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STANDARD VIEW MARC VIEW
SUNDAY DECEMBER 30,1973
FOR THE first time this Christ-
mas, the Tapia House Printing
Company enjoys the full range of
amenities for off-set printing. This
present has been secured only
through the generous contribution
bymembers,associates and friends.
Our appeal has brought donations of
both cash and building materials but, in
the true spirit of the Tapia Movement,
the most important contribution of all,
worth well over half of the five-figure
value of the new installations, has come
in the form of voluntary personal
In recent months, our long-suffering
neighbours at the Tapia House must have
gotten weary of seeing the troop of
transporters with their trucks andjitneys
and even cranes, of architects, engineers
and builders, of welders, electricians and
,do-it-yourself craftsmen of every kind
religiously climbing up St. Vincent Street
to put in a few hours of commitment of
one kind or another. What they have
achieved by their own resources is a tri-
bute to the Tapia method and a gauge
of the potency and vibrancy of authentic
The result is that TAPIA, now estab-
lished as a weekly review with the same
uncompromisingly elevated standards of
the leisurely early days, is equipped
for any contingency whatsoever. As the
political campaign builds up to a head,
and the February Revolution races to
its climax, we stand ready to meet the
mounting demand for a paper which
could be trusted to offer the country
genuine political leadership and guidance
through reliable reporting, clinical com-
mentary and consistently sound political
judgments of the momentous happenings
of our time. We can now deliver such a
paper at any interval which the crisis
says we should.
Equally important, the Tapia Move-
ment embarks on 1974 better equipped
to fulfil the responsibility for political
education bequeathed to us by the
regional New World Movement. Already
we have been printing pamphlets and
booklets of our own as well as jobs for
educational institutions and political
organizations in several Caribbean islands.
Now we intend to publish a series of
cheap editions aimed to provide Trini-
dad, Tobago and the West Indies with
crucial materials in the fields of educa-
tion and social sciences as well as in the
arts and human studies.
Those who support the Movement
for Tapia's New World must know how
important a breakthrough we have made
in at last acquiring this fully-appointed
off-set shop alongside our printing press.
How many gatherings of New World
Associates have been afraid to dream
this impossible dream? The National
Executive of Tapia, the Council of
Representatives and the Directors of the
Tapia House Printing and the Tapia
House Publishing Companies send them
our most joyfully humble thanks for
the many unstinting contributions -
many of them still unacknowledged -
which they have all made to bring us to
this happy new stage of the struggle.
We at the Tapia House now look
forward to greater things. We know that
the work is only just about to begin in
earnest. Inevitably, this means that we
also look forward to a new scale of
effort by way of greater contributions
still. Just as our publishing enterprise
needs manuscript and copy, so too our
printing enterprise will demand unending
support in the form of printing work.
On the evidence of our newspaper,
we have already proven ourselves. Our
business enterprises are manned by a
staff of dedicated and competent Tapia-
men and Tapiawomen, seasoned in the
years of preparatory slaving. We can
design, paste-up and typeset with ele-
gance and taste; : can make negatives
and plates and we can print in a class
equal to any. Above all, our skills in the
art of editing are the best index of the
New World we are searching for.
It is in the logic of the organic
philosophy that Tapia promotes that
much of the leadership of the Move-
ment has developed out of this pro-
gramme of erecting foundations for
long-term political education. It is fitting
that a significant number of these Tapia
cadres now depend for their livelihood
entirely on our printing and publishing
As the Movement expands irresistibly
to take the power, these activities will
have to support the entire cast of full-
time political leaders. Our political edu-
cation and our economic independence
make up one indivisible operation.
The alternative would be to rely on
handouts from patrons and sinister back
room angels and then Tapia, too, alas,
would have gone the way of all flesh.
This only confirms how much the
fate of our Tapia Movement, and con-
ceivably the political future of the West
Indian nation remain anchored in the
goodwill of all New World people,
wherever they may be in the Caribbean
region. We salute them with brotherly
New Year Greetings.
OILM-'B~IG HN .
IN THEBU., .-GIT
THE CLOUD that hangs over the
incompetent PNM Government
and the corrupt Afro-Saxon regime
grew larger after the Prime Minis-
ter's premature message on Thurs-
day, December 20. But it woi;ld
take more than that to obscure the
fact that Williams is completely
out of touch with the thinking of
the New World generation which
makes up some 75%,of the country
(under 35 years old).
At e time when all kinds of improb-
able people are looking for land to work,
when it is commonplace to toil and
sweat and punish to build a better Trini-
dad and Tobago, when, indeed, our
tomorrow has already exacted its sacri-
fice in blood, this prehistoric political
leadership has the insufferable imperti-
nence to apologise for introducing a
serious note into "your Christmas fes-
tivities". It is the height of cheek.
However desperate the situation in
the party, the country or the West In-
dian nation, Williams can never find
within himself the humility, the empathy
or the compassion to say "we".
The college-exhibition school-mas-
ter is fundamentally too insecure to
come down from his pedestal and join
the rest of us. It is always your excessive
haste to join the feting. It is always you
who get so excited so easily. I am above
that nigger business; I. the Colonial
The personal insecurity is of course
a profoundly political thing. If the
thunderous robber-talk is hollow, it is
because it carries no genuine political
Here we are in the middle of an
energy crisis in which the Arabs are
achieving, by Williams' own admission,
a shift in the balance of political power
and a dislocation of the world economy.
Oil has become "an enormous political
weapon". And what does The Doctor
say? "If oil is a,weapon for us, it is
a defensive shield to protect our lights
and Caribbean interests".
We have been defending for over
300 years. Defence is the colonial way
of attack. If now is not the time to go
on the offensive, when is that time going
What kind of scene this Govern-
ment is on? What is this business about
the multiplication and substraction of
airlines when the issue is the localisation
of the control of petroleum? If the
PNM off on this tangent, the reasons are
very simple. We have known it since
1970 when, according to Wall Street
reporting, Williams asked Texaco for
piece and they told him if he wanted
take all. He declined to accept the offer
because his method of government and
politics is incapable of producing a
Techretariat competent to run the
industry and because he just does not
have the popular political support.
Now 1973 has brought another
opportunity to miss. The prophets of
doom have always been lamenting our
difficulty in finding markets.Well, now
you can sell oil by auction in Port of
Spain. And you can sell for big money
too. So what is the Afro-Saxon argu-
menlt n ow'? C
Continued on Page S
()ur printiiig-plant is open at Th( Tiapilia
Iluc\c., S2-84 St. Vincent Street.
Tutnapu)n:tI. Kindly phone orders to:
- -t PUBLISHING *OFFSET PRINTING EDITING SERVICE
R I I
Vol 3 No 52
SUNDAY DECEMBER 30,1973
THE following letter was received by Tapia's Education Secretary
Denis Solomon who presented the Manifesto Chapter on Foreign
Policy at the Fifth Anniversary Assembly on November 18.
Solomon's correspondent is a Trinidadian living and working
in London. TAPIA publishes relevant parts of the letter and Solo-
mon's reply in full because they deal with issues about our paper and
our politics which have been raised time and again.
I have read with interest
your paper which was present-
ed at Tapia's Fifth Anniversary
Assembly. It is very informative
and it has provided further
dimensions of thought on
Tapia's approach to the orob-
lems of Trinidad and Tobago.
For quite some time now I
hold the view that Tapia makes
rather interesting reading and
I have been reading most of
the newspapers which have
been published. Most of the
arguments seem cogent and
stimulating, and on paper Tania
seems to have the lead on ie
question of offering soluti, ns
to the ills of the nation.
From a practical viewpoint,
however, I am a bit confused
as 1 am away from the scene.
This is my main reason for
writing to you and I hope you
can oblige with an answer. On
the whole I feel that Tapia
makes "heavy" reading for the
average "man in the street".
While some of us may be able
to comprehend and analyse
before arriving at agreement I
do not think that the average
voter could really follow suit.
Your paper a master-
piece is a typical example
of what I am attempting to get
at. You allege that the 1956
movement is adapted only to,
tion". But your paper is nothing
short of the kin4 of intellectual
brilliance that could be more
suitable for lecturing to a class
You know about the criti-
cisms levelled at Tapia as much
as I do if not more. The most
popular one is that the move-
ment is comprised of a bunch
Thank you for your valu-
able and encouraging letter on
the subject of the Tapia propo-
sals on foreign policy.
The question you raise is
one which has frequently been
raised in the past and, curi-
ously, always in exactly the
foti-in which you'have raised
it. "I myself',' the critic either
says or implies, "understand
you perfectly, but what about
that other fellow over there?
I am sure he finds it very diffi-
cult". No one ever says "I
don't understand Tapia, because
it is too high for me".
Notice that I write "Tapia"
in small letters. I do not deny
that there may often be people
who find particular articles or
even whole issues of TAPIA
difficult to digest. And such
people are not always the un-
educated complicated ideas,
by definition, require an effort
to understand, whether the
reader is educated or not.
But just as we have not
tried to offer simplistic solu-
tions to the very complex prob-
lems of our society, we realise
that we cannot make any funda-
mental compromise in the way
we approachthe problem of our
TAPIA is pre-eminently
the people's newspaper for
information and education.
ability to analyse and assess
particular events and to pre-
dict their outcome as in the
recent "retirement" bo-peep
episode of Doctor Williams
must now be a settled con-
vincing factor to all its readers
that the men of TAPIA are
really capable of initiating and
carrying out workable plans
to achieve those political and
social objectives necessary for
a lasting and tranquil Trin-
Congratulations and best
wishes for the future.
J. A. WALKER,
dialogue with the country.
The lack of judgment from
which all sections of our society
not merely and not even chief-
ly, the uneducated -have al
ways suffered; the search for
simple answers; the inability to
evaluate data; the incapacity
to judge competence in others
and the accompanying lack of
confidence in one's own abilities,
all these colonial drawbacks
must be combated not only by
what we say but by the way we
It is the duty of a journa-
list to make his paper readable;
but neither we nor anyone else
can instil judgment and critical
ability by serving up material
that is simplified beyond all
power to stimulate the mind to
which it is addressed. The
columns of the conventional
daily press in this country are
full of material that is so
nebulous it can neither be sup-
ported nor refuted in its own
terms; and the weekly gutter
press is replete with garbage
deliberately concocted to mani-
pulate the sensationalism that
is in all of us.
... For these things do best
That befall preposterously.
Both these conditions exist
in many societies: our tragedy
is that here there has never been
any intelligent alternative,
neither in the press nor the
In these circumstances we
have no choice but to keep up
the struggle to achieve read-
ability without compromising
the penetration of our analysis,
hoping all the time to raise the
level of perception of our read-
ers. And we know we are suc-
ceeding because those who
understand us say so;thosewho
think we are obscure always
make the claim on behalf of
In addition, TAPIA is not
the only voice of Tapia. You,
Nizam, wish to know whether
all our communication is on the
same "level" as the presenta-
tions made at the Fifth Anni-
versary Assembly, or "at a
level where appreciation
might be more effective".
All our communication is
at the same "level" in that we
hope we do not talk nonsense
anywhere. But if you mean do
we recognize that different issues
and different settings require
different methods of presenta-
tion, I must refer you, for
answer, to our assemblies and
public meetings, at which the
presentations of Best, Lowhar,
Laughlin, Ramrekersingh, Tay-
lor, Joseph and others display
a range of oratorical technique
that would satisfy the most
cynical and manipulative of
conventional politicians ex-
cept that their content is never
cynical or manipulative.
If you mean do we recognize
the need for building up a fol-
lowing, the answer is again yes,
for we intend to take power
and we cannot use it wisely
unless we represent a significant
sectionofthe nation. But unlike
some other groups we are not
prepared to achieve that sup-
port at the price of public
Anyone who supports Tapia
must be following Tapia leader-
ship and not just Tapia leaders;
unless this is so we will effect
no change whatever.
Finally you say that the
most popular criticism of "the
Movement" by which I take it
you mean Tapia is that it is
made up of a bunch of intel-
lectuals, and that this is in
direct contradiction with
Tapia's philosophy of greater
participation by the masses.
Tapia's philosophy is not
greater participation by the
masses. It is total participation
by everyone Power to the
People by which we mean all
individuals, groups and interests
in the most effective way.
Continued on Page 3
You will agree with me that
this is in direct contradiction
with Tapia's philosophy of
greater participation of the
As a keen disciple of Tapia,
and as you are the only ones to
say something sensible, I want
to know whether you are talk-
ing to the people at the same
level at which "papers" are
produced or at a lower level
where comrnunication and ap-
preciation might be mofe ef-
It may seem silly question
but, as I mentioned before,
the theoretical aspect has me
covered, let me know about the
A N 11 i/
I ~ ~ l h ~_C _
ars~- IC-~CC-~~- 7
PAGE 2 TAPIA
ABw Afta Oftd ANNIL
Mm a IN
SUNDAY DECEMBER 30,1973
Taking in a Tapia meeting Laventille,November 1973
SOL OMON REPLI ES :
From Page 2
What we specifically reject
is the concept of "the masses"
which implies a division of
society difficult to validate any-
where and particularly in Trini-
dad and Tobago.
As regards thi question of
intellectualism, if by "intel-
lectual" you mean "university-
educated", then this applies
less to the active membership
of Tapia than to any other
opposition group. If you mean
that Tapia had its origins largelyy
among university students and
teachers, this is true of the
entire unconventional opposi-
tion, including the groups that
claim the strongest "grass-roots"
The historical reasons for
this are two-fold: first, the fact
that formal education has al-
ways been the chief avenue of
development of the African
and, to some degree, Indian
elements of our community;
secondly; the university, be-
cause it is regional, has been
before the most important area
in which independent thought
and organisation have been pos-
without plan generally claim,
that theory comes only from
action, that undirected mili-
tancy develops theory, then we
can only disagree heartily.
We do not deny that theory
If you mean, as groups is moulded to some extent by I
(NJAC RELEASE )
FROM December 13 to 16
1973 a Regional Planning
Conference of the Sixth
Pan African Congress was
held in Georgetown,
Guyana. Three members of
the National Joint Action
Committee, Brother Ged-
des Granger, Brother Dave
Darbeau and Brother La-
sana Kwesi attended this
preparatory meeting for
the Sixth Pan African Con-
gress due to be held from
.June 3 to 13 1974 at the
University of Dar es Salaam,
At this Coterence a re-
gional Steering Committee with
a secretariat based in Guyana
was appointed to ensure full
Caribbean participation at the
scheduled Conference in Tan-
The Regional Steering Com-
mittee comprise, Brother Eusi
Kwayana (Guyana),who isnow
Regional Secretary, and Bro-
thers Geddes Granger (Trinago),
Bobby Clarke (Barbados),
Roderick Francis (Jamaica),
Brother Jerome Pennenchof
(Bermuida) and Tim Hector
A resolution was unani-
mously passed calling on the
International Steering Commit-
tee to name two of the regions'
foremost Black Power leaders,
Brother Tim Hector and Brother
Geddes Granger as International
i Sponsors of the Sixth Pan
action, but we always seek to
theorise as to what and how
this happens; and we feel that
basically,as 1970 proved, action
without plan is at best futile, at
most results in increased re-
pression the more so if it is
Therefore, if you mean by
"intellectual" that we believe
in action guided by rational
analysis, in decisions. based on
evaluation of data, in the neces-
sity.for a conscious knowledge
of ourselves, our society and
the world, we plead guilty.
What characterise an intel-
lectual as Lloyd Best pointed.
out at the Fifth Anniversary
Assembly, are not his degrees,
his accent, his dress and his
profession, but'his preoccupa-
tions,his values and his manner
of living. In this sense, though
we are activists, we are also
thoroughly and unashamedly
Thank you again for your
praise and your criticisms, and
best wishes to you in the future.
African Congress. Brother Tim
Hector is Chairman of the Afro
Caribbean Movement in Anti-
Brother Eusi Kwayana of
ASCRIA in Guyana is already
an international sponsor from
A central theme of the
Congress is the liberation of
African peoples all around the
world. The planning Conference
in Guyana therefore considered
in depth the position of African
people in the Caribbean.
Several resolutions were
drafted to be presented at the
Sixth Pan African Congress in
Tanzania dealing with the libe-
ration of the Caribbean, where
millions of African people and
.other peoples of the Third
World (especially people of'
East Indian descent) in the
case of Guyana and Trinago -
are subjected to white con-
trolled, exploitative regimes.
,(See Pages 10 and 11).
OUR Fifth Anniversary
As s e m bly of Sunday
November 18 was a land-
mark in the life of Tapia.
It was in my view a most
significant political occasion.
On that day there gathef-
at the Tapio House those men
and women, those brothers
and sisters who over the years
have been turned on by
Tapia's politics of individual
responsibility and who camn
to hear that politics translak /
into our Manifesto for Trini-
dad and Tobago.
John Babb, writing in the
Trinidad Guardian called our
September 23 Assembly (the
forerunner of the one on
November 18) "well attend-
ed". Just 150 came together
on that bleak, stormy day.
But Babb understood the
significance. He saw 150
hardened political people
committed to the struggle
politics of building from the
communities has taken root.
Leaders are taking t&e initia-
tive and rallying the armies of
In Corosal, Laventille, St
Tames, Fyzabad, Diego Mar-
tin, Point Fortin, Cascade
and Tunapuna -up and down
the country our brothers
u,. sisters are laying the
psychological and organisa-
tional base for the political
So we don't need New
Year'sResolutions and Christ-
mas greetings. But when
we see the extent to which
the Reaction is exhausting
and brutalising the will of the
people we know we need re-
newed resolve for the coming
Let our commitment to
the struggle maintain our mo-
rale and provide the inspira-,
tion to our brothers and
Our coverage of
is unsurpassed anywhere
for focus and point.
Keep abreast of the
real currents in the
Triridad & Tobago -
Back issues available send remittance to TAPIA
HOUSE PUBLISHING CO. 91 TUNAPUNA Road,
TUNAPUNA, TRINIDAD W.I.
THE BEST PLACE TO BUY BOOKS
ANY KIND OF
PORT OF SPAIN SAN FERNANDO
TAPIA PAGE 3
SUNDAY DECEMBER 30,1973
POOR Krishna Gowandan was nearly lynched by sugarworkers last
Sunday at Couva. The angry crowd chased him from the Recreation
Ground after he had been attacked from the platform by Basdeo
Panday charged that an article by Gowandan in the Socialist
Worker had "created confusion" and sought to divide the workers.
Among those witnessing the incident were Raffique Shah and
Winston Lennard as well as Lloyd Taylor, the Tapia sugar organiser.
cheered at meeting
AFTER the vouchers have
been scrutinised, is jail for
fiddlers and falsifiers. And
then on to:
a meeting of the Coun-
cil of delegates;
a New Constitution for
the Sugar Union and
a New Executive to run
This was the answer given
by Basdeo Panday to TAPIA
last Sunday at the Couva Rally
build an industrial movement
Tapia has insisted all along
that we must stop the practice
of bringing in strongmen fiom
outside to head the sugar
Union. That is how the corrup-
tion started, that is how we
came to be saddled with Bha-
dase, that is how the workers
lost their voice. That is what
the crisis is all about.
Panday must now repudiate
his own position as a President
General who was selected by
Rampartap when it suited the
corrupt purpose of the sugar
union bosses. Panday must now
revoke his own backdoor entry
and throw his full weight be-
hind the wishes of tilerank and
The workers are saying thal
it is not enough just to patch
up the holes in the All-Trinidad
Union. The new Union must
have a solid foundation in the
Workers Committees, which
have emerged from the strug-
gle at B.C.,Usine, Orange Grove
and Woodford L dse.
Rank and file leadership is
the only way to guard against
Everybody knows that the
real leaders in sugar are Wanza,
Baxter, Cliandickai, Soukuu,
' ., "
Cain, Baptiste and a few others.
They must now be given their
Tapia says let us get this
new Union together now. We
say let this Union join with the
farmers and take over people's
ownership of the land and
people's control of the sugar
We say let the workers and
farmers share this control with
the Central Government in Port
of Spain but also with new
Municipal Governments in
Tunapuna, Couva and Chagua-
nas and Princes Town.
political representation in Par-
liament when the new Consti-
tution comes into being. Work-
ers and farmers must select their
own spokesmen to speak for
sugar in the Senate.
We expect Panday to public-
ly support such measures if he
has the interest of little sugar
e say let the workers and.
has the interest of little sugar
Kirpalani's belongs to the people of Trinidad & Tobago. Not only does this growing organization belong
to shareholders like the one pictured here. But Kirpalani's belongs to the vast number of employees in
its various divisions. And to the countless number of consumers, throughout Trinidad & Tobago, who
share when they shop at any Kirpalani's store, who save when they buy merchandise produced by a
Kirpalani company. And to all the citizens of Trinidad & Tobago.
You, and we, benefit when lobs are created ,nd skills are
developed. And our people enjoy the benefits that
progress can bring. Kirpalani's is conscious of its
responsibility in the attainment of all these things.
of Sugar Workers. In our Issue
No 48 of December 2, Lloyd
Taylor, the Tapianan in Sugar,
had asked the teasing question:
"After the vouchers are cleared
up, what then?"
No sooner had Lloyd Tay-
lor and Lloyd Best arrived at
the meeting and started to dis-
tribute papers and handbills,
than Panday saluted Tapia as
"the only political organisation
hi the country giving true sup- -
port to the sugar workers".
There followed a ringing
:acclamation for Tapia from
the multitude of assembled
workers in rounds of lusty
Encouraged by a respon-
sive audience, Panday craftily
aligned himself with the quietly
effective work which Tapia has
been carrying out in the sugar
belt for the longest while. He
reminded the audience of the
high point of Tapia's involve-
ment in sugar over the explosive
issue of Hunte and Tello at
Tapia takes this opportuni-
ty to warn Panday that our
programme for power to the
sugar workers can only be
successfully implemented if we
abandon the habits of con-
ventional LnadCs unionism and
* 1963-1964 Lloyd Best writes The Betrayal of The
Sugar Workers on request from Walter Annamunthodo.
Participates in campaign by National Union of Sugar Workers
to unseat Bhadase. Summoned to appear before Mbanefo
Commission of Enquiry into Subversive Activities.
* 1969 Sugar Workers Education Committee for Orange
Grove Workers founded at Tapia House, Tunapuna.
* June 1971 Tapia callsforlocalisation of sugar at public
meetings in Princes Town and Chaguanas. Proposes new forms
of organisation, abandonment of gangster unionism, sweeping
land reform, phasing out of half of current sugar production,
.production of food and raw materials on sugar lands with'
Crown Lands money.
* Nov. 1972 TAPIA breaks story of B.C. crisis.
* Dec. 1972 Lloyd Best tells Balmain meeting we are
ready for new kind of sugar union one from below, not
doi'.nated by some personality at the top.
I Jan. 1973 Tapia proposes peaceful solutions to sugar
crisis: control for workers and farmers.
* April 1973 TAPIA scoops Press Reveals "Orange
Grove in Serious Trouble".
* May 1973 TAPIA asks "Where does Panday Stand?"
Lloyd Taylor: "How long will we continue to suffer under
the dictatorship of Rampartapsingh and his clique?"
0 August 1972 Tapia assures Dinsley publicmeeting'of
full political support against Hunte and Tello.
St.Vincent St., & Eastern Main Rd., Tunapuna
* GIFT ITEMS
PAGE 4 TAPIA
TAPIA PAGE 5
Council meets Jan.6
POLITICAL PROSPECTS FOR A
NEW YEAR will be the theme of
an address to be presented by
Secretary Lloyd Best to the Tapia
Council of Representatives on
The meeting will finalise plans
for the New Year Assembly on
January 20. Deliberations begin
at 10 a.m. sharp at the Tapia
From Page 1
BWIA and tourism are just
so much dust in our eyes. PNM
is afraid of Texaco, Shell and
Fedchem. It is a straight case
of avoiding the issue. We are
mounting endless diplomatic
missions, conducting "neces-
sarily proiract'd' negotiations'
over greater revenues and in-
creased participation, and we
are substituting talk for action.
If the sheik could play, who
is we? That is so much robber-
talk because the sheik is more
than doubling prices, taking
over ownership, controlling
output, imposing embargoes.
While the Arabs are taking hold
of their oil, we in Trinidad and
Tobago are obsessed with how
vulnerable the Caribbean is,
with how dependent we are on
imported crude supplies and we
are bemoaning how badly off
we are with our own small-
scale oil industry.
Smallness is our biggest
advantage. Tapia technocrats
from all over the region will
guarantee to find enough crude.
oil to utilise to the full our
refining capacity of 400,000
barrels a day. That amount is
an infinitesimal share of world
supply and can readily be ob-
tained provided we are politic-
ally independent and can bar-
gain on our own behalf and not
as stooges of the metropolitan
The only conceivable ob-
jective now must be the fullest
localisation of oil and gas. The
immediate steps in the direct-
tion of popular control of the
a A change in the basis of
oil taxation so that all current
exploiters will pay a royalty.
calculated on the basis of a
a price for crude ti be posted
in Port of Spain by the Mbinistry
of Petroleum and Mines. Al-
ternatively, the national share
must be paid in kind barrels
of oil delivered to tankers con-
tracted to Trinidad Tesorol
SAn expansion of the Na-
tional Petroleum Company in-
to a CARICOM enterprise with
outlets in all the islands. This
will not only create a per-: ..
manent market-base but will h
also open an entirely new dip-
lomatic window on the ques- ,
tion of a West Indian nation-
a Promotion of a refining
consortium with Governments
such as Algeria, Venezuela and '
Nigeria with the aim of locating -I'
Point Fortin and Pointe-a-,
Pierre in a larger multinational
enterprise to compete with the
private capitalist ones in the '
realm of "downstream develop-
Policies such as these have
extensive ramifications but all
that Williams has promised is
that "a comprehensive official
statement on the general oil
situation and policy" will be
made public "as soon as the
international energy situation
JOKE i (
After.17 years of planning, ^
this amounts to a colossal joke..
TAPIA (Dec 9, 1973) has al-
ready pointed out that it will
take years before the energy '
crisis is stabilisid and by that
time the new movement will
long since have taken the
power. The best bet for this l m
unwanted PNM Government J lu
would be to attempt some MM
hasty amendments in their of frederiCK Street
forthcoming budget. Tapia is Trinidad's leading family store
waiting to deal with that.
/1 y* LUXURY
,- ""' *"
De Lu: e
Universal Pictures .. Robert Stigwood -., A NORMAN JEWISON Film
A TJntvr,,aJ ;'AIN U ThL..oIor* DiR ribu ei by Gle= Inerr",lxW Cpl-itn m
is ,, 7
SUjNDABY DECEM~~BER 30,1973
PAGE 6 TAPIA
WALCOTT'S descriptions of his mother are
quiet and strong and closely related to des-
criptions of the house itself and the home
atmosphere, to show the degree to which she
was integrated into life around here. Her
part-time occupation as seamstress threads
through all of Walcott's work, as he needles
that job into something symbolic.
only on Sundays was the Singer silent,
you sat folded in silence,
as if your husband might walk up the street,
while in the forests the cicadas pedalled their machines,
and silence, a black maid in white,
barefooted, polished and repolished
the glass across his fading water-colours,
the dumb Victrola cabinet,
the panels and the gleam of blue-winged teal
beating the mirror's lake.
the revered, silent objects ring like glass,
at my eyes' touch ...
His mother's house "sang softlybf balance, of the
rightness of placed things".
Then Walcott fell in love. He fell in love with
Anna. Anna was both a product of the paintings
Walcott was familiar with and an extension of the
Annas of literature and the literary world. Looking
at the shepherdesses of Boucher and Fragonard, (two
Rococo painters), he
the split pears of their arses,
their milk-jug bubs,
the close and, I guessed, golden
inlay.of curls at cunt
and conch-like ear,
and after service, Sunday lay
golden, a fucked Eve
replete and apple-bearing,
and if they were my Muse,
still, out of that you rose,
body downed with the seasons,
gold and white, Anna
of the peach-furred body, light
of another epoch,
and stone-grey eyes.
Walcott returns to the snap-shots of the past. He
shows us their several silent meetings, their growing
love, and their moments of tenderness.
Near the lagoon,
dark water's lens had made the trees one wood
arranged to frame this pair whose pace
unknowingly measured loss,
each face was set towards its character.
Where they now stood, others before had stood,
the same lens held them, the repeated wood,
then there grew on each one
the self-delighting, self-transfiguring stone
stare of the demi-god.
Stunned by their images they strolled on, content
that the black film of water kept the print
of their locked images when they passed on.
Walcott at the time apparently placed too much
symbolic weight on Anna, who like any girl wanted
to be loved for what she was and not for what she
represented. Moreover like any girl she found the
contradictions of the poet and his tendencyto speak
and think in symbolic terms too much. Soon she left
the island in order to study nursing, and thus began
for Walcott the theme of departure and absence. Anna,
for Walcott was his island. But, to him she was also
Anne More, Donne's wife, Ann Hathaway Shakes-
peare's wife, Anna Akhmatova, the poet and friend of
Boris Pasternak as well as Anna Karenina.
You are all Annas, enduring all goodbyes,
within the cynical station of your body,
Christie, Karenina, big-boned and passive,
that I found life within some novel's leaves
more real than you, already chosen
as his doomed heroine. You knew, you knew.
Walcott describes Anna as "my Akhmatova". Now,
Anna Akhmatova, (1888-1966) was a Russian poet
who belonged to the Acmeist school of poetry and
was the author of works such as "Vecher," "Chetiki"
and "Requiem". Acmeism was a movement in
twentieth century Russia, which rejected the "other
world" of the symbolists for the visible, sensate
world with its colours, sounds, odours.. It insisted
that poetry be more concrete. One can therefore see
why Anna to Walcott was his Akhmatova. She related
to the sensate world. Finally it would be remembered
that when Walcott published the poem, "The Silent
Woman" on the occasion of Miss Miles' death, (see
the Trinidad Guardian of December Thursday 14,
1972) it was prefaced by the following lines from
No, not under the vault of another sky,
not under the shelter of other wings,
I was with my people then,
then where my people were doomed to be.
Anyway, Walcott finally puts to rest the memory of
his first love with:
And do t still love her, as 1 love you?
I have loved all women who have evolved from her,
fired by two marriages
to have her gold ring true.
Walcott's film of Harold Simmons reveals a tired,
near defeated man fighting a losing battle in a
colonial backwater indifferent to its artists.
The morning bleeds itself away,
everything he touches breaks,
like a child again, he reads
the legend of Midas and the golden touch,
from morning through the afternoon
he feels compelled to read
the enormous and fragile literature
of breakdown. (p. 121).
The reel also reveals that, that artist like all artists in
the Caribbean had to fight off the pessimism of the
art-pundits and the hypocrisy of the hind-visioned.
He had to fight off the fear of failing talent and the
temptation to go abroad.
And perhaps, master, you saw early
what brotherhood means among the spawn of slaves
hassling for return tripson the middle passage,
spitting on their own poets,
preferring their painters drunkards,
for their solemn cataloguc of suicides,
as I draw nearer your desolation, Cesar Vallejo,
and its raining Thursdays. (p. 123)
Harold Simmons emerges as a man with a tre-
mendous awareness and sense of destiny; a master
initiating a tradition of art and artists, pacing his
disciples to the future. Walcott sees him as a man
who breathed the life of permanence into a people,
securing them to the canvas of the New World for all
time. Harold Simmons, like Dustan St. Omer, also
emerges as a man destined for the Caribbean pantheon.
People entered his understanding
like a wayside country church,
they had built him themselves.
It was they who had smoothed the wall
of his clay-coloured forehead,
who made of his rotundity an earthy
holding the clear water of their simple troubles,
he who returned their tribal names
to the adze, mattock, midden and cookingpot.
But Harold Simmons committed suicide; "he is a man
no more / but the fervour and intelligence / of a
whole country". As Walcott asked in his poem "From
All Craftsmen", published in BIM Vol. 5 No. 19
December 1953, "Has it come to nothing?" It has
not. The victory lies in the struggle.
Walcott is determined to win and he cannot be
I would refrain,
I withhold from myself that curse,
but in this battle, it is them, or me,
and as it was you who lost,
and they who pitied your losing,
and they who deny now their victory,
it is, it is sad, though, a struggle,
Still, master, I cannot
enter the inertia of silence.
My hands like those of a madman's
cannot be tied. I have no friends
but the oldest, words. This, at least,
master, none can take from me.
But the path increases with snakes. (pp. 124-125).
With the presence of death and departure in the
poem, the scythe cuts repeatedly. The scythe in the
poem is also related to the sense of decline and
melting that is there in the poem. Walcott also seems
to be suggesting that the artist in the Caribbean can
so easily be scythed by the fever of neglect, break-
down and madness. The use of the scythealso marks
the end of a season, and so much of Another Life is
about the end of a season, the end of an epoch.
Walcott's poem paints the poet's past and allows him
to take stock of his situation before entering another
creative epoch. The poem summarises not only the
poet's past but also the poet's past styles, while
pointing towards the poet's new style, the style past
'... Walcott feels that the muse of history does not co,
is the poet-historian..."
Walcott's poem though long is not an epic be-
cause of its relatively limited preoccupations. It has
been followed by another long poem, Andrew
Salkey's Jamaica. That poem explores Jamaica's
history from the earliest times of the present. Our
writers are still grappling with History and Culture.
Salkey in his long poem says:
Culture come when you buck up
It start when you' body make shadow
on the lan'
an' you know say
that you standing' up into mirror
underneath' you. (p. 11).
Walcott in Another Life, strongly hints that it is the
artists who have to supply that kind of self-confidence.
Walcott also writes about history in his poem. He
does so in some of the most vitriolic passages that he
has ever penned.
Those who peel, from their own leprous flesh.
who chafe and nurture the : cars of rusted chains,
like primates favouring scabs, those who charge
for another free ride on the middle-passage,
those who explain to the peasant why he is African,
their catamites and eunuchs banging tambourines,
and the academics crouched like rats
listening to tambourines
jackals and rodents feathering their holes
hoarding the sea-glass of their ancestors' eyes,
sea-lice, sea-parasites on the ancestral sea-wrack.
whose god is history.
Walcott, to me, has never settled his relationship
to Caribbean history. It goes back to his schooldays
and the type of history he was taught. As he said
Once, "one of the subtler shocks that comes to the
TAPIA PAGE 7
rn theicreative writer, as a result the worse hybrid for him
_ ----------* -- .: .
schoolboy later in life, especially if like the school-
boys of my generation he was taught history as
adventure literature interrupted by treaties, is the
political advantages to which such teaching can be
put". (See his article "A Work of Passion, but still
-Valuable" in the Sunday Guardian of June 11, 1961,
Because Walcott was taught history as adventure
literature so that the Holy Ghost fathers could have
bent his mind to their way of seeing, it would seem
that he has a strong distrust of historians, although he
is fully aware of their value. The result is that Wal-
cott's statements about history are generally con-
tradictory, and guided more by expediency than by a
worked out way of seeing. Hence, in 1964 he can
.. Those who claim that there is no sense of
history in the West Indies, that its peoples
are without that sense of the past, which
fertilises art as tough weeds fertilise a
ruin, suffer from a longing for that decadence...
(Sunday Guardian Jan. 12, 1964 p 3
A Dilemma Faces W.I. Artists").
In 1965 he says just the opposite. "THE WEST
INDIAN IS WITHOUT HISTORY, BUT THE PAST
OR THE LACK OF IT IS NOT A TANGIBLE
HORROR ." (Sunday Guardian June 27, 1965
page 7" Selvon has returned to the old form"). One
month later the pendulum of expediency swings to
the other side. He says in part, "The West Indian
writer is organically impelled towards the slave past,
in other words towards his history, which is a
Quarrel with others ." (See Sunday Guardian
July 18, 1965 page 9 "In Praise of i-esantry. The
Poetry of E.Y. Roach"). In 1970 he can say, "...
there is no history, onjy the:history of emotion".
Those are sufficient examples to show that Walcott
shifts his position when talking about history. The
pendulum of expediency we have come to expect in
our politicians, we are frightened when we see it in
one of our major poets. These days the pendulum
swings one way or the other depending on whether
Walcott is hinting at Edward Brathwaite or V.S.
Another factor that is involved when Walcott is
looking at history, is his fascination with Twilight.
But with Walcott it is both the twilight of dusk,
signifying the end of the Colonial epoch and the
twilight of dawn signifying the New day. The result is
that historically and emotionally Walcott finds him-
self caught between two twilights, a creature in a
state of arrested birth, a situation which is soon going
to make all his talk about the poses of, the second
Adam read like self-parody to next generation. With
Walcott one twilight gives meaning and substance to
the other. In a word, no Ti-Jean without Franklin; for
him the tale of these islands must be told in two
twilights, the twilight of dusk and the twilight of
dawn. Furthermore, Walcott feels that the muse of
history does not concern the creative writer, as a
result the worse hybrid for him is the poet-historian.
(See his article in the Sunday Guardian of August
23, 1964 page 4). Hear how he reacts to the poet-
historian in his Another Life:
Too many potential histories passing
for poems. Avoid:
1857 Lucknow and Cawnpore.
The process of history machined through fact,
for the poet's cheap alcohol,
lines like the sugarcane factory's mechanization of myth
grourid into rubbish..
1834 Slavery abolished
A century later slavishly revived
for the nose of the water rat, for the literature of
in the masochistic veneration of
chains, and the broken rum jugs of cutthroats.
Exegesis, exegesis, writers
giving their own sons homework. (p. 145).
Since Another Life looks at origins, it is import-
ant that one compares it to Walcott's "Origins", a
poem which appeared in his Selected Poems. "Origins"
is a kind of ordered, compressed and controlled
"Cahier", which examines his sense of an absence of
history as well as the need to name this paradise
despite the problem of language.
Was it not then we asked for a new song,
As Colon's vision gripped the berried branch?
I'or the names of bees in the surf of white frangipani.
With hard teeth breaking the bitter almonds of
Shaping new labials to the curl of the wave,
Christening the pomegranate with a careful tongue,
.Pommes de Cythere, bitter Cythercan apple.
And God's eye glazed bya n indifferent blue. (p. 54).
The film covering the work is that of smoke and
rain. The smoke is there for three reasons. Firstly it
is there because Walcott has set alight his past burning
up his past experiences so that he can create poetry.
(See his lecture on "The Figure of Crusoe").
Secondly, the smoke is there when Walcott is
recalling an experience fixed in the dry-season, a
time when tile hills sweat smoke. Thirdly, lie smoke
hovers throughout the poem because one cannot talk
about St. Lucia without thinking about smoke, fire
and loss. Castries the capital of St. Lucia it must be
remembered, has been wholly or partially consumed
by fire in. 1927, 1948 and 1951. The rain is ob-
viously there to define the presence of lhe wet
season. As Walcott puts it:
The rain falls like knives
on the kitchen floor.
The sky's heavy drawer
was pulled out too suddenly.
The raw season is on us. (p. 132).
So much of Walcott's vision is a direct result of
the impressions of his childhood and a conscious
effort to keep the child's ability to. he surprised and
startled that Another Life is illso covered Iby the
film of childhood. It can thus recall a collection of
poems like Edward Lucie-Snmith's A Tropical Chilcl-
DlRl?:LK WA LCOTT.
Farrar, Straus and (iroux.
% 15.95 T.T.
$ 7.50 paperbackk)
hood. Anyway returning to the past is always like
returning to the world of silence, a world where
everything is furred, so as to prevent sound; every
movement in such a world implies furred feet. This is
why so often the word furred is repeated in the
poem. The sense of floating in a fairy-tale world of
childhood is balanced by the deliberate concrete
presence of stone. Talking about himself and Anna
We sit by the stone wall
all changes to grey stone,
stone hands, stone air,
stone eyes, from which
irisless, we stare,
wishing the sea were stone,
motion we could not hear.
No silence, since,
its equal. (p. 88).
Since so much of the poet's training in art is related
to the Renaissance painters (the post-impressionist
masters incidentally are also there) whose paintings
are generally rooted in religious subjects, one is not
surprised to see constant references to angles in the
poem. The rose, a major symbol of that period, is a
recurring minor symbol in the poem.
Walcott is also careful to point out the ability of
St. Lucians to combine the practice of Roman
Catholicism with the practice of Obeah. As he says';"
"One step beyond the was the bush. / One step
behind the church door stood the devil". This is what
the whole incident with Monsieur Manoir is about.
Manoir, the first black merchant baron apparently
became rich as a result of a contract with the Devil.
This is one of the strengths of the poem, it is not
limited to a record of close friendships, but it em-
braces the manners and habits of his neighbours, peo-
ple like the Captain and his wife, as well as legendary
figures like "that dog, Auguste Manoir". We also get
descriptions of the activities of priests and nuns,
people of the cloth exiled in St. Lucia.
Now, one of the ideas that Walcott has been
exploring, is the idea of provincialism. Walcott in an
interview with Carl Jacobs in 1966 said that West
Indian writers are still provincial, because they retain
powerful a-ttachments. When asked to define their
particular provincialism, he said he meant their at-
tachment to family, earth and history, that "deeper
communion with things, that metropolitan writers no
longer care about, or perhaps cannot care about".
(Sunday Guardian May 22, 1966 page 9). Thus, he
can begin chapter seven of his poem as follows:
Provincialism loves the pseudo-epic.
so if these heroes have been given a stature
disproportionate to their cramped lives,
remember I beheld then at knee-height,
and that their thunderous exchanges
rumbled like gods about another life,
as now, I hope, some child
ascribes their grandeur to Gregorias. (p.41 )
II Another l.if Walcott celebrates people, ideas
and things. His poems knits together earlier themes
such as, naming, silence, twilight, friendship, death.
absence, nothingness, departure and history, while
adding new dimensions to them by enlarging his
canvas and by the greater depth of field of his poet's
eye. lie offers us folk heroes and two gods for our
('aribbean pantheon. IHe also shows the degree to
which neglect by both people ;ad the governments s
which represent the people, can destroy the artist in
this brave new world wlihere "cockro;aclh liusl step
aside to give fowl chance". t-'uflhermnore. the poet lhas
developed the "negatives" of his experience, in both
senses of tllhat wold.
Another 1.1ci' is a conscious effort ofh a poel to
achieve the style past metaphor. Though not always
able to sustalml that plainness. there are times wlhel
onte would have like less demonsllsl at lin s ofl technique
-and grealei diversity of subject iuaillel finally it nmlus
be said thatil tlie mind icels bel'ore a poem of thatll
length which irellecs the technical consideirations of
poelry. patillling. sculpture, pot liry. :uchlteclure iind
pliotography. No one will deny thlilt Anothcr Lifi'
is lniiljor triumph lor Wailcoit and West Inidiai poeli'r.
SUNDAY DECEMBER 30 1973
Perhaps like our own
Buzz Butler who made
hasty hurry ups.
People of Butler
woke up abruptly
So he (Harewood)
on Buzz Butler
become a Martyr
and now "Harewood" shall live
forever, in the black
in the green
in the red
For these people know that
Guy .Harewood is not dead.
Harewood l i ves
New Year Greetings i rom
got a lot
when they can't understand LOVE in so young
they cry "misled" -
A virtue in this ovine society
Our end remains the same The total liberation of Black people
Did our means differ or is it only that you loved more
Deeply than me...
They watched that picture in the evening news and said
what you arid I expect them to say.
S Make mewonderSis, who it for? this awful sacrifice
you make not the same people ...
I don't know you ;in flesh but our spirit is the same
Young, Black and Revolutionary ...
You live on in me and ,others.
Shot in flight -
a Black Bird or the threshold of freedom,
as yet unsoiled by blood Perhaps this was your only fault.
a brignt and
.M MUTUAL LIFE
Danish Teak finish
Living Room Suite
68 70 HENRY ST.
PORT OF SPAIN
We pay a visit to Plantation
House. Successful natives,
we are gathered in this luxirious
bungalow to look back in anger.
There is a showroom strung
with artifacts from Africa. On
the plain below, slaves once worked
like ants: Dressed in white
top and black pants a slouching waiter
offers cocktails and planter's punch.
A painting in the hall shows the dragon
and the prince locked in an economic tryst
while the bushy headed princess in her glad
rags recalls the crocodiles in leaf-strewn streams
without dear Tarzan snapping at her heels
The Minister of Culture weeps.
From this air-conditioned view you can
get the lie of the land slaves once knew
while on the plain below golf links
our tourist friends to our need for dough.
Whose tomtom heart is pounding, pounding
For ne (Harewood)
For this Harewood)
ii IrrlIB~gp- Ilr I I II I
- _e r r I---~ ~---- psss~rlBWI1~P~pl~e~~-~ ~:
SUNDAY DECEMBER 30,1973
Shoot out victims survive to tell different tale
THERE' is need for an
immediate enquiry into the
fatal police shooting of
Allan Caton on January
26 this year.
Caton was killed b)
police officers led by the
now Senior Superintend-
ent Randolph Burroughs in
the vicinity of Hi-Lo in St
Ann's. Three other men
.were wounded in this
shoot-out and charged.
Earlier this month the men
were freed by a High Court
This is one of the few
thoot-outs where victims have
lived to tell a different tale
from the one the police told.
The official police story claim-
ed that the men, together with
Caton were about.to rob the
Famous Recipe joint next to
Hi-Lo when they were inter-
cepted by lawmen.
In an exchange of fire, they
said, Caton, was killed and the
other men wounded. The Trini-
dad Guardian also carried an
editorial which linked this in-
cident with "subversion" in
TAPIA obtained a story
,at that time from Franklyn
FOR .THE SEASON
to all our
FRIENDS & CUSTOMERS
16 Henry St. P.O.S.
Mascal while MOKO carried a
letter from Norbert Gaskin;
both men were involved'in the
incident. The two stories when
put together read like a
frightening drama of Gestapo
According to this version,
John De Verteuil, alias Pele,
drove up that evening to take
the other men to a calypso
tent. Pele found some pretext
to go to St Ann's first, and
when they got near the Famous
Recipe place, he stopped the
car, saying it had stalled.
The police opened fire but
there was no return from the
car, according to the two men.
Pele ran towards the police
calling to Burroughs that it
was he Pele, and not to shoot
Caton told Mascal and the
others crouched low in the car
that he was going to try and
Make it since he heard that the
police wanted to kill him. He
then ran off, jumping a wall.
The shooting had stopped
by this time and the other
men came out with their arms
upraised. Burroughs and the
other policemen came up.
When Burroughs learnt that
Caton had run off he ordered
his men to go and bring him
back., The other men
were then lined off on the
ground and were shot in their
Mascal told Tapia that one
of the policemen jumped onto
his thigh, breaking the bone. A
little later, Caton was reported-
ly found dead behind a house.
The men were put on a
number of charges with the
exception of the driver, Pele.
They have now been freed by
a High Court judge.
The family and friends of
All n Caton and all lovers of
freedom and justice in this
country remain unsatisfied.
When Lt. Walker was shot
a coroner's inquest was held
almost immediately. The same
thing happened when a police-
man was shot by a soldier
during anti-guerrilla activities.
If the story told by Mascal,
Gaskin and others is anyway
near the truth, and the evi-
dence seems overwhelmingly
to support this, then it is a
frightening thought that a
senior police officer can he
heading what is no more than a
Death Squad, made famous in
the repressive regimes of South
The point is that this is not
an isolated incident in Trini-
dad and Tobago today. There
are so many rumours and
stories of police brutality that,
even after admitting exaggera-
tion or falsehoods, there seems
to be an, urgent need for some
An inquest into Caton's
death may not be sufficient.
There is also the case of Santa
Claus and others. There is need
for a full-scale public enquiry
into the role and operations of
the Police Service.
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------p~------- I I 'I g I I
TAPIA PAGE, 9
June '74 conference
IN THE blighted industrial city of Manchester,
England, on October 13, 1945, 200 Africans
and people of African descent met, in an
-atmosphere charged with seriousness, in the
Fifth Pan African Congress.
The Second World War had just come
to an end, with declarations of world peace,
freedom and self-deteriniation. But for the
people.of colour, whose lands were colonies,
of European powers, the struggle for freedom
and independence was far from over; it
was just entering a new phase.
In Africa, only Ethiopia and Liberia were to
any degree free of direct European occupation. in
the Caribbean, only Haiti was not a colony of
Europe. And in North America, people of African
descent were living under legal and "de facto" racial
discrimination, economic oppression, and political
The world's African people had formed a.
significant part of the backbone of America and.
Europe in World War II, as in World War I, Black men
were conscripted to do the dirty: work of all the
Allied armies, and Europe's African and Caribbean
colonies had been pressed to provide their agricultural
crops and minerals in great quantity to support the
armies that defeated Hitler. At the war's end African
people everywhere, quite naturally, felt themselves.
entitled to that same freedom that the European
countries were assuming.
It was in fact the Black soldiers in the armies of
America, France, and Britain, and the Black sailor
from all over Africa and the West Indies in the.
European merchant marines, who acted as a com-.
munications network for the Afr!can world. A soldier'
from Senegal would find that his home experiences,,
due to racism and colonialism, parallelled those of
the sailor from South Africa or Somalia, and the
foot soldier from Chicago and Trinidad. The sailors,
would carry letters and documents giving information
about conditions facing Black people, and depicting
political resistance efforts, from one world port city
to another. ThennBlack dock workers would help
smuggle the documents inland to the local Black
By the time the Fifth Pan African Congress was
called by th'e British section of an organisation called
the Pan African Federation, led by Ras Makonaen,
George Fadmore, and others, the stage was set for
change. As Nnmdi Azikiwe, a delegate from Nigeria,
later explained: "The Congress marked the
turning point in Pan Africanism from a passive to an
active stage. The obvious transmutation in the charac-
ter of the movement was precipitated by the War.
Those years brought a new kind of awareness to
many old and young African leaders of the indignities
suffered by the Black man, everywhere and especially
in his home in Africa. The time was ripe for
in his own home in Africa. The time was ripe for
Previous Congresses had emphasised agitation,
a voice for colonised peoples, and reform, "and the
delegations were mostly intellectuals and students"
(a fact which should not be condemned, but rather set
within a context 'of the times and conditions). The
Fifth Congress was different.
There were still some scholars and students, but
Kwame Nkrumah, who was joint political secretary
of the Fifth Congress along with Padmore, exclaimed,
"We shot intp limbo those Africani intellectuals who
were gradualists, expressing the more total demand
of workers, trade unionists, farmers and peasants who
were decisively represented at Manchester ... and we
breached imperialism's wall".
The delegates came from all over the world.
While the actual number 'was small, owing to the
expenses and time involved in travel, most delegates
were mandated to represent several organizations
from their geographic area. From Africa, there were
representations from the West Africa Cocoa Farmers,
the Non-European Unity Committee (South Africa),
the West African Youth League, the Nyasaland Con-
THE MANCHESTER CONGRESS 1945-
gress, the Nigeria Trade Union Congress, and others.
From the Caribbean there' were, to'mention a few,
people from the Barbados Workers' Union, the St.
'Kitts-Nevis Trades and Labour Union, the Caribbean
Labour, Civil Servants, and Technical Workers' Union
and the British Guiana Trade Union. From the United
States, there were representatives from the NAACP,
,the National Negro Congress, several church groups,
'fraternal and mutual-benefit organizations.
In the first part of the Congress, in sessions
presided over by the late W.E.B. Dubois, by then a
venerated scholar, who had been elected International
Chairman, the delegates, one by one, region by region,
gave reports on the specific conditions facing the
African people in their areas. These reports told of
'circumstances ranging from apartheid in South Africa,
'to "one hundred years of wretched ignorance, bad
health and poverty" fostered by the British in the
Gold Coast, to "Jim Crow" race laws and lynchings in
the US, to a description of the West Indies as the
"sugar section of British imperialism, with govern-
ment of sugar for sugar by sugar".
From the specifics of oppression and depend-
ence which invariably turned out to be similar in
all places the Fifth Congress moved to several
important resolutions, declarations, and a broadly-
outlined common programme to be taken back, when
feasible, by various delegates to their homes.
Generally, the resolutions called for mass organ-
ising for self-government and complete independence
in colonies, an end to race discrimination against the
Black men wherever else he resided, and the beginning
of plans for co-operative African economies serving
the needs of the masses in an equitable manner. There
were also expressions of solidarity with others then
fighting imperialism and colonialism, including the
Vietnamese, the Indonesians, and the Indians.
The Congress sent a special message to Afro-
Americans supporting their struggles inside the US and
affirming the link between those struggles and the
"emancipation of all African peoples..."
But the single most determined thrust of the
Fifth Pan African Congress was for an end to
colonialism in Africa, because this has seei as the
first part of the solution to all other specifics. All
schemes of half-freedom were rejected, including
"indirect'rule, trusteeship, and mandates".
Delegates called for the removal of artificial
barriers to African unity, and for industrialisation'
and the returning of land to the masses. Many 'f the
delegates Kwame Nkrumah, Nnamdi Azikiwe,i
Jomo Kenyatta began immediately, with their
people, to devise strategies to bring these resolutions
to fruition. After the Congress, in the ensuing years
of political activity, some of the hopes of the Fifth
Congress participants were realized. But new questions
arose alongside independence.
Today in 1973, on the threshold of the Sixth,
Pan African Congress, Africa is again a hub of world
interest. Besides the obvious self-interest of those living
on the continent, there is also the interest of, on the
one hand, imperialist powers, and on the other hand,
the children of Africa scattered over the world. In the
US, to take an important example, interest in Africa
and in Pan Africanism has been on the rise over the
last five years, by two opposing champs.
On one side there are the US government, the
American headquarters of multi-national corporations
seeking a second scramble for the resources and
markets of Africa. On the other side are Black people
regarding Africa as a common mother, and beginning
to understand that their future status and condition,
even in the US, are bound up with the liberation and
progressive, co-operative development of Africa.
For America, Britain, France, Portugal and
other imperialist powers, the African interest is clear,
though often purposely stated in unclear language.
They want a continuation of African dependence on
Europe, with crucial resources such as oil, gold,
bauxite, copper, diamonds, uranium, and vegetable
and fibre crops flowing out, in raw form, to imperialist'
industry.. They favour the continuance of smaller,
more manageable units on African soil, emphasising
'barriers of language, "culture", and geography among
African groups, with substantial ties remaining be-
tween African states and the "metropolitan powers",
to the detriment of intra-Africant ties.
They want Africa solidly within the political
sphere of influence of America and Europe, with no
potential bases or levels of influence for non-
capitalist nations. And they support the plan of
FROM June 3 to 13, 1974
representatives of the 600
million people of Africa
in the continent and
throughout the world will
meet for the Sixth Pan
African Congress. The
Congress will take place at
the University of Dar es
Salaam, Tanzania, and will
be hosted by the ruling
Tanganyika African Na-
tional Union (TANU).
The emphasis in 1974
will be, as Tanzania's
Julius Nyerere put it,
"where do we go from
here?" The Congress is
expected to canalize sup-
pot. from the liberation
struggles still going on in
parts of Africa, and to
concentrate on liberation
of all the people ofAfrica
"in the more total sense of
freedom from hunger,
poverty ignorance and dis-
The author of this arti-
. cle taken from "African
Affairs, "Courtland V Cox,
points as well to growing
Concern over "a second
scramble for the resources
and markets of Africa"
by miriaiional corpora-
SUNDAY DECEMBER 30,1973
PAGE 10 TAPIA
SUNDAY DECEMBER 30,1973
the people of
FROM PAGE 10
whites in southern Africa who seek to halt the forces
of African freedom, by creating a home-grown white
common market, based in South Africa, which would
make dependence and neo-colonialism comfortable to
African nations by the bribery of trade. American
would also like to manage relationships between
African from the West and Africans on the continent,
to see that they do not get "out of hand". Learning
from past mistakes of colonialists, the US is preparing
to use black agents.
Over the last few years, the question of how to
structure new,concrete relationships between Africans
in the Western hemisphere and Africans on the
Continent, and among Africans living in different
parts of the continent, and the question of what kinds
of relationships to focus on, have been continually
raised and discussed on both sides of the Atlantic.
In the Caribbean, there has been a similar
'posing of questions about the future of the Pan
African struggle. The descendants of Africa who form
the majority population 'in the Caribbean face a two-
'dimensional future: the struggle to develop the islands
for the masses, and the question of links with the
In Africa itself, an entire generation of youth,
who were only children when the Fifth Congress was
held, have joined some of the older warriors in the
Pan African struggle to ask questions about the move-
ment. As one university professor from Kenya told
me recently. "What has happened to the idea of the
Pan African Congresses? Many of us feel that there
would be great usefulness for a new one. At this point
in our history, there; needs to be a rekindling all over
the world, of the idea that all Africans face common
problems, and we must find some ways to work out
Cfrlrmnf l n oi-- ..l.fl....
That professor wvas not alone in his assessment. In
the late 1960's, there were a series of conferences and
meetings of Black people, which served to regenerate
a wider interest in Pan Africanism, including the
'OAU Pan African Cultural Festival in Algiers in 1969,
the 1967 National Black Power Conference in
Detroit, the 1969 Regional Black Power Conference
:in Bermuda, and the 1970 Congress of African
Peoples in Atlanta.
A group of people, some of whom had partici-
pated in more than one of these meetings, met in
early'spring of 1971 in Bermuda to discuss the idea of
calling a Sixth Pan African Congress. At that small
meeting were C.L.R. James, a respected historian who
!had been active in the Fifth Congress; the Tanzanian
ambassador to Canada, representing TANU: and
:several young people from the US and the West
Indies with some history of political involvement
(including the author). Prof. Walter Rodney, who
'could not attend, sent a paper giving his ideas. Presi-
dent Kwame Nkrumah sent a letter from Guinea
saying: ". I agree with the idea for a Sixth Pan
African Congress. Go ahead and begin your work, and
I will do what I can from this end". As a result of
.this meeting, a Temporary Secretariat and Steering
Committee were formed, to begin the broadening of
participation in the Congress, and to assess interest,
ideas, and commitment to holding a Sixth Pan African
Congress on African soil. This working group really
got underway in late 1972.
But perhaps President. Julius Nyerere put the
quesiton of the Sixth Congress most succinctly when
he started, in an interview with a delegation from the
Congress that "unlike past Congresses, which had one
Focus: ending colonialism .. a present day Congress
should say "where do we go from here?'
I later asked that question of many different
Africans, including some workers, students, editors
of publications, and just ordinary citizens. The
general view, gleaned from discussions with this
varied group admittedly biased towards change -
was that Africa faced the task of continuing the hot
war for liberation of occupied territories. But the
ongoing struggle in Africa, for the next quarter cen-
tury or more, is for all the people of Africa to liberate
.themselves, in the more total senses of freedom from
hunger, poverty, ignorance, and disease.
-iOe particular segment of the African world
which has shown keen interest in the idea of a Sixth
Pan African Congress, and the whole question of the
"Thereare multinational corporations seeking a second
scramble for the resources and markets of Africa,
but black people, are beginning to understand that
their future status and condition are bound up with
the liberation and development of Africa".
(nature of the political framework in which technically-
skilled Africans operate, has been the scientific and.
Several African scientists have spoken of the
need.for Institutes of research, experimentation, and
analysis based in Africa. And two representatives
from a West Indian group of technicians, themselves
'engineers, raised .several points at a recent Regional
Planning Conference in Kingston, Jamaica. Said One:
"It's not that African communities have not raised
their share of scientists, or created useful inventions.
The records shows we have done that. But the fruitsof
'*Jl~-QwfU.-^yP aI awltSt sLwUryv. -rani A`A-'_''^?;7-' ,^_- -^.-
you look, technology has been used as a tool by
capitalists to dominate us. And if you are a scientist
and look for someone to legitimise your work, or
honour you for your hard-earned excellence, where
do you have to look, man? To Europe or America!
How about if the criteria for what was technically
useful, for what kinds of projects were feasible, for
who deserved recognition came from us?"
A doctor in a small town near Lagos struck a
-parallel note. He said: "Sometimes I find, when I have
time to read professional journals,that another African
doctor in Central or East Africa, or even in a hospital
in Washington, D.C., is working on some of the same
health and nutrition problems that my colleagues are
working on all this work by African technologists
in isolation from one another! Between that and the
old attitude that science is for academicians and
"experts", not the.people, we are years behind where
we could be in solving our technical problems. With
radically different systems of delivery and training
of technical aids, plus more use of indigneous re-
sources,w e could really begin to move on our own".
In an address delivered recently to the first
North American Regional Planning Conference for the
Congress, we tried to tackle the problem head on. At
that time it was stated that:
"We see the Congress as being able to encourage
an attitude of self-reliance among a wide constituency
of African people, helping to develop the capacity
,within the African world to meet our basic needs, and
:to end our exploitation by, and our dependence on,
others. The capacity does exist now, but its elements
are scattered and misused. In fact, the Congress
can help mobilise and organise one of our most
important assets: our own manpower. African skilled
,manpower, given an attitude of confidence and a will
to use its capability for our own self-reliance, must be
put to work on our needs. Of course our people have
.basic, and unfortunately unmet, needs wherever we
exist. So that our manpower has to be deployed in
many places, and we continue to develop mechanisms
for meeting our needs in many locations. But in the
future, much more of our combined energies must be
focused on Africa, lest years from now we find our-
selves in the same positions of dependency".
There are already existing forums which address
some of these same questions, and are attempting
answers. But there are several dimensions to our total
problem which these forums, while serving a particular
usefulness in given areas, are at a loss to deal with.
One fact is that non-governmental forums can be use-
ful to the Pan Africanist movement, because there'
are strategies, programmes, and institutions which
are vital but, for a variety of reasons, can't be im-
plemented by governments or states.
Another is the fact that we are a people 600
million strong, existing not just in Africa, butallover
world; that human potential has yet to be tapped.
Also, while we are struggling in various places for
specific changes of condition, we need to remember
that, in the words of a Tanzanian worker to members
of a Congressd delegation in Dar Es Salaam, "African'
liberation is not divisible".
It has been agreed that the Tanganyika African
National Union (TANU) will host the Congress from.
June 3 to 13, 1974, at the Universitfyof Dar es Salaam.
--By Octob-er, 1973, the Permanent Secretariat of the
Congress will be_ e.ablished at -its. base-in-the--Tan-
trepresentation of African people from other areas,
and that the emphasis should be on delegates who
have a commitment to the Pan African struggle and
capabilities necessary for the liberation and develop-.
mnent of African people. It has been established that,
for organising purposes, the Congress will be arbi-
trarily divided into eight Regions (North Africa,
East Africa, West Africa, Caribbean and South Ameri-
ca, Australia and Pacific Islands, Europe and North
But beyond these few specifics, the most im-
portant work, the whole process of collecting ideas,
creating papers and models, beginning new institutions
Fnd organizations, pinpointing basic problem areas,
and, most important, bringing together interested
persons, is still in its beginning. The International
Steering Committee, which is itself still in process of
formation, has pinpointed at least six major areas of
emphasis: political co-operation and understanding,
increased support for the liberation movements in
-Africa, research in science and technology, agriculture,
health and nutrition, and communications.
Africans in several locations are beginning to
formulate programmes and strategies in these areas. In
the coming months, there will be more Regional
Planning Conferences, and much smaller meetings for
specific interest areas like communications and
agriculture,held all over the African world. Delegations
from the Congress will also be travelling much more,
especially in Africa, to assess interests and help local
people organise working groups for the Congress,
where these do not already exist. Obviously, the'
tasks ahead are not easy, and the Congress cannot be
a panacea, but many of us agree that it presents a
timely challenge to which African people can rise.
COURTLAND V. COX,
PRESIDENT NYERERE OF
TAPIA PAGE I I
na's. I-drea Talbutt,
'Peserirch nTstitute for
Study of ii~in,
162, WTst 78tuh Streot9
1f74 YORI% IO !Y. 100219
Ph. Lehigh 5 846-,
If, in spite of the horrors for facilities, we beat all comers... then we must be good...
SO Everard Cummings was right
after all. We did beat Haiti as he
predicted (TAPIAVol. 3 No: 15).
Beat the daylights out of them. It
was like playing an ordinary club
side like Sporting Club, Gall .told
Ulric Boxhill. Licks!
Haiti cannot beat our best side,
he had told me. He was so-right.
And you know something, not-
prepared to put his head on a block
to swear that it was the best side
we could produce.
Sammy Llewlyn didn't play. Leroy
de Leon and "Buggy" Haynes neither.
So now that the. question has become
"can we win the World Cup?", we
have to make assurance doubly sure by
setting up organization that will throw
up the best squad when we clash with
the world in 1978.
We couldn't choose a better time.
Football spirits are high. If, in spite of
the horrors that pass for playing fields
here, and if, for most of our footballers,
football is one or two hours on evenings,
and still we beat all comers,then we must
be really good.
All the running in the Dry-River,
small goal-posts in the streets, raising,
the little Leagues, some of them played
on make-shift fields cleared by our own
hands, all the skipping and jumping
around pot-holes and rubbish cans, the
whole tradition, therefore, that forms
the football career of every man-jack on
the Haiti team has born fruit.
So runs the thought. Not that we
didn't know how good we were. How
often have we said on the corners and
so on that if football was really organised
here, with men making a living out of
their skills, we could beat the world.
What the men did in Haiti was to show
that our confidence was not misplaced.
Inspired by the BOMB's English coach
and playing outside of Trinidad, Selwyn
Murren and his team played with a
driving togetherness that had the Press
and TFA officials enthusing in surprised
Ah, but we had seen that spirit in
many a Minor-League encounter, when
the members of the team were represent-
ing their community, watched by chant-
ing supporters. And in Haiti, Trinidad
was the community for our footballers
and Mexico, Guatemala and the rest
Found that they didn't have a chance.
So now that any psychological weak-
ness we might have had about our in-
feriority in the world football has been
cleared away, euphoria is high.
And there's a chance that the images
of dispirited footballers stumbling along
the length of King George V Park, the
S. VOal or the PSA Centre, might give way
- to the performances that raised cheers
f6otbiall with renewed life and be the
real tribute to Carlton "the General"
Franco, Putty Lewis, Squeakie Hinds.
Raffie Knowles, Joey Gonsalves, and
later down Kelvin Berassa, Alvin Cor-
neal, Eddie Hart, Ken Hodge all
those men who laid the foundations.
But the Haitian triumph cannot
stand alone. It needs help. And the kind
of help it needs may be discovered if we
pay attention to certain things. The
first is "Why Didil't Sammy run?" It is
not sufficient to say that he put club
before country. "Since I was a little
boy I was dreaming about playing for
Trinidad and Tobago so how they
could say that I don't want to play for
Trinidad?" he asked me.
I want to argue with Sammy that
the reason goes deeper than that. As he
saw it he had to play for Essex because
after years of scrunting the club had
arranged for him to earn a livelihood.
It was his club, and not his country,
that had showed it cared for him as a
man. And, to add insult to injury, when
the team was being organised, the
powers-that-be in the football world
insisted that during the last and crucial
part of the local season, players would
be banned from playing for their clubs,
even if, as was bound to happen in the
underground sponsorship that is part of
Trinidad football today (wegogihyuh
a job if yuh play fuh we), not playing
for your club meant not playing for
your company and, perhaps, losing your
job as well. Ask "Buggy" Haynes?
Exactly a year ago (TAPIA Vol. 2
No. 13) I asked: "What will happen to,
say, Sammy Llewellyn, the Essex-Trini-
dad and Tobago player who had scores
of supporters, many of them from the
St. Joseph Road area where he lives ....
Will he go the way of Everard Cummings
and Archibald whose-skills and experi-
ence we have lost to the United States?
Or will he like Jimmy Springer become
dispirited when he realizes that the TFA
has no intention to meeting him even
half-way in his bid to make for himself
a career in football?" Sammy was at the
heights of his glory, then.
So, it would seem that one of the
"helps" that the Haitian triumph needs
is a professional league, to cut our
footballers from the kind of employ-
ment blackmail they are subjected to
and to provide an incentive to induce
better performances and to give our top
talent the full timw to devote them-
selves towards raising their maximum
potential," as my brother Ruthven
Baptiste has consistently argued.
As Cummingd and our other pro-
fessionals have argued as well. Alvin
SCorneal and Eddie Hart, too. It was no
accident that the key players in the
tournament were either professionals
or employed. As a matter of fact, I
can't think of a single unemployed
a professional league is because the
officials conceive of it in terms of
sponsorship, grandiose stadiums and
million dollar players from abroad when,
initially, all a professional league needs
is a fenced ground and fans who are
willing to pay to see a good match.
As Ruthven said (TAPIA Vol. 3 No.
23): "In every nook and cranny of the
country there are supporters who relish
seeing their community heroes against
any worthy opponent. T9 my mind,
these localities are roots for initiating
an intercommunity league. Super-im-
posed on that we can establish a re-
gional league with each region drawing
its sustenance from a group of com-
munity leagues. Such a league can be
run on a full professional basis".
If we begin the organization now
we will be sure that four years from
now we will be putting our best team
on to the field. And not simply in the
sense that the side will be drawn from
the cream of the professional league.
But, in the sense that through com-
munity and regional encounters, the
footballers will be thrown up.
Laventille, Belmont, Woodbrook,
St. James, Tunapuna, Toco etc. will
field their best XI and 13-years olds like
Chris "Quicksilver" Savary of the Eddie
Hart League who, with the incentive of
livelihood before them and with the'
backing of their fellow-villagers, will
strive to develop under the watchful
eyes of the professionals whom we
damn well have to bring and use as
coaches, the skills which we described
in TAPIA Vol. 3 No. 28.
Either that, or, in the words of
Eddie Hart, "boys like Chris will grow
up, go into town, lured by the chances
of press coverage and national publicity.
They will join onelof the big clubs.
They will play for a while. And then the
daily scramble for the dollar to go into
town will begin to tell. They will give up
and their game will peter off and they
will join the ranks of the ex-big-time
Or they will make a splash in some
CONCACAF tournament and the talent
scouts will come with wallets waving.
Now they want Steve David. And
Cummings, Archibald, Figaro etc. will be
going back to thrill the hearts of the
North Americans, and we will be in for
the usual drag that passes for football in
the official competitions that have no
i can't think of a more horrible
thought. It's bad enough to be thinking
after Haiti about "what nearly was".
What will really kill me is if, after this,
four v a:s from now we are thinking
about 'what might have been".
But, Christ, it would have been
something to be there. Just imagine
Cummings and Archibald and Steve
David on the go. Diagonal, one-two's,
walls, screening, a dribble here, a dribble
there, Barclay, small,leaping and curv-
ing "thock" around the ball, Murren,
coolly cutting off Latin America's much
touted "Vorbe". I shall have to ask
"Gally" to describe it-in detail so that
it can be really put down on paper, for
The man who was voted the "Player
of the Tournament" certainly knows
lii.. football world. Remember in -tat
TAPIA mnterv ^ hd_ varnel' that
i il would depend on "if we
are treated fairly".
He also expressed dismay over the
reluctance of youngsters to play the
game more: "I remember," he had said,
we used to be able to collect some
35 players on any given day to go up to
to the Savannah and have a run. Now
the most we can get is eight too
many of the others, some of whom I
know to be really good players, have
gone off on drugs their love for the
game killed by the lack of real oppor-
Well, it is certain that after Haiti the
game has a real chance again. Dem
fellers was so good that they rose above
the frustrations. With some help it can
move. Professional football will give us
more mature players, "Gaily" points out.
And he elaborated in words that might
serve to guide the youngsters who next
season will be training to follow in his
"Like so many of the footballers
here I used to think that dribbling was
all. Now I only dribble when necessary,
concentrating more on passing the ball
to get it nearer to .the other team's
goal and from there into the net".
Eddie Hart amidst the signs of hard times
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