-style.
Meetings in the usual haunts.
The recreation clubs or
Humming Bird on Frede-
rick Street.
You always know these
"false paper" calypsonians.
Months go by before you see
them. The tents open and they
are there. Backstage. Part of
the eclectic excitement. A flurry
of shakehands where have
you been all this time up in
the cold?


These know the "inside
scores". Know how much of
the "controversies" are real.
How much deliberately manu-
factured. Oh yes, calypsonians
are among the best public rela-
tions experts in the land. They
understand the Press.
The brewing bachanals.
That sound so much more
serious when they come out or
are pushed on the public stage.
Moving around. Sharing a drink.
Hearing the most unbeliveable
scandals. Urged to listen to this
or that "road-march". This one
that is bound to "win the
crown". Oh yes, every calyp-
sonian has a king-sized ego.
One gets to know the cha-
racter of the various calypso-
nians. Sympathises with the
young ones looking for a
shoulder to buttress "stage
fright". Some of the older
ones, slowly drinking them-
selves to death.


Stunned, all the time by
the matchless creativity. The
wit and the humour. The in-
sights. Glad to be part of this
zany, sensitive world that is
calypso off centre-stage. Care-
ful not to declare for favou-
rites. Jealousy is at its peak
these times. No matter. Wild
but wonderful men and wo-
men. Artistic conceit is their
Man, the things you hear.
Like Calypso Rose, telling you
just after singing one of her
wickedly ribald numbers, that
she is a "strong Baptist" and
she dedicates all her songs to
God, and then, bouncing on
stage to declare war on the
"upstart" Francine.
For those who have
"married" into the calypso
world, the "tents" are more
than an exciting prelude to

Carnival. It is what Carnival is
about. Atmosphere. Along love
affair that has Carnival Mon-
day and Tuesday as its climax.


For such, "going to the
tents" means wandering from
tent to tent on a single night.
Escaping the artificial bounda-
ries of this tent and that tent.
Since men cross the floor after
every season and during seasons,
Moving from tent to tent.
Accused of "going down by
them fellers first" and in the
same breath asked "How dem
fellers sounding?". Travelling
with your chuckles. Empathis-
ing with Traveller asking in the
"Regal" how come the calypso
giants have been so successful.
Asking the "big guns" them-
selves. Getting non-committal

replies until he is forced to
conclude that "they want Poser
to stop singing calypso".
Or "Poser" singing about
the difficulties of bringing a
pan side on the road. That's
telling them, brother. They
think it easy. One hundred
men on the road and you have
to keep them in line on Carni-
val day of all days.


Nodding agreement with
Explainer, taking a stand against
"Capital Punishment". And
sharing Striker's embarrassment
as his audience turns a deaf ear
to his calypso assertion that in
spite of all the high prices here,
prices in other parts of the
world "higher still". Still, lhe
should have known better. No-
body is buying that argument
any more.

Young Creole, that arch-
performer, bringing off a song
whose banality is so suffused
with drama that one finds one-
self lost in the applause. Smiley,
bringing his wit to bear on the
fact that so few white people
get in trouble with the law:
It's unfair and I find it
To be negroes and Indians
in Trinidad".
Still at the "Regal" where
"Hawk" surprises by singing a
verse and chorus of his decade-
old "Don't interfere". Remem-
bering, the people join in the
chorus and he receives a warm
welcome back. Then into the
cleverly sweet "Judy". Com-
poser, savage in his humour, de-
claring through the mouth of
the Prime Minister that it is
"different strokes for different
folks". The Bengal Tiger -
indeed the entire conventional
opposition dead as far as the
"Doc", says Composer, "con-


Chalkdust as usual thumb-
ing his nose at the establish-
ment. Insisting that Williams has
to clear his name before he
Are you holding back your
census report
Because you fraid to tell
the country
Indians are in the majority.
Intermission time and you
have to travel. Because you tell
the fellers up by "Kitch" that
they seeing you tonight. Com-
poser's insight on the plight of
the Bengal Tiger buzzing in
your head:
They tink it easy
They playing with me
Like the dog and the bone
He leave what in hand
To come like Moses in the
Promised Land".
Them fellers good, oui. And
they say we ent understand
"Doctor Politics".


Up by "Kitch". Backstage.
The "Sparks" are changing for
the second half. "Keith, you
see we still together". And the
years roll by and you remember
the "Sparks" matching tihe
"Strollers" in the "soul thing".
Now they are doing their thing.
And you reply "successfully,
brother, successfully". "Well,
boy, you know we trying".
Stumpy. man.
Shadow is singing a deli-
riously mad calypso. That he
brings it off is incredible.That
it is going to he one of '74's
hits is even more so. He was

planning to leave calypso, he
sings he tells me that that
part is true but the music
keeps hammering in the brain.
He just cyah leave it. That is
easy to understand. One time,
years ago, Sparrow standing
back-stage of the OYB. Sick
-like a dog. Decided not to sing.
And then changing his inind as
the music starts to play:
"Boy, you know what it is
to hear them trumpets singing!"


Listen, one of these days
somebody is going to write a
serious play with an entire cast
of calypsonians. Dramatic ta-
lent going a- begging. Like
Brigo. Eyes rolling in pain.
Face contorted. Stooping in
agony as he pleads with a wo-
man who has ensnared him
with "obeah" "leh me go,
leh me go".
Perhaps one should move
on. Sparrow at the OYB beck-
ons. But something pulls you
back as you hear Protector
announce that the next singer
is "Stalin". And you could kick
yourself for almost leaving.
Stalin is the gem of the night. I
can't capture that in print.
Save to say that "Is the Old
Talk We Cyah Take" is a vir-
tuoso performance. A differ-
ent kind of calypso, knocking
the politicians who simply make
promises. The usual drawling
"Stalin" verse and a surprising-
ly up-beat one line chorus that
captures as on a calypso mas-
ter can the disillusionment and
the resulting derision people
feel for these promisers of


And Maestro, castigating
Trinidadians for what he sees
as their ambivalence when
faced with the political choices
they have to make. For him
the crowning folly is the "call-
ing back" of Ashford Sinanan.
You might just as well have
called back Bertie Gomes, lie
declares. Not that he. himself,
offered any answers so either
his politics is secret or he. too,
is a victim of the same confu-
sion that he laments, what with
Granger. Millette, Robinson
and the other groups seeking
the support of the public at
The "old mnan" is due to
climax the night. But you
know you will hear "Kitcli"
time and time again before the
season ends. So you kinda
delay the enjoyment. Time to
go and see if you can still
catch somethingiiom llthe OYB
Well. that's anothei story











.. ........ .