Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00089
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: December 16, 1973
Frequency: completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00089

Full Text


THE HARDSHIPS now being ex-
perienced by poor people over
kerosene and pro-gas is bringing
home with a vengeance the disas-
trous consequences of PNM's oil
policy. And PNM economic policy
as a whole.
Tuesday gone, the Police had
ot chase housewives and their child-
ren from a demonstration outside
of Parliament.
Another of these incidents could
easily ignite the powder-keg of our
frustrations and blow the whole
corrupt regime to smithereens.
It is now the most notorious of
legends that the Williams' Government is
mortally afraid of the multi-national
The big Executives of Texaco, Shell
and Fed Chem are known to be the biggest
winners and diners of successive Ministers
ofPetroleum and Mines- from O'Halloran
to Prevatt.

Lull 1Dm

- 11W ;{r








of the


Even Civil Servants from the Ministry
of Finance can be found living it up at
the parties and the pleasure cruises.
And now the people of Trinidad and
Tobago are punishing.
We are not going to punish much
longer. When even the PNM is calling for
the nationalization of petroleum life-
lines, you can guess that the end is at last
in sight.
Gone will be the days when Trinidad
and Tobago will be scrunting for a measly
$1.40 per barrel of oil, a fraction of what
the other oil countries are drawing.
Gone will be the days when our
kerosene and gasoline and pro-gas will be
exploited for corporate profit at the
expense of the people.
For years Tapia and others have
been agitating for a localisation of pe-
troleum, for national control of decisions
on investment, technology and marketing;
for municipal and workers' participation
in ownership and management; for a
breaking of the metropolitan stranglehold.

2&9 '

Now the entire public is clamouring
for a reconstruction of the industry.
Shell's low dodges have convinced the
country that these corporations are quite
prepared to hold the people up to ransom
for thirty sheckles of silver.
The housewives are not going to take
it and HATT, which cannot be said to be
motivated by any party-political interest
whatsoever, is in the field putting the
necessary organisation into place.
Tapia insists that from here on all
wholesale marketing of petroleum pro-
ducts in 'the Caribbean be conducted by
a State Corporation.
We demand that all retail mar-
keting of petroleum products in
Trinidad and Tobago be undertaken
by consumer's co-operatives estab-
lished in the localities for the pre-
cise purpose.
The whole gas-station trade must
be re-organised so as to involve the
taxi-drivers, the motorists and the
household consumers of kerosene
and pro-gas.
We will see to it that the big cor-
porations be broken up and made fully
national legal persons, operating within
the framework of the national plan for
As part of this exercise Trinidad and
Tobago will take our rightful place among
the producer countries in the Organisation
of Petroleum Exporting Countries and 'we
will become a main supplier of Caribbean
petroleum needs even when the present
oil crisis has passed.
We will establish Techretariats at
both the regional and territorial level to
service our new needs in this critical
The PNM Government has proven its
incompetence. The country is counting
the costs. It is time for a change.

A PROPOSAL to strengthen
the Tapia National Executive
will be put to the Council of
Representatives at its next
scheduled meeting on January
6, 1974.
The decision to seek the
Council's approval to co-opt
additional officers was taken
by Executive members at their
weekly meeting last Monday,
December 10.
An increase in comple-
ment is being sought to en.
able the Executive to cope
more effectively with a grow-
ing volume of work and the
wider range of activities being
undertaken by the organisa-
AT ITS meeting last Sunday,
December 9, the Council of
Representatives decided that
the second half of the Tapia
Manifesto isto b presented
at a New Year's Assembly on
Sunday, January 20, 1974.
On that day our Group
will highlight our philosophy
of Reconstruction and our
programmes for Social and
Economic Reorganisation.
The day's activities will
thus culminate the work
started on Sunday November
18, when an Outline of Fo-
reign Policy and Proposals for
Constitution Reform were
presented to a well attended
Plans are ';wv bic;
drawn up for the Januar
Assembly,and Tapia members
associates will soon be advised
as to wha they need to do t
make it an even bigger occa-
sion than the last.
THE COUNCIL of Represen-
tatives at its meeting l.st
Sunday, December 9, aun:o,-
rised the National Exec:ive
to call a Press Conference at
the earliest convenient date
to put specific proposals to
the country regarding the Re-
port of the Constitution Com-
Arising out of an analysis
of the political situation by
Secretary, Lloyd Best, the
Council appraised the likely
recommendations and impact
of the Wooding Report.
A Press Release charged
the Prime Minister's Conven-
tion Address with a '"lack of
concreteness" in regard to
public discussion of the Re-
port. Dr Williams ;-emarks
were "vague and evasive",
said the Release.
The council also approved
the publication of a booklet
outlining the Group's pro-
posals for Constitution Re-

-PAGE6& 7

The Energy Crisis





A Jack must hang

_I_ II~_ I_


- -

~ II Ii Ir I...... ....I I

Vol. 3 No. 51

15 Cents


No Government can continue to function. in the
face of the organised opposition and mobilisation of
*the people. When a Government ceases to serve the
people and instead steals from and exploits the
people at every turn, the people are entitled to dis-
solve it and replace it by another by any means
Very few people.in Grenada today believe that it
would be possible for power to be transferred from the
corrupt Gairy Regime by means of an election. Indeed
many people feel certain that for as lbng. as this
Regime holds power Elections will never be held in
the island again. It is clear to us of the NJU that
even if an Election was held tomorrow morning, it
would be carefully rigged to prevent the people's
choice from coming to power. The evidence of the
1972 Elections and the promise of even greater
irregularities and corruption after Independence
justifies this view and is clear for all to see.
Very few people in Grenada today need convincing
that the island is in a total and absolute mess. To all
of us, the most fundamental, urgent, and crucial
.question is the taking of political power by the'
organised people so as to clear up this mess and to'
set the island back on course.
The NJM proposes to hold in the near future a
National Congress of the People to work out the best
strategy for taking power.


We have attempted to show in this Manifesto what.
is possible. We have demonstrated beyond doubt that
there is no reason why we should continue to live in
such poverty, misery, suffering, dependence and
We must stress that this document is not meant to
be a final blueprint for magical change. Some of these
views will need to be modified or changed after
further consultation with the people and with our
National Co-ordinating Council of Delegates. These
views, however, do represent the present thinking of
the Bureau of the NJM, and we are happy to stand
by them. But, until the people take power and imple.
ment a planned approach to the economy of the
island, after undertaking surveys of our potential re-
sources, the precise timing and implementation of
these proposals and the final shape they take can not
be exactly known.
To create the new life for the new man in the
society, it is necessary that we reject the present
economic and political system which we live under.
More than this, we need to construct an entirely new
system ofvalues where the lust for money, power,
and individual selfish gain are no longer the motivating
factors. The creation of this new man demands the
transformation of the minds and hearts of each and
every one of us.
In the new society. our people will-be encouraged
to give full expression to their sporting, artistic and
dramatic expressions. We will encourage local drama,
art. native dancing, sports, calypso and steelband,
and active assistance will be given to groups already
engaged in these pursuits.
The new society .must pot only speak of Demo-
cracy. but must practise it in all its aspects. We must
stress the policy of 'Self-Reliance' and 'Self-
Sufficiency' undertaken co-operatively, and reject the
easy approaches offered by aid and foreign assistance.
We will have to recognize that our most import...1t
resource is our people.
Under the' new society, students and youth ca

ho longer be regarded as a class separate and apart
'from the rest of the community. Our aim will be to
create an environment where it will be possible foi
students to be regarded also as workers and workers
as students. The new system of values will demand'
that youth and students make a material contribution
to society even while they study. Their Dreparatiof
will be for entry into a real world where they must
join other workers in creating and producing.
We must recognize that Agriculture is, and must be,
the only real basis of ourdevelopment. Our people
will have to be provided" with material and spiritual
incentives in their own.interest and for their overde-
In the new soceity, al our people will be'en-
couraged to find answers to the questions:-- Who are
we? What is the nature of our condition? Why are we
in that condition? What can we do to change that
condition? What can we change it to? We will together
,search to find answers to the questions: What do we
want? Why do, we want that? How'can we get what
we want? What must we do to make sure .we keep
:what we achieve? We will develop attitudes which will.
always encourage us to ask questions and move
us to find meaningful and lasting solutions. Our real
:enemies will always be exposed while we will always
strive to work closely with our Brothers and Sisters
in the Third World. The aim will be to encourage our
people always to demonstrate true solidarity with
our Brothers; always to strive to find our real
.identity;always to work harder and harder at develop-
'ing a true national consciousness, and a real and
meaningful integration of the entire Caribbean area.
Our .Grenadian Brothers and Sisters overseas, in
particular, wl be encouraged to join hands with us
here to build a better land for our children and our
children's children.
We know that none of this is possible under the
!present set-up. Our first task therefore is the destruc-
tion of Gairyism and the system it represents. To this
end, we of the New Jewel Movement dedicate our-
From the NJM Manifesto

AFTER years of outrageous gangster
government, the people of Grenada have
risen to defend their freedom and instal
the government and politics of demo-
cracy and participation. It is an historic
development and Tapia stands unequivo-
cally behind our brethren to the North.
When the Executive betrays its
trust and the institutions can no longer
be relied upon to dispense simple human
justice, the people must intervene to
seal a new social contract and put the
State together. It is their inalienable
right and their bounden duty so to do.
Once a National Assembly has
spoken, the old regime must yield and
open the gate to a government of the
people. The new Government, urges,
the New Jewel Movement, is to be made
up of "representatives of workers and
unions, farmers, police, civil servants,
nurses, teachers, businessmen and stu-
Gairy now has until Innocents'
Day to abandon law and order and
embrace constitution reform and un-
conventional politics. Doctor Politics
must now abdicate and set the people
The West Indian people are on their
way to glory. The road ahead is full of
thorns but nothing must be allowed to
block this new advance.

Onward to the New

Society, Grenada





MOTORISTS.and commuters on the Eastern Main Road
have begun to fear the rainy season as men fear death.
During this season even a moderate shower causes serious
flooding of the Main Road between Lever Bros. and the St
Joseph Hospital. The rains over the last few weeks have
dramatised the situation.
In the dry season the traffic congestion on mornings
and late afternoons is intolerable. When the rains and the
floods come, the situation defies description and taxes the
patience, good nature and emotional health beyond all
rational bounds. Cars look like boats, uneasily, clumsily
and painstakingly floating through the waters which com-
pletely cover the road and the pavement.
It is not uncommon to see
many cars floundering in a sea Augustus Ramrekersingh
of trouble. One does not need
a car at such times: one needs a Bros ac-ring at eight ang-
boat. Traffic comes to a stand- les to the Main Road, the other
still and chaos reigns. Real ole parallel to it;
mas. extremely poor drainage
But the traffic jam does at Mendes Drive, Champs
not end when the waters re- Fleurs, which causes waves of
cede. Man, it just start. Because water, accompanied by piles of
the floods often leave a high debris, to flow directly onto
trail of silt and debris, a large the Eastern Main Road.
part of the road is temporarily the drain on Hutton Street
unusable; the width of the road (opposite the hospital) which
is reduced by anything like a is not only small but which has
third or a half. for years remained half-filled
It is sheer agony merely to with silt January through
look at it. In the mornings tens December.

of thousands are heading for
work or school, and in the
afternoons these same tens of
thousands, now tired, hungry
and emotionally fagged, are
returning home.The experience
is hell; when it takes three and
four hours to travel from Port
of Spain to St Joseph and
Tunapuna as happened one
gloomy Tuesday last November.
Some seek to escape part
of the flooded road (it is
impossible to escape all of it)
by rushing into Mendes Drive,
if coming Eastwards,or Hutton
Street if going west. These
jump from the frying pan into
the sauce pan; they see for
themselves-how bad the roads
in Champs Fleurs are.


To the people of Champs
Fleurs-St Joseph (Leonville),
however, the problem is much
more than being or seeing suf-
fering motorists and commu-
ters. For most of my life -
which started in the late forties
- I have both seen and ex-
perienced these frustrations.
The basic cause of the
flooding of the Eastern Main
Road is inadequate at times
non-existent drainage in
three vital areas:
* the drains next to Lever


At some points higher up in
the street, the drain disappears
from view, permanently buried
under tons of silt. In addition,
the drain between Hutton Street
and Mendes Drive, running pa-
rallel to the Main Road is too
small and often silted up.
With nowhere also to go,
therefore, the water takes the
path of least resistance, con-
verting the Main Road into a
lake. For the last two years a
tractor comes regularly to re-
arrange the debris and silt for
the next downpour by shoving
the stuff at the side of the
road. Residents are tired of
seeing this ongoing comedy.
Let us look at the trouble
area, around Hutton Street. I
am going beyond the Main
Road issue.
Hutton Street is just over
500 yards long. The constant
flooding over the years has
destroyed most of the roadway
leaving only about 120 yards
of it still visibly paved. The
rest has gone with the floods,
leaving a massive residue of silt
where asphalt should be.
The silt in the drain is the
same level as the road in most
places; and gaping potholes
would test the sturdiestvehicle.

The slightest shower causes
further inconvenience as tons
of silt wash off the bulldozed
hillsides onto the street and into
people's yards and houses.
Most of the people cannot
afford to build concrete fences.
The water, undirected by man,
gushes down the street and
onto the Main Road.
The problem is in fact older
than I am, and it has only
gotten worse with time. What
many years ago was a small
button has become a festering
Residents have put the case
to the authorities for a long
time; but to no avail. In Sep
tember 1969 a joint meeting of
the residents of this part of
Champs Fleurs-St Joseph was
called. The Parliamentary Re-
presentative,Sham Mohammed,
and the County Councillor,
Dillon De Four, were present.
I myself presented a detailed
statement which dealt with: *
the drainage situation in Champs
Fleurs St Joseph; the poor
condition of all the roads; the
effects of poor drainage and
bad roads, including the effects
on the Eastern Main Road, and
* proposals for improvement.


My statement documented
all the petitions and letters of
complaint to the authorities by
the residents of thearea Since
1953 to 1969 nothing had
been done in spite of repeated
requests and numerous airy
The political representatives
promised to do something as
early as possible. The County
Council, it was stated, had

already allocated funds for the
purpose. Remedial measures
were to be implemented in the
last quarter of 1969. The last
quarter of 1973 is almost at an
In August 1970 when
neither improvement nor poli-
tician was seen, I submitted a
memorandum to the Ministry
of Works (I delivered it per-
sonally) with a photocopied list
of the signatures of more than
300 residents.
A copy also released to the
Express, which subsequently
carried a news report.
This, incidentally, was the
second Express report -"THE
STREET" was published in
September 1969. The BOMB
also mentioned the "saga" in


Up to this day no one has
received even an acknowledg-
ment from the Ministry.
In 1971 two things happen-
ed. First, when the rains came
again the residents of Hutton
Street, more or less resigned to
their plight, decided perhaps
facetiously to profit from
their misfortune.They planted,
what I called at that time, an'
experimental crop of dasheens
on what had been the road sur-
face, but now completely
coveredwith "rich alluvial soil"
Secondly, a resident drew
up a letter addressed to the
Prime Minister bringing the
problem to his attention. That
resident also solicited signa-
While I sympathised with


Lloyd Best & Lloyd Taylor

* Staggering of working hours with starting
times from7-9a.m.and finishing times from
3-- 5 p.m.;
Prompt filling of potholes;

More local control of traffic by police
stations with the assistance of Citizens
Committees and local branches of the
Taxi-Drivers Association, etc.;
Improvement of traffic flow at points of
concentrated traffic e.g., the Croisee and
the Tunapuna Market;
* Taxi terminuses suitably sited in Port of
Spain, San Juan, Tunapuna, Arima and
Sangre Grande;
* Lay-bys and no-stopping zones for taxis
to be clearly-marked and properly ap-
pointed so as to create certain natural and
convenient stops;
* No parking on main roads and on key
feeders and exits;

* A proper system of one-way streets off
and on to the East-West Corridor;

* No right-turn at key points of transit e.g.,
onto Sixth Avenue from the Eastern
Main Road;
More constructive advertising by Gasoline
Companies so as to promote road safety
andspread iiseful information'in rioaduse;' .-

the cause, I did not sign be-
cause I was opposed in princi-
ple to Prime Ministerial (and
central government) interven-
tion in the day to day prob-
lems of the local communities.
Yet and it says a lot about
the political culture and the
governmental system this
was the most fruitful petition.
The letter was acknowledged
and we were told that the
matter had been referred to the
Ministry of Works.

In 1972 some work actually
started. An attempt was made
to solve, at least partially, the
drainage in the Hutton Street-
Eastern Main Road area. A
drain was built on the south side
of the Eastern Main Road. This
drain was supposed to run
under the Main Road to join
with the existing inadeuqate
drain on the north, Hutton
Street side.
It was necessary, I thought,
to widen the drain on the north
side. Otherwise, the flooding
of the street and the Main Road
would continue. The drain on
the south side (not a big job)
was "completed" this year.
The drain on the north side -
the critical area -.is still un-
touched by officialdom, and no
connection has been made be-
tween the two. So it is the
mixture as before flooding


The mangovine has it that
the Construction Division of
the Ministry of Works built the
unused, useless drain and
stopped because they claimed
that the job of running the
drain under the Main Road
had to be done by the Roads
Division of the same ministry.
'The mangovine says further
that the Roads Division does
not see this as a priority pro-
ject, and so we will be lucky if
the job is resumed before 1975.
The red tape is irritating.
But the fact that the project is
not considered top priority is
nothing short of a scandal. The
residents of the area have been
suffering patiently for a gene-
ration and as the traffic on the
road increases, tens of thou-
sands of people are adversely
affected a continued loss of
working hours since the fiasco
further slows down the pro-
gress of commuters into Port
of Spain.
If this can't be given top
priority, then what can be'? This
regime is not only inefficient;
it is brutal.
The whole issue raises the
question of local government.
If there were meaningful local
government, this problem
would have been arrested in iis
formative stages. The on!y so-
lution is to give the peop! en
the spot the executives and
financial resources to deal with
these everyday problems. i-::
of Spain and centralised ge-
vernment cannot be allowed to
dominate us further.
I am not dismayed thou'.h,
for I know that the day of
reckoning is coming. sooner
than most of us think.





IPRA describes itself
IPRA Indian Political Revolutionary Associates represent an effort of
the younger generation Indian militant to come to terms with two,
fundamental questions, namely:
1. The Indian contribution to a revolutionary Guyana in which the
terrible evils of poverty, crime, corruption, racial and class oppression
are wiped out, and
2. The dilemma which the Indian sees in the fact that there are sinister
forces in the core of the PNC regime threatening him with a status of
permanent inferiority in the multi-racial Guyanese society and the
urgent need to defeat these forces, while on the other hand he, the
Indian deeply desires and must labour for a working co-existence with
other races, in particular the African masses.
IPRA are constituted as a free and flexible working arrangement, with no
formal organisation, no office-bearers, no membership cards.
We manifest simply a desire to do something towards creation of a new
society based on justice and broththood and for the rise of a confidentand
modern Indian who is not afraid to get rid of the yoke of old attitudes.
political illusions, to state his position on the racial problem, to resist
illegitimate authority and oppression and to press on for a place of worth and
dignity in Guyana.

A GROUP of young Guya-
nese Indians has been seek-
ing to explode the assump-
tion that Forbes Burnham's
"landslide" election victory
a few months ago meant
the uniting of that coun-
try's Indians and Africans
under the banner of the
ruling People's National
Congress (PNC).
The group, called Indian
Political Revolutionary Asso-
ciates (IPRA), is described hA
one of i s spokcslman, ... : ., I
former PPP member and later
Independent Member of Par-
liament 1964-68, Moses Bhag-
wan as "a move towards a more
studied and committed ap-
proach to the overall problem
of division and degeneration".
(See box)


In its recent literature re-
ceived by TAPIA, IPRA asserts
that "RACE is an over powering
factor in the politics of
Guyana". The regime of Burn-

ham and the PNC it describes
as a "dictatorship (with) a
formidable and frightening
The pamphlet notes that
the Burnham regime enjoys
only "minority popular sup-
port from a section of the
African people. There are
sprinklings from other race
groups who are supporting the
regime for a number of reasons
which have little to do with
political morality".
But it concedes that there
lias been a "multi-racial break-
through at the top for cor-
ruption in Guyana had long
ago broken the race barriers".
IPRA opposes equally the
African ruling clique and the
traditional Indian "aristocracy".
Having established the reali-
ty and importance of the race
factor in Guyanese politics,
IPRA urges that race be brought
out into the open and frankly
discussed. The group disagrees
with the policy ofsweeping the
thorny issues of race under the
carpet, and it deplores parti-
cularly as "escapism" the ten-

Our coverage of


is unsurpassed anywhere

for focus and point.

Keep abreast of the

real currents in the

Caribbean Sea.


Trinidad & Tobago -
Other Caribbean -

Back issues available send remittance to TAPIA

$12.00 TT
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$12.50 US


The Cartoon above taken as they express themselves in that elections have not proved
from the magazine "Carib- political terms Jagan vs to be a meaningful way of re-
bean Express" symbolises the Burnham Indian PoliticalRe-
lfWWL in W i n I 1. ...u vo.ut-onaryAssoc-:iates note -

dency of some socialists to
ignore the "race problem".
IPRA ventures to alert
Guyana about the meaning of
rigged elections. It points out
that once rigging is established,
the PNC leadership can ensure
not only that the Indian popu-
lation would be kept out of
power, but that any alterna-
tive from either racial group
would be frustrated.
Noting that the 1973 gene-
ral elections were marked by
"irregularities on a scale more
massive, more brutally exe-
cuted", IPRA concludes:
"The startling fact arising
from the rigging of elections -
local and national can be the
use of the process to rig against
the African as well. So that
the dictatorship can at the
electorallevelhinder the growth
of an alternative African leader-
ship. Hence both Indian and
African have lost control over
the PNC elite.


"By further use of the
state machine and by virtue of
the fact that the PNC is really
the personal property of one
man, the African masses have
had power taken out of their
hands and they are likely to
get only what is considered
necessary to temper disillusion-
The positive result of this,
the young Indian militants
suggest, will be that as an
Indian electoral "threat" re-
cedes, people will see the need
for a political strategy which
emphasises "friendship" be-
tween the races.

IPRA is not afraid of being
called "racial". It argues that it
is "anti-Africanism" and "anti-
Indianism" which have to be
It sees its role as directing
Indians "to explore forms by
which they resist the political
status quo with all their might,
but a clear and honest repre-
sentation of their position
would leave the door at all
times open for communication
to and collaboration with the
African masses".

Another statement stresses
the point:
"IPRA exist as a matter of
political necessity. We do not
consider ourselves so placed as
to be sufficiently equipped to
deal with the peculiar problems
of the African. We take this
opportunity to commend those
African revolutionaries who
have charted a path of redemp-
tion of the African. On the
other hand, never the day shall
we submit to the African racist
clique who under the disguise
of a multi-racial banner seeks
to subjugate the Indian masses.

Politics i

solving the conflict.
"It will be.to the greater
good of Guyana that there
arises a new breed of young
Indians who understand the
condition in which the country
is and his special role in
doing something about it ...
IPRA pretend to do no more
than to help in ideas and action
for deliverance of the Indian".
Start by being honest, IPRA
urges the Indian, and it offers
this blunt statement of its own:
"We have not met the Afri-
can who can raise bible and
swear that he can truly repre-
sent and lead the Indian. That
is why we oppose the preten-
sions of Forbes Burnham. We
do not think that any Indian
should aspire to lead the
"So IPRA start by saying:
INDIAN. Then we begin a
critical self-study. We expose
our own hang-ups and root
them out ..."
IPRA launches attack on
what they call one of the tra-
ditional hang-ups of Guyanese
Indians: against taking part in
politics. It urges by contrast:
"Study politics. It is your
whole life..."

n Jamaica

THE UWI's Institute of Social and Economic Research (ISER)
announces the publication of new book by Jamaica lecturer in
Government at Mona, UWI, Carl Stone.
Dr. Stone's 188-page book "Class, Race and Political Behaviour
in Urban Jamaica" sells at $3.50 J.
An ISERrelease describes the book as a study which analyses
the sources and character of mass support for the Jamaican political
system as well as the nature and causes of political and social aliena-
tion among the urban population of Kingston and St. Andrew.
Enquiries about the book may be directed to the ISER at any
one of the three UWI campuses Mona, St Augustine or Cave Hill.

-- --- ---- ------- --- -. -


racial a division i n uuyanar volutionary Associates note

SUNDAY, DECEMiii i-o. Po, I.1g3




E E ~f

Shell or Tate and Lyle had,
through its own incompe-
tence, kept employees on
its staff for several years,
although they had failed
qu--quMifying-examina tionus.
And imagine that one
day, they just handed out
pink slips to these employ-
ees. Can you imagine the
reaction in the country?
Substitute the Public Ser-
vice for any one of these foreign
companies and maybe the pre-
sent situation with an unknown
number of temporary clerks
will become somewhat clearer.
There can be no argument
over the principle of a qualify-
ing examination for employ-
James Manswell is perfectly
correct in pointing out that if
some impartial standards were
not laid down the alternative
would be "political patronage
and nepotism, with persons
being let in through the back
door because of party affilia-
tions and who you know
A competitive, selective
examination is the best check
on this.


The point is that it must
be a very absurd system of
employment which allows
people to take up a job and
then find out whether or not
they are qualified for that post.
It is bad enough if the
person is employed for a few
months but it must be against
all established rules of organisa-
tion to fire someone after years
on the job because of not
being qualified.
The question of qualifica-
tions in terms of "passing
exams" may also be a red
herring or side-issue when ob-
viously the point is perform-
ance on the jobs.
The point is that Public
Servants have a bad reputation
for indiscipline and incompe-

tence particularly in dealings
with the public.Obviously there
are public servants who work
hard and others who don't, it
is uncharitable to brand the
entire Service.
If all our institutions have
been disrupted by the present
political situation in the coun-
try, then the Civil Service must
have been seriously affected.
The Public Service came of
age over the last 17 years of
PNM rule with a legacy of
colonial patronage and favour-
itism which left few important'
posts open to local people.
It is to the credit of the
present regime than the situS-
tion changed and local people
attained the ranks of Permanent
Secretary, .Auditor-General,
right down the line.


It is naive of Manswell to
argue that political patronage
was not involved. The Public
Service and the Statutory
Boards are full of "political
appointees" who do as they
wish. Their superiors soon learn
that a number of persons under
them cannot be touched, can
do whatever they want and any
complaints and disciplinary
action can be settled with a
call to "the minister".
The crisis in the Public
Service is not one of unquali-
fied Clerks one; it is a question
of red-tape, bureaucracy, poli-
tical patronage, demoralisation
at all levels and lack of leader-
It affects every level of the
Public Service from the clerk
to the Permanent Secretary.
And it cannot be settled by
law, by an edict handed down
for work to be done or by.a
pink slip.
As in every other institu-
tion there is need for a radical
change, sweeping changes to
restore the confidence of the
In any such revamping
there will be the need obviously
to hire and fire and to establish
iomeimpartial test for employ-

ment. But it cannot be a
Stalinist move, an iron fist
knocking down all in its way.
There is need for compas-
sion, for understanding why
people don't work, why they
are undisciplined. I know. I
worked in the Public Service
for several months. And I left
in panic because I felt myself
slipping into those bad ways
which I swore I would never

I had thought I would
fight a one-man war against
indiscipline, incompetence,
laziness, clock-watching. I was
going to change the civil service
world. But within a month
and a half, I felt myself being
drawn down into that whirl-
pool. Maybe I was weak. Weak
or strong, there-are forces in
the civil service which push
one to become the "average
civil servant".
First thing I was told, first
day on the job: never work
hard. If you do, you will make
things look bad for the rest of
us. Loyalty to the ranks.
Working in poor condi-
tions, hot offices and scratched-
up desks in a dark and musty
Magistrate's Court,it began to
to tell. I saw men with wives
and children working for under
three hundred dollars. I saw
bosses, who should have been
setting the example, coming

Dennis Pantin

to work drunk. I heard dark
rumours of bribes.
I no longer had any desire
to save the Public Service. I
decided to save myself and
I know, therefore, that the
problem is not qualifying
examinations but the will to
work, the morale, the working
conditions, supervision, the
"untouchables" in -every de-
partment who everyone knows
has a "Godfather" taking care
of him.
This cannot be solved sim-
ply by pink slips. I can under-
stand the frustration in the
Department of Personnel Ad-
ministration (DPA) with this
backlog of warnings to the
temporary staff to take the
qualifying examinations se-
riously. Obviously this attempt
to serve dismissal orders is an
attempt to shake up the Ser-
vice by drastic action.


But it is unfair, it is too
harsh a method. There may be
people working in the service
for years with families and
plans based on their jobs which
they thought were secure.
Now you have warned
them. They get frightened

and you allow
which most of
are safely back

them to sit a
them pass and
in their jobs..



SYou always
4 | wanted her to



B makes it easy -
and an ideal

Gift too.



Do they now work harder'?
Deal with the public efficient-
If unqualified ip'isons have
renmined on the job for years
this is as much the fault of
those involved in Personnel
Administration as it is their
In fact. it is more the fault of
the administration since in a
society in which jobs are scarce,
no person is goin- to say "I am
unqualified therefore I'll go
home and scrunt and not stay
on tlie job although no body
taking mih own."
Even if the DPA seriously
intends to carry out its dismis-
sal orders then it must under-
stand that most immediately
affected will be tile "untouch-
ables" the children, nephews,
friends, and friend's friends.
of those Godfathers, who will
be quickly on the phone to
order that their proteges be
excluded from what the Expres
calls a "purge"


Qualifying examinations
are important; to weed-out un-
qualified persons is also im-
portant. The most important
task, however, it to raise the
levels of productivity and
morale in the Public Service
This requires compassion, un-
derstanding and the strength
to ward off political intrigues
and victimisation.
In such a purge clerks will
go, but so too will higher ranks
in the service where the criteria
in the first instance must be a
qualifying test, which must be
done before taking up the job
and then a continuing appraisal
of job performance by imme-
diate superiors who are com-
petent and who have the power
to introduce disciplinary action
against offenders without fear
of victimisation themselves.
I predict that the present
action will leave a bitter taste
in the mouths of the DPA and
make them less capable of
effecting meaningful changes.
Wait until that phone rings.

I -

TAPIA Page 5

B=fth 0 0 9MV&


Page 6 TAPIA

Shiva Naipaul
A ndre Deutsch
$14.25 T.

WRITING about sterility is no excuse for
sterile writing. This is what one feels to tell
Shiva Naipaul on finishing his second novel,
"The Chip-Chip Gatherers".
This novel moves slowly to nowhere. It
lacks focus and point. It reveals that its author
has some talent for the comic situation and a
fairly reliable ear for the ryhthms of speech of
the Trinidadian East Indian, but he is in
search of a meaningful story to tell.
lie falls to ive us a worthwhile novel because he
sees Trinidad society as the occasion for a novel,
rather than as a society to which lie has something to
Shiva Naipaul begins with the weary and tiring
negative position that we occupy sterile ground. And
that all that we can hope for is the quick accumula-
tionl of light. The rising fragments of failure. As Sita
says of the people who lived in Ramsaran house:
An infectious blight had overwhelmed each of
its inhabitants in turn: Rani, Singh, Sushila
and, finally, Egbert Ramsaran himself, Neither
had she escaped its gripping influence. Wilbert
was the next in line.
Nothing that was either new or good could
spring from that soil for nothing of any value
had ever been created in it. It was sterile
ground. (p. 254. My emphasis)


Thlie second assumption behind the novel is that we
don't have any meaningful development, ail that
we can hope for is collapse, decay and ruin. Thus we
have by extension, that the decay and ruin around us
just mirror the decay and ruin within. The spirit is as
decayed and broken down as life around us. Hence
we have that grim description as Wilbert is walking
through the market in Port of Spain.
Open drains ran the length of the building and
the floor was wet. A fishmonger, his hands
coated with pearly scales, was slicing up a fish
with his cutlass. Behind him, gutted, blood
stained carcasses were impaled on hooks. The
stench intensified. He began to feel giddy and
somewhat faint.
lhe eternal and the internal became confused.
It seemed to hitm that it was he who was
steaming and not the asphalt; that the warm,
cloying taint of blood came from him and not
the gutted carcasses: that it was from within
him tiat all these contaminated scents were
rising and percolating to the outside. (p. 201.
My emphasiss.
Thirdly, Shiva Naipaul suggests that what we live
is not life, hut the parody of life. Hence he has Sita
making the following comment on life, after her
mother Sushila flees the Ramsaran house:

Life had to amount to more than the sum
total of its parts. It had passed her by in the
Settlement. It had passed her by in Victoria. It
would surely pass her by in Port of Spain. All it
had ever given her was a miserable parody of
itself (p. 255).
By extension Shiva Naiipaul seems to think that if
what we live is a parody of life, then we don't deserve
the right to live. It is '.'. t. I who suggests to Singh,
near the end of the novel, that lie should drown a
litter of pups. lie justifies the suggestion by saying:
Sometimes the right to live is no good at all,
It's better not to have it. (p. 318).


Given the author's vision of sterility, decay,
collapse and life as a parody of itself, it is not sur-
prising that death hovers around i'- the novel and that
after her empty life, Rani should acquire a substance
and reality in death which she lacked in life. More-
over, it explains why all his characters see life as
meaningless. The world to Sita, after her mother's
departure, and during Mr. Ramsaran's illness, becomes
"a dead and arid place", and all she can do is to
explore "the empty spaces in her head".
Furthermore, seeing that Shiva Naipaul can only
accept movement if it means decline, therefore his
attitude to freedom, whether it be freedom of choice
orfreedomofmovement,is related to failure and use-
lessness. This is how Wilbert reacts to the attempt to
burn down the Ramsaran Transport Depot:
In a sense, the catastrophe had liberated him.
Unfortunately, his freedom was of no use to
him: he had not been trained for it. One
burden had been replaced by another. His
liberation had come too late for it to matter.
(p. 293).
Sita expresses the fact that she is free to choose, to
remain in Victoria or to go to Port of Spain, yet she
feels that:
Whatever her choice she was done for. Finished.
Washed out. (p. 254).
Reward for effort is seen as ridiculously small,
small to the point of being worthless. Hence Naipaul
sees us as Chip-Chip gatherers. A people who daily
collect heaps of problems and lots of pain and scoop
out of them a small degree of success called survival.
What makes matters worse is that the atithor has
no compassion for the people he sets in motion, in
fact his relation to them is governed-by capriciousness
and the attitude that he is not really an ironist but
simply the Joker in the pack of cards that he shuffles.


Moreover the novel is also an annoying heap of
cliches and stock-responses. There are, the East
Indian fam-ily bungling ambitions, the schemes, the
fights, the threats, the fears, the beatings, the quar-
rels, the foibles, and the hates all treated with too
lavish and too pointless an absurd pen. Every
situation is reduced to the absurd, and every one re-
duced to being a figure of fun.
It is only on the last page of the novel that Shiva
Naipaul tries to invest his' novel with a symbolic
dimension, as lie describes a tree-trunk buried in the
sand trunk and branches metamorphosed to the
texture of living flesh.
What Shiva Naipaul's second novel, The Chip-
Chip Gatherers shows, is that the foreign based
writer preying on distant memory, is slowly becom-
ing the literary Jackal. A kind of figure out of a
Wilson Hlarris novel who sees with only his dead
iunscoing eyes.
The story is spun around the activities of Egbert
Ramsaran, lie owner of the Ramsaran Transport
Company, and the lives of those caught in his mesh
of selfishness. We learn that as a boy Ramsaran was
determined to leave the Settlement and become a
success. The Settlement is a small area too small in
fact to be put on the maps of the island.
One day Ramsaran leaves the Settlement and goes
to Port of Spain. He returns occasionally to bring
gifts for his parents. It is in Port of Spain that he
changes his name from Ashok to Egbert, and becomes
a Presbyterian.


He does become a successful businessman and lhe
sets up his business at Victoria along the Eastern
Main Road. He is famed for his quirks of character
and his temper. Many people from the Settlement
make trips every Sunday to beg favours from the man
who made it. Ramsaran in turn bullies and threatens
Ramsaran soon gets married, but not to any of
the daughters of rich Indian families from San Fer-
nando or Port of Spain, but to a plain looking girl

W.Tt ~iS
11111I Iif^~tIIIII~i Sf~i~SN~~ JT


from the Settlement.
Egbert Ramsaran saw Rani only once before
he proposed to her parents. They did not hesi
tate to accept on their bewildered daughter's
behalf. Four successive Sundays he courted
between the hours of ten and twelve in the
morning. On the fifth, he was married (p. 31).
Rani gives Egbert Ramsaran one child Wilbert.
She miscarries on the second attempt and is from
then on considered a failure.
After this failure, Raniwasno longer summoned
to the bedroom on Friday evenings and the
marriage ceased, all but formally, to exist. Still,
she did not surrender without a struggle. She
contained to bathe and prepare herself specially
on Friday afternoons, making herself present-
able and sweet-smelling. At the hour enshrined
by custom, she approached her husband's reso-
lutely locked door. She would knock timidly,
again and again. "Bap, Bap" she called, "I come
to see you now. Don't hide from me like that.
Open the door and let me in. (p. 33).

Then Ramsaran begins to beat his wife every Friday.
Months later Rani gives up the ritual and retreats to
her room and to silence. After this Ramsaran gives
his wife servant status.
To impress her servant's status upon her, she
was given one free day every week. Egbert
Ramsaran had perversely insisted on this. "I
don't want your family to think I overworking
you", he said. She put up a mild resistance.
"But I is your wife, Bap. You don't have to
give me days off". "You! My wife! You might
be that boy's mother" (pointing to Wilbert)
"but as for being my wife I thought you
would have get that idea out of your head by
now." (p. 35).
Wilbert, Ramsaran's son, is told from very young
that he mUust throw out all ideas of becoming a doctor
or a lawyer. Ramsaran impresses upon his son that
one day he will have to take over the business, and that
all he need learn is to add and substract.



TAPIA Page 7

,EMBER 16, 1973

S_ 11.1




Ramsaran has an illegitimate son called Singh, a
product of his days in Port of Spain. Singh is the
only individual who dares challenge Ramsaran in
any way.
Once, Singh gets Ramsaran's permission to take
Wilbert up to. the estate -- a run down piece of land
owned by Ramsaran on which Singh lives so as to
toughen-him up. The visit introduces Wilbert to the
ruins of a great house. This experience on the estate
leaves Wilbert with a frame of reference. The frame of

reference is one of ruin and decay, the frame of refer-
ence given to all the characters in The Chip-Chip
The visit had merely provided him with a
landscape: he became inseparable from images
of intolerable heat, prolific vegetation and
ruin. (p. 63).
Opportunity to exploit the illogical is always
taken by Shiva Naipaul. For example, when Rani,
Ramsaran's wife, buys gold-rimmed spectacles, the
following is said by Basdai, her mother:-
"Imagine doing a thing like that at she age! ..
you seriously want ME to believe (and here
Basdai was so overwhelmed by the audacity
Rani had displayed that she spluttered into
guttural incredulity and had to cough and
thump her chest) ". you seriously want ME
to believe that at she age she need GOLD
glasses? She can't even make baby and she
want GOLD .and she want GOLD glasses?"
(p. 67).
Soon Rani dies. Her death brings about a change in
Egbert Ramsaran her husband. He becomes more
communicative, more vulnerable, though he is not
aware of the change in himself.
Basdai, Rani's mother, wishing to share in
Ramsaran's wealth, which she feels her daughter's
untimely death has denied her, plots and schemes in
order to get Sushila into the Ramsaran house. Sushila
who is related to Basdai, "somewhere on (her)
husband's side" is a woman of easy virtue and a
regular topic of conversation in the Settlement, ever
since she gave birth to the illegitimate Sita. Farouk
the rumshop proprietor is suspected to be the father,
but the evidence is inconclusive.

When Sushila succeeds in gaining a foothold in
Mr. Ramsaran's house the Settlement is scandalized,
particularly Mrs. Bholai. Mrs. Bhoiai is married to the
only grocer in the Settlement. Mr. Bholai longs to
become the friend of Mr' Ramsaran and this ambi-
tion appals Mrs. Bholai who sees it as a reflexion of
his "two pound of butter, half pound of salt", men-
taliy. Mrs. Bho!ai has three daughters and really
hopes that Wilbert will mary one of th h thucllgh
she pretends for a long time that she wants no part of
the Ramsaran wealth.
Behind the comic descriptions is the growing
sense of decay and the author's vision of sterility and
Youth and beauty could not survive long in the
Settlement. Decay was at the very core of its
existence and the women, more vulnerable to
its ravages than the men, were the first to
succumb. For the young girls, the decline into
womanhood was swift, startling and irreversible.
(p. 174).
With Shiva Naipaul there is no concept of growth,
just decline. The best example of this sense of de-
cline is Sushila. Sushila the woman who lives for
desire, soon sees her grown daughter Sita as a rival.
Moreover she fears that Egbert Ramsaran would dis-
miss her from the house once he discovers that her
physical charms are gone. She accuses Ramsaran of
robbing her of her beauty.
S. "You can't rob a person of their beauty
and not pay for it. It was all I had all I
had ". (p. 244).
Sushila leaves and never returns. When her depart-
ure grows on Ramsaranlhe gets a stroke, and loses the
use of his legs. His memory fails him. It is another
example of decline. The great Ramsaian reduced to
nothing. Sita looks after him till he dies.

Wilbert meanwhile has left school and is working
in the repair shop of the "Depot" that is his father's
transport business. Once his father dies he takes over
the running of the business. He tries to update the
business. He fires the old foreman Balkissoon. His
workers strike in sympathy: .hey even try to burn
down the "Depot". The whole incident makes him
accept the squalor and inefficiency around him.
After Ramsaran's death Sita leaves .for Port of
Spain. Left alone, Wilbert finds it impossible to
spend much time in the house his father has left him.
He thus accepts Mrs. Bholai's invitation to "drop in".
Soon Wilbert half-heartedly proposes to one of the
Bholai girls. Shanty. She accepts. The wedding at the
registry is just another occasion for the writer to
revel in the ludicrous for its own sake.
Wilbert makes his bride to the ruined and decayed
beach house, that was purchased by Mr. Ramsaran at
tie suggestion of Sushila. The beach house was never
main::incd tliough Mr. Rr.msaran had placed his
illegitimate son Singh in charge.
At dawn, Wilbert goes down to the beach and
soon he looks on at the efforts of the chip-chip
gatherers, noting that :
A full bucket of shells would provide them
with a mouthful. But they were not deterred
by the disproportion between their labours and
..eir gains. Rather, the very meagreness of
their reward seemed to spur them on. (p. 319).
What therefore finally emerges from the novel
The Chip-Chip Gatherers, is that its author Shiva
Naipaul is not prepared to go beyond a parody of
life. Nothing is explored in his novel: the whole novel
is exposition. Tenuous strings of relationships are
strung together to give the illhsin of cohesion. The
novel seems to have been wiritte.. to de:;..nstrate
the chip-chip gathering metaphor. That is. the reader
gathers a whole heap of nothing by the rci: of the
novel. The reading like the writing of t:.c :Iove!.
becomes an act of patience and a test of endurance.
The novel goes nowhere and achieves nothing. A,.y
novel growing out of this society at this time is going
to be short and stark. not the voluminous emptiness oS
Mr. Shiva Naipaui's second effort.
Let him gather the chip-chip of memory alo;I.L
as the tide of distance from home creeps oit.


Shop at









_ 1_ 1___1_1__~1___1_1_11_M______________I_--

La~a~l-~,~-s~p~MIp- L~ i-~ll~li*~liPllrmalomm"M F---RI MMIF



MANY OF US were no
doubt shocked when we
learned of the death of
John White, 22, former
resident of Harris Village,
but lately of Delhi Road,
What is the truth sur-
rounding the young man's
death? No one can safely
say who or what was re-
sponsible. The Guardian
claimed that he was execu-
ted by his "clan"; mean-
ing, no doubt, the so-called
guerrilla organisation.
Others claimed that he
committed suicide.
It was also claimed that he
was executed by another "clan",
namely, the police for whom it
has been said he had been

One thing is known: that
he had been charged for several
offences none of which had he
been called upon to answer. It
may seem at this juncture that
the police or other law-en-
forcers or somebody pre-
ferred that he should not have
answered the charges.





The question arises: could
it be that he had been an in-
strument being used for the

perverted purposes of a fewwho
were prepared to use whatever
meansnecessary to obtain infor-
on anyone opposed to this
brutal, callous, indifferent and
dying regime?
We may never know the
answers. But the possibility
exists. It exists because in
Fyzabad there are individuals
who have been charged for
possession of marijuana and
ammunition and they haven't
been brought to court.

These days when the pos-
session of marijuana and fire-
arms is attributed to guerrilla

connections, how is it that
someone charged under the
Firearms Act passed by the
illegal 1971 Parliament could
afford to be free?
Could it be that house, job,
flooding and clothing will be
given to those who "co-operate"
with the police? Ask Brother
Joseph, better known as Tar-
zan. He can attest to the
brutality that he suffered when
the police and the army were
involved in their "guerrilla
hunt" in Fyzabad. He can tell
you of the "nice offers" that
he refused and the brutality he
suffered as a result.
It is clear that people who
have been charged for civil or
criminal offences are being

used as spies against all political
opponents of the regime -
moreso in Fyzabad.
And when, as now, the
state cracks up, when no insti-
tutions within the country can
gain the trust of the populace,
no amount of gerrymandering
and espionage, and double-cross.
ing can resolve the issue. The
inevitable is only being pro-
The present impasse can be
solved by the calling of a
Constituent Assembly; that is,
call in every man and let us all
decide. It isn't the only way to
solve the present crisis. But
then, are the other ways work-
Oh Gawd! When?

Run for your health; run for


EXERCISE is good. The
schools preach that, and
they ask you to practise it.
Anyone who has progress-
ed through the Primary
schools-though not neces-
sarily will have been
taught that we need physi-
cal exercise, irrespective
of the form it takes. It is
essential for a well ordered
and functioning body.
I follow what the experts
say. So that on Thursday,
November 29, 1973, I decided
to exercise my God-given right
to be healthy by going for a run
through the PLOL Oilfields, I
never thought for a moment
that I was violating the sacred
conventions of anyone.

By a twist ot tate I was. At
10 past six I had already finish-
ed half of the journey inward
when the roar of a vehicle
caused me to look back. Fear
gripped me as I saw a busload
accompanied by a squad car
and a jitney of heavily armed
soldiers and police.
The first thing that came
to my mind was whether I
would be shot or brutalized.
Earle Lewis, the St Clair youth
who was chased and shot on
the flimsiest of excuses, also
came to my mind. He too had
been returning from exercise.
By this time the vehicle
carrying these personnel had
passed me and the intimidatory
gaze from them told me to
suspect anything. Anyhow I
was allowed to continue on my
inward journey.-It was the out-
ward journey which was terri-

To be running towards
heavily armed policemen and
soldiers is to feel that you are
a target.

The brutality that the popu-
lace have so often seen express-
ed in the attitudes of policemen
also came to my view as I went
past them.
"Ayeh! Doh- come back
down here till tomorrow"only
served to remind me that I was
on sacred ground. The best

was yet to come.
Having decided that I
wouldn't "come back down
here," I continued on my jour-
ney, only to hear the crack of
a rifle. I felt certain it wasn't'
How brutal they are, I
thought. On later reflection I

concluded that though they
are brutal, they were expressing-
something more brutal the
regime of immorality, corrup-
tion and incompetence all
propped up by draconian legis-
lation culled from the blood of
the people. This is where we
are now. [A.G.]


THEATRE in the street
will be pioneered by the
Caribbean Theatre Guild
on December 22 and 23
in the Chacon Street Car
Park, Port of Spain.
The Guild announces
its programme, "Street
Theatre", as the start of
another initiative in its
policy of taking theatre
to the people, a policy
which, in the two years
of its existence, has led
the group to stage per-
formances in the rural
On December 22 and 23
the Guild will put on a 90-
minute show starting at 6.30
p.m. in which it is hoped to
give "insight into the ex-
periences of the black men
in the Third World".
Performed in the Car Park
will be dramatised poetry
readings from Eddie Braith-
waite, Malik (Delano De
Coteau), Kwesi (Winston
Daniel), Eric Roach and Faus-
tin Charles.
Adds Guild PRO Pearl
Springer: "We will be doing-
mimesand improvisations that
will be given 'shape"but will
be unrehearsed in any real
sense. We have invited the
Village Drummers to accom-
pany us.
"The programme will be-


gin with drumming which is
always important for setting
a mood and calling the people
together. Astor Johnson will
take part in our evening; he
will do a slave dance".
Explaining the importance
of this new ,development in
drama in Trinidad, Ms. Spring-
er said:

"Every play that is put on
in the city turns up the same
old aficionados of the Drama-
tic Arts. We want the entire
population to feel that the
Drama belongs to us all; so
we are taking a free show to
the people.
"Hopefully, the quality
and relevance of the perform-

ances will bring us a. wider
It was .the appreciative
reception by admittedly small
audiences in the rural areas
which, says Ms Springer, have
"spurred us on to believe that
Drama relevant Drama, must
become a powerful tool in
helping our people to under-
stand themselves. The per-
formances will be free and we
will be selling our programme
for 25 cents".




/S Stephens

Page 8 TAPIA

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I I s~Pse~ll ~ c *i~aaE~~i~rul.~~;-larra;ar~ir:xp~ir~?Hx-ar- -- -.~ -i~ -,-a~

GAIRY'S political support
comprises little more than
the brute force of his
"Police Aides" and the
"elite Mongoose Gang" of
Gairy's personal henchmen.
Making this assessment
last week were two mem-
bers of the New Jewel
Movement, Co-ordinating
Secretary Unison White-
man and Selwyn Strachan,
member of the NJM Exe-
Assisted by Trinidad-based
associate Bernard Coard, the
two NJM men described to
the press here the situation in
Grenada as it developed before
and after the November 18
arrest and savage brutalization
of six members of the New
Jewel Movement.


And because the Gairy
regime depends almost entirely
on organised thuggery to con-
tinue in office, Unison White-
man stressed that it would be
impossible for the Grenada
Premier to fulfil his pledge to
disband the 600-700 man force
of "Police Aides".
By last week, therefore, it
seemed that Grenada was head-
ed for certain and final con-
frontation: Gairy and his thug-
police against the people rallied
to put an end to the brutality.
It was noted that Gairy had
made two previous announce-
ments that he would disband
the police Aides who had ope-
rated to terrorize political op-
position to Gairy.
As Whiteman described it,
Grenada's was the classic case

ON Wednesday December 5,
the following persons were
elected to the various offices of
the Trinidad and Tobago Cuba
Friendship Association.
Chairman: Comrade Rich-
ard Jacobs; Vice Chairman:
Comrade Kathryn Williams;
Secretary Treasuter: Comrade
Ronald Hoolasie; Assistant
Secretary/PRO Comrade Clive
Chairman of then committees
are: Education & Library -
Comrade Cameron Joseph;
Cultural -- Comrade Sylvia
Moodie; Travel and Student
Exchange Comrade Ramdath
Jagessar; Fund raising Co-
rade Victor Marcano; Enter-
tainment Vincent Cabrera.
At this meeting, the in-
auguration ceremony carded
for Sunday December 8, 1973
at the Port of Spain Town Hall
was postponed to January 13
1974, the venue for same will
will be announced'shortly.
The meeting was also
brought up to date on tilhe
situation in Grenada by
Movement," Comrades Coard
Whiteman and Strachan.

The Region

of Doctor Politics with Gairy
personally retaining control of
all the machinery of state and
manipulating it for his own
political ends. He personally
directs the hiring and firing of
A blatant example was the
summary dismissal of the Chief
Magistrate on November 19

when the six arrested NJM
officials were to face trial and
his replacement by an appoin-
tee more favourable to Gairy.
The Grenada Premier also con-
trols the state-owned radio
station and uses it as his per-
sonal mouthpiece.
Later news has shown that
the Public Service Association
had joined in the stand against
c.,;r., ^- si~ :--.- ''- r

ment of the Police Aides, and
indicated it would support the
Asked how with the control
of the media in the govern-
ment's hands the news about
the arrest and beating of the
New Jewel leaders had spread
throughout the island in a
short time, Whiteman said the
regular police were responsible.

graded by him through his
development of the "Police
Aides," the regular police are
expected to throw in their lot
with the popular forces.
The NJM men referred to
purges Gairy has carried out in
their ranks as evidence of bad
relations between the police
and the regime. Since 1967
there have been seven police


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so we made it better to ride in and drive

Ford kept space, styling and comfort in the
new Cortina and still gave you more with these
new features.

Revised ventilation system
Improved dashboard design
Vanity mirror
Loop pile carpet
Reclining seats
Cigar lighter
Cleaner front end appearance
Softer spring rates
New suspension with front
and rear anti-roll bars
Revised shock absorber settings
Larger front suspension bushes
Improved noise insulation
Quieter operating transmission

e Sc Exiearney




1 El l

The present Government of our country has established a record of proven incompetence, sustained over an
extended period, and attested to:
by the perpetual threat of collapse in health and sanitation services
by the persistent scare of runaway inflation of prices
by the escalation of shortages into hunger and famine
.by the deterioration of education, sport and housing
by the utter neglect of parks, botanical gardens, savannahs,theatres, museums, libraries, archives and
by the virtual paralysis of administration in many areas of the public service and
by the wanton dissipation of public funds in countless unproductive ventures and schemes

These problems have burdened the citizens of this country and led to:
The seemingly inexorable degeneration of standards of expectation
The progressive deterioration of industrial and race relations
The utter degradation and demoralisation of the youth
The complete disenchantment of the mature
The abandonment of democratic and humane ideals and
The glorification of simple or cynical or violent solutions'

The Prime Minister insists on a] Inethod of politics nd a manner of government
which reinforce oui impotence, manipulate our ignorance and exploit our lack of political experience and
which are so incapable ot dedicating the citizens to zealous and disinterested effort that they dictate a regime of
bribery and corruption; intimidation and terror

Be it resolved that:

We, the people

of Trinidad and Tobago

1. Call a Temporary Conference of Citizens, that is to say, a Constituent Assembly of individuals, community groups
and political organizations

2. Appoint Sir Hugh Wooding as the Chairman and the Constitution Commission as the Secretariat

3. Accept the Majority and Minority Reports of the Constitution Comiission as the working papers of the Confer-

4. Establish a multi-party Committee from the Conference of Citizens to set a date for new elections and to act as an
impartial and trustworthy Elections and Boundaries Commission

5. Repeal all restrictive legislation on political activity with special reference to public meetings, marches, posters
and loudspeakers advertisements
6. Open up the broadcasting media to all political groups and organizations

7. Repudiate the idea that we must continue to seek messianic deliverance through one-man Doctor Politics and
strive instead to save ourselves by our own exertions.

rp p



THE RECENT Arab-Israeli con-
flagration and the subsequent em-
bargo imposed by the Arab oil-
producing states have nowhad a
sizeable impact on the Caribbean
Economies in terms of prices and
supplies of oil.
Even in Trinidad and Tobago,
the deaf have finally heard the
ominous rumblings. No longer can
we live in the fool's paradise where
"the political instability of the
Middle East is one of the best
guarantees of the continued ex-
pansion of Trinidad's oil produc-
tion". (Williams, Budget Speech,
The sentiment explains in part the
kowtowing of the Government to the
multinational oil corporationsthat domi-
nate our destiny. It explains too why
the country continues to receive the
cold shoulder from the Organisation of
Petroleum Exporting countries (OPEC)
to which we went seeking entry only
when, after ten years, the organisation
seemed to be matching the power of the
oil companies.

In the early sixties, what was good
for Texaco was good for Trinidad and
-Tohago and the idea of joining OPEC
was pooh-poo-ed-


Now we are beating our little breasts,
making a huff and puff about the pro-
ibition of transactions with Angola,
and sending a telegram to the Secretary-
General of OPEC. It is not going to ease
the Arab embargo on shipments to the
Texaco Pointe-a-Pierre refinery.
This sort of dilettantism and shilly-
shallying has got us nowhere in the past
and will get us nowhere now. It is in
thislight that we must regard the PNM's
call two weeks ago for the nationalisa-
tion of the oil industry.
Nor should we be surprised if the
next budget or the next Five-Year
Development Plan makes some strident
noises about nationalisation. The stage-
managed Convention was merely mouth-
ing the new directions of the Maximum
Leader who is going to be swinging to
the left with the prevailing winds.
Oil is serious business. Any steps in
the direction of its reorganisation have
to be examined carefully and unemo-
tionally and not with the intent of
pandering to the hollow galleries of the
1956 Movement.
There have been no clear-cut bene-
fits from outright expropriation of the
industry in other countries. International
evidence on the nationalization of oil
companies by oil-producing countries
shows only partial success.
Most of the difficulties have arisen
with respect to "down-stream" produc-
tion and the marketing and distribution
of the range of products of the oil
industry, especially where the ex-owners,
through their home governments in
North America or Europe or through
agreement with other "competing" oil
companies, can exert an embargo of
The experience of the only truly
successful venture, namely Petroleos
Mexicanos or Pemex of Mexico, is very
instructive. This company, formed as
a result of the nationalisation of several
oil companies operating in Mexico in
1938, has played a crucial role in the
industrial development of the country.

The essential point is that instead of
remaining an economic enclave within
the national economy, it was cut loose
of the dependence on a parent-head-
office in North America or Europe and
provided a framework for riveting the
oil sector on to the rest of the Megican
That type of nationalisation resulted
in a change not simply in ownership, but
more fundamentally in structure. It
reoriented the petroleum sector to ser-
vice, and to be serviced by the Mexican
economy. The catch here is that Mexico,
even at that time, had the beginnings of
a truly national economy in terms of its
resources and its large sized population
and markets.
If we, in Trinidad and Tobago, are
due for another one of those national-
isation treats like Orange Grove or
National Petroleum Company, we cannot
expect more than the normal pappy
A Government that, with all the
advice of its own commission of enquiry
has not yet assembled the corps of oil
accountants, oil economists and en-
gineers to supervise the oil industry, can
hardly be entrusted with the task of
dealing with the oil companies at this


The current myopia and the Go-
vernment's passive posture towards
the companies are hurting us all. Amoco
will continue to make a flat payment per
barrel of oil produced even though the
price of that barrel has increased pheno-
menally, if the oil auctions in Iran,
where prices have tripled, are any in-
All other Governments are renego-
tiating certain prices and royalty pay-
ments. Ours spinelessly bows to gentle-
men's agreements. Even without
nationalisation we might have been
increasing the take from the oil-com-
Much ado is made of the fact that
our output is very marginal to the total
world output. This was the main reason
for pandering to the oil companies out-
side party conventions. It is true that
with 51 million barrels in 1972, our
output was about 0.003% of total world
But this really leads to the really
significant issue. Because our output and
our reserves are small, because oil and
natural gas happen to be the only energy
resource available to us at present in


departure from

present policy

commercial quantities, and because these
lare scarce and non-replenishable re-
sources, we must conserve on their use
and exploit them in terms of a long-
term planned objective.
The adroit policies of previous Ame-
rican administrations with respect to
imports and local production of oil has
spared the US the shame of .responding
readily to present Arab demands. The
value of that facility cannot be assessed
by the price of gasolene at the filling


This lesson on the politics of oil
should be instructive to us. Given that
we are unlikely to be rich in the new
sources of energy being actively re-
searched at present, this country ought
not to respond to the quick buck to be
gained by depleting our limited resources
to supply stop-gas energy to North
America and Europe.
The metropolitan world will con-
centrate on the development of energy
bases in which they are well endowed.
They will not make the same mistake
again. Even with the tremendous ex-
penditure on research in solar energy it
may be many years before we can benefit
from this.
The implication here, as in so many
areas, is that there is a serious conflict
in interest between the long-term bene-
fits for the country and our Caricom
partners and the short-term profit ad-
vantages of the international oil com-
panies; the latter should want to exploit
the reigning price boom by maximising
their exports to Europe and North
The industrial development of Trini-
dad and Tobago and of our partners in
Caricom depend on the availability of
an assured supply of energy at reason-
able prices. We must be concerned with
tomorrow's needs and those of the next
generation. In the present crisis of
dwindling world energy reserves, an
important objective must be postpone-
ment of the day when we are not im-
porters of energy supplies.
The immediate implication of this
conflict between our own objectives
and those of the oil companies suggests
the need for a radical departure from
present policies.
Tapia's Manifesto on Foreign Policy
called attention to this necessity on
November 18, 1973;
'At the level of Caricom, we will abandon
the policy of focusing on matters of trade
and turn our attention to regional colla-

boration in the reorganisation of produc-
tion especially in regard to such staple
exports as sugar, bananas, petroleum,
bauxite, citrus and cocoa. The new ap-
proach would immediately open serious
questions about integrated planning and
administration, about a regional payments
system and about regional education and
national service, regional defence against
imperialist invasion to protect multi-na-
tional corporation, and regional diplo-
macy as an alternative to regional defence.
This integrated planning machinery
would extend not only to traditional
industries and to natural resources but
'to overall industrial development which
,depends on energy resources. Instead
of the present one-sided discussions that
tookplace on Caricom energy in Guyana,
we will be looking at the needs of a
localised bauxite and alumina industry
in Guyana and Jamaica. And so on.
The point is that the new structure
which changes the Caribbean economies
from being the hinterland of North
America and Europe, or as the site for
pollution-intensive industries to service
these countries, would create a truly
Caribbean market, with the growth in
income being generated here and re-
tained here rather than being repatriated
as superprofits of North American


The present subsidiaries operating in
Trinidad and Tobago are unlikely to
respond willingly to this new economic
policy and to the entirely different
economic structure. It would not be the
case of exhorting Shell to maintain its
previous supply levels to the Eastern
Caribbean. As Caribbean enterprises,
under our localisation programme, they
would not dare to do otherwise.
Localisation here must not be con-
fused with so-called "nationalisations"
we have seen in the recent past, which
leave the structure and operating me-
thods of the enterprise basically un-
touched. Localisation would take de-
cision-making out of London, Amsterdam
and New York to Port-of-Spain, Toco,
Mayaro and the head-quarters of OWTU.
The shares of Texaco Trinidad, Inc.,
for example, would be traded at home.
The company will be essentially owned
and operated by nationals, both big and
small. Admittedly a large proportion of
the output will continue to be exported
outside the Caricom area. But this is no
problem in the sellers' paradise that will
exist for the foreseeable future.
But all this belongs to the new order
and the post-docracy period.



(~ A\IP

Lirs, Andrea Talbutt,
Research Institute for
Study of lan,
162, East 78th S'treet,
IIei YORK oY. 10021,
Ph. Lehigh 5 8448,

Ur.Slb. U.I l



THE first big event in the new year sporting calendar
is the West Indies vs England test series on which
many eyes will be fixed after the West Indies decisive
defeat of the English on their home ground.
The West Indies, some pundits have shown,
traditionally don't play as well in the Caribbean. One
reason for this is that the West Indian press has been,
when not unwittingly hostile in their reporting and
commentary, insensitive enough to help create an
unfavourable psychological climate in which our
cricketers have to play.



The West Indian press, far from boosting the
confidence of our players, have too often contributed
to the stimulating of divisive tendencies among the
members of the team. in fact, some West Indian
newspapers even carry the slanted comments of
foreign commentators.
If they continue in this traditional policy for
the.coming series, they are likely to be the uncon-
scious abettors of a campaign of psychological war-
fare which we can expect from the army of British
pressmen who will be covering the matches.



We know what we can expect from the British
press in this series if only by looking at how the UK
media reported and commented on England's defeat
by West Indies hands earlier this year.
The following article, by G.E. Mills, documents
the vicious coverage of the West Indies performance
by the British press.
It is up to the West Indian press to do their bit
in creating the kind of atmosphere in which our play-
ers can feel truly at home.

DURING the past sum-
mer I was fortunate to see
the West Indian Test
matches at Edgbaston and
Lords and the one-day
International at the Oval.
This most pleasurable ex-
perience was marred only
by the behaviour of the
English sports press whose
biased and generally un-
fair reporting and com-
ment reached its lowest
point in my experience.
Thirty years of living in
and paying frequent visits to
England have not really inured
me to the prejudices of the
English press, whenever Eng-
land (or Great Britain) is
engagedin international-sports
commentators and reporters
with a few notable excep-
tions, fanning the fires of
chauvinism among their listen-
ers and readers, tend to be
most unfair to and to deni-
grate England's opponents.

What is worse, some news-
papers are most mischievous
and malicious, even vicious in
their comments. This beha-
viour is intensified on those
occasions when English for-
tunes are being frustrated.
The accustomed biased
reporting could hardly have
beenmore evident than during,
and immediately after the
recent Test matches. West
Indians have come to expect
the one-sided and highly ex-
aggerated comments from
some sections of the press.
For instance, no West Indian
could have been surprised by
the hysterical outburst from
E.M. Wellings of the Evening
News who has forecast dire
happenings during the forth-
coming MCC tour of the
West Indies and has suggested
cancellation of the tour.
Most of us are accustomed
to the irrational expressions
on cricket which emanate
from that quarter. Note too,
the defamatory and nasty
attack on Kanhai the West
Indies captain who (accord-
ing to Michael Parkinson)
"turned out to be as lovable
an opponent as Genghis
Khan". ( Times: Sept. 2.)

In addition there is a
quality of arrogance, snide
superciliousness and assump-
tion of superior standards
which can scarcely be better
illustrated than by the Bir-
mingham Post report (August
13) titled "How Kanhai failed
the Test":
"It is fairly well accepted that
Boycott did get a touch and
that he was out, but in the
terms of ENGLISH umpiring
that is beside the point". (My
"Kanhai may feel that he has
nothing to apologise for, which
is a startling attitude for one
who has played so much of
his cricket in this country ahd
who surely recognizes the stan-
dards which apply here".

West Indies Captain ROHAN
KANHAI viciously attacked
Dy British press.
5 wickets for 128, they were
berated by the press for not
living up to this English-con-
ferred image of "calypso
cricketers". If (instead of
adopting the sensible and pro-
fessional approach which they
did) they had played "calyp-
so cricket" and lost, they
would have been hailed as
"splendid chaps" -with Eng-
land levelling the series.
In fact, on the first day,
despite their disastrous start,
the West Indies scored 190;
while England, one down in
the series, and with a very
good start of 119 without
loss, scored only 169 on the

The Post continues: "In third day. Of course, the
terms of West Indian um- critics now remained silent on
piring which incited riots... England's scoring rate but
his (Kanhai) response to Fagg's focused on the West Indies'
decision in the Boycott affair over rate.
may have appeared trifling".
The general attitude of 'BLACK POWER'
the press and more specifically
the attacks on Kanhai and Let me reiterate that we
the severe criticism on the have learnt to expect this
West Indians for slow scoring type of reporting from some
at Edgbaston were to a large sections of the press. What
extent motivated by has surprised many of us how-
1 inability and unwillingness to ever is the fact that a paper
accept defeat gracefully; like the Daily Telegraph
2 chagrin at seeing England's (whose E.W. Swanton, like
apparent chances of levelling John Arlott of The Guardian
the series (at Edgbaston) slip- is an exception in terms of
ping away;
3 frustration and disbelief at the relatively objective nature
encountering perhaps for of his reporting) should also
the first time -- a West Indian have indulged in making com-
CAPTAIN and team of county ments of a similar nature.
players with a really tough, Three examples, all anony-
professional approach. It is
perfectly legitimate for Eng- mous pieces, may be cited.
land to be captained by a First is the news item
tough, uncompromising Jard- appearing on the front page
ine, Hutton, Close, Illingworth of the Telegraph (August 28)
or May (who refused Kanhai a
runner in the Sabina Park Test asserting that "Black Power
of 1960); but not so for salutes" had been exchanged
these "easygoing calypso cric- between Deryck Murray and
keters" from the West Indies. West Indian supporters at the
When, in their first innings end of the Lords Test. I
at Edgbaston,the West Indians suggest and I was in the
had lost 3 wickets for 39 and West Indies dressing room
Printed by Tapia House Printing Co. Ltd. for Tapia House.Publishing Co. Ltd.,

when the game ended that
this is a lie and a deliberate
attempt to create mischief. In
this connection one wonders
whether that paper would
describe the victory gestures
by Billy Bremner or by his
unnamed English Leeds Unit-
ed teammate during a recent
football match (ihotogiaph
in The Sun: September 3,.
1973) as "Black Power"
The second concerns the
piece by columnist "Peter-
borough" Daily Telegraph:
August 13) under the head-
line "Test rows common in
West Indies" which points to
past MCC tours of the West
Indies marred by "sub-stand-
ard umpiring, short-pitched
bowling, time wasting" etc.
and Test matches interrupted
by bottle throwing and riots.


"Peterborough" appears
to be unaware of the follow-
ing facts: that most of the
.crucial umpiring decisions to
which he refers were given in
favour of MCC players; that
MCC were not short of fast
bowlers during the three tours
mentioned, including True-
man and Statham both in
1953/54 and 1959/60; that
perhaps the greatest culprit in
time-wasting was the England
slow off-spinner David Allen
(1959-60 tour) who at times
spent almost 5 minutes bowl-
ing an over.
Has "Peterborough" and
for that matter Parkinson who
refers to the atmosphere of
the recent tour as the most
hostile and unfriendly, ever
heard of the Jardine-Larwood
bodyline series vs. Australia
and more recently, of Iliing-
worth's behaviour and action
in relation to umpire Rowan
during the last MCC tour of
As regards "Peter-
borough's" suggestion that
perhaps betting and drinking
have spread to Edgbaston, I
personally have never en-
countered in the West Indies,
betting on Test matches on
the scale and of the institu-
tionalised nature that I saw at
Edgbaston and Lords.
91 Tunapuna Road, Tunapuna

Finally, the Telegraph's
editorial written August 28
at the end of the series and
entitled "Not So Calypso" is
significant in two respects.
It makes a hollow gesture of
congratulating the West Indies
on their "well-deserved and
unbegrudged triumph" but
lends with a sting in the tail:
"the West Indians must pause
to consider the example they
are setting".
The Zditorial also adopts
the traditional technique of
'divide and rule' by attempt-
ing to separate Sobers, as the
model of behaviour for his
"demeanour and boyishrelish
for the game," from the rest of
his teammates and West Indian
supporters notable for "ele-
ments of sourness".
This scarcely veiled attack
on Kanhai and other team
members again reflects the
resentment and disappoint-
ment felt because of a West
Indian captain who eschewed
the easy going approach ex-
pected of him by the English:
press and some England sup-
porters. Instead, they were
surprised by a tough Kanhai
who gave no quarter on the
model of England and Aus-
tralian captains. "Not So
Calypso" indeed! How appro-


Let me end by suggesting
that the problems and con-
flicts experienced in many
international contests and not
only in Test cricket, flow to
a great extent from the pan-
dering to chauvinistic instincts
by most of the English press
and to sensationalism by some
Instead of attributing
blame to Kanhai and his team
and to the much maligned
West Indian supporters, the
press needs to take a careful
and close look at itself. Those
who delight in creating mis-
chief and in exaggerating in-
cidents thereby intensifying
the repercussions-- especially
when England is losing, need
to exercise some restraint and
to accept defeat more grace-