Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00087
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: December 2, 1973
Frequency: completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00087

Full Text
RESARCi ;. -
162 EAST 7B SR
.e "FoR 21 Y
DE: "73

WHEN GOD ready to kill bachak he does
give them wing to fly. It is five years since
the Rodney crisis marked the beginning of
of the end. Millette soon rushed into another
overnight one-man, electoral party, another
command performance for the Trinidad and
Tobago Express.
Now it is the end of the end, the ulti-
mate absurdity. Called into existence by the
magic of Wooding's forthcoming proposal for
Proportional Representation, the Sinanan and
Mootoo parties will now prove once and for
all that Doctor Politics is dead, destroyed by
Williams and the PNM.
Williams and the PNM have been the richest
expression of the politics of impotence and robber-
talk, of a man declaiming to the multitude and going
through the motions of making claims on power.
After 17 years of painful testing, the hollow
staginess of that political method is now clear for all
to see. So far from demolishing the foundations of
the old colonial order the politics of one-man-and-
his-dog has made them infinitely more necessary to
conventional politics than they have ever been.
Today it is zig-zag, double-talk and divide and rule,

with a vengeance.
With one important dif-
ference. When Williams and
the PNM came in 1956, the
the energy, the technical com-
mand and the political imagi-
nation which they brought un-
doubtedly made a difference.
The seriousness of intent un-
doubtedly changed the rules
and party politics came to stay,
opening the way to the politics
of participation.


The PNM set prohibitive
standards for any now-for-now
coalition of forces, hastily
thrown together to form a new
electoral party. In fact, the
PNM has set standards which
have destroyed the PNM itself.
This is what Williams has come
to realise in the years since
Rodney first triggered off the
February Revolution.
That is why the impending
climax of the Revolution in-
volves not only an end and the
beginning that inevitably fol-
lows but also a pathetic, no
'tragic, new beginning for
The Doctor.
Hudson-Phillips, say -the
scribes, will be taking over
come Sunday, December 2.
Williams will exit from the
stage, Wooding will report, an
election will be held and the
contest will be a three-cornered
one embracing PNM, DLP and
And we will all live happily
ever after, as if Crown Colony
Government has continued
blissfully on forever.
Such a forecast is good and


15 Cents





comforting. The only thing
about it is that it makes no
political sense whatsoever.
On September 30 gone,
Williams found himself in a
historical situation where three
and one half terms of his
Ministry had brought adminis-
tration to a standstill, discredit-
ed all the instutions, demo-
ralised the nation and created a
revolutionary upheaval.
The only prospect for suc-
cession that he and all con-
ventional eyes could see was a
monstrous oligarchy of shallow-
mindpd, empty-headed jaycees,
some inside the party, others
outside but all dressed-up, cor-
rupt and incompetent, bent on
"total repression" and favoured
by "external interference".
Faced by the mess that his
Doctor Politics had created,
Williams declared that he was
not seeking re-election. De-
prived of political education
for.13 years, the country ac-
cepted the resignation with

This Sunday we will dis-
cover that it was only a strata-
gem to win back sympathy and
love, a desperate conspiracy to
get a mandate.
For Williams to stay would
undoubtedly be a humiliation,
marking him out as one of the
most ruthless manipulators ever
to have appeared upon the
scene of history. But to go
would be much worse a fate
if only because that would
unquestionably be a coward's

Men of Williams' arrogance
do not meekly withdraw after
telling tales about, his accom-
plices and colleagues. Men who
have had the rank to change
the rules and bend the course
of history do not go out like a
Men of stature can only
die in faith and hope, their
gaze transfixed by wide hori-
When it springs a leak, a
Traitor Deputy might jump the
ship not a Captain. Williams
simply is not going a place.
Every move he has made during
and since that last Convention
on September 30 has been a
calculation aimed at getting
room to play.



By the attack on the Cabi-
net and the party, on the nation
and the region, the Doctor
hoped to set himself on a plane
apart and clear the way to
"Perspectives for a New So-
ciety," Chapter 2.
The declaration of the
assets in just the latest double-
play, superbly timed to raise
the ante. To the gullible, it
means there is no ace inside
the hole. To the practised
poker-player, it means that
Williams is playing by the
golden rule which says that
the only card which counts is
the last and ultimate'and final


Stalin, goes the legend,
dominated the table because,
apart from anything else, he
could wait forever. Williams
waited 17 years before he
acknowledged the historical
and perhaps necessary error of
sweeping into power in 1956.
He will have waited until
absolutely the last moment be-
fore he intervenes on Decem-
ber 2,1973,to assert his leader-
ship of the conventional forces
in this country. He will domi-
nate those forces to the end
and, as he warned in 1972,
he got eat them convention
parties raw.
And then it will be time
for unconventional politics to
play. But that is an altogether
different game.



NAME ___


Lloyd Taylor

IMichael Harris




Keith Smith

Vol. 3 No. 48

-~---- --

The litial stuaion ore iew


PAG;E -2-


4 & 9


Lloyd Taylor on the Panday- All Trinidad issue

CORRUPTION may do it. And if it does, the backs of the
present unholy band of oligarchs in the sugar industry's
labour union may finally be broken.
The rift between Panday and the Executive has now,
and not lightly, touched the workers. There have been
charges and counter-charges as the alleged insubordinator
prepares to confront the
alleged corrupters.
GAlready the image of the
oligarchy slippery and smart
personified by General Secre-
tary Rampartap Singh, has be-
gun to crack-up..
Hanging in the balance too
is the future of The All Trini-
dad Sugar Estates and Factory-
Workers Trade Union. Founded
in the aftermath of the 1937
upheavals so that sugar workers
could have an organized voice,
and organized from above, the
Union for all these years has
decidedly been beyond the con-
trol of the workers themselves.
Now workers at Orange
Grove, Brechin Castle and Usine
e ee s rBasdeo Panday ...
have been signing revocation through the backdoor to the top
forms en masse.
Their intention is to resign instruction of Basdeo Panday
in toto from the Union, and who claims to have acted on
thereby cutting off the weekly the validity of his Presidency.
flow of contributions the, Who knows? Rampartap
very life-blood of the oligarchy. Singh and his boys could be
This is the final threat now let off the hook if only because
being held over the heads of of Panday's distinction, or ca-
the Executive which,ifit decides pacity as some may have it, of
not to hand over the vouchers holding office without mem-
for popular scrutiny, may well bership.
wind up with the Union minus But such wiliness, as it
the large majority of sugar certainly appears to be, is
workers. nothing new to Panday. The
From the top. itself, they expression -of his particular gift
(the oligarchs) have had to face. ,has within recent months found
Ian actual stoppage of funds prominence in the United Pro-
already in the hands of the gressive Party whose Senator-
Union's bankers, and upon the ship Panday enjoys while dis-.


T&T .............. $12.00 T
CARIFTA........... 18.00 WI
CARIBBEAN.-....... 12.50 US
US/CANADA........ 15.00 tS
UK............... 8.00 UK
W. EUROPE ....... 10.00 UK
WEST AFRICA.......12.00 UK
INDIA............. 12.00 UK
AUSTRALIA......... 12.00 UK
EAST AFRICA...... 15.00 UK
FAR EAST.......... 15.50 Uk
All overseas deliveries airmail.
Surface mail rates on request.




cleared L

what the

claiming membership in the -tion. is all about. Workers no
said party, and above all any longer wish to be puppets in a
involvementinpolitical activity. Union over which they have no
According to a Press release control.
this week from the executive While it is good that Panday
.oftheUnion,Panday,nothaving has found it fruitful to throw
paid dues for 13 weeks was no himself as the spanner in the
longer a member. As Mr. Singh vorks of the sugar union oli-
put it Panday the President ,archs, rallying workers from
General, was required to pay an Orange Grove to Todds Road
entrance fee and certain contri- behind the battle cry of cor-
butions upon his election to eruption, it is no 'less salutary
office. !that we remember the sigiifi-
Panday by his own admis- chance of the road that led him-
'sion has not done so. And to the presidency of the sugar
pending a new twist to the union.
arguments it seems as if the -Colleagues and acquaint-
oligarchy would be right not ances, all sugar workers, and
to entertain any quest for all anxious to put an end to
vouchers .and other related corruption in their union's busi-
matters. ness might think that such an
And this single prospect is exercise is unnecessary. They
to niy mind the most remark- might even be prompted to
able feature of the tug-o-war believe that the tone of this
now in progress. Not so much writer's focus is calculated to
because All Trinidad's Execu- rock the boat.
tive may escape scot free, but
because of the insights into the "HIGH OFFICE
character of the protagonists, j
which it provides, and which But if we are honestly
alone can determine the pros- interested in fundamental
pects for an ordering of interests
that establishes once and for change, that is, in reversing as
far as is humanly possible the
all the sovereignty of sugar present bullying of workers by
workersunions formed to serve them,
For in the final analysis then we can do so only if we
that is what the fight over fully understand the character
vouchers, monies, and corrup- f ,, th, fer wIe r arn oa ,inst

ol ein ortl
In the
mantle of I
which so
rise of le
bottom tl
,necessary t
by special
high office
doubt bee
against th
sugar work
who record
gates on
words wer
me, and y

*\S WO jilt; Up dgW M.
first place Panday
high office the
3hadase in a union
militates against the
leadership from the
hat it has become
o invite "leadership"
clause from outside.
ng the prestige of
Panday has without
n the beneficiary of
that have worked
e broad masses of
;ers. He was accorded
by Rampartap Singh
amended him to the
Conference of Dele-
May 6 of this year.
d unopposed his first'
re: "You overwhelm
you frighten me". It




was reasonable, in that context,
that he be expected to serve
the interests of the oligarchs.
And accordingly Panday called
on all to bury their differences
with the Union since he had
done so.
But easier said than done.
He soon found out that you
could not enter at the top and
take over control. Hamstrung
by the gallery of self-seekers
he had to duck in private to
'take action on Orange Grove,
his real position being largely
communicated literally in
And it is in such an organ-
isation which he entered
through the backdoor, which
for years has operated in the
interest of the few that Panday
talks about "Restoring the full
confidence of the workers if
the union is to function as a
united and powerful organisa-
On what terms? And in
whose interests? Are we to
believe that Panday is merely
interested in replacing the pre-
sent Executive? These are ques-
tions which workers must ask
themselves without abandoning
the present, struggle against
Lecture on
Aime Cesaire
at UWI
THE French Society of UWI
is sponsoring a series of lectures
.in French Caribbean literature.
The first in the series is by
Mr. Anthony Hurley, lecturer
'in the French Department of
the University. He will speak on
"The Contribution of Aime
Cesaire to Political Conscious-
ness in the West Indies".
The venue is the Trinity
Hall Common Room and the
time for the lecture is 5.00 p.m.
on Friday 30th November.
All interested persons are





Michael Harris

TAPIA'S GOALS, let it be
stated from the outset, are
unashamedly and unabash-
edly revolutionary. We are
determined to reverse four
hundred years of history
and to create a new society,
a new world.
This is the vision, the
dream that motivates and
drives the men and women
of Tapia and this is why
those political hacks whose
conception of political con-
flict is limited to the hiring
of drunken decrepits to
disrupt political meetings
cannot now and never will
understand why Tapia
keeps moving from strength
to strength, building slowly
but inexorably towards a
national political move-
The new society, Tapia's
new world, can only be con-
structed on the foundation of
a new man. The revolution, you
see, begins with the individual.
The men and women who
come to Tapia have undergone,
or to be more precise, (for the
process never ends) are under-
going a revolution within them-
selves, in the way they perceive
themselves, their society, and
ultimately the relationship be-
tween the two. The goals and
ambitions of these men have
little if anything in common
with the old and abused pro-
mises that the conventional
political parties have to make.
The freedom that these men
seek and have attained does
not have to be entrenched in so
many statutes and edicts on
parchment for it is already
written large, for all to see, in
their very way of life. A corol-
lary of this, of course, is the
fact that freedoms entrenched
in parchment do not at all
guarantee that those they seek
to protect are, in fact, free.
An excellent illustration is
the so-called national press.
Freedom of the press is gua-
ranteed by the present con-
stitution and the Press itself is
always quick ot remind us of
of how necessary a free press is
to a free society. But the plain
fact is that this society is not
free and the National press
represents the most enslaved
and terrified sector of our
society. The saccharine phrases
which flow from their pens as


they praise the role of a
"vigorous free press" are the
ultimate in mimicry and de-
ceive no one but themselves.
The National Press fails to
understand that the best way,
indeed the only way, to gua-
rantee freedoms is by utilising
them, by living them at all
times.Freedoms are not shields
that can be dragged out of
hidden arsenals periodically
and used against the encroach-
ments of state or other institu-
The incompetence, the ig-
norance, the hypocricy, and
the downright lies, with which
we are subjected from day to
day by the press are only in
part to be attributed to under-
developed conceptions of jour-
nalism, in the main they have
to do with the minds and spirit
of men.


Tapia and its many propo-
sals have continually and sys-
temafically been misunder-
stood, misrepresented and
misinterpreted by the national
press. If this were all then it
could easily be explained and
forgotten. For as an organiza-
tion we are trying to change
the very conceptions of men
in relation to the real world.
This is no easy task and we have
come to expect misrepresenta-
tions of us since, until we

succeed in changing the con-
ceptions of men, they. will
continue to peer at us through
the myopic lenses of pre-revo.
lutionary thought.


In short their mentalities
and visions are conventional
and cannot be expected to
correctly interpret that which
is unconventional. So that the
publication of our philosophies
and proposals in a manifesto
becomes, ipso facto, a sure
sign that we are ready "for

snap elections". Our intention
to build a national political
movement is interpreted as the
launching of a political party.

As frustrating as these mis-
representations are to us, they
merely indicate that in terms
of perceptions the press is but
part of the larger society which
we are prepared to change any-
way. But there is another di-
mension to the hypocrisy and
pusillanimity of the national
press. We cannot forget that
we are in a revolutionary situa-
tion of the most profound
nature, and as the polarisation
increases and the confrontation

heightens, men and organiza-
tions are taking sides for a
variety of motives. The same
threat of economic and social
deprivation that keeps some
individuals running away from
making a decision and even into
the arms of reaction is at work
on institutions, and the press
is not exempt.
It is at times like these that
constitutional provisions are
not worth a damn, for the
crisis is one of constitutional
breakdown. And it is at times
like these that the press must
defend its freedom with the
fiercest dedication.


Yet we shall be merely play-
ing at words if we did not
point out that the word "press"
is merely a collective descrip-
tion for a number of indivi-
duals -journalists, editors and
directors. So that in the end
the question of the freedom of
the press is only answered in
the same way that the question
of freedom in the society as a
whole is answered, by deter-
mining whether men have the
courage and the spirit to stand
and struggle for whatever they
believe in.
This the gentlemen of the
press must answer for them-
selves, it is only left for us to
remind them that freedom
knows no middle ground, and
as my brother Syl would say,
"what you do in the preview
shall determine what you have
in the view".








"Eighty thousand people can't
be wrong".
THAT teasing slogan
chosen for Tapia's public
meeting in Independence
Square, intrigued many
and, to judge from an inci-
dent at the Square shortly
after the meeting began,
frightened and enraged the
The DAC's hecklers had
won some fame for themselves
at the meeting called by Earle
Lewis and the "Voice of the
People" in Woodford Square
on November 11. And from
the evidence of that and last
Friday night's meeting in Inde-
pendence Square, it seems that
organised disruption of the po-
litical meetings of other groups
is part of the strategy of the
people who want to "hook
the crook with the open book".



It was when Tapia's Keith
Smith, the third speaker of the
evening was making his con-
tribution. He was stressing that
no single individual had it with-
in himself to save the country;
it depended on all of us.
To clinch his point Keith
Smith called names of leaders
prominent in the politics, and
when he said "Robinson", the
DAC hacks, as if programmed,
jumped to their feet.brandish-
ing placards and rushed to the
platform, yelling.

After a moment's hesita-
tion, Smith continued to speak
forced to raise his voice so as
to be audible above the shout-
ing of the DAC team of half a
dozen workers.
One woman among the
hecklers reeked strongly of
liquor and was seen afterwards

Augustus Ramrekersingh

vomiting all over her placard.
Tapiamen and women
moved up to prevent the parad-
ing hecklers who took up posi-
tion immediately in front of the
microphone, holding crudely
lettered placards aloft.
But they stayed on, like the
rest of the crowd, keeping
quiet after seeing that their
efforts to disrupt the meeting
were unsuccessful.

TAPIA will hold a meeting on
Sunday, December 2, starting
9.30 a.m. in the Pleasantville
Community Centre.
The meeting scheduled for
San Fernando -on Friday, No-
vember 30 has been postponed
to a date to be announced.

CURRENT political and
economic problems in Tri-
nidad and Tobago have not
led to a falling off in the
confidence of businessmen
willing to invest here.
This is the opinion of Philip
C. Nunez, executive of Business
Development Service manage-
ment consultancy specialists,
who normally meets many
businessmen seeking profession-
al advice about the prospects.
Nunez told a press confer-
ence in his Port of Spain office
last Saturday that he had not
been able to see evidence of
capital leaving the country as a
result of present uncertainty.
Reminding newsmen of his
pre-1971 election survey which
was an accurate forecast of the
voting turn out, Nunez who is
a member of the UNIP, said he
had done the survey in response
to queries from businessmen
and in the light of his own
growing difficulty in being able
to give a professional opinion
given the fast pace of develop-
ments in the country.
The findings of this public
opinion survey which was con-
cluded last week are to be com-
puterized and the final results
made available by early Decem-
The survey consists of nine
questions aimed at getting re-
spondents to give impressions
of their personal progress or the
opposite over the last three-
four years;expectations for the
inxt, three-four years; expecta-

Do you think that Dr. Eric Williams should stick to his decision
to retire from public life?
18-24 25-34 35-44 45+
YES 57% 24% 17% 10% 6%
NO 30% 9% 9% 5% 7%
NOT SURE 13% 3% 4% 3% 3%
Total 100% 36% 30% 18% 16%

Base 313 114 96 58 45

tions for a change of govern-
ment and a change of constitu-
One question seeks to get
reactions to a number of pro-
positions posed about the PNM
- "corrupt". "out of date".
"middle class," "racial" "do-
minated by big business" etc.

Nunez feels that impressions
thus gained could be useful for
assessing people's ideas about
how much an institution called
government could do or not do.
He has used PNM "as a surro-
gate for government".
Business Development Ser-
vice has not yet fixed a price
for the findings of the survey.
Nunez hazards that it will be
considerably more than the
$3 asked for the 1971 survey.
For free, however, the
press got the processed re-
sponses to the question "Do
you think that Dr. Eric Williams

should stick to his decision to
retire from public life?" See
box for answers.







IT WAS in a somewhat
charged atmosphere that
Tapiaman Augustus Ram-
rekersingh came to the mi-
cro phone after Keith Smith
last Friday night in Inde-
pendence Square.
For the duration of his
speech the DAC strong-arm
people remained standing a few
feet in front of the microphone
holding up their placards.
Nothing daunted, Ramre-
kersingh, a schoolteacher, who
lives at St Joseph, spoke with
great feeling on the proposals
for Constitution Reform, es-
pecially those for local govern-
ment and the Senate.
Noting that he himself was
a public servant, he pointed out
that the rules prevented such
people from participation in
politics or from the expression
of political views.

It was a theme that would
later be taken up by Chairman
Syl Lowhar when his turn
came to speak. And like Low-
har, Ramrekersingh declared
that he was able to defend him-
self if ever he were threatened
in his job for political partici-
Ramrekersingh's was a rally-
ing contribution which served
to refocus the meeting on the
business of the evening after
the clamorous distractionof the
DAC hecklers.
So that by the time Low-
har had followed Ramreker-
singh to the microphone,
maximum receptivity had been
gained even from those who, as

Ramrekersingh put it, had dis-
played so much "misguided
"By their deeds you will
know them," said Lowhar in an
obvious reference to the would
be meeting wreckers. If today
they have no power and they
want to deny people freedom
of expression, Lowhar said,
then we know what to expect
if and when they do get power.


The chairman vowed that
we would stand for no one,
whether government or oppo-
sition group denying us our
right to have our say.
Lowhar compared the situa-
tion in the PNM with that in
the country at large with respect
to the holding of elections as
the means of solving the crisis.
He argued that no election
race between Kamal and Karl
could solve anything in the
party when the true leader was
its founder, Williams. It had to
be solved by the issues being
thrown open to the rank and file
membership of the party by
a constituent assembly of the
PNM in fact.
So too a constituent as-
sembly for the country.
"No ordinary election can
solve the problem. When people
have no confidence in institu-
tions and fail to endorse the
government then every one
must come with his piece. They
must say let us come together
and build a political system".

Anxious businessmen

still keeping hope



S Stephens

a rt aaP .l



The Regi on



THE FINAL test of strength is underway in Grenada as
the Gairy regime unleashes all its resources of terror in a
final bid to eliminate every vestige of meaningful oppo-
;, sition.
That it is a fight to the finish with no-holds barred is evident
from the savagery of the Gairy regular police and thug-police to-
wards the recently arrested members of the New Jewel Movement.
The condition of the victims after days in the hands.of police
has,- by reports, drawn widespread condemnation within Grenada
and a call for a commission of inquiry into the police service.

But the New Jewel Move-
ment at its Congress on No-
vember 4, reportedly attended
by about 8 to 10,000 has taken
up a stance of open confron-
tation against the regime.

The November 9 issue of
its paper, reporting the forma-
tion of a National Unity C6un-
cil,;indicated that the Council's
job was'"coordinating a general
shutdown of the island and
-whatever other measures are
necessary to dislodge the go-
.NJM is therefore attempt-
ing to mobilize the country on
Measures to bring the govern-
ment down. The paper is re-
Splete with:advice and warnings
rt the poptlanon to prepare
for the.shutdown and the dis-
Siuptioi of normal supplies and.
Services. :. .. ,

Dominic a:


classes for

kicked out

OVER 100 Dominican students
are now attending free classes
organised by the Movement
for a New Dominica (MND).
The MND came to the assis-
tance of the students (See
TAPIA October 21) after they
failed to gain readmittance into
their school at the start of this
term in September.
Classes are held in-the St
Mary's Academy in Roseau
where six volunteer teachers
give tuition in West Indian
History, Spanish, mathematics
(old), Commerce, French, Eng-
lish and Biology.
MND's paper, Twavay, re-
ports an "encouraging response'
from the students. One teacher
has spelt out his aim in teach-
ing West Indian history as
". .the understanding of
present-day Dominican and
Caribbean Societies by an ex-
amination of the most import-
ant events that influenced the
formation of these societies.
"Following from this and
related to it is the second aim,
that of acquiring sufficient in-
formation, skill and confidence
to answer the questions being
asked in the GCE Examinations".
According to the paper,
there has been little assistance
from the government to the
MND's educational initiative.
The Education Department has
reportedly been stalling on the
issue of granting accommoda-
Snon for the'clsse iri, .govern-
nlmiem sccondar\ school' k-::..

An "urgent call" is made
to different kinds of workers
and people in different occupa-
tions to stand up and be pre-
pared to take action to get rid
of the regime. A General Strike
is promised.
The population is urged
not to pay taxes, not to collect
goods from the customs thus
depriving the treasury of reve-
nue, to urge policemen not to
report for duty.

S 0.

RECENT NEWS from Grenada suggests that
Premier Gairy has begun to implement his
threat to "cinderise" the New Jewel Movement
and to launch a reign of terror in the soon-to-
be-independent island state.
The arrest arid brutalization of top mem-
bers of the NJM follows the Movement's suc-
cessful Congress at Seamoon on Sunday
November 4.
The Congress decided:
* that the Gairy Government is guilty of 27
major crimes against the people;
* that the Government must go by Novem-
ber 18, 1973;
* on the formation of a National Unity
Council to supervise the changeover of govern-
* on plans the new government will carry
out; and
* on steps to remove the Government after,

November 18.
A resolution including the "27 major
crimes" of. the regime and calling for its
resignation in two weeks was adopted and
copies sent to Governor Hilda Bynoe and
Premier Gairy.

Among the crimes for which the govern-
ment has been declared guilty are the encourage-
ment and condonation of murders; hiring of
known criminals to brutalize opponents of the
regime, malicious arrests detentions and arbi-
'trary searches;squander and bobol of public
money; monopoly of the state-owned radio
station; victimization of public servants; the
destruction of agriculture; the sell-out of go-
vernment assets; giving away land and beach
rights to foreigners; general economic mis-
management; and failure to supply the basic
needs of the population.





Review of: Robert D. Crassweller The Caribbean
Community: Changing Societies and US Policy (N.Y.
Praeger for the Council on Foreign Relations, 1972,
U.S. $13.50) Reprinted from Caribbean Studies,
July 1973.
HERE is a book written about the Caribbean
from a United States perspective, for United
States policy-makers, by the Staff Counsel for
Latin America of the ubiquitous I.T.T. The
central objective of the book is to work out a
foreign policy line for the United States towards
the Caribbean, seen as a single geo-political
And while those of us working in the field of
Caribbean international relations find immense diffi-
culty in persuading many in the Commonwealth
Caribbean to see themselves as a political region, rather
than as separate islands, each fully able to exercise the
levers of "sovereignty", Mr. Crassweller has little
difficulty in suggesting that the best approach is to
view the Caribbean archipelago, the Central American
states, and the mainland ex-colonies on the South
American continent as the relevant political region: the
base on which to organise a diplomatic entity called
the "Caribbean Community".
It is no secret that the policy-makers of Great
Powers tend to view small states in geographical
proximity in regional terms, for the purpose of devising
a line of policy towards those states. Within the politic-
al region as defined, one or other small state might be
deemed more important than the remainder the
pivotal unit on which the "stability" of the system
might be made to depend; but the main theoretical
(ideological?) premise in that each unit is the regoin is
but one element in the jigsaw (system), and instability
in any one element is likely to endanger the stability of
the whole jigsaw.
Thus a mechanism or set of mechanisms must be
found to sustain systemic stability. The whole must
take precedence over the separate activities of the parts.
And in Crassweller's case, the mechanism is the
Community a concept (or "master concept" to use
the author's words) that is itself going the rounds in the
Commonwealth Caribbean (not to talk of other Third
World areas) at the present time.
This view of politics is an holistic one. Its
objective is regional stability or regional law and order,
to be preserved by, in the last analysis, the system's
deus ex machine, the proximate Great Power in
this case the United States. "There has been" Mr.
Crassweller tells us, "and remains today":
"a tradition of policy of which IUS] public opinion
has accorded its support, expressed in THE REALISTIC
CONCLUSION [my emphasis] of more than one
scholar that the question facing the United States has
never been whether or not to intervene in Latin
America when its security interests were threatened
but only the question of when and how". (pp.419-20)
The perception of "basic security interests" has

( -
I ^ /J _OC

always been closely related to notions of political
stability and instability in the identified security zone.
So there comes to be, for the Great Power little dif-
ference between the requirements of regional stability,
and the implications of the old spheres of influence
doctrine in relation to which intervention has always
been a major policy plank. And it is little consolation
to be told by Mr. Crassweller that (p.240) "fortunately,
the question of intervention is likely to aiise in only a
minority of Caribbean states".
The Great Power's holistic view of international
implies that its interest in a region is closely related to
its interests in the world as a whole. It is therefore
not surprising that the author under review should de-
vote part of his work (see Chapter 3) to establishing
the connection between the U.S.'s concern for regional
(Caribbean) stability and its concern for global stability.
The definition of global stability is closely related to
the United States" perceptionofits "national interest",
which Crassweller examines in an extended traditional-
ist discussion.
True to the holistic view, everything becomes re-
lated to everything else; so to tolerate any mischief in
the Caribbean is to give the semblance of being willing
to tolerate it in those other areas of the globe in which
American "interests" are involved. Thus, by way of
demonstrating why the Caribbean is a most important
interest of the U.S. an argument is developed whereby
America's view of, and policy towards, the Caribbean
is an important litmus test of its reputation in the
world at large,
"Generous oceans and large distances unsullied by
any hostile presence have come to constitute a felt
national interest; the country's Caribbean policy has
reflected this, and any violation, such as the threat to
Cuba since 1959, has therefore been viewed as an
intolerable aberration and an unnatural encroachment".
"So well known and SO ACCEPTED [my emphasis]
a reality is this concern that its weakening would hardly
be consistent with an assertion of continuing American
concern and involvement elsewhere (p.55) the
continuum of American national interest in the Carib-
bean may be regarded as of such significance that its
affirmation or denial becomes almost a corollary of
the largest questions of all, whether or not the United
States wishes to, or should, continue to conduct itself
as a world power, with global purpose and respon-
sibility" (p.59).
On the Caribbean peoples then, it would appear,
lies the burden of US decisions to become, or remain, a
global power. This would be, to say the least, flattering
if dangerous, had we not heard the same old arguments
so extensively used during the years of Vietnam inter-
ventionism. The South Vietnam came to be substituted
for Caribbean (or Cuba or Dominican Republic or
wherever the choice happened to fall at the particular
time). The line of progression that goes: U.S. national
interest regional security domino theory U.S.
global responsibility, is a well-worn one. And it might
be noted that the order of the progression is easily
reversible, depending on the circumstances of the
The fact is, of course, as Mr. Crassweller himself
recognizes, that enunciations of "national interest" are
inevitably subjective; and where there are disparities of
size and power between nations enunciating their
separate national interests, the more substantial of the
nations tends to resort to dictation to the other or
others. Whereas in situations of relative symmetry,
assertions of national interest kight be tempered at
the level of policy because no one state finds itself
capable of entirely prevailing, this sort of situation is
not easily (if ever) arrived at between the U.S. and the
Caribbean nations. Almost automatically, even quite
unconsciously, the U.S. national interest is taken (by
U.S. policy makers) as having priority over all others.
It is therefore not surprising that Crassweller
eventually comes to lay down the law in true realist
"The world is what it is, and the practices and modes of
perception that govern international life are such that
denial OR CURTAILMENT [my capitals] of American
national interest in the Caribbean would in practice be
difficult to reconcile with the maintenance of an
American world role and with any attempt to use
American influence, even in a restrained and sophisti-
cated manner, in support of'world order consistent
with American institutions and aspirations" (p.59)

Toasting "friendship ties with the U.S. Fulgeni

So that is what it comes down to: the world is
what it is. And Crassweller attempts to examine at
some length'the varieties of interests that the United
States has in the Caribbean that have come to con-
stitute the American national interest in the region.
Here, though he does give the concept some objective
content, especially as it relates to economic interests
and the possession of strategic facilities, he tends to
the kind of view almost metaphysical that most
national interest protagonists finally come to:
"National interest is not one thing but many; it is not
stable, but varies with season and circumstance, with the
moods and frustrations and satisfactions of the national
population and with their varying self-images ..
(p. 36)
So as the old metropolitan powers move out, new
interests of the U.S. come to be created in the Carib-
bean; and in the region, power "which is intolerant of
a vacuum" becomes enjoined with interests "by
some natural law of the international process, not so
much by conscious design as by the nature of power
itself'. (p.48)
The view of Great Power activity expressed here
is, of course, well known and easily recognisable. It
comes down to the fact that such states always wish to
assert and exercise the prerogative of unpredictability
in their actions. (This they would at the same time
deny to small states, calling it, then. instability). The
national interest is what the political leaders say that it
is, and it is this as long as there is (or there is assumed
to be) power to assert it.


So in recent times, depending on varying "season
and circumstance", the American national interest has
come to be identified with the freeing of eight U.S.
prisoners of war held in Laos, or with the freedom and
security of the whole of South Vietnam. In the holistic
view, everything is related to everything else this
at the level of policy: little things (acts) have symbolic
significance for bigger things, so they are all tied up
with the maintenance of the national interest: "the
exercise of power is attended by. or is expressed
through, a multitued of symbolisms". (p.49)
It has been necessary to devote some attention to
an exposition of Crassweller's world view his under-
standing of what the Unites States' view of the world
(and therefore the Caribbeai) should be. For it is
important to understand that this is the general frame-
work into which he fits his notions of the development
of a Caribbean Community. Many people are at present,
as we have suggested, interested in the development of
Caribbean Community, but all from differing stand-


IBERK 2, 19/.


o Batista (left ) and Richard Nixon (right )

The position of Crassweller's general standpoint
therefore puts into focus what seems to be the particu-
lar central purpose of writing this book to devise a
method for solving what he identifies as a "delicate
problem": "how to reconcile [America's] inter-
national interests with the largely regional interests of
the small [Caribbean] states, so that the former can
become closely identified with the latter" (p.428).


Within this context then, Crassweller's procedure
is to recommend that United States policy-makers
adopt, and attempt to mould, a policy line that has
increasingly found favour among a number of political
actors and intellectuals in the Caribbean: the develop-
ment of a Caribbean Community of states embracing a
flexible, cooperative system of economic organisation
(functional integration), a system emanating from the
Commonwealth Caribbean countries but hopefully in
the future, taking in other Caribbean countries.
In such a scheme (a second best solution after the
failure of Federation) formal sovereignty remains in
the hands of the participants; political unity the
creation of a single Caribbean state is placed so far
into the horizon that it becomes difficult to detect; or
as the now politically bipartisan Jamaican phrase has it,
we become involved in "regional cooperation not
political federation".
What Mr. Crassweller does is to take the second
best solution to its logical limits. First, for him the
emphasis is on flexibility institutional and juridical.
Much of the work such a Community would perform,
he tells us, should be "often informal, local, deliberately
parochial in scope, defined by operational rather than
by institutional or juridical norms" (p.323).
In any case, the Caribbean states are too small in
resources, too dependent, too constrained by a variety
of factors to support anything more (he gives us potted
histories of the states in order to demonstrate this).
And the U.S. must, given its already over-powering
weight in the region, take care not to push for more
than this.
Secondly, Crassweller allows for a very expansive
definition of the region that would form the basis of
the Community. The Community would include the
Dominican Republic, Haiti, the Commonwealth Carib-
bean countries independent and dependent, the Nether-
lands Antilles and Surinam, the present members of
the Central American Common Market and Panama,
Puerto Rico and the US Virgin Islands. Not even Eric
Williams, in his attempt to provide an alternative con-
cept to Federation in 1961, went as far as" this.
Crassweller's definition is also ideological, in the
sense that the Community would include Cuba "only

at such time as choice and events return that nation to
the polity of the hemisphere" (p.317); and the French
departments are to have only an ad hoc relationship
to the Community, because France will not let them
have anything more.
Crassweller posits. as a main task of his Caribbean
Community that of undertaking region-wide economic
planning, assisted by United States economic aid
granted in forms that are not too conspicuous. Such
assistance must not confine itself to the economic inte-
gration process "a certain sense of limitation pervades
all forms of Caribbean economic integration". One of
his main proposals, rather, (though he recognizes that
it may not be immediately feasible) is the unilateral
removal by the United States of "all commercial,
financial and other barriers to the free movement of
trade and immigration from the Caribbean to the United
States" (p.360), along the lines of the Puerto Rico-US
It is here that we get a glimpse of what Crass-
weller must surely mean by regional economic planning:
a policy which gradually brings each Caribbean country
into relationships with the U.S. similar to every other's
relationship with the U.S. So that, over time, a harmony
of policy, attitude and response is arrived at on the
part of all the countries. A system of preferences
extended by the United States is unexceptionable as
long as attempts are made simultaneously to organise
the internal coherence of the Caribbean system. But
this does not seem to be the author's line or argument.


It is in this context also, that we can understand
Crassweller's view of the relationship between the
proposed Caribbean Community and the OAS (pp
323-4). And we can come to understand how the
author can hold the view that a Caribbean Community
can undertake regional economic planning, while he
also takes the line that in this Community, the partici-
pants would "at all times and in every way preserve
intact their sovereignty, autonomy, and individuality"

This latter should, however, be read in conjunc-
tion with Crassweller's statements on page 306 that,
"The Central American countries and Panama re
linked so closely to the markets of the United States in
regard to their principal exports that they can hardly
be said to possess genuine independence of action".
and that,
"The island nations and Surinam and Guyana, con-
siderably less self-reliant, are all in one way or another
supported states".

So although Crassweller's concept of Community
bears a resemblance, in some of its institutional pro-
posals (see Ch. 12), to views put forward in recent
times in the Caribbean, his underlying premises make
these similarities appear essentially superficial. While,
for example, he acknowledges the "innovative designs"
for Caribbean integration of certain members of the
New World Group and of the UWI, he quite quickly-
sees that their regional planning concepts entail that
"somewhere along the line, national sovereignty would
have to be diluted", and takes them to task for
"imprecision and lack of realism".
This, of course, is the nub of the question the
problem of so-called national sovereignty. In order to
avoid like the plague the original solution of regional
political unity (in the Commonwealth Caribbean at any
rate), intellectuals, politicians and others inside and
outside the area, have busied themselves trying to de-
vise other mechanisms that give proper deference to
the new "sovereignties" in the region.
The functional integrationists hold the field at
the moment, though there is considerable confusion
among them as to the proper objectives of such func-
tionalism. To their Right are those, like Crassweller,
more interested in regional security than in regional
economic integration or economic growth (though they
admit that these are in some degree connected), and
who are willing to settle for the least common denomi-
nator in the hope that the United States can un-
obstrusively guarantee it.
To the functionalists' Left are those who argue
that their (the functionalists') designs are, whether they
know it or not, nothing more than objects of strategies
of multinational corporations and capitalist imperialism
in general (this is the view of Cheddi Jagan in his
A WVestlndian State:Pro-Imperialist orAnti-Imperialist).
Those who in the Commonwealth argue that, the inde-
pendent and dependent states in the south, and east
Caribbean at least, must first come to terms with the
question of political unity, are written for us utopians,
lacking "realism".
All are willing to argue, as indeed does Crass-
weller, that the "concepts and institutions and prac-
tices" relating to a community of Caribbean countries
must be indigenouss to the Caribbean" (p.311). As
far as The Caribbean Community is concerned, this
writer's view, as it has been the intention in this review
to make clear, is that the general trajectory of Crass-
weller's argument goes against that grain. All writing
on the organisation of a meaningful Caribbean Com-
munity must commence with a consideration of the
interests of the Caribbean countries albeit within the
context of the cognisancce of an American hegemonic
presence. Crassweller's one-sided view begins and ends
with the national interest of the United States.



6th Pan African Congress 1974

Julius Nyerere

The Region- Third World

MND's TWavay Poll boundaries change

continues the

good work

iWAVAY does mean hardwuk.
This was confirmed by the
paper, organ of the Movement
for a New Dominica (MND) in
its October 31 issue which
reached TAPIA last week.
In an article entitled
"Twavay Circulation In -
creases", the editors does note
an increase of nearly 100% in
the circulation (to 1,500) of
the 12 page, cyclostyled paper
since the first issue in May.
This increase in attributed
to the fact of the paper's
"trend in analyzing Caribbean
realities, which is far different
from our conventional papers".


The publishers now look to
taking advertising as a means of
gaining revenue for develop-
ment. About the type of ad-
vertisements it considers de-
sirable, the paper says:
"We shall only seek and
accept advertisements that fit
our objectives of National de-
velopment those that help
to reduce our reliance on
foreign goods, those that em-
phasis a preference for local-
indigenous goods and services
or are substitute for imports
or "displace" imports.
"In other words, we shall
accept and emphasise advertise-

ments that urge the drinking of
local Sorrel, gingerbeer, grape-
fruit, guava, pawpaw, mango.
soursop juices and nectars in-
stead of Coca-Cola, Ju-c or


"We shall accept and sup-
port advertisements that urge
the use of straw and coconut-
fibre mats, furniture made
from Dominican woods, Bam-
boo lamps, earrings, locally
made mattresses, plantain and
banana chips instead of Irish-
Potato chips or "Cheeze-weez"
or linoleum or expensive im-
ported rugs..."

BY A RECENT alteration of the electoral boundaries, Dominica has
been divided into 21 constituencies.
The Associated State's House-of Assembly on October 2 ap-
proved this new arrangement which increases the number of con-
stituencies and seats in the House by 10.
TWA VA Y, organ of the'Movement for a New Dominica which
is not represented in the House, reported this electoral rules change
and noted that it was one of the recommendations of the Con-
stituency Boundaries Commission.
The Commission, according to Twavay comprises members of
both conventional parties, the ruling Dominica Labour Party and'
the Dominica Freedom Party both of which supported the resolu-
tion relating to the boundaries change in the House of Assembly.
Calling it a "strategy for survival", the MND paper promises
further analysis.

Bookon labour out
THE UWI's Institute of Social and Economic Research (ISER)
announces the release of two new books on Trinidad and Tobago
society and economy.
"The Adjustmcnt of Displaced Workers in a Labour Surplus
Economy: A case study of Trinidad and Tobago" is by UWI econo-
mist R.D. Thomas. Price: $ $6.00
Joy Simpson's 63-page "A demographic Analysis fo Internal
Migration in Trinidad and Tobago" sells for $3.60.
For further information contact The Publications Editor,
ISER, University of the West Indies, Mona, Kingston 7, Jamaica.
Just reprinted for the ISER by Tapia House Printing Company
is Havelock Brewster and C.Y. Thomas' "The Dynamics of West
Indian Integration".

PLANNING in the Carib-
bean and South American
region for the-Sixth Pan
African Congress to be held
in Tanzaiia in June 1974
moves ahead with the
Second Regional Planning
Conference which runs
from December 14 to 16,
1973, in Georgetown,
The first planning confer-
ence was held in Kingston,
Jamaica in February this year
and it was attended by 40
delegates from within the region
and one from Australia.
Organizers for the second
conference in Guyana expect
100 delegates from the Carib-
bean and South America as
well as from the rest of the
African world.
Publicity material reaching
TAPIA lists three aims of the
forthcoming conference:
* To have the participants
from the Caribbean and South
American Region Planning Con-
ference formulate the major
concerns of Black people living
in the Caribbean and South
America for presentation to the
Sixth Pan African Congress.

* To elect the Steering Corn
mittee which will carry out the
organizational work in the
Caribbean and South Ameri -
ca for the Congress.
* To select Delegates and
Observers to the Congress.
Trinidad political theorist,
man of letters and longtime
Pan Africanist C.L.R. James is
to give the keynote address on
December 14 after the con-
ference is declared open by
Guyana Prime Minister Forbes

Jomo Kenyatta







i ArlA rAGri 9


AS THIS difficult year
scrunts to an end the poli-
tical tempo has heightened.
Many are licking their
chops in hasty anticipation
of an early election, as the
death pangs of the ruling
PNM become more pain-
fully obvious.
Williams has said that
he is going and the daily
press has interpreted his
recent declaration of assets
as a confirmatory indica-
tor. But I do not buy such
a facile interpretation of
the events. There is much
more in the mortar than
the pestle. The PNM con-
vention on Sunday may or
may not give us a definitive
answer. The game is much
subtler than that.
But amid the seriousness of
the present political crisis and
I am not talking about the
battle in the PNM as a national
crisis we are afforded some
measure of comic relief.


First, in the person of
Hudson-Phillips, that consum-
matebungler and object of
Williams' contempt. He is mak-
ing a determined bid for leader-
ship, adopting all the frivolities
of an American political cam-
paign. In this he is backed by
those bent on total repression
and the members of the
"oligarchy,". as it is described
by Gocking, with its party-
gotten gains.
Then there is the return,
after weeks of idle speculation
in the press, of the obsolescent
war horse, Ashford Sinanan.
the toothless Bengal Tiger. Just
before the tragedy draws to its
climax, the comic characters
stride across the stage, oblivious
to the realities, and serve to
make the climax more drama-
tic when it comes.
And the daily press, sorely
lacking indiscrimination, high-
lights the buffoons who are
incidental to the plot, wasting
newsprint in a time of acute

Sinanan having acted the
role of Ambassador to India
and later in Geneva, has sup-
posedly returned at the request
of his "supporters" to launch
what he arrogantly claims is a
"brand new party", as if it is
the latest Toyota or Datsun
The very conception of the
whole operation is obscenely
conventional. Outof
the country for years,
having served in Parliament
without distinction in spite
ot the chauvinistic claim that
he was an able parliamentarian,
totally lacking in political
judgement and legitimacy, he
comes to plague us with yet
another overnight party. That
kind of politics has played itself
out; it is now in disgrace,
however much certain relics of
our political past may try to
resurrect it.The party, if it is not
an abortion will at best be
Several questions suggest
themselves readily:
* What political work has
Ashford Sinanan done?
* On what basis is he being






given the mantle of political
* Who are his followers?
* What are the policies of
the new party?
* Who prepared its policies
(if they exist)?
* With whom have they
been discussed?
* On what basis have they
been evolved?
* Does Sinanan and his fol-
lowers understand anything
about the aspirations of our
The answers will surely in-
dicatethatit is "doctor politics"
all over, another mutation of
the old order.
Sinanan and his planter-
class adherents belong to the
period of politics before the

advent of the PNM, the period
satirized by Naipaul in his early
works, Suffrage of Elvira and
The Mystic Masseur. At was an
age when votes were bought or
extracted from an inexperienced
electorate by political manipu-
lators and robber-talkers.
That age has long gone by as
evidenced by the failure of the
rum, fete and roti campaign of
the PNM in 1971.


Sinanan's natural constitu-
ency is the old POPPG, but he
is so out of touch he does not
realise that those elements are
now resting in the right wing of
the PNM and in the extreme


right wing, the DAC. This is
where "Major" himself rightly
belongs. He is philosophically
and politically an arch-reaction-
But there is one further
dimension. Ashford knows that
the POPPG remnants are in-
adequate for electoral purposes.
So that he is playing for the
traditional DLPsupport which
is now, by and large, politically
He and his clique are hop-
ing that they will rally to him
because of his early connections
with the DL' and in view of
the continued political acrobat-
ics of the DLP in all its guises.
Too much water has passed
under the bridge for that stra-
tegy to make. The traditional

supporters of the DLP and
their children who have come
of age are without political
loyalties now precisely because
they have seen through doctor
All these hasty concoctions
on the public stage are expres-
sions of a fundamental disre-
spect for the intelligence of the
people of this country. It is this
kind of politics out of which
the country is slowly lifting
itself.And no one can turn the
clock back when the large
majority of us decide to take
up our beds and walk, leaving.
the self-appointed messiahs in
the wilderness.
"Major" has made a major



Revolution and the

The Chairman and execu-
tive of TAPIA:
I HAVE been reading your
paper and following the activi-
ties of your group from its
inception. Recently, I have
attended two of your public
meetings, one in Tunapuna,
the other in Diego Martin.
Permit me as an impartial
observer who sees Tapia as
possessing the most construc-
tive plans for the reorganization
of our country to make a few
(A) Tapia as Political
1. Your insistence on not
declaring your organization a
political party is being inter-
preted as procrastination and
opportunism. While I thorough-
ly understand your reasons,
people are not making this
subtle distinction between a
political movement and a poli-
tical party.
2. Tapia appears to be an
"incestuous" group which ad-
mits new recruits unwillingly.
Your issue of TAPIA Vol. 3
No. 45 bears this out in the
first paragraph of page 4, where
the writer refers to his feeling
of "nostalgia for the kind of
intimacy that we would never
know again". Tapia must fight
this appearance of being an
exclusive club.
3. Tapia philosophy seems
to be taught as a Faith. In
fact your philosophy reveals
similarities with the religious
tenents Faith, Hope, and
Charity. This is all very nice
but tends to underestimate the
real damage that has been done
over the past 17 years.
4. Despite your boast of
being a multi-racial party, it
seems you still have a long way
to go towards that end. The
only hope for this country is a
truly multi-racial party which
provides a forum for the debate
of opposing political, racial, and
cultural views.
(B) Best as Messiah:
Despite your unfailing
claim of not having messiahs,
Lloyd Best comes across as a
messiah. He may not be atruly
charismatic leader, but because
of his clear intellectual supre-
macy he cannot help but do-
minate lesser intellects.
I have also observed the
reverence in which he is held
by Tapia people. There is need
to guard against this for mes-
siahship may be thrust, upon
(C) Tapia's Policies:
1. Tapia displays a certain
degree of political naivete. In
its quest for a new politics it
tends to ignore the existing
political culture which is re-
flected in the poor attend-
ances at public meetings.
2. Tapia must not push this
indigenous thing to its extreme.
There are lessons we can learn
from other countries and other
other political ideologies. For
example, a class analysis of
society, while severely limited
in its applicability, is not total-
ly irrelevant to Trinidad and
Tobago and the Caribbean. In
fact just there in Barbados,
where the society is more rigid-
ly stratified, it is a very per-

3. Tapia should not expect
100% of our people to fall in
line with progressive moves.
Therefore, you should explain
what measures will be tried to
get a majority to pull their
weight which is necessary if we
are to rescue ourselves.


4. Tapia must state how it
will deal with religion and
religious organizations which
have ensured the total enslave-
ment of Caribbean peoples
blunting their creative powers
and energies.
5. Tapia must question its
motives for wanting to move

roim an organization that is
performing creditable commun-
ity work and producing an
educational paper (except for
Column One in which the
writer indulges in personal ego
gratification using a pretentious
style) of outstanding value.
6. Most importantly, Tapia
must recognize that Personal
Example is the best way of
influencing their concept of
change in Trinidad and Tobago.
The members of a group seek-
ing to achieve fundamental
change and moral authority,
must themselves be moral beings.
A deep sense of
personal discipline is indispens-
Diego Martin.

-the best


of the season

to pay a home

you love




Dear Editor:
My attention has
drawn to an article in
issue of Tapia Newsl
Vol.3 No. 45 dated Nove
11, 1973, on page 9 and
the name Dennis Pant
hearing in brackets at th
of the article.
This article conta
number of fundament
accuracies which impinf
versely upon my cha
and have led the reader
accept that I am dish(
that I fool people, t
represent a category of
men etc.
To set the records str
(1) Ihave never procl
any title for myself.
(2) I was invited to jo:
informal New World G
and did so. My contribi
or sin, has been to say
modern day intellectuals
also talk to the people
was accepted by the G







- iT.


(3). I never was a member
been of the United National Inde-
your pendence Party (UNIP) and
paper I am not a member of any
ember political party.
d with (4) I never preached vio-
in ap- lence, wore a dashiki or do
ie end the impossible by growing a
"fat head". My type of hair
ins a cannot grow to that length. I
al in- have "picky hair".
ge ad-
racter If you consider that I have
ers to been successful, all I can say
onest, is that it is because of hard
hat I work, clear thinking and love
smart of country. You should not
attempt to deny me my good
aight, name by printing malicious
lies and insinuating that I am
aimed not trust-worthy.
I do believe in a free press,
in the but it should be true and fair.
roup, You have failed in the ;article
ution, which is the subject of my
/ that complaint to be either true or
Must fair on the points raised.
.This E.R. LEWIS
roup. St. Clair.




Almost all your adult life has been
spent away from the island where you
were born. What kind of changes do you
think those 22 years spent in England
have made on you as a writer and as a
One changes for a number of reasons:
because one grows older, and also with
the act of writing. I do not think writing
issimply a skill you acquire, like making
a suit or building a house, and then prac-
tise forever. 0;ne is a changed man at
the end of every book one writes; one
has discovered more about oneself, more
of one's skill; one has discovered depths
of responses that one never knew existed
before. One has undergone a great ex-
perience with every sense, one has to be
physically fit you cannot write if yoi
are not feeling well, if you have a
stomach ache or a headache or if you are
depressed,you have to be totally alert -
and the exercise of all the senses to-
gether over several months does alter


I am also a great hoarder of ex-
perience: I like to think that every day
something new has occurred to me: not
necessarily a physical event, but a new
thought perhaps, or a little progress in
my work. It would depress me enor-
mously if there was not this continual
element of newness in my life.
I like to travel for this reason as well,
although physically I am a bad traveller.
I enjoy meeting people; I like to count
at the end of the year how many new
people I have really got to know, how
many new human beings I have under-
stood. So, you see, I hope that I am
changing all the time. I have no ideas
for a new book at the moment, but I
like to think that, at the end of my next
book, I may be again a different kind of
You once said that you start all your
work in a state of panic.
The panic sometimes has very
ignoble and very practical causes. All my
books have been written in panic. The
very first, of course, was written out of
great anxiety about myself whether I
had any talent at all, whether I was
going to do anything, or just hang
around the BBC in London doing broad-
casts, whether I was going to be another
kind of person.
And even after that first book had
been completed and the miracle had
occurred, there was the ridiculous panic
that occurs again and again: whether
one is going to write another book or
whether one is finished. I remember
great anger, bordering on panic, over my
third book because my publishers had

AS PART of International Book Year 1972, the New Zealand National Commission
for Unesco invited VS. Naipaul, one of the foremost novelists now writing in English,
to undertake a lecture tour of the country talking to writers, students, the academic
community and the general public.
VS. Naipatul who was born in Trinidad in 1932 of Indian parents, studied English
at Oxford under the late Professor Tolkien who thought his essays contained some of
the most elegant prose he had read. He achieved immediate success in 1957 with
"The Mystic Masseur," his first novel, and went on to win a succession of literary
awards, the most recent of which was the 1971 Booker Prize for "In a Free State".
His latest book, "The Overcrowded Baracoon, "a collection of short, non-fiction
pieces, was published last year in England (Andre Deutsch) and this year in the United
States (Knopf).
The following is an abridged version of an interview which VS. Naipaul gave to
New Zealand radio during his recent trip.







not brought it out at the time they
said they were going to. I had been
away from London and when I came
back and found that they had done
nothing about it, I was intensely angry'
and I saw myself again, with terror,
being threatened and sinking into the
void of non-achievement. So that very
evening I returned to London and dis-
covered this bad news, I began to write'
another book and miraculously, again,
that worked out. And so it's gone on.
Looking back now to Trihidad, how
much do you think that environment
shaped your imagination?
I imagine that one is really shaped
by everything that occurs when one is
young. Ithink I was greatly made by my
background and naturally therefore by
Trinidad. I suppose my Hindu ancestry
has a lot to do with my tolerance and
my sense of humour. Coming from a
place like Trinidad which I always felt
existed on the edge of the world, far
away from everywhere else, not only
physically but also in terms of culture,
I felt that I had to try very hard to re-

join the Old World. So I had this great
drive to achievement. I was very ambi-
Coming as you put it from "the edge
of the world", the ambition to become a
writer in an international sense must
have seemed like an impossible dream.
What made you pursue it?
These things always appear much
more deliberate, much more planned
and calculated afterwards than they
actually are. I went to England in 1950
to go to University and when I came
down from Oxford, there was-the prob-
lem of getting a job. I wanted to go to
India, but I couldn't get a job in India,
'and I found myself hanging around in
London and gradually doing radio work.
Then I began writing articles and stories,
and, finally, books. Now after 18 years,
I find myself committed to the profes-
sion. It was an accidental growth but it
does represent a kind of early yearning
to be a writer, though I would have
been quite happy to have got a pleasant
job in India. I was really thinking of
money then, because I needed money

when I was young.
Would you say that the awards your
books have won are important to you?
Obviously, one is very grateful for
recognition, and one is always moved
and touched by generosity. I have had
quite a lot of this, especially in London.
I would not have been a writer, I think,
if I had not gone to London. In a true
metropolis, people arc profession:?Ss,
and because they have a sense of their
vocation and of duty to ether profes-
'sionals they are very generous.
Would you consider going back to
Trinidad and working there?
I probably could go back now and
live without becoming involved, as some-
one who is not drawing sustenance from
the island. I spent a few weeks there
recently: I didn't read the local papers,
I took no part in any kind of political
or cultural activity. I was there as some-
one who is not involved in any way.
In a general sense, you have made a
philosophy of non-involvement, it seems.
Yes, this possibly may be one of my
great failings.. Because of my position as
a kind of expatriate a man who's got a
foot in so many different places and
who's able to look at different parts of
the world with a lot of sympathy Iam
unable to take decisive action on behalf
of anything or against anything: I find it
is very hard to be against. I am aware
that I have probably been rather feeble
and non-involved. Yet I find it very
hard to commit myself to a political
party or to any doctrine except my own
private values which I think are liberal
and humane ones; I find it very hard to
join a group and subscribe to everything
that the group believes in. I understand
that this too may be a kind of failing,
but I do not see how I can remedy it.
Is there any single philosophy that
runs through your work?
I am not sure one really knows
what one does in one's writing. One
knows what one is trying to do, but this
is not always the same as what comes
out. It is very much for other people
who read one's work to judge, though
probably it is wrong for them to look
for philosophies or basic beliefs. One
goes to a writer for a particular kind of
mental adventure, and perhaps there-
fore one should just look for a particu-
lar kind of sensibility, a particular way'
of looking at the world a kind of
morbidity these are things you have
to recognize. As to the writer himself,
the moment he knows what kind of
vision he has, then he will probably
start guying himself. And if he does that,
he won't be a very good writer. Frankly,
I don't think one knows what one is
really (Unesco Features)

UWI workers press for Xmas backpay

PROTEST action has
marked this stage of a
dispute between the UWI
Administration and the
Non Academic Staff As-
sociation (NASA) over re-
classification and pay in-
crease for the university's
220 technical and clerical
employees whom NASA
Starting Thursday,
November 22, workers
have been demonstrating
outside the Administra-
tion Building, and the
action has so far affected
the operation of some of
the university's laborato-
ries and the Library
where readers are not al-
lowed to take out books.
The matter has been re-
ferred to the Finance Com-
mittee which has final say on
all university money matters.
And NASA has called for
an emergency meeting of the

university's Finance Com-
mittee to be held before the
scheduled date of Friday,
Novemebr 30.
The dispute stems from
method of implementation of
an agreement between NASA
and the university to bring
pay rates in line with those of
the government service. Pre-
sent difficulty has arisen over
the method of conversion.

The problem is that the
re-classification is likely to
throw employees with dif-
ferent lengths of service into
the same salary range, and
the Staff Association is re-
questing some discrimination
in the conversion which would
take seniority into account.
Also, NASA is pressing for
a 35% pay increase based on
the converted salary rates,
while the UWI is said to be
offering the 35% increase on
the basis of the old rates or

only 16% increase on the con-
verted rates.
The university is reported-
ly worried about the cost of
the new wage bill.
The agreement takes effect
from July 1972, and the work-
ers are awaiting backpay. The
delay in payment is due in
part to the fact that the nego-

tiations for the present three-
year agreement started only in
April this year after being
kept back for nine months.
through difficulties experi-
enced by both parties.
NASA members are in-
sisting that the backpayments
be made before the end of
the year, arguing that if the

dispute runs over into 1974,
the money would be subjected
to greater taxation.
At mid-week workers were
planning action to inform the
students about the issue
through teach-ins and mass
meetings and to seek the
support of students for
their cause.


irxs. Andrea Talbutt,
Research Tnstitute for
Study of ljan,
162, East 78th Street,
:-r YORK, NY. 10021,
Ph. Lehigh 5 8448,
U. SA_____

I challenge


to the

I FIND MYSELF unable any longer to defelle
the EXPRESS on the basis of its "good int,:n
tions". The people who stand on the left ol
the political line have been right all along --
there is a deliberate plan on the part of thf
EXPRESS editor to use the power at his dis
posal to destroy any movement for change ir
Trinidad and Tobago. Gentlemen, I now eal
Mr. Editor, I concede to you the right to use
your Opinion column to press your point of view
but I have always been taught by the reputable
journalists with whom I have been associated that no
reporter or editor has the right to deliberately twist
facts in an attempt to destroy its opposition.
And you, in your editorial of November 28,
have done exactly that. To elaborate: You choose to
take Tapia Secretary Lloyd Best's remarks totally
out of context in an attempt to make one of those
"clever" remarks that feature so regularly in the
EXPRESS editorials.
You say -that our organization is refusing to call
itself a "conventional political party". But, Mr.
Editor, if, as it is your job to do, you have been
following- the statements of the groups on both sides
of the political line, how can you dispute that Tapia's
position has consistently been that "conventional
political parties" are formed by declarations to the
How can you not know that Tapia has held
from the moment of its birth that a political party is
not formed by holding a press conference, or ringing
up your paper one morning and grandly announcing:
How can you not see that if Tapia is being
recognized as a party it is precisely because the party
has been seen to grow over the last five years. It is not
for Tapia to say that a party has been formed. A
party in its true sense is formed when people see that
it exists that it has leadership,that it has men, that
it has plans and programmes and a vision for the

To proceed otherwise is to display the conven-
tional "mamaguy" that passes for party politics in
Trinidad and Tobago. It is for people to make the
assessment of whether a Party exists. Tapia cannot
make that assumption.
We do our work, voice our policies and leave it
to the country to judge and make a decision. Other-
wise, we will be displaying that conventional contempt
for our people that displays itself in the formation of
these overnight parties by declaration. Parties that do
no work, are courted by the Press, and then, dare to
Present themselves to what they assess to be a
"gullible" electorate.
And, Mr. Editor, it is because we have pro-
grammes and plan, leadership and men that we can
say that,-in the fact of the evidence we have seen, in
the face of the absence of these things, these qualities
in other political groups that we can say lhat "we are
the only horse in the race". ('onventionally, you
interpret this to nme n "'eliueIons" hut Tapia has its
sights on something inichl more fundanmntal: the
race to put this country uni a course that will save it
from the destruction that threatens.
And, Mr. Editor, we have steadfastly argued
against ''elections now". Our position could not be
clearer. Full three years ago we argued, as we are
arguing still, that before elections there must be a
Conference of the Citizens. The cry is now being
taken tip since people are seeing that before going to
the polls they must know where their interests lie -
who stands for what whether they agree with this
group or that group.


What we are asking for is a cooling of tempera
ture, a place where interests will be heard, an Assem.
bly that will be so covered by all the media that
every Harry and Harrilal in this country will be able
to see some clarity far removed from the existing
confusion, or potpourri,as you, yourself have'called it.
We say that the only way there can be a fair
elections, one that will pre-empt the use of further
violence, is for the rules of the election boundaries
and so on to be agreed on by the conflicting forces.
Only then will all groups be bound by the votes of the
"largest single group of like-minded voters" that you
And, Mr. Editor, we submit that the only way
these rules can be decided'upfo is for the people in
this country to agree upon them. Otherwise after the
elections, you will find dissatisfaction and groups'who
have been "unsuccessful" will feel they can indulge in
any kind of activity to press their point of view,
particularly if this discredited Government is allowed
to "manage" the elections.

0 0

Mr. Editor, why is this so difficult for you to
understand? We don't ask that you agree with this
method, but surely you owe it to the citizens to put
the various positions squarely, along with your
arguments and let them choose.
Moreover your hatred and it is nothing less
than that for this group comes out in the way you
describe Tapia's Assembly. You sneeringly called it
"fun", but Mr. Editor if you had read th8 documents
that were presented and which were given to you,
you must have understood that what took place
there was a very serious exercise. So serious that when
evening came we had to call a halt to the exercise.
precisely because too much was being given at one

Our Constitutional proposals you should know

well, although you have never attempted to present
it, properly or to make any real analysis. Our Manifes-
to in which our proposals for Foreign Policy were used
as a vehicle, if you like, for projecting our view of
our society and its relation to the entire civilization
can hardly be described as "fun".
Taking your cue:from your political reporter
who makes the fantastic assertion 'that it is not
fundamentally different from present government
position, you ignore it. And yet, Mr. Editor, in that
document, we make the fundamental point that we
have to arrange our foreign policy not as if we are
helpless victims of world currents but as if, as we
know, we have a contribution to make in what
surely is the revolutionary task facing the citizens of
the world: to turn the citilization away from all the
racial and religious bigotry, the subjection of hu-
manity to technology, widespread corruption etc. that
may yet one day destroy this world.
In that document, as well, we asserted the
value of "smallness" a radical departure from the
conventional position which argues that smallness, by
definition, means inadequacy and helplessness. Fun,
Mr. Editor?
Mr. Editor, once again I emphasise your right,
no your duty to disagree with our position strenu-
ously if you have a different opinion. But to do so
by sneers and innuendo is to display an ability to
grasp and analyse facts which is the hall-mark of.
great editors everywhere. An inability to deal with
issues which raises real questions about your ability
for the serious job of editing a newspaper in these
Mr. Editor in the phrase that I learned during
the early days of my court-reporting, "I am putting it
to you" that your conscience has been stirred. If not,
hpw do you explain that in practically all your edit-
orials dealing with the political situation in so. far as
it affects and is affected by opposing groups, you
spend so much time bad-talking Tapia, a group that,
by your own assessment "is not in the running".

What prompts you Mr. Editor? Is it that you
see that we are threatening an order that you hold
dear and which you -feel people will join us in
changing, if only you were to present the facts, as it
is your duty to do, fairly and squarly.
Mr. Editor, one of my best friends recently
remarked that the trouble with this country is the
newspapers. I cannot go as far as that, but certainly
it is clear that you are simply, by malicious zig-
zagging and downright lying, confusing the country
rather than clarifying issues. What, then, have you
brought the EXPRESS to?
Mr. Editor, I am moved to write this, my first
ever letter-to-the-press for two reasons. One, because
I feel that in raising my voice, I will help others to
join the rapidly growing numbers who see you as you
are. And, two, because a lot of me went into the for-
mation of the EXPRESS and'I cannot sit idly by and
see you tarnish and destroy all that we held out to
people when the paper began.
Incidentally, for years Tapia has been arguing
the case for national service. You wait until it comes
from the mouth of Mr. Burnham before you laud it.
We were the first to call for amnesty and you wait
until a group of Trinidadians resident abroad before
giving it full page treatment. What, then, am I to
believe? How, then, am I to see your role.
One day, Mr. Editor, truth will out and the
EXPRESS may yet become the paper that we hoped
it would be. And that will be one of the signs that
the revolution that we insist can be brought about
peacefully, will have come of age. Until then, you
must live with your sleepless nights.
P.S.: The Assembly which both you and your Political
Reporter have deliberately distorted and misreported
was taped. Tapia is prepared to release them.
Are you prepared to hear them before an
independent judge or jury. I challenge, you, Mr.
Editor? Let us put your "objectivity" to the test.
Here is one case where the question "who is fooling
who"? Can be easily settled. Well ... ?.