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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00088
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: December 9, 1973
Frequency: completely irregular
 Subjects
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
 Notes
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00088

Full Text


rxs. JAndrea Talbutt,
Research Institute for
Study of i.n,
162, Eist 78th Street,
IETJ YORT. NY. 10021,
Ph. Lehigh 5 84L48,
U.S.A \


loz tAzI f."
,W-'*V YORK 21% t Y,
DEC I'S 73


WILLIAMS has now demolished
Hudson-Phillips. The politically
innoce.it lamb has been duly
slaughtered. Those whose only
political! resource is ambition will
alwa-;s be slaughtered on the
altar of power. Such is the bitter
lesson.
The Pussoiiail Nonarch is now pre-
paring for the rest of the conventional
field. As the February Revolution
advances, the 1956 Movement is torn
by internal contradictions and Reaction
is destroying itself. This fierce internal
struggle is the surest guarantee of a
victory for the new unconventional
forces. Even the DLP's are sensing the
movement of history and are visibly
closing their ranks.
Williams removed Hudson-Phillips
by finally shattering the Crown Colony
illusion that politics is subordinate to
law. The Victorian sensibility of the
Afro-Saxon regime has been frontally
assaulted by The Doctor's ruthless
dismissal of due process within the
party.
Written rules, constitutions and
laws whether about nomination
forms, declarations of assets, or any-
thing else for that matter- will be
respected only if political arrangements
exist to guarantee them. Only if there
exist colleagues of equal rank to limit
the arrogance of Leaders,only if there
exist inside the party differing and
even conflicting interests all with a
voice in the councils, will:abuse of
power be contained.

I I

Hudson-Phillips was brushed aside
because Williams is the natural and
only current Leader of the reactionary
political forces. The evidence is there
to behold after 17 years of govern-
ment pn behalf of a privileged few.
Remember that those who were the
most eager to call The Doctor back
were those who, to their very pleasant
surprise, learnt that the thunderously
radical sound of the PNM programme
heralded only the entry of a sheep
parading in the clothingb of a wolf.
Williams has now engineered
another entry and made another zig-
zag to the left. Gocking has long
discerned in Perspectives for the New
Society (1970). and the Convention
Address (1973) a diabolic plan to
capture the messianic spirit of the



Council

Meeting

Sunday

Opening Address Syl Lowhar
The Political Crisis Lloyd Best
The Wooding Report Allan
Harris

Intermission

The 1974 Budget Lloyd Taylor
Public Meetings -Michael Harris
Community Organization Ivan
Laughlin
FundRaising Baldwin Mootoo


STARTING TIME: 10.15a.m.
Lunch $1.25


SUNDAY DEC. 9, 1973


WILLIA


A


COURSE


1950's by the offer of a refurbished
radical image. Already PNM is jarring
up against Texaco and the petroleum
corporations. Doubtless we will soon
be greeted by constitutional proposals
on paper, way more democratic and
participatory than the myopic and
defensive proposals being offered by
the Constitution Commission.
Now flying high, like De Gaulle,
above the law and the constitution of
the party, the Little- King is clearly
hoping to keep himself above the law
and the constitution of the country as
well. That is the revolutionary meaning
of the method employed in the des-
truction of Hudson-Phillips. Williams
will stop at nothing in the interest of
his own survival. His daughter is now
ruefully contemplating this harsh con-
clusion, on far away Miami beach.
ANR Robinson has been arguing
Williams' ruthlessness all along. But
the conventional methods of the ACDC
and the DAC show that he does not
really believe it. He had better believe
it now because the conventional politi-
cal parties are .on a collision course
with Williams and DAC is the next of
these parties on the list.
Robinson and his mouthpieces
Renwick and Gordon, wish to see
elections before Parliament embarks
on any scheme of constitutional re-
form. At the same time, they are
calling for elections under fresh new
electoral rules which they seem to
want the Governor General or the
Parliament or Williams to arrange for
the benefit of the DAC. This con-
tradiction can only lead them to
trouble so they must tell their people
what their plan involves.

I I
The issues in election reform are
the lowering of the voting age, the
return of the ballot boxes, the com-
pleteness of registration, the jerry-
mandering of the constituency boun-
daries, opposition access to the
broadcasting media and the merits
of proportional representation.
The Government has made no
important concession. Ballot boxes
may give the opposition a chance to
share in the rigging but it still leaves
decisive advantage with those who
control the Army, Police and Public
Service. The lowering of the voting age
could make no significant difference
unless registration of the entire elec-
torate is automatic.
Over the outstanding issues, there
is a frightful row a-brewing. Williams
has.guaranteed that by already joining
battle over proportional representation.
If 1AC and DLP do not see that, it
10


can only be because they are living in
the fool's paradise of Hudson-Phillips
and think they can win by magic, even
fi no real electoral concessions were
made.
Well since it is clear that they
cannot both be simultaneously right,
Williams is calculating that doubts will
soon begin to show themselves and
that even the negotiations over a
minimum electoral reform will drag
out for a long, long time with the
government waving the flag for an
"early" election and the conventional
opposition holding up the works.
That is exactly what Williams is
looking forward to in order to buy
time to consolidate his own position
as the party and the leader of the
nation's choice next time round. And
who does not expect the man who
steers the party through the troubled
times up to the election not to be
pressed to stay another extra mile and
then into the greener pastures beyond
the river Jordan? In a Doctor party
with only one Leader, there can be no
other outcome; only dotishness or
death can drop the final curtain.

E I
It is now more absurd than ever to
believe that Williams is thinking of
relinquishing the reins of office. The
only possible reason why he has
agreed to stay only up to the next
election is that the present come-back
has given him no mandate whatsoever.
The acclamation on December 2 was
all a play on stage, produced by Pre-
vatt, Mahabir and himself. If anything,
the reprieve has lost him extensive
support. An insatiable if calculating
gambler, he needs the time to win his
blue chips back.
In this reasoning, Robinson's pos-
ture of resistance to constitution re-
form before elections can only mean a
dogfight. Unless it is the same kind of
empty robber-talk as we have had over
national insurance, over revelations,
over the return of taxes before August^
31 and over withholding our labour on
November 1, the DAC must prepare
ifself to deal with an absolute Monarch
at the height of a revolutionary upheav-
al. And to get the head of the king
upon the block, you must be prepared
to conduct the struggle "by any
means that's necessary".
Tapia agrees with the DAC that
the 1971 Parliament lacks the moral
authority to undertake constitution
reform or reform of any other
kind save dissolve itself and make way
for a revolutionary government. When
it suits him Williams will share this
view, as we shall see. He has already
put politics above law by advocating


the law of the jungle where might is
right and rules of election can be
overthrown by acclamation of The
Lion. He has acknowledged that a
state of Nature exists.
Tapia said so since March 19, 1970
when we saluted the "February Revo-
lution". On April 21 following, we
called for a Constituent Assembly
and we have sustained the call ever
since. We say summon this Temporary
Conference, of Citizens, community
groups and political organizations. We
insist that Wooding be in the Chair,
that the Constitution Commission act
as Secretariat, and that the Reports of
the Commission serve as the working
papers.
The Constituent Assembly is the
only way to make a bridge between
the constitutional process and the
revolutionary upheaval set in train by
the breakdown of trust in the Execu-
tive and the paralysis of the key
institutions Parliament above all.
The country accepted the ACDC
in 1970 only because it desperately
needed an electoral alternative to the
PNM. It was Robinson's duty to go to
the polls. He must now see the signifi-
cance of jumping on the Tapia band-
waggon aimed at annulling the PNM
majority by unconventional means,
the only means open to the people.
The price of his opportunism is that
the only way left to achieve electoral
or constitutional reform on terms ac-
ceptable to the conventional opposi-
tion is to bring the unconventional
opposition into the game by the sum-
moning of a Confernece to embrace
NJAC, URO NUFF and all the little
people. The DAC tried to escape this
cost by refusing to attend the meetings
of the Wooding Commission.

I I

The Conference of Citizens is now
the only road to a peaceful and con-
stitutional settlement. It would put
the Prime Minister and the Govern-
ment on par with all the others and it
will acknowledge the sovereignty of
the people over the Executive, the
Government and the State.
Equality of political opportunity
would be achieved if the Conference
established a multi-party Committee
and charged it to run the elections.
Tapia will insist that this Committee
name the date, agree on the rules and
administer the Elections and Bounda-
ries Commission. The alternative is to
repose our trust in Williams and the
1971 Parliament. That is entirely out
of the question.


COLLISION


_~__ I


L L~ I e I IlI


ON


s






SUNDAY DECElMfER 9 1973


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All overseas deliveries airmail.
Surface mail rates on reaue.t


0
'Th i-dS Sb'il -w- ,


SEPTEMBER
28 Williams tells PNM Conven-
tion that he is returning to private
life.
29 PNM asks Williams to return.
30 Convention adjourned.
Best: It could be a conspiracy
Prevatt says that Williams has
not responded to PNM's call for
his return. DAC calls for elections
within 71 days.
OCTOBER
1. Businessmen's Association
calls for Williams to return. Williams
goes on holiday.
2 2 Ministers fail to change
Williams' mind.
3 PNM-controlled POS City
Council asks Williams to return.
4 Williams does not attend Ca-
binet meeting. Prevatt acts as chair-
man.
5 Chamber of Commerce asks
Williams to stay on. Millette claims
major responsibility for PM's im-
pending withdrawal.
6 Williams informs Prevatt in
writing that he is not returning.
Granado in letter to PM says that
PNM rule should come to an end
and calls for a National Conference
of groups and an Interim Govern-
ment.
7 Williams tells general Council
that he is not returning and gives
them until 31 December to choose
a new leader. General Council dis-
cusses the Succession. Nominations
to be in by 15 November.
8 Pointe a Pierre Constituency
(PNM) sets out guidelines for chos-
ing a new leader.
11 Hudson-Phillips accepts no-
mination for leadership. Guardian:
Close associates of Williams say
that he is contemplating an about
turn.
12 Prevatt: Williams is not re-
considering. Williams only seeing
3 persons: Ellis Clarke, Prevatt and
Dodderidge Alleyne, Kamal pre-
pared to join leadership struggle
only if Williams is retiring.
15 Report that Williams is re-
turning to Whitehall on 29 October.
20 Hudson-Phillips denies that
he has made up his differences
with Williams.
21 PNM General Council to
meet 18 November to consider
nominations for leadership.
27 PNM controlled Association
of County Councils asks Williams
to stay on.
29 Express: Secret poll within
PNM shows Hudson an easy winner
in leadership race.
NOVEMBER
1 UK based group urges Williams
to stay.
2 Top PNM sources dismiss talk
of Williams return. "Voice of the
People" to hold meeting at Wood-
ford Square, imploring Williams to
stay on.
GG discusses political situation with
IRO. US based nationals support
Karl.
3 IRO asks Williams to stay.
4 Best: many a slip between
Kup and Lips. Gocking: will the
Messiah return for Xmas? (Tapia).
Prevatt denies that Williams is re-
turning. ANR Robinson: PM's move
a blessing.
7 Williams tells IRO that he will
think over his plans to resign.
10 PNM women attempt to see
Williams.
11 Voice of the People meeting
for the return of Williams draws
poor crowd and DAC hecklers.
12 Parliament is prorogued.
13 Williams returns to Whitehall.
14 Support for Hudson mounts,
say newspapers.
15 Williams chairs Cabinet Meet-
ing.
16 Karl ahead in leadership race.
18 PNM General Council chooses
2 December for resumption of
Convention.
19 Karl certain to head PNM
Guardian frontpage headline.
20 Karl stickers hit the road.
Babb (Guardian) Don.t write off


the Doc, he still holds trumps.
21 PNM plans for resumption
of Convention.
25 Erica leaves for Miami job.
26 Public declaration of assets
by Williams.
27 Millette says that Williams is
not going.
28 Move afoot by St. Ann's
constituency to recall Williams
(Guardian) Hudson is the favorite
(Express).
DECEMBER
2 By acclamation PNM Conven-
tion discards election rules. The
Messiah returns4or Xmas.
SO BE IT.


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PAGE 2 TAPIA


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SUNDAY DECEMBER 9, 1973


THE OUTCOME of the global energy crisis is
not in sight but the implications for the Carib-
bean are already apparent. The firmness of the
decision of all the Arab oil-producing states
(except Iraq) to embargo exports to the United
States and the Netherlands and to reduce output
for Western Europe and Japan is irrevocable.
If and when serious negotiations between Egypt
and Israel begin ore can only assume that the Arabs will
retain the oil weapon as their ultimate bargaining card
as long as possible. Even if production were to be re-
sumed it probably will not happen until late in 1974
and then only at pre-October 1973 levels.
The Arabs have not overlooked the Caribbean in
their global strategy. Caribbean refineries like those in
Trinidad, Puerto Rico, and the Bahamas which import
oil primarily for re-export to the United States are
subject to the embargo. Only those tiny refineries which
strictly serve island needs are likely to remain exempt,
although there may be some Arab oil pressure on Carib-
bean governments to vote their way at the UN. Although
Ecuadorean output is rapidly increasing, it remains a pro-
verbial drop in the bucket while Nigeria and Venezuela


limit their current output to.
prewar levels. Oil in the ground
is and will continue to be
more valuable, economically
and politically, than oil in the
pipeline.
Plans and projects for new
and expanded superports and
refineries in the Caribbean are
in various states of suspended
animation. Unless and until
reliable sources of Middle-East-
ern oil can be provided, it is
unlikely that foreign private
investors will put up cash for
these now risky ventures.

ECOLOGY

The knee-jerk response to
the energy crisis in the United
States has put environmental
groups on the defensive as
witnessed in the swift congres-
sional and presidential approval
of the Alaska pipeline. If
Middle-Eastern oil again be-"
comes available previous ecolo-
gical opposition to US and
Canadian superports and deep-
water oil terminals may be
obliterated. At the moment all
bets are off concerning new
petroleum investments in the
Caribbean.
It remains to be seen if Vene-
zuelan, Iranian, Nigerian, and
Ecuadorean oil can keep current
Caribbean export refineries
operating indefinitely.Removal
of United States and Western
*European restrictions on high-
sulphur oil will help, especially
if Venezuela decides not to
lower its singularly high-sulphur
output.


IMBALANCE

Caribbean governments will
have to move adroitly vis a vis
the major oil companies to
keep them from shutting or
slowing down their island opera-
tions. Escalating prices for pe-
troleum negotiated by the Or-
ganization of Petroleum Ex-
porting Countries (OPEC) can
be readily passed on to con-
sumers, an incentive to keep
refineries going, even at well
under maximum efficiency.
The heart of the problem
remains the long-term persis-
tent imbalance between global
energy supplies and demand,
only aggravated by the Arab-
Israeli war. Although the oil-
producing states hold the upper
hand for the next 10-20 years,
the use of the oil boycott
weapon will accelerate a massive
investment in research and de-
velopment (R and D) to locate
new energy sources. It is the
implications of that R and D
effort that are critical for the
future of the Caribbean.


President Nixon has enun-
ciated the goal of "Project
Independence" to make the
United States self-sufficient in
energy by 1980. Congress is
almost certain to approve a
$2 billion per year annual ex-
penditure for new public sec-
tor energy R and D. While the
-European Economic Commun-
ity and Japan have yet to ini-
tiate similar efforts they too are
gearing up for an energy R and
D effort on an unprecedented
scale.
The United States goal of
"self-sufficiency" by 1980 will
probably be interpreted to
mean possession of the techno-
logical capacity to not need
any Arab oil imports by that
date. Since Arab producers
were estimated to provide near-
ly 40 per cent of total US
demand by 1980 some indica-
tion of the required effort can
be envisaged.
The major investments will
be development of the Alaska
oil deposits, perhaps to be
on-stream by 1978, conversion
of coal into liquid gas for heat
and automotive fuel, acclera-
tion of nuclear power plant
construction, and increased
coal production. Available for
the 1980's through R and D
investments in the 1970's
should be commercial processes
for recovery of oil from Western
United Statesoil shale deposits,
liquid fast metal nuclear breed-
er reactors ending dependence
on natural uranium supplies,
and conversion of Canadian tar
sands.
In spite of enormous poli-
tical and administrative prob-
lem, the United States has the
technological capacity to meet
the goals of project energy
independence, although per-
haps not by 1980.
Western Europe and Japan
will still remain' dependent on
imported fossil fuels although
for defensive purposes alone


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they may be compelled to
invest in their own energy R
and D or seek to obtain US
techioldgy.
These projections leave the
Caribbean entirely without a
reliable energy source. Unless
deep seabed exploration dis-
covers yet unknown and un-
recoverable deposits, the Carib-
bean will have no fossil fuel
sources of its own once the
present offshore Trinidad de-
posits are exhausted.
The:cost of importing coal,
nuclearenergyand petroleumwill
be extremelyhigh,fromwhatever


source. None of the forthcom-
ing energy R and D will generate
technologies whose economies
of scale will be appropriate for
the small economies of the
Caribbean.
Aside from passively and
painfully accepting its fate, the
Caribbean has three options of
its own to play in determining
its energy future. The first
would be to take the kinds of
political and economic stances
to put itself in a favourable
position vis a vis major oil
producers.
This could include offering


to countries such as Iran and
Saudi Arabia a substantial share
in existing and possible new
"downstream" petroleum in-
vestments.
Through its National Petro-
leum Corporation, Iran is al-
ready a shareholder in oil re-
fineries in Austria and South
Africa and has recently pur-
chased 50 per cent of the
wholesale and retail operations
of Ashland Oil, a major inde-
pendent distributor in the East-
ern United States which has no
overseas oil investments- of its
own. Continued on Page 10


-II


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[Fo HAVE A DEMONSTRATION TODAY



KIRPALANI'S
NATIONWIDE AGENTS AND STOCKISTS


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TAPIA PAGE 3


Io ~







SUNDAY DECEMBER 9, 1973


PAGE 4 TAPIA


The following extract ad the article below
were taken from "Chile Report" prepared by
the staff of LAST POST and Latin American
Working Group who compiled the informa-
tion from the world press and Chile Solidarity
groups in North America.
LAST POST called the events before the
group which overthrew President of Chile on
September 11 "the actual physical manifesta-
tion of a class war".


P -


Eduardo Frei, ex-President, leader of
the Christian Democrats


On April 19, to seek an almost
arbitrary beginning, workers supporting
the Christian Democrats went on strike
at the El Teniente Copper Mine, keeping
30 pe, cent of the 12,000 member work
force off the job. They were demanding
a 41 per cent wage hike above and be-
yond the 100 per cent hike given all
workers by the government. These work-
ers were the skilled engineers and trades-
men, not the ordinary copper workers.
This strategic strike crippled Chile in
the middle of an extremely serious
copper crisis, when Chile was starved
for foreign currency. The strike was
directly organized by the Christian
Democrats.
On June 20, the College of Medicine
calls a. 24-hour strike by all physicians;
some teacher and student unions take
part. All striking doctors are supporters
of the Christian Democratic party.
On June 21, a pro-government work-
ers' demonstration to counter the oppo-
sitions' walkouts of the previous day.
On July 20, a demonstration by
workers supports the government and
demands nationalization of 90 strategic
factories.
On July 26, the Confederation of


Allende signs to nationalize
Chile's copper


kg ] aN LNI ] E.


Ground Transport, an organization of
truck owners, declares a national strike
or lockout of truck transport. Transpor-
tation in Chile is frozen.
July 28: Striking truck owners are
held responsible for over 50 fire and
dynamite bombs which disabled govern-
ment trucks and disabled train service
in Southern Chile.
August 1: The New York Times re-
ports Santiago is receiving only 30 per
cent of its normal supplies. Attacks on
the central railway system seem directed
at isolating the capital from the seaports;
rail lines are cut and bridges sabotaged.
A dozen private business and professional
organizations form a "civic front" and
demand the ousting ofPresidnet Allende.
Over 100 acts of sabotage reported in
the last 48 hours.
August 3: A major pipeline is blown
up, with 25,000 gallons of fuel lost.
Bombs explode at Communist Party
and pro-government trade union head-
quarters.
August 4: President Allende charges
that there is a concerted plan by oppo-
sition parties to bring about the over-
throw of his government. Merchants
begin to shut down their stores in the


General Prats, military chief who wal
succeeded by coup leader Pinochet


DID A FASCIST COUP


OVERTAKE


WHILE in exile at the conclusion
of the Spanish Civil War, Gil
Robles, monarchist leader and a
key politician in the movement to
overthrow the Republican govern-
ment, surveyed the wreckage of
Spain and the consolidation of
power in the hands of General
Franco. "This is not what I wanted
for my country, "Robles lamented.
In Chile today, scant weeks after
the overthrow of the Allende govern-
ment, while the firing squads go about
their work and books are burnt in the
streets, there is mounting evidence that
the politicians of the right are beginning
to realise that the coup they spent
months, even years, organizing may
not be to their liking.
When the Chilean military an-
nounced plans for a new constitution
that would fashion Chile in the mould
of a Mussolini-style corporate state,
Patricio Alwyn, who earlier had rushed
to embrace the junta after Allende's
murder, meekly protested.
"We will never agree to the new
constitution without the consultation of
the people," said Alwyn.
"Shut up", said General Pinochet.
Alwyn has shut up. And according to
Le Monde correspondent Philippe Lab-
reveux he is now Jeft with a "tense
smile which betrays his fears".
Eduardo Frei, who expected to be
president by now, has been remarkably
silent.


The military, because it had not over-
thrown a government in Chile for 40
years, had gained a reputation for
abstaining from political affairs. But
they only overthrow governments when
they have to, like strikebreakers who
only scab during strikes. They now are
settling eagerly into power.
All this has led to speculation about
two anti-Allende coups in preparation
throughout the spring and summer. The
ultra-right in the military was prepared'
to move much, much earlier.

INTERVENTION

In 1969, after the first successful
showing of what would become the
Unidad Popular, and on the heels of an
upsurge of the Left in the parliamentary
elections, there was a small revolt of the
army in Santiago. The officer who led
the revolt, General Viaux, was later
to be implicated in the murder of Army
Commander-in-Chief Rene Schneider.
Schneider was killed in an abortive kid-
napping designed to provoke military
intervention which would have pre-
vented Allende's inauguration in 1970.
September 11, 1973 was not the first
attempt by sections of the military to
attain power, even if one is prepared to
discount the army revolt in June 1973
as a feint to convince Allende that the
military was really loyal.
Plans for a Christian Democratic
coup are estimated to have begun


FREI' S?


seriously when all the parliamentary
obstructions failed to topple the govern-
ment, when, for the first time in Chile's
history, a mid-term election actually
strengthened the party in power and
when the carefully planned and orches-
trated "strikes" of the truck owners
failed to win enough support to create
even the appearance of a popular de-
mand for Allende's resignation.
The plan was co-ordinated with the
military. In preparation for its joint
manoeuvres with the United States
Navy American ships with Marine
landing parties were in Chilean waters at
the time of the coup, able to help with
communications between Valparaiso and
Santiago, and presumably ready as a
back-up force the Chilean Navy had
"purified" itself.
In the summer, there were large-
scale arrests of junior officers and sailors,
including several incidents of torture.
The Commander-in-Chief of the
Chilean armed forces, General Prats,
was forced to resign under pressure from
other generals. Prats, if not a supporter
of Allende, at least supported the con-
stitution. Pinochet got Prat's job.
Since late July, Allende had been
urgently seeking a dialogue with the
Christian Democrats. Any and all efforts
at a modus vivendi were rejected by
Eduardo Frei, and what has been term-
ed the "Freiist coup" by the magazine
Chile Hov was underway.

Continued on Page 10


provinces.
On August 7: the Wall Street Journal
reports a total of 200 bombings and
terrorist attacks since the truckers' strike
began 12 days ago.
August 8: Allende demands the re-
signations of two air force officers, ag
military raids on factories in search of
left-wing arms caches continue. Right
wing organizations liie Fatherland and
Liberty are allowed to retain their arms.
On August 9 the Chilean Medical
Association plans to protest shortages of
medicine and alleged presence of armed
leftists in hospitals. Dentists announce
they will join the strike. Chile's 150,000
shopkeepers and storeowners close
down for half an hour to back the
nationwide transport strike. Two thou-
sand professional employees of the
Ministry of Public Works and the state
railway system schedule a 24-hour strike.
Allende's entire cabinet resigns to pave
way for a new government of military,
men, leftists, and non-political figures.
The opposition insists on an all-military
cabinet.
August 10 saw the escalation of
bombings, direct calls for attacks on
leftists and overthrow of the government
by Fatherland and Liberty. A group of
professional associations issue -a state-
ment calling for "rectification of the
government".
August 12: Gunmen shot at a bus
and truck convoy making deliveries. In
Lonoche a bridge was dismantled to
prevent non-striking truckers from mak-
ing milk collections.
August 14: The government is now
providing military convoys to accom-
pany truckowners who want to return
to work.
August 17: The head of the State
Economic Planning Agency reports the
truckers' strike costs $6 million a day.
Factories are closing for lack of supplies
and fuel.
August 18: Oscar Balboa, a leader of
the pro-government truckers, is shot to
death before his home.
August 21: Rafael Cumsile, presi-
dent of the National Confederation of
Retail Trade and Small Industry calls
for a strike of the organization's 140,000
shopkeepers and the formation of "de-
fense groups". Many professional asso-
ciations join the doctors' refusal to
work, including lawyers and pilots.
Wives of military officers demonstrate
in front of the home of the defense
minister. A wave of terrorist attacks
breaks out against the homes and shops
of pro-government merchants.
August 24: High school students pour
into the streets protesting the delayed
start of school because of strikes -
students are led by members of the
opposition political parties. Physicians,
dentists and pharmacists continue to re-
main on strike. There have been almost
600 dynamite attacks and other sabotage
attempts in the last month.
August 30: Various employers' or-
ganizations form the Comando Unico
Multigremial and call on the Armed
Forces to "adopt a clear, immediate
and definite attitude in defense of the
fatherland and national security.
Sept. 1: White collar and profes-
sional workers en masse go on a pro-
longed strike.
Sept. 2: Eduardo Cruz Mena, presi-
dent of the College of Physicians,
already on strike, withdraws emergency
shifts in hospitals. He says "It is certain,
many people will die as a result of the,
lack of medical attention; in wartime one
has to kill".
Cruz's statement was a frank ac-
knowledgement of how bitter the con-
flict had become. Only nine days later,
General Augusto Pinochetand his cohorts
would take Cruz at his word.


Clo.-U'N DOWN T.O,.;, AGED








SUNDAY DECEMli! R 9. i.9


IT IS now crystal clear that the
large majority of sugar workers
are more than ready to break-up
the iniquitous foundations upon
which the All Trinidad Union
rests. And that is true, be they
from Orange Grove, Brechin
Castle, Woodford Lodge, or Usine
St. Madeline.


And that fact, if ever it was
doubt, was finally settled by a ma
moth gathering of some 3 to 4,0
workers at the Palms Club, San F
nando, on Sunday 2 Dec. 1973. 1
event was a direct consequence of 1
continuing conflict over corruption
the handling of Union finances.
The mass meeting itself
sounded the death-knell of a
sinister- eet of arrangements,
designed to frustrate the popu-
lar aspirations of the sugar
workers, and which, for years,
have been upheld largely by
Rampartap Singh and Baitwah
Sookoo.
The workers, having re-
solved to call a meeting of the
Council of Delegates, are now
canvassing the length and
breadthof the sugar belt for
4,000 signatures, or one-third
membership. This is the basic
minimum required, if workers
are to force the Executive to
bow to the call.
Now caught in the position
where anything he does, is
bound to be a mistake, Ram-
partap M. Singh, the Union's
General Secretary, could ignore
the call to convene the Council
of Delegates, only at his own
peril.


POWER

For it is now clear too
that decisive power has, within
the last four weeks, passed into
the hands of All Trinidad
Union's .rank and file, mobil-
ised behind the banner of cor-
ruption, and held together by a
new emerging set of leaders.
Among these new men are
Fitzroy Wanza and Chandrika
Singh, from Orange Grove,
Baptiste and Baxter from BC;
and Sookhdeo and Cain from
Usine. Representing workers in
the industrial centres of the
sugar belt, where opinion is
crucial, these are the people
who wield decisive influence.
These are the men whose sup-
port was crucial to the success
of the Palm's Club meeting.
In contrast to much of what
is touted in the established
Press, the ensuing struggle with-
in the union has in fact much
less to do with Panday, and
his personality conflict with
Baitwah Sookoo, or even with
the Executive withdrawal of
office from Panday.
Significant as these issues
are, they represent in the pecu-
liar conditions of sugar union
politics, a mere tip of the
iceberg.
The real issue is that of
control. It ;s one of putting
into the hands of union mem-
bers the instruments that alone
can give them the power to
assert their will and wishes on
the union, when and wherever
such assertion becomes neces-
sary.
And it is that power which
workers need, and which has
continuously been denied them
by the governing bodies right
up to the present time.
That is why the call for
vouchers, and the charge of
corruption have become the
central focus. For corruption
more than anything else has
become the symbol of the
powerlessness of sugar workers
over their Union.
Until very recently it was
anathema for workers to in-
quire in any form about ex-
penditures, about properties
owned by the Union, and in


gar W*IsrkYI [rsIY


Lloyd
Taylor


general about the state of their
Union's finances. It was some-
thing that just was not queried
except you were prepared to
risk a good roughing-up, or an
unsuspected fleet- of blows.
These and other brutalities
have been the lot of sugar
workers, and for a very long
time, too. And the struggle
which is now gradually building
up momentum is in a sense the
expression of the collective
unconscious hope, and inner
striving,lurking for years in the
hearts of the workers, that one
day they would bring to an
end the old order, and walk in
the glory of a new dawn.
So the real significance of
Panday -lies in providing the
opening that has made it possi-
ble for the members of the
union to settle long outstanding
grievances with the ruling clique.
Panday, himself, opened up
the issue, only when workers
at Brechin Castle turned down
his request for contributions
towards a building fund. They
were not prepared to make any
more funds available to the
coffers of All Trinidad Union,
unless they could ensure that
it was used for the purpose
for which it was collected.
The question still unans-
wered is whether Rampartap
Singh, and his retainers, with
fire at their.tails, will simply
pack up and leave?
There is, to my mind, no
reason why the present Execu-
tive would concede to a con-
vention of.delegates, and sub-
mit themselves to popular
:scrutiny, or would willingly
clear the decks. On both counts
that would mean exposing
themselves to slaughter.
Above all it would mean
creating permissive conditions
that are bound to unsettle the
present iniquitous alliance be-
tween the companies and the
union. Both can therefore be
expected to be feverishly en-
gaged in starving off the present
threat to the old order.

LOCALISATION

Panday's strategy, express-
ed symbolically, as "smoking
the rats from the house," seems
therefore doomed to lailure.
And as some workers have
felt, they may well have to
demolish the old structures,
and to recast afresh, new
foundations.
Workers must now confront
the prospect of having to
actually send in their revoca-
tion forms, and so sever once
and for all membership in All
Trindad. They must bear in
mind that they are up against
Company, Union, and Govern-
ment indeed a fearsome trio.
They can afford no longer
to refrain from considering
the exact means by which con-
trol of a union can be located
at Orange Grove, Brechin
Castle and Usine.
Localisation is the issue now.


4


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Lloyd Taylor


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JTAPIA PA(.-;E 5







. 6 .- .. ... ..I ,- -sU A I)


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KEITH SMITH

WELL, the drama has proceeded
according to the script.
If the play has unfolded
exactly as we predicted it is not
because we have any special gift
of prophecy. Tapia makes no
such claim. All we have done is to
do the necessary hard work.
Watched the actors and their
roles. Identified the star-boy:
Off-stage and yet on-stage,
our voice has been placing the
plot within the confines of the
political realities. And since we
are one part of those realities,
predictions have been so easy
that at times it looked- as if we
were writing the script. As in a
sense, we are.
Tapia cannot claim any special
kind of brilliance. There is no politics
of magic. Events take place becuase of
a particular set of circumstances and
because of the behaviour of men
affected by and affecting those cir-
cumstances. There is a particular set
of choices. In a revolutionary situation
these options are gradually reduced
until the road ahead is clear for only
one conclusion. What is to is must is.

STRATAGEM

Was it but two months ago that
Williams grandly announced to the
PNM Convention that he was return-
ing to private life? September 28, to
be exact. The next day the Party was
asking the doctor to return. And two
days later Lloyd Best was already
sounding the warning: it could be
"a conspiracy, a stratagem".
But weeks before that Septem-
her 9, to be exact -- Tapia published a
booklet by C.V. Gocking, which in-
cidentally, the Press declined to re-
print in which that grand and
incisive man had shown how the
PNM's Perspectives for a New Society'
was a serious attempt by The Doctor
to grapple with the problems of the
day; Williams, Gocking was really
saying, was offering a new set of
solutions and clearly seeing Williams
as the one to see them through. That
was the man's intent, and since Tapia
rega ds The Doctor as a serious enemy,
we knew that, in as fundamental a
document as Perspectives, he meant
cvery thing that he said. Against this
background, therefore. his declaration
that he was returning to private prac-
tice necessarily rang hollow.
"Dr Wlilliams will be 62 in Septem-
ber. He is not old: but he is no!
young. He (cannot leave the political
scene with his mathematical discovery
that one Jfron ten leaves naught. He
cannot leaie West Indian nation -
f'uilding to Demas, Best, Burnham
and Ramphal." wiote Gocking when
Willihams' leaving was mere rlumour and
wishful thinking on the part of an
unp,-rceptive opposition.
vtien then Gocking saw the Wil-
liams' game plan: ".. he would have
to bc a man born out of'time, an
anachronism, one who would have
been better fitted to challenge.the old
coloniial order than to create a neew
world of independence, if he did see
that he mist !break out fomn rhec
co'nst'aitts of that structure i .
Gocking was quite definite. ".. .
uwt expec'intg that Wtilliams will en-
deavour to hold the stage inl the second
decade cofindependence". A\ week later


EASY









Tapia was already shooting down the
pretenders to the throne:
"The dress-designer will go the
way of' Richardson, Mahabir and Ro-
binson. All three, like CLR James
from the opposite ideological pole,
were destroyed because they had built
no party political base. All three failed
to understand that politics is not
government oradministration and that
political eminence is not achieved by
political promotion" (TAPIA, Septem-
ber 16).
Came October and the country
viewed with disgust the shilly -sallying
on the public stage. Businessmen and
the PNM stalwarts, ignoring Hudson-
Phillips' pretensions, scurried about
begging the Doctor to return.
Seeing it all, Syl Lowhar observed
that the Party was behaving in tlhe oily
way it could. Recalling CLR's "Party
Politics in the West Indies", The
Tapia Chairman pointed out:
That the paxty h;ai never been
organized; it was just one man and a
bunch of camp follc ;.rs.
That no democratic process had
developed .. brake on the dicta-
torial te ot the leader.
"T.;- .,; .,siness of trusting one nman
to ." *:ih to job is'the mistake we must
avoic, like the plague this time and
never make again",l Lloyd Best was,
meanwhile, saying in the same paper.


CONNIVED


So Hudson and his "threads" didn't
fool us. No matter how many nomina-
tions he connived, Williams was the
main character. Gocking, looking be-
hind the props stuck resolutely to the
position. Ripping through the camou-
flage and the cynical display of senti-
ment in Williams' farewell address, he
pointed out what only now appears
to be obvious ."I venture to
subscribe to what is now a very small
minority opinion namely that nothing
is farther fiom Dr. Williams' mind
tiam; returning to private life at this
;i'ne or at all .. (TAPIA, Novem-
bci 4).
Gocking rather tartly wrote:
"I dl(, not dobt that Dr. Wi/lliams
loves his daughter dearly, but he be-
longs to a breed of men, found in all
fields of hiumnan endeavour, who crave
distinction not '...', *,, in.y, with
twhomn "significance "in the wider world
beyond the family is a passion, and,
for whom, nor mother, nor child,
nor wife, nor lover can turn from the
main bent of their lives. Such men
oCften give love, give their material
possessions, but only ill-- health, old
age or death can cquench the flame that
gi,'cs their lives meaning and direction.
To see therefore, in his daughter's
influence a decisive Jfactor drawing him/
away from public to private life is
psychologicallyy untenable, psycholo-
gircall all wrong". (TAPIA, November
4).
Gocking exposed the deviousness
of the Address by asking some clinical


questions:
"Dr. Williams has had his retirement
under consideration for the past three
years. Why wait bfr the Convention
day to announce it? The announce-
ment could not have come as a surprise
to the top brass of the IPNM unless the
Political Leader is indifferent to the
survival of his Party. The long delay,
the dramatic timing, the December 31
deadline can only be aimed at the
country. Let the fact of his going
sink in, let the reaction come. It is up
to the Producers to keep up the
dramatic suspense and time the un-
ravelling of the plot for SOME TIME
AROUND CHRISTMAS. It is a good
time. We know that the Messiah has
already come. Can it be that we are
beingpreparedfor the second coming?"
Obviously, we were.

MANDATE

How, however, was he going to
stage the next scene? Gocking pre-
viewed it admirably:
"Dr. Williams will remain in public
life but he will do so only, I repeat
only, if he gets a mandate from the
country. The party alone will not be
enough. That mandate iay come; but
even if it does not; then it certainly
can be ENGINEERED and it will for
there are many, influential individuals
and groups, who, for differing reasons,
would rather that he remain.
"The mandate I have in mind is
not one that comes from success
in a General Election ... the mandate
will come through the media in the
form of editorials, articles, reports ofc
petitions, memoranda, etc. Dr. Wil-
liams will he called upon to stay at
least to see the new Constitution
through. It will be presented as his
moral duty to do so". So shall it be
writ ten, so shall it be done.
"A desperate gamble to discredit
and destroy' the PNMl oligarchy and to
pre-empt the /Manifesto of the New
World AMovement, is what Best called
Williams' Convention Address, in the
very same issue of Tapia. "Too late
and too cumnsily lie is attempting to
start afresh, Lloyd Best said.
The situation was ..in i,11 clear.
Observation, ijudgement and analysis
had enabled us to go into Williamns'
mind and we could, therefore, con-
fidently inform the public. More than
that since our examination of Williams'
behaviour was only one factor in our
examination of the entire political
situation, we could, then, proceed to
show why the plan couldn't work.
And we did it by simply giviIng
the man his due. Out of an a\wa:incess
of what Williams had achieved. Seeing
him iasa mnancaughlit i the inadequacies
of his personality ;nud the lemaindls at
this historical lime. Not foolish, bitl
finished. And we wished that lie would
size the option to go gracefully.
"Williams' resignation manocaiiire
clearly' assumes that the rank and file
will prevail but that is only another
error. Doctor n olitics is no longer viable


lddvmllk
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~tii~i8~esls~R '-- apC~ ~C-~-- a~rCqlll~ssYPls I I p I


PAGE 6 TAPIA


SUN'I)AY D)ECI


IM)w


. are


..ffmmb l mmh


and the middle ground cannot hold.
1hile Hudson and Robinson are batil-
ing for /the right, a gigantic, young,
new constituency has arrived on the
left. Only the DLP's share that collaps-
ing centre". (TAPIA. November 11).
And a week later, Tapia's Adminis-
trative Secretary, Allan Harris was
writing: "Whatever ma' he Williams'
plans for his political resurrection it
is obvious that they arte not going to be
carried along on a wave of popular
support. I have no doubt that there are
lingering sentiments of goodwill to-
ward the Doctor, but our hard-nosed
judgement has been a political one -
time for change". (TAPIA, November
18).

REPRESSION

Real change, at that. Because, as
Allan saw, "the people are in neither
of Williams' parties, not the old oe,
the party of tihe new elite, the PNM
oligarchs, desperately seeking to main-
tain their privileges, in the aid of which,
we have it on Williams' own authority,
they call fir total repression.
"Nor is the new party, futileljy
seeking to refiurbish the Master's image,
.faring any' better. For we are well
aware that the ways of Doctor Politics
only breed oligarchs and repression,
and that the second time around will
inevitably be more harsh than the
first ".

What, however, of Karl? As the
play unfolded, as the Super-Star went
deeper into tragedy, Tapia quite clearly
saw the old Attorney-General for the
"extra" that he wsa. His could only be
a bit part. "Williams is the valid
leader of the Doctor Party and the
reason whiy it can not be split by
anyone bw' Wlilliams is that a Doctor
Party by its nature breeds no other
leaders. Men of substance simply do
not stay for long if they join at all.
Around him Williams always assembled
second-raters, lacking the stones to
organize a boy-scout troop". (TAPIA
November 25).


NEW GAME


"MenA of Wlilliams' arrogance do
not il neckly withdraw after telling
tales about his accomplices and col-
leagues. Men who have had the rank to
change tlhe rules and bend the course
of history' do not go out like a squib.
"Meln of stature canl only die in
faith and hope, their gaze transfixed
hby wide horiziims. When it springs a
leak, a Traitor Deputy might jump
the ship noti a Captain. Williams
simply is not going a place. .
"This Sunday we will discover that
it was oInly a stratagem to win back
sylmpathly and love, a desperate con-
spiracy to get a mandate. Williams will
have waited until absolutely the last
moitenit befhcor ie ilntlrvelnes on De-
emhbe'r 2. 197. ti) assert his leadership
o. the conmvenltional rces in tlihe
country. lIe will dominate those forcess
to 1th' end andt. as he warned in 1972,
hle go eat tliem coinentionlal parties
raw. And thln it will be lime fnr
unconventional Ipolitics to plat'. hut
that is an altogether different game".
With Tapia making lithe rules.







TAPIA PAGE 7


fB f


Kingmakers


on





the




run


MICHAEL HARRIS
THE opening lines of the play
ended with the hero repeating
in sombre tones the following
words, "'The time has come
for me to return to private life
and take no further part in
political activity". The play
came to an end exactly two
months and two days later
and the words of the hero as
the curtain came down were
"So be it". The play of course
was "The Second Coming"and
it was written, produced and
directed by the Rt. Hon. Eric
Williams C.H.; the one and only
Messiah.

THE WHOLE cynical and
ruthless plot has been a
painful lesson to the nation
as a whole but it should
also provide an excellent
lesson into the realities of
politics and power for the
"Scribes and Pharisees",
the- Editorialists and Pun-
dits of the National Press.
Elsewhere in this issue of
Tapia we present a Chronicle
of the events of that fateful
period. For the Press too there
is a Chronicle, one of judge-
ments, opinions and commen-
taries which serve to highlight
in stark reality exactly how
they have been delaying a
sane resolution of the National
crisis by a total failure to
present the country with clear
and comprehensive reporting
andinterpretationof the issues.

CONSPIRACY

From the very beginning
the Press accepted without any
attempt at critical analysis
Williams' declaration that he
intended to go. In spite of
Tapia's immediate and insistent
assertion that the resignation
had been nothing but a despe-
rate conspiracy, the newspapers
proceeded to pen editorial
eulogies to their dearly de-
parted.
The Guardian editorial on
October 8th was truly magna-
nimous. They envisaged for
Williams some role as "Father
of The Nation", an elder states-
man. in the true sense of the
term. "The Nation should be
appreciative and make it easy
for public men like him to stay


at home in retirement enjoying
the privacy which they will
have fully earned".
The Express was less ebul-
lient, more matter-of-fact but
no less certain that Williams
intended to go. Indeed, in their
editorial of October 4th they
indicated they did not "care to
speculate" on the idea that
Williams was not going any-
where. They said of him ."His
conscience has spoken. He is
right then to resign and the
country must have the good
sense and understanding to
permit him to go ".
Such absolute political
naivete would be humourous
if it were not so dangerous.
For the political pundits have
always displayed a singularly
bizarre conception of the real-
ities of power and have pro-
ceeded day in and day out to
make judgements based upon
these curious assumptions.
They seemed to believe that
events occur merely because
they wished them to occur.

DOUBT

So having decided that
Williams was gone they pro-
ceeded to revel in the exciting
game of selecting our next
Prime Minister. It is not that
they did not have moments of
doubt. They certainly did, for
the simple reason that Dr.
Gocking had already document-
ed the other case in Tapia; and
that the progressive events of
the whole scenario did not fit
into their utterlysimplistic con-
ceptions of how the play would
unravel itself.
It was not surprising that
Mr. Hackett, the "Political Re-
porter" for the Express, in his
column on October 7 made it
plain that he "would like to
think that the Prime Minister
was serious about entering the
unspectacular pipe and slippers
world of.retirement".
The danger aid the dis-
honesty of this type of political
reporting is that it preys upon
the frustrations of our
people and, instead of endea-
vouring to present a realistic
appraisal, it indulges in the
most hypocritical type of ex-
pressions. And so on to the
New Prime Minister.
The Editorial Headlines
alone speak volumes. The Guar-
dirn on October 9th wrote
about "Integrity in Politics"
and exhorted the PNM to study
the farewell address of their
PoliticEl Leader. On October
10th their editorial was called
"Choosing A Leader" and they
proceeded to give criteria for
such a selection.
On November 17 they
wrote on "The PNM Leader-
ship". They said on this occa-
sion, "This decision of the
Council is of crucial import-
ance to the Nation since the
New Political Leader, who
will surely be a Member of


Parliament, will become the
Prime Minister of Tri!'idad &
Tobago ".
On November 20th the
Guardian solemnly declared
that "It seems reasonably cei
tain that when the PNM Annual


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1 06ee 6S QS 5,6


Convention meets again on
December 2 Mr. Karl Hudson
Phillips will be elected Political
Leader in succession to Dr.
Eric Williams" The Foreign
King Makers had made their
choice.
If it is at all possible, then
the Express was even more
emphatic. Possibly because he
had already decided which way
Ken Gordon's bread was but-
tered, Renwick wasted no time
in urging on the new PM a list
of things that the DAC wanted
him to do, foremost amongst
which was "early elections".
The Editor was perfectly willing
to condemn those who cla-
moured for Williams' return
and failed entirely to realise
that the clamour was an inte-


I'


I 1 'I IF' I I ;r


MBER 9, 1973


gral part of the plot.
So on November 5 the
Editorial described the IRO
call to the PM as "most illo-
gical". On thie 6th, spirits high,
we were told that "It's time
for a political purge" to get rid
of the PNM. By Nov. 8th
their wish of November 6th
had reached the point of com-
ing true and so we got the
question: "Is the PNMi now on
the wane?".
By November 17th the
Editorialists were feeling so
cocksure that they proceeded
to heap their scorn on those
who werewarning that Williams
had no intention of going.
Pointing directly at Tapia, they

Continued on Page 8







PAGE 8 TAPIA


From Page 7
disdainfully remarked:
"Anything can be expected
in a country where many peo-
ple seriously believe that the
man who has led the same par-
ty for 17 years, has been
Prime Minister for all of that
time, has announced his deter-
mination twice not to seek
re-election to political office
S. where many believe that
this man fully intends to return
to political life as a kind of
eternal saviour and that all of
his protestation of unwilling-
ness are simply cynical stage
management". Having made
that totally erroneous pro-
nouincement. they proceeded
to pick the horses for the
coming election" and dis-
missed Tapia as being out of
the running.


It should come as no sur-
prise to hear thit on Novem-
ber 27 when Dr. Williams de-
clared his assets, Hackett "the
best political reporter in the
nation" wrote the following
lucid and amazingly astute
comment: "His declaration
confirmed reports that he had
bought an expensive house 'n
Goodwood Park and should
end speculation about his stay-
ing in office".
This was reasonable sine
everyone now knows that it is
only Haleland Park people
who have the right "threads"
to become Prime Ministers, not
people who buy hot.ses in
Goodwood Park.
Finally, on November 28
the Express declared in an
Editorial that the PNM was
rahier confused 1 'while the


SUNDAY DECEMBER 9, 1973

finality of Dr. Williams deter-
mination to resign sinks in and
the arrangements for the hand-


over of power to Dr. Williams
successor almost certainly'
Alr. Karl IHudso n-Phillips are


being finalised'. The National
King Makers had also made
their choice.


',' "' _l-. ,.

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TALPIA PAGE 9








SUNDAY DECEMBER 9, 1973


Fascist


coup came first Fromage


i According to this magazine, there
'were three stages to the coup Frei had
planned .
(1) partial or general strikes by pro-
fessionals, truck owners, etc;
(2) an institutional offensive posing
the question of the duality of power
between the Executive and Congress,
and;
(3) pronunciamento (proclamation)
of the armed forces in favour of the
Congress.
Within the armed forces, the Frei
group relied on a certain number of
middle-echelon officers of the armed
forces command' who were mobilized
against the Unidad Popular and the high
command which was considered soft or
spineless.
By late August, the "Freiist coup"
had reached the stage where the Cham-
ber of Deputies had passed a resolution
declaring the Allende administration
illegal. The following release from
Agence France Presse speaks for itself:
"On Wednesday evening, the Cham-
ber of Deputies adopted a resolution
affirming the 'illegality' of the Allende
government. The proposals, presented
by the Christian Democrats, stated that
the government had violated the princi-
ple of equality before the law, gravely
limited the right of free expression,
violated the autonomy of the university,
and repressed with violence the right of
association in attacking the truckers'
union. The proposal passed 81-47.
"Its strategic importance, according
to.Victor Barberis, a Socialist deputy,
is that it 'gives the rebellious military


people an instrument permitting them to
disengage themselves from their consti-
tutional obligations'.
"In such a climate, the arrival of the
American Squadron of the South Atlan-
tic, in Chilean waters, for manoeuvres
of several weeks, leads some people to
ask if this is just a coincidence".
Miami Herald correspondent William
Montalbano, who has rather impressive
connections with the military through-
out La; in America, describes the hectic
activity of the days leading up to the
coup:
"The sources say that by Thursday
Sept. 6 the navy had informed the
army and the air. force, which itself was
more than ready but too weak to act
alone, that it was prepared to rebel.
"That night Allende met with the


leaders of the Communist and Socialist
parties and agreed to seek an immediate
accord with the Christian under the good
offices of Raul Cardinal Silva Henriquez,
Roman Catholic Cardinal of Santiago.
"As it was discussed, the government
would agree to a plebiscite on whether
Allende should stay or go. The govern-
ment might lose, but merely scheduling
the plebiscite would buy about five
months of precious time and would head
off military intervention in the mean-
time ...
"On Saturday September 8, Interior
Minister Carlos Briones announced a
settlement to a long-standing dispute
over control of Santiago's television
Channel 9. The move was seen as
conciliatory to the opposition.
"Last Sunday, Briones spoke of the
Christian Democrats in almost warm
terms, and Chile seemed as though it
might step back from the brink.
"But something happened under the
surface during the weekend, the-sources
are not clear what, to make chances for
a political solution evaporate".
What indeed happened?
Chile Hoy, in its last edition dated
September 6-13, says the second coup
was nurtured by frankly fascist elements
of the National Party and Fatherland
and Liberty. in liaison with low-ranking
officers at the head of certain Navy
units and garrisons notably in Valparaiso
and various southern cities.
Taking advantage of the political
disorder created by the Frei plan, the
fascist conspirators put together an
operational plan near mid-June based
upon a first phase of terrorist sabotage,


carried out by civilians who received
technical support from military officers,
including Navy Reserve officers. The
Intelligence Service of the Second Naval
Region (Talcahuano), through the arrest
and torture of progressive Navy officers
in mid-August, succeeded in purging the
Navy of elements opposed to the putsch.
Navy officers were the hardliners in
the whole plot. It is probably through
them, according to Le Nouvel Obser-
vateur, that contact was maintained
with American special forces. The
Chilean marines for years underwent
training at the U.S. Marine training base
in the Panama Canal Zone. This profes-
sional contact was renewed every year
on the occasion of joint manoeuvres with
the US fleet. Coincidentally, this year
the manoeuvres were being held in
September.
The second part of their plan called
for the elimination of Allende by non-
institutional means.
These two plots came along at the
same time, but the fascist plot swept
past the Fieiist coup.
Commenting on the Chile Hoy story
of two coups. Alain Joxe of Le Nouvel
Observateur notes that in spite of what
happened during the crucial first week
of September, the Freiist military men
are all represented in the junta and
government, and dissension among the
new rulers is bound to develop.
Meanwhile, Alwyn sits in Santiago
with his party whose hatred t f socialism
surpassed its instinct for self-preservation;-
his "tense smile betrays his fears". And
the country he betrayed heads into its
nightmare.


Energy crisis From Page


An attractive possible part-
ner for such join ventures,
for the Commonwealth Carib-
bean, is Nigeria which enjoys
close political relations with
certain West Indian states. Ni-
geria- has its own government
oil corporation, and is.
since the embargo, the second
largest source of imported oil
to the United States.
A second option is to exer-
cise strict -energy conservation,
especially in restraining the-
importation and use of private
automobiles. The case for in-
vesting in public as opposed to
private transport can be made
in the Caribbean on economic,
energy, ecological, and social
grounds.
There simply is not enough
room for a private car for
Every family on small islands.
Import duties and controls


could be sharply rai:.. J. .ent.
car taxes based '* '.'ei con-
sumption and engine sike ex-
tended, and the possession of
more than one car per family
disallowed.
The provision of door to
door bus services, removal of
restrictions and encouragement
of collective.taxis, and invest-
ment in adequate public trans-
port can provide a desirable
alternative to private automo-
biles.
The third option is a Carib-
bean regional investment in
solar energy research and de-
velopment, the only new global
energy source where the Carib-
bean has comparative advant-
ages. Solar energy and controll-
ed thermonuclear fusion are
the 1990's energy options for
the United States, subject at
present to miniscule dollops of
funding for basic research.


This is a luxury timetable
that a society with ample re-
serves of coal, continued depo-
sits of oil and natural gas, and
its own sources of uranium
can afford. It is a, timetable
that is too slow for the
Caribbean .
The solar energy option has
two dimensions for the Carib-'
bean. The first and immediately
applicable is the use of existing
simple solar technology for
home design, heating, and air-
conditioning. Commercially
available Japanese, Israeli and
other technologies exist for
inexpensive solar water heaters,
insulation,and air-conditioning.
The faculties of engineering
and building research institutes
in the Caribbean could rapidly
adopt these technologies to
model homes, government
office buildings, and other new
construction.


Throughout the Caribbean
there are substantial govern-
ment sponsored public housing
schemes where solar water heat-
ers and insulation could be
utilized. Handled properly the
Caribbean should be able to
develop solar energy household
devices and home-building
techniques capable of global
export.
The second dimension of
solar energy R and D is large-
scale generation of solar energy
for industrial and other uses.
This is scientifically a more
difficult and expensive propo-
sition for which commercially
suitable technologies do not yet
exist.
The costs of such research
can only be sustained at a
regional level, perhaps under
the sponsorship of the Asso-
ciation of Caribbean Universi-
ties. Even in this instance ex-
ternal assistance will probably
be needed from national and
international scientific organ-
izations.


One approach would beor-
a Caribbean egiona solar
energy-generation series of pro-
jects to be presented for global
support. The resources involved
initially would be modest con-
sidering that years of basic
research will be needed prior
to any major break-through,
What would be significant
would be a Caribbean-wide,
regional initiative towards a
project of global standing and
interest.
The energy crisis is not a
transitory phenomenon. The
fourth Arab-Israeli war has
hastened what was certain to
be one of the most difficult
problems confronting the hu-
man race in the next 25 years.
As in the past, in a world
fraught with insecurity, the
poor and weak must act swiftly
and surely to avoid being
trampled by the large and
strong. The choices for the
Caribbean are difficult and
risky but there are choices.


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PAJOtE 10 TAPIA






SUNDAY' DECEMBER 9 197-


"DEM TWO" is a two hour programme of
performed poetry, dramatic monologues,
jokes and picong, staged with lighting and a
minimum of props mainly a drum, a lectern
and a chair. The men involved are Ken Corsbie
and Marc Matthews, two Guyanese who are
both poets, actors and radio announcers. Their
aim is to share the Caribbean experience with
us, hence their tour from Guyana to Barbados,
St. Lucia, Trinidad and Surinam.
They draw from the works of some fifteen
Caribbean writers, including Derek Walcott of St.
Lucia, Louise Bennett of Jamaica, Bruce St. John of
Barbados and Eric Roach of Tobago.
First off, let me say that this comment is
based on the Friday night performance of "DEM
TWO" at Bishop Anstey High School. Secondly, in
all seriousness, the Friday night performance almost
did not take place. Because of the tardiness of some
members of The Trinidad Theatre Workshop
(the group responsible for the stage and house manage-
ment of "DEM TWO" for the two nights), came 8 o'clock
and the lights were not up. Ken and Marc were
furious and seriously thinking of sitting through
WATTSTAX. Persons wishing to attend "DEM TWO"
found themselves locked out, since it was felt that
the audience should not be in the hall while the
lights were being mounted. Anyway, common sense
triumphed over false values and the gates were
finally opened.
The programme was divided into two parts -
the second being much more serious than the first.
The main point of the performance is that it demon-
strated that poetry which appears limp on the page,
can leap into life when performed. "DEM TWO" be-
gan with Bruce St. John's Bajan Litany, which even
on record sounds weak, but Marc and Ken by an
intelligent use of pace and intonation made it ignite
into something worthwhile.
Their items flowed smoothly, with only occa-
sional brief whispering as to whether to use a script
for the next item, or whether, given the vibes that they
were getting from the audience, it would be wise to
follow onas planned, or do something else.
Ken and Marc work as a team. This is their
-strength. Neither one upstages the other. Equally
important is their-difference in style. Marc is a much
"-moref intense-aetor. One sees the tightness beneath
the laugh, the potential for violence behind the gentle
sweep of the arm, the eye for absurdity shadowing
the steady stare.
With Ken every action is more studied,he aims at
a naturalness, which is really calculated. He is always
in control of his body. His portrayal of the Jamaican
male dressed all in black, walking across a Zebra-
crossing muttering, "now you see me, now you
don't", is magnificent, a beautiful example of total
body control.
In handling Caribbean speech rhythms, they
handle the Jamaican rhythms well, though one
would have liked a little more colour and greater
complexity which would have made the language
border on near incomprehensibility to rass. Their
Bajan is weak and should be worked upon. Marc's St.
Lucian patois is clean and clear, as exemplified in his
rendering of that moving passage from Derek Walcott's
The Sea at Dauphin.
Afa: "Malice! Compassion! What it have in this morn-
ing before sun even wipe his eye, that I must take this
dirty tongue from you, eh?
And this new thing, compassion? Where is compassion?
Where is compassion? Is I does make poor people
poor, or this sea vex?
If is compassion you want talk to the sea, ask it where
Bolo bones, and Rafael, and friends I did have before
you even born ... "
I would give almost anything to see and hear
Marc do any fragment from Ti-Jean, with Marc as the
Devil of course, possibly that part where the Devil is
returning home drunk. Again, what a glorious Gros
Jean Marc would be.
Ken's cockney is entertaining, but why were we
not given some Trinidadian humour? The joke about
the rum-drinking priest and his little errors of presen-
tation on his debut in the pulpit is a good example of
the calm in Jamaican humour, the capacity for under-
statement, which is also present in Afro-American
humour.
With Bajan directions, we got an insight into the
Bajan's capacity for listing irrelevance with an annoy-
ing but comic circularity. At that point the programme
needed the wit of the Trinidadian, with his skill at
punning, his ability to extract the maximum levels of
meaning from a word or a situation. A fragment from
Selvon's writings or Naipaul's Miguel Street might
have taken up the slack there.
Ken and Marc are good raconteurs and they
demonstrate that a good story-teller must also be a
good actor, a good dancer and singer.
The high-point of the programme, for me, was
the performance of 11 O'clock goods train, by
Marc. That kind of performance could rejuvenate


REPERTORY DANCERS ON DEC. 17


The Repertory Dance Theatre returns to Queen's Hall on Monday December 17.
On Sunday December 16 the company will also be appearing at the North Wastern College, Sangre Grande at 4.30 p.m.
and 8.30 p.m.
Tickets will go on sale shortly at Kirpalani's Electric. They will also be available from members.


'DEM TWO'


ABOUT


AL


even this moribund society lost in the present political
wilderness of betrayal and organized aimlessness.
Ken and Marc are also very skilful at making
capital of technical hitches such as lighting errors.
They cleverly make it seem part of the programme. If
the ability to pace himself was the maih reason for
Marc's success with 11 O'clock goods, that skill also'
helped Dobru's I want to hate somebody today
sound stark, meaningful and dignified, despite its-
one-dimensional quality. The monologue from the
coconut vendor as spoken by Marc was also very
successful because of a skilful use of vice control,
intonation, and pace.
I am always surprised at the success that Louise
Bennett's poetry has with a Trinidadian audience.
Pass fur White, Mary dry foot Bwoy and Back to
Africa were all well done.
The programme was a great success, yet there
were areas which did not quite come off. The per-
forming of Martin Carter's Death of a slave, for
example. First of all, it is a weak poem, or to put it
differently there are poems by Carter more suited to
performance, and more suited to the talents of Marc
and Ken. Better would have been a dramatization of
Black Friday 1962.
"were some who ran one way.
were some who ran another way.
were some who did not run at all.
were some who will not run again.
and I was with them all,
when the sun and streets exploded,
and a city of clerks
turned a city of men!
Was a day that had to come,
ever since the whole of a morning sky,
glowed red like glory,
over the tops of houses.

To hear two Guyanese recreate the fragmentation
of 1962 in Guyana would have been powerful.
Next, the revival of Eric Roach's Canga Brown
struck me as a bit strained, though it did leap to life
for a moment when Ken tore off his shirt and
whipped it around his wrists held high above his head,
to suggest being tied and whipped.
The performance of Braithwaite's Wings of a
dove was probably the weakest item, since it showed
that Ken and Marc just did not grasp the degree of
grimness contained in that poem. Wilbert Holder and
Astor Johnson did a performance of Wings of a dove
earlier this year, which was also weak but was certain-
ly superior to that given to us by Ken and Marc. First
of all Ken and Marc break up the presentation of
Wings of a dove, so as to keep their thematic
structure. Thus, at the point of ... "back back / to
Af- / rica .. ", they break and do Louise Bennett's
Back to Africa, which begins -:
Back to Africa Miss Matty?
Yuh noh know wha yuh dah-sey?
Yuh haffe come from some weh fus,
Before yuh go back deh?
The break is destructive. The quick taps on the drum
and the casual lighting don't help any. A more ritual-
ized version is what is needed. Something more dread,


IS


L AH WE
a mixture of exploding silences and exploding anger.
They should have aimed at a grim ritualized dreadness
that would have invited a shocked silence at the end
of the performance rather than a thunderous ap-
plause. Brotherman, de Rasta man will never leave
you with the self-satisfied ease to clap.
The performance should aim at disturbing,
shocking, even terrifying the audience, not entertain-
ing-them-fBraithwaite's Rasta aman-is-arebele-a- high-P
priest, a dreamer, and a self-appointed sacrificial
figure, and the performance must force the members
of the audience to look into that walking mirror of
pain and suffering and see themselves, both as they
are, and as contributors to brother man's pain and his
dream of apocalypse.
Furthermore, to attempt to perform any work
by Wilson Harris or work such as Gilkes' Couvade,
which draws on myths and fragments oftime, is not
particularly wise, simply because one cannot take
extracts from an abstract and stage them. That the
Caribbean writers are dreaming the Caribbean tribe
forward is very obvious, but a play like Couvade
should be staged in its entirety, never excerpted.
Ken's performance of Mac Andrew's Ol'Higue,
was brilliant, but would have been even more impres-
sive if the lightsman was seriously incorporated into
the performance. Moreover, to provide a balance to
the music hall rendition of "Who put the rift in
Carifta", I would have liked to see a performance
built up around a calypso, something challenging like
Sparrow's Ten to one is Murder.
Furthermore, since Ken and Marc are working
on trying to involve the audience as much as is
possible, it would have been wise to include at least
one poem, which carries a chant tV a refrain which
the audience could have sung or chanted when given
the cue from the performers on stage. Such an exer-
cise would have made the performance total, and
would have broken down the division between "dem"
and "us".
In the future it would be useful to see them
tackle a poem like Malik's (Delano de Coteau's)
Pan Run; or one of Andrew Salkey's Anancy stories
from his Score and maybe Edward Brathwaite's
Rites.
"DEM TWO" has demonstrated that we must
make a distinction between the poem on the page and
the poem in performance. "DEM TWO" has inspired
many a writer, and rejuvenated a tired society. More-
over, the whole concept of touring the Caribbean
and bringing to the Caribbean people the languages
of the area, and the life within the area as interpreted
by our writers, is a means of uniting Caribbean
people.
What is obvious, is that if the politicians have
put a rift in Carifta, then the artists, actors, poets,
playwrights, and dancers, all people with the vision
and strength of Ken and Marc are bent on taking that
rift out, and drowning it in the Gulf. Ken and Marc
have made us artists rededicate ourselves to creating,
despite the insanity of Caribbean politics.
VICTOR QUESTEL


~ ~BB~a~L. L I I I I Il I i'-


TAPIA PAGC~t!





















The present Government of our country has established a record of proven incompetence, sustained over an
extended period, and attested to:
by the perpetual threat of collapse in health and sanitation services
by the persistent scare of runaway inflation of prices
by the escalation of shortages into hunger and famine
by the deterioration of education, sport and housing
by the utter neglect of parks, bol nilical igaidens, savannahsl.thclli s, muii seums, libraries, archives and
newspapers
by the virtual paralysis of administration in many areas of the public service and
by the wanton dissipation of public funds in countless unproductive ventures and schemes


LIIII !


These problems have burdened the citizens of this country and led to:
The seemingly inexorable degeneration of standards of expectation
The progressive deterioration of industrial and race relations
The utter degradation and demoralisation of the youth
The complete disenchantment of the mature
The abandonment of democratic and humane ideals and
The glorification of simple or cynical or violent solutions







The Prime Minister insists on a ..hod of politics and a manner of government
which reinforce our i'. ce, manipulate our ignorance and exploit our lack of political experience and
which are so incar',,-' or dedicating the citizens to zealous and disinterested effort that they dictate a regime of
bribery and corruption, intimidation and terror




Be it resolved that:




We, the people



of Trinidad and Tobago

1. Call a Temporary Conference of Citizens, that is to say, a Constituent Assembly of individuals, community group.
and political organizations

2. Appoint Sir Hugh Wooding as the Chairman and the Constitution as the Secretariat

3. Accept the Majority and Minority Reports of the Constitution Cominission as the working papers of the Confer-
ence

4. Establish a multi-party Committee from the Conference of Citizens to set a date for new elections and to act as an
impartial and trustworthy Elections and Boundaries Commission

5. Repealall restrictive legislation on political activity with special reference to public meetings, marches, posters
and loudspeakers advertisements
6. Open up the broadcasting media to all political groups and organizations

7. Repudiate the idea that we must continue to seek messianic deliverance through one-man Doctor Politics and
strive instead to save ourselves by our own exertions.


Printed by Tapia House Printinc Co. Ltd.. for Tapia House PJm:'shinQ Co. Ltd. 9 I Tiunapuna R. Phone 662.5126