Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00086
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: November 25, 1973
Frequency: completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00086

Full Text

Vol. 3 No. 47 SUNDAY NOVEMBER 25, 1973
IT"-^ "- *' -- '" *' ^

SUBSCRIBERS to TAPIA at home a .a.."l 411 have been affected by the recent disruption of the Postal Services. Now that the industrial
dispute has been settled, copies of TAPIA should be arriving on time.

Last Sunday's Assembly. Inset Allan Harris presenting Manifesto Statement on Constitutional Reform.


red-letter day

TAPIA'S "Open House" was a full house
last Sunday from about mid-morning
when our Fifth Anniversary Assembly
got underway before a large crowd which
packed the now depleted Tapia House
and the temporary shed.
Before midday there was literally
standing room only for those who did
not get the latecomers' bonanza on the
two large tables laid out under a mango
The weather brilliant sunshine all day -
bestowed nature's favour on man's organisa-
tional efforts. The result was a day that dis-
played above all the high level of involvement
of the Tapia cadres in the production and
management of an occasion as large as the
Whether in the bar, supervising registra-
tion at the entrance, ushering or tending the
public address system, Tapia members, con-
spicuous in stencilled jerseys or recognizable
for their helpfullness, were everywhere in
evidence making our friends, supporters and
associates at home.
It was the first big job of the kind for
Vicechairman Volney Pierre who was in the
chair for the morning session. For the after-
noon session, Augustus Pamrekersingh, Coun-
cil of Representatives member, took the chair.
Welcomjng the gathering to the Assembly,

Community Relations Secretary Ivan Laughlin
mentioned by name those community groups
which had come out or sent representatives
from areas like Laventille, Diego Martin, Mara-
cas, Port of Spain, Fyzabad, Point Fortin,
Corosal, San Fernando and the university.
Welcome too were the many others who,
in a growing organisation, it might never be
possible for the officers to know by face the
more recently joined, up; the friend who
brought a friend; the parents and relatives; those
who came to check us out; the half-committed;
those who we have confidently called members
of "the Tapia constituency;" the lady in a Sun-
day best broad-rimmed hat; the gentleman in a
jacket and tie, and the elderly citizen, a repre-
sentative of a pensioners' association, who la-
boured up St Vincent Street to arrive one hour
after the Assembly ended.

People have looked to Tapia for plans
and programmes. They have wanted to verify
ourclaimabout "solid building" and "permanent
Few could have been disappointed. In
fact, even as our support overflowed last Sun-
day, so too did our plans for Trinidad and for
Social and Economic Reorganisation had
to be left out completely from the Manifesto

presentation of last Sunday. Foreign Policy
was presented in full by Education Secretary
Denis Solomon.
Administrative Secretary Allan Harris
presentedanabridged form of our Constitutional
Reform document which, for the first time,
integrates all the positions on the subject
argued by different Tapia spokesmen on dif-
ferent occasions before, in speech and in
From the lunch interval it was being said
by the people who milled around socializing
and politicking that another Assembly was
mandated by this Fifth Assembly one.
There was some disappointment that
time did not permit Community Relations
Secretary Ivan Laughlin to give his projections
for the community work ahead. Nor was
Treasurer Baldwin Mootoo able to make his
fund-raising report and appeal.
That was the debit side. But when the
Assembly ended about 3.30 p.m. it was with
heightened spirits and refreshed hopes that we
looked forward to the work ahead which of
course includes the next Assembly.







Page 2

Friday, November 23 Independence Square
- 7 p.m.
Friday, November 30 Harris Promenade. San
Fernando 7 p.m.
Sunday, December 2 Pleasantville Community
Centre, San Fernando 9.30 a.m.

15 Cents


I r -


NOW THAT the bottom has dropped completely out the national love-
ment of 1956. the February Revolution is careening madl\ to its climax.
The old regime is sporti;&l dirty linen everywhere and it is obviousto the
world at large. that the central institutions cannot cope. Incompetence
and corruption have not only brought administration to a standstill but
exhausted every drop of trust. Now that the end is coming,and opposing
forces are lining upthemselves, there is an ominous shortening of the inter-
val between the big events.
When a revolutionary upheaval is in process, the decisive incidents are the
ulnex)pected ones but the forces which prevail are those which are clinically in charge
of tlie moves you can expect. And by the time we get to Christmas, there are at least
three calendar days standing boldly out in red.
The last will be December 14 or
*some such day when Wooding will at
last report. Following Tapia's identifi-
cation of Constitutional Reform as the
fundamental issue in 1969, we have
walked and run four years of tortured
In the election of May 1971, after
ANR Robinson had jumped onto the multi-racial Shadow Cabinet.
wagon, the overwhelming majority of The only thing is that in that
the people endorsed our stand that an world the conventional pundits still
election would resolve no issue. see no Political Leader to replace the
Too late, Williams duly took the Doctor. None with the technical corn-
point and summoned a Commission mnand, none with the political pull. To
into action like apuppeton a string. It persuade them DAC is planning now to
took us full two years, up to Chagua- adopt Tapia's proposals for constitu-
ramas, to establish in the public mind, tional reform and Robinson has launch-
the independence of Wooding and his ed a mini-meet-the -people tour.
men. N It is counterfeit Madison-Avenue
Now the issues stand crystallized charisma,second hand. It gives Williams
and the choices are on offer. The not a sleepless moment. Valid new
Minority Reports which we are sure leadership must change the rules.
to have will only make it plainer that The other attempt to split the
the Report can only be a Working PNM away from Williams is being
Paper for discussion leaving the final made by Hudson-Phillips. From that
re-constitution of the country for fool's paradise of convention buttons
political decision. and stickers and Yankee gimmicks.
Wooding's final contribution would Phillips is now writing his acceptance
be to take the Chair and provide the speech. He is thinking, doubtless, of
secretarial service for a Conference of appealing to the nation to join forces
The People. When he reports, the Go-
vernment will get their chance to ask i_ ___
him to preside.
and heal wounds, to pool the intel-
JAYCEE GROUP lectual and political resources of the
Snew movement with the governmental
It will be their day to show that resources old
sovereignty lies not with them but sou o e a beautiful
with the people. Whatever choice they silken glove in which to disguise the
make,it will have big consequences for iron fist of repression first noticed by
them. TAPIA on March 8, 1970. "Blood
The second crucial moment falls a along with the soft words," we warned
fortnight earlier on December 2. On the nation then.
that Sunday morning the old regime It was not 60 days before the
is doomed to commit hari-kiri. The rules of law were being made up as the
pressure has so far failed to split the State ofEmergency went along,dipping
movement from inside even though its pen in the blood of the people.
quiet defections have for the longest Minister of Legal Affairs and noto-
while been taking place. rious signatory of the General Warrant
The upheaval has certainly exposed of Repression, Phillips, the hatchet
the congeries of contradictory interests o Rpession, Pi ll the PNMDeputy -
which Williams has held together in man, iDoctors, totikeally without judgment.
PNM. Williams is the valid leader of Doctors, totally without judgment.
He jumped gaily on the PNM wagon
that Doctor Party and the reason why in December 1969 and in February
it can not be split by anyone but 1970, the Revolution boke. He does
Williams is that a Doctor Party by its not see that history is now leading
nature breeds no other leaders. Men of him like a lamb to slaughter on the
substance simply do not stay for long altar of the December 2 Convention.
- if they ever join at all. Around him ment Phillips' hollowness is
Williams has always assembled second- pt on t, the real interests behind
raters, lacking the stones to organise put onl trial, the real interests behind
raters, lacking the stones to organize him will have to find a valid leader
n Robnso n f to t with wit and skill and political com-
In 1970J Robinsonu failed to take mand. The only candidate they have is
the Jaycee Group away to ride Black Williams.
Power to another Doctor Party. Ac- intent is that
cording to the gutter press, Robinson Wills cnnt afor to stnd that
not yet 50, has the right image constituency alone. He is not prepared
young and clean-cut, decently jacketed to, stomach the humiliation of being
on morning and swingingly dashikied upstaged and outmanoeuvred by such
in the evening he has organised political nonentities as Phillips and
the only alternative to the Governemnt Robinson because as Phillips himself
- candidates ready and a judiciously




put it, Williams is indeed the undis-
puted leader of the old regime and
the fountain of all the thought the
PNM may be said to have.
But the old regime cannot live by
itsoligarchs alone; it desperately needs
to retain its crowd support. On De-
cember 2 Williams may therefore have
to choose the humiliation of asking
for his marbles back. Politics like life
is a game of second best. On Septem-
ber 30, Williams had hoped to be
born again in an ocean of popular
acclaim. When Tapia exposed the con-
spiracy, the stratagem lost that indis-
pensable element of surprise, so vital
in politics as it is in war.
Now anything the Doctor does
is a mistake. That is what makes the
situation a revolutionary one. Ask
Charles or Louis or the Czar To
let the oligarchy win would be not

only to suffer ignominious defeat at the
hands of a political clown but also to
risk physical harm in the repression
that is sure to come after the accept-
ance speech has exposed the empty
For Williams to withdraw would
further be tocompromise the historical
gains of the 1956 Movement. The
PNM would stand a chance with
history only if the successor regime
were manifestly superior and gave
historians the chance to debate whether
Williams had laid the foundations for it.
The mealy-mouthed response to
Williams' Speech means that the coun-
try senses this need. Trinidad and
Tobago want Williams to pass on but
we do not want to destroy him. The
country needs its heroes too badly for
that. The succession must carry the
nation forward if we are to emerge
from our tradition of self-contempt.
On December 2, Williams will be bear-
ing that responsibility when he faces
up to or fails to face up to "those
bent on total repression".

Whatever Williams decides to do
on the second of December, Tapia's
response will be of the greatest im-
portance because we have virtually
been writing the script of the Revolu-
tion by calling the tune for the PNM.
Tapia is the political force in the
country with the most comprehensive
revolutionary resources both in terms
of our capacity to harness the com-

munities and our ability to run the
State. We have absolutely no military
command but a Revolution is not to
be confused with a coup.

In their own peculiar way, the
scribes are all agreed on our strength.
We are the "honourable" hard-wuk
educational party, capable of keeping
the government on its toes, having
intellectual power and "charming
people", identified with ideals quite
in contrast to the ruthless self-seeking
of the old regime. The acclaim is too
good to be true, both at home and
abroad. It usually culminates in the
unanimous conclusion that Tapia stands
not a ghost of a political chance.
Trinidad and Tobago, it is claimed,
is too corrupt and greedy for that.
At the Tapia House we take exactly
the opposite view. At our Anniversary
Assembly on November 18, our Mani-
festo did not seek to set out the
conventional parish-pump programmes
but to attack the philosophical roots
of Atlantic materialist civilization. We
stressed that Tapia anticipated no
early election, that a revolutionary
party will arise from the day-to-day
needs of people and that our political
objectives were to call a Constituent
Assembly of Citizens and to promote
a gathering in the public place of at
least 80,000 opponents of the old


One paper reported that Tapia
had become a conventional electoral
party, was preparing for a snap elec-
tion and seeking 80,000 supporters.
The inability or unwillingness of
the media of communication to pre-
sent the country with straight factual
reporting is another sympton of the
breakdown of order which it will soon
be the responsibility of the new na-
tional movement to restore.

Tapia has time and again admo-
nished the ruling party that the way
out would be to call the Conference
of the People and settle the revolu-
tion in peace. After PNM have spoken
on December 2, Tapia will have to act
on the basis of their decision.
Whatever we do at that moment
will mark another red-letter December'

Dear Editor:
Experts always expect
people to believe state nents
". What Trinidad produces
S... is so insignificant in rela-
tion to total world produc-
tion that the disappearance
(of oil industry) from the
Trinidad and Tobago or Carib-
bean scene would not even
rate a sentence in small print
in the world press".
The ordinary person
doesn'tt have access to the

The world press and

information thatthe "experts"
do, so he can't easily refute
In the October 25 edition
of "The Christian Science
Monitor" (an international
daily newspaper) the follow-
ing statement appears:
Arab oil now flows directly
front Libya and Saudi Arabia,
but much more arrives in-
directly as heating oil or other
products from refineries in

Tri;:idad, elsewhere in the
Caribbean, and Spain and
Whether or not Trinidad
produces a significant amount
of crude oil doesn't matter,
since it appears that you pro-
duce a significant amount of
final products. Also, in the
light of the present "Energy
Crisis" in America and other
developed countries, it would
appear that every bit of crude


oil and natural gas would be
I think Trinidad would
rate a few more lines in the
world press if your oil policy
should ever conflict with US
interests. According to the
US Dept. of Commerce Eco-
nomic Trends report of May
2, 1973:
American interests are
closely tied to oil and gas, apart
from existing investments, the

largest project in the country
(Trinidad) is one under discus-
sion to liquefy offshore na-
tural gas for shipment to users
in Chicago.
Perhaps someday the go-
vernment of developing
countries will take a less sub-
missive attitude toward the
US. Although our friend
Canada can't be considered a
developing country, she is
raising (has raised) her tax on
crude oil exported to the
It's going to be a cold
winter in Yankeeland.
California, USA.

--- -_^-- --- -_, l~__..n------I -- _----~-----

__ ~



of media representatives,
film industry people and
some priests and nuns got
a free show of the film
"Jesus Christ Superstar"
last week Friday.
Fortunate because the
local distributors of the
film, Cinema Internation-
al, and the exhibitors, the
Deluxe Cinema, obviously
expect a box office stam-
pede when tickets go on
sale for the Christmas
Day opening on Decem-
ber 1.
So as one of the lucky
ones I should take advantage
of the opportunity to have an
early say on the film which
could well be a favourite topic
of small and medium size talk
over the Christmas holidays..


For three years now the
rock opera by Andrew Lloyd
Webber and Tim Rice has been
much chattered about inter-
nationally; interest has been
stimulated, I suppose, by the
general context of religious re-
vivalism and "revisionism"
(Christ is the Answer) and the
new translations of the Bible
into 20th century language.
And the issue of whether
Jesus Christ was a fire-breath-
ing revolutionary or a meek-
and-mild turner of the other
cheek has been in the air in the
Caribbean too, where these
islands have been rocking in
the choppy seas of a revolu-
tionary swell.
The film version of the
rock opera, soon to be shown
here, does not in my view
settle that issue in any simple
terms that show Jesus as a
man of the "little people" or as
an implicit supporter of the
socio-economic status quo.


The "Superstar" (Ted
Neeley) does forgive Mary Mag-
dalen's extravagance in annoint-
ing the messiah; he is not
above a little conspicuous con-
sumption, forgetting the poor
for a while ("there will be poor
always, perpetually struggling,"
he sings).
But he casts the capitalists
and the sex exploiters out of
the temple with a fearsome
rage, symbolically overturning,
the camera points out, a stall
with a machine gun for sale.
Yet the Jesus Christ as
depicted by actor Neeley and
director Norman Jewison was
a bore, I felt. Those long shots
of the Christ standing still, lips
pursed, staring into space, or
with robed arms prophetically


Judas Iscari(

upraised laid it on too thick. I
felt that a believable "divine-
ness" could come only from
'portraying the Christ as a man
who rose above the fallibilities
of his kind, but not without
the struggle indispensable to
The need to establish some
extra-terrestrial connection led
to unnecessary camera tricks -
dancing, hovering, "heavenly"
crosses, sunrise and sunsets.
So that I found Judas Is-
cariot more interesting. Shakes-
peare's Cassius, Doubting
Thomas and Judas rolled into
one, the betrayer's portrayal
by black actor Carl Anderson
was sympathetic.

I saw himi as the fervent
nationalist, anxious for the
Messiahship to be curtailed by
plan and programme. He dis-
trusted the adulation of the
crowd expressed in spectacular
dance sequences and song, cer-
tain that it would lead the
reaction to "put us all away".
He saw the hero trapped by
the crowd, unwilling-fo rock
the boat which would lead to
alienating his support.
And there is that powerful
scene when he sees the tanks
.coming over the hill (Hungary,
Czechoslovakia?) to crush him
and the popular movement. He
runs, between the oncoming
tracks, straight to the high
priests who helped him see his
betrayal as a patriotic act.
The film could be des-
cribed as one running discourse
between Judas and Jesus,
carried on, as it were, over the
heads of the other disciples
who hardly appear as persons
at all.
The one Judas sees a
kingdom of this world, a ra-
tionalist who understands that
certain things need to be done
to gain that kingdom, and who
is genuinely disappointed that
a man of Jesus' obvious abili-
ties could allow himself to be
so misled.
The other is never able to
allay the fears of his doubting
disciple. His assumptions are
different;he indulges the fawn-
ing attentions of Mary Magda-

len and the worshipping of the
crowd but he appreciates the
fickleness is not a characteristic
Sof woman alone.


Judas and Jesus are on dif-
ferent scenes, and the film does
not moralize too much, I feel.
When Iscariot catches on and
finally gets the message it is too
The other characters of the
"greatest story ever told" are
1-lerod,the paunchy, effeminate
playboy out for kicks alone.
("Prove to me that you're
divine, change my water into
wine"). Pilate is cynical a n d
vacillating ("Herod's race, He-
rod's case").
Both are presumably meant
to appear decidedly inferior to
themessiah,but their portrayals

iR.I u

Lennox Grant

)t, ant i-Hero

inspire more contempt for them-
selves than awe for the Christ,
who by the time he is brought
before them has given up or
has I o s t the messianic
"chatisna", fulfilling Annas'
assessment of him as a scrip-
ture-thumbing fraud from
The villain is ('aiphas, the
high priest, the baritone pa-
triarch who follows the pro-
gress of the Jesus movement,
certain from the start that the
leader is "dangerous" and had
to be elminated.
The Christ story is perhaps
the best known story in Western
civilization. The attempt to
"jazz it up" with rock music
and blues singing, fuzz guitar
and electric organs is remark-
able for the wit and imagination
that went into the production.
The "Roman soldiers" wear
sleeveless vests and hardhats:
they carry ancient pitchforks

I n 1m

and tommy guns.Herod cavorts
on a lake platform amidst a
chorus line of zanily costumed,
multi-racial girls.


Tlhec are no conventional
houses; the high priests' council
meets on wood and n-etal
scaffolding, a temporary re-
movable power structure built
and kept standing by the hard-
latted imperial troops; the
action takes place against the
background of Israeli scenery
- desert sands, stupendous
rock formations, ancient ruins
and lush garden of Gethsenmaiie
Much feast for the senses -
songs, dance and scenes. If
amidst it all the message that
comes through to me is tenuous,
I can't blame the film alone.
But 1 enjoyed it.

1a0- t 1 --t-fE7 1 9 1 I 9:= .



i ou always

wanted her to

( seew..


makes it easy -

and an ideal

Gift too.



hi JIE IllI ii%

;-- -- -


"c~~""~;~ ii~'d $ r.







Lloyd Best on

Constituent Assembly.

WHEN THE State breaks down, when the State cracks up, it can be put together again
only by the people. You have to call the multitude together and put the issues, otherwise
you are running an absolute State. You are running something, but you aren't running
That, as Tapia Secretary Lloyd Best told the Fifth Anniversary Assembly was the
driving reason behind our call for a Constituent Assembly a gathering of the people. We
had called for it full three years ago, and now that the State was being seen to crack up,
the cry was being taken up: Call the People. Let there be a Conference of Citizens.
"Because," Best said, "an election can solve no issue".
"If you go to the Governor-General and say the answer is elections, then you are saying that
sovereignty lies with the queen the Governor General or the Prime Minister. But the issue was'
precisely one of sovereignty who is in charge here? Who is the boss?"
Is it the Prime Minister and his troops? Is it the group of people, that relatively small group that
has enjoyed the "gravy" of 17 years of PNM rule. Or is it the large majority of citizens looking for a
new morning?
Tapia, when we looked at the country's past, when we analysed it, saw that the issue had always
been where does the sovereignty lie? Historically, government, and change had always come from
One of our citizens in Tobago had put it very succintly during a Meeting of the Constitition
Commission. "The trouble with the system of government and politics in the West Indies isthat it has
always been upside down". Tapia borrowed the line in fact we made it the first sentence in the
document outlining our proposals for Constitution Reform.
"We have never had democracy in the West Indies. We have always been getting constitutional
change from above. We have to put the people in charge for the first time, and that is why we are calling
for a Constituent Assembly of the People.
"Before a prior resolution

of the constitutional question
an election is operationally in-
significant (because neither
Williams nor Hudson Phillips
would call an election when all
'the bacchanal of the PNM was
in the public square), ideolo.
gically unnecessary and in fact
positively harmful to the coun-
try," the Tapia secretary said.
He projected a picture of
the turn the Constituent As-
sembly would take.
"We say call the Assembly
Put Wooding in the Chair. We
don't agree with him. We don't
agree with the philosophical
positions of some of the mem-
bers of the Commission, as
Denis Solomon told you in his
brilliant document on "Foreign
Policy," but they are indepen-
dent and competent men so
put Wooding in the Chair and
let the Commission act as the

Best was referring to Solo-
mon's insistence that "Tapia
rejects the facile cynicism or
the defeatism of those who
have proclaimed that wherever
there are racially mixed com-
munities there must be racial
antagonism: we find completely
odious that psuedo-science
which defines leadership in
terms of pecking order".
But the point was that
Wooding and the rest of the
Commission would be of purely
technical importance in the
Assembly. Who would be im-
portant would be "all the
groups, every tinker, and tailor
and candle-stick maker- invite
everybody and let them put
their positions".
The result would -be "an
alignment of forces. People,

will take positions. "And it is
so you form a political party.
You can't form a Party with a
Press Conference or waking up
-afid calling the Guardian one
"We ent forming no party
here. The Party must arise out
of the needs of the people -
Granger was quite right. When
they come and hold on to
you, that is the Party. So we
are not making any announce-
ment about any Party we go
form. The Party exists and it
exists when you see it. When it
is making a political impact on
the country, that is it. So
everytime Tapia goes along the
Scribes and Pharisees in the
daily press say 'Tapia ent in


"We ent say we in politics
and they saying we in politics
now,because everyday the signi-
ficance of Tapia as a solution
for the political problems of
the country is becoming clearer,
to everybody. They are seeing
the political party in the making
and all the tributaries rolling in
to make a roaring torrent.

"Everyday the significance
of Tapia as a solution to the
country is becoming clearer".
But to quote Martin Carter, as
Best did, we have been five
years in "the nigger yard of
yesterday, leaping from the
oppressor's hate and scorn of
ourselves in much the same
way as those countless Carib-
bean generations have been
leaping in the 500 years we
have beenherein the wilderness


The Tapia Secretary called
the group "the embodiment of
the movement towards the
promised land. That is not oui
boast, it is our responsibility,"
he said. "And we have won our
deliverance not by the out-
moded doctor politics, but by
each of us taking up our beds
and walking.
"We said ring the bell and
call the people. "And look (at
the 500 packed into the Tapia
House) our cup runneth over.
The February Revolution is
moving to its climax:
"Four years ago the editorial
writers in, the daily Press were
saying that the Government

would be in power for the next
20 years.
"Three years ago they were
offering perspectives for a new
"Two years ago the little
king was saying that there was
no crisis, there had been no
crisis and he did not anticipate
"One year ago, the doctor
was going to eat we raw.
"Now he doesn't know
whether he is coming or going.
The Revolution was draw-
ing to a climax. Because revo-
lutions when they come have
to do two things.


The first is necessarily ne-
gative "establishing a new
order but beginning by reject-
ing the old. And before the
revolution could reachits climax
it must pass through the posi-
tive, stage, and before this
reaches its high-point the coun-
try had to learn its conscious-
ness had to grow".
And Tapia had come two
years before the events of 1970
with a new philosophical and
a new sociological position that
recognized the historicalcondi-
tions of our people.
"The revolution is not de-
termined in advance. It is deter-
mined by what we do. We are
in the process now of lining up
the forces, of identifying issues,
of forcing men to think and
read and reflect in the private
recesses of their homes, to
hold discourse in the rumshops,
in the taxis, in the church, in
the streets, up and down the

land. We have spent the last
three years prompting the coun-
try to take positions.


"In the course of the
February Revolution the coun-
try has been shaping its con-
sciousness, recasting its spirit,
lining up the forces, finding its
way forward this way or
that. On the left, the forces led
by Tapia, refusing to compro-
mise with the conventions of
the old,of playing with people's
ignorance, of manipulating
them by images in the Press.
"Can you imagine an organ-
ization more professional than
Tapia. Clinical, objective, con-
fident in every dimension, mak-
ingjudgements week after week
that come true and they have
the blasted impertinence -
those scribes to say that we
are not in the running. We are
the only horse. And the time
to be in front is at the end".
On the right was Robinson,
Minister of Finance at the
height of the corruption. He
had failed to give an account
of his stewardship, left tlie

Party opportunistically be-
cause he thought he could ride
the back of Black Power, so
lacking in judgement that he is
calling the country every day
to do something foolish: Go-
vernment must pay back taxes
by August 31 or they must go.
Don't go to work on November


Who remembers them now?
On the right as well is the
right-wing of the PNM, corrupt,
bent on total repression.
Williams, himself had warned
the country about them and
their intent.
And that was the historical
dilemma of the man.
"Williams is a valid political
personality belonging to a gene-
ration that has gone. When he
arrived on the public place he
changed the rules. When he
came he made a difference. He
failed in many important ways,
but a valid political personality
sensestheauthentic possibilities
of the time. Williams under-
stands that the rules have got
to change again. The rules have
got to change again he is
therefore unable to align him-
self with the forces of reaction;


Williams knows that he has
to dissociate himself from
that. That is what his Conven-
tion Speech meant. He there-
fore seeks to occupy the middle
ground. He is torn between

two worias occupying the
middle ground, pulled here,
pulled there. On the one side,
the oligarchy, or more import-
ant, the men whose conscious-
ness are set in the past. On the
other, the forces of the revolu-


What the Constituent As-
sembly would do, Best said,
was to line up the forces finally.
"We called for it in 1970,
and we call for it again. We
call for it because we under-
stand that if the balance sheet
of blood is not to run like
rivers in the streets of Port of
Spain, the little king must call
it. And if he doesn't. I will.
"And if the programme that
Tapia has been outlining, the
diagnoses and the prescriptions
we have been making, the way
we have conducted ourselves -
if that is what the country
wants what the country is
looking for then we will be-
come the revolutionary centre
of the Caribbean." Best said.

Cont'd on Page 10





*~ L*F*A--*^ami 3 i^sI C sY s^hr

WE MUST now extend our involvement into
the foreign field. The wider world is not new
to Tapia because we are the strongest child
of the New World Moveinent. Our Foreign
Policy flows naturally out of our earlier history.
Its objectives merely reflect the vision we have
come to share:
To bring a new world into existence by rejecting
the mercantilist division of the ole into spheres
of influence by and reversing the dissection of
it into irrational segments; in this way to
demolish thebasis ofimperialismand colonialism.
To persuade people of the value of smallness,
intimacy and face-to-face relationships.
To abolish the colonial notion that large-scale
industrial technology and large-scale capitalist
or socialist organisation are the basis for human
To force back racial and religious bigotry in the
relations between peoples.
To create a Caribbean State in the Caribbean
by uniting all the English-speaking countries
into a single participatory democracy and to
promote a closer collaboration between this
State and the French, Spanish and Dutch-speak-
ing peoples who share a similar heritage.
These are by no means airy projects because,
unlike the alternative projects for Caribbean integra-
tion, they are anchored in our theory and practice at


In his "farewell" speech, Eric Williams has
claimed that not only has the move towards Carib-
bean integration failed, but that we may even be
reverting to colonialism. There is considerable truth
in this because wherever the Governments have fallen
for the strategy of industrialisation by invitation, the
self-confidence of the people has been destroyed and
metropolitan power has grown fat on the mendicancy,
the obsequiousness and the downright kowtowing.
The reason the attempt at a West Indies
Federation failed was that the leaders Williams,
above all could not break away from their psycho-
logical and intellectual dependence on the conditions
formed during the colonial experience. In Trinidad
and Tobago, in particular, we have been able neither
to perceive the opportunity for fruitful action in the
regional field, nor to prepare the internal requisites for
taking the chances when,they come. The Federation
failed mainly because we had had no experience of
local government and democratic participation inside
the single islands. The stridently centralist plans which
were promoted from Port of Spain offered only a
new imperialism and offended the West Indian instinct
for freedom.
A good example of our failure is Cuba which, in
its attempts at liberation, has leapt from one camp
to another and imposed on itself a Soviet view of
change, in disregard of its own surroundings and
character. That this was no simple parochial failing is
proven by Trinidad's matching folly in declaring in
1960 for ."the Western side of the curtain".
Tapia intends to reverse these failures by out-
lining a series of specific measures and devising
strategies and, tactics for their successive realisation.
Tapia proposes to work for Caribbean integra-
tion at a number of different levels. Not only will we
promote regional economic integration to embrace all
the Greater and Lesser Antilles as well as Guyana,
Venezuela and other territories on the Caribbean
littoral, but we will aim at the creation of an Eastern
SCaribbean, a West Indian and perhaps even a Caribbean
nation state, to be achieved in successive stages.

The motivation needs to be, grasped because it
discards the orthodox economic argument. No matter
how necessary it is for markets to expand and for
freer trade to develop, it is for another reason that
West Indians hunger for Caribbean integration. We are
impelled to come together by the rootlessness and
the personality dislocation which we have suffered
during and since the rigours of the Middle Passage.
Black Power even tended to look to the whole of
Afro-America because it is in search of a larger home.
The African in the New World has not been
sure of his place. He has been uncertain as to where
he belongs. Black West Indian Governments have not
had the sense of security to permit true participation
and open democracy; they have run, instead, tight,
twisted and tortured regimes.
In particular, the Government of Trinidad and
Tobago, although it preached a genuine multiracialism,
failed signally to show generosity to theIndianracial
minority. The PNM have been afraid to develop
agriculture, the necessary first step for the emergence
of indigenous manufacturing industry all for fear of
"an Indian takeover".
As the African learns that the West Indies is
the only place outside of Africa where it is feasible to
achieve Black Power, and once he achieves that
power and wins his confidence back, he will adopt a
philosophy to convince the minority ]peoples that a
reasonable place for them is assured. Without this
assurance to minority peoples the objective of a new
and humane society becomes an impossible one.
Tapia's regional policy aims to pave the way for
such assurance:


Our first step will be to draw the Eastern
Caribbean countries together, for which purpose we
will immediately upon embarking on our scheme for
full employment, throw our doors open to unrestrict-
ed immigration from that area. In any event, we will
abolish work permit requirements for all bona fide
English-speaking West Indians and give preferred
treatment to those from other islands.


At the level of CARICOM, we will abandon the
policy of focussing on matters of trade and turn our

attention to regional collaboration in the reorganisa-
tion of production especially in regard to such staple
exports as sugar, bananas, petroleum, bauxiec. citrus
and cocoa. The new approach would imnmedi:'iclvl
open serious questions about integrated p!-:ji'g :n,
administration, about a regional payment: ',10; j;
and about regional education and national service.
regional defence against imperialist invasion Io project
multi-national corporations, and regional diploinmcy
as an alternative to regional defence.


The pursuit of these v i.:-, a.,i :.te. '
simultaneous settlement wi ;t :W..'..
Brazil, and the European power ..: :ve :
interests in the region.
in practical terms, we .. ; i'.;: ,...
that would ring both Cuba P ..
into the Caribbean. The Am, ....
to normnaiise relations with l' ,
Rico her independence .s par .: .ia iii' .u'iuld:
bring in Venezuela. Santo Do i ;. nd !! :iii :
stable CARICOM Planning (.:o::: :in, :' heii
English. Dutch and lFrenc.',h sp. .:: ; :':: :
plan may become c l_ ,. :" 'e: {he: :.il :;-
off might be aactic bot h: d -:
Union as one whole "subver:" **;'ve;.
either power would be imposibi.. is u. I p t .::
the chance.


This Caribbean policy of West Indian natior.-
hood via an immediate Eastern Caribbean Union ;nid
of Caribbean economic integration as part of a settle-
ment of the great-power question, provides the
background against which ti r egtiate vwilth tIe
European Community: the so-cal!led Soviet Bi'.l.': v.'v
OPECand the Eastern Mcdicerantrai,: vill si !h1 n avel-
string areas as India. P:kis:iNi, Ba:: I) h-.. Sri i.i :
with East and We, Al'rica: wviii (:iia: as et .
with the White Brilit h Ct'ommol. :.'aith ii l!he
largely black non-aligned coiuntiics.
The Caribbean background ;iso trramn-es o(r
diplomacy in regard to specific economic and cul iljin
interests such as the sale of sugar and petroleumm,
access to markets for new manufactures. cultural
exchange for educational and technical purpo;c,, etc.
"The Means" See Page 8




FOREIGN POLICY more than any other
area puts the Tapia vision to the test. Even
as we insist on making a penetrating analysis
of our situation in relation to the rest of the
world both now and in the past we must
strive to free our minds from the preconcep-
tions offered by metropolitan packages of
thought, to repudiate from the outset the
ritual interpretations and the stock formula-
tions which are only the opiate of the mind-
less colonial.
To arrive at fruitful decisions in foreign
policy our Movement must evaluate Caribbean
society in relation to the civilisation of the
North Atlantic from the time of the Middle
Ages. We need that large perspective to see
how we are affected by current world conflict
and to cast the proper tole for ourselves.
We are in the midst of a gigantic revolt against
the effects of North Atlantic technological civilisa-
tion against the inability of civil society to harness
technology to human ends. This revolt is the funda-
mental cause of the conflict at the root of most,
international and domestic problems. The ideologic-
al struggle between the socialist and capitalist camps
serves only to disguise the central issue because the
revolt is raging equally inside both of these ostensibly
Opposing camps.


Our Caribbean homeland is a creature of the
North Atlantic expansion. At the end of the 15th
century Western Europe broke out of the siege to
which it had been subjected by the triple force of
the Christian religion, the feudalism of the Frankish
Kings and the Islamic roadblock of the Mediterranean
commercial routes.
The rm rchants who eventually established the
Caribbean slave plantations were in the forefront of
this outward movement having joined with regional
rulers to establish separate nation states driven by
expansionist industrial capitalism.
The key to this entire process was galloping
technological change. The leap was strictly a tech-
nological one which has not advanced perhaps it
has not even sustained the human quality of our
One intellectual result of this has been the
idealisation of "science" by which people really
mean technology as the unique source of all human
progress. The next logical distortion was to make
Europe the fountain of scientific inquiry so that the
parading of scientific achievement became not only
the ideology of European liberation but later, the
instrument of European domination.
Science has not, controlled European mercantile
and political expansionism nor led to efficient
exploitation and utilisation of the world's resources,
nor altered the organisation of world economy and
society in the interests of greater humanity.


Expansion had taken place before by the
Romans, the Mongols, the Mohammedans but
what characterized this particular phase of expansion
was the rapidity, the completeness and above all,
the almost total absence of social control. The
Enterprise of the Indies has been a saga of blood and
thunder, of murder, rape and plunder. The resulting
industrialization of the North Atlantic, achieved
through a colossal transfer of material resources and
a tremendous dislocation of traditional social organ-
ization, was bought at a fantastic price.
From our point of view in the Caribbean, we
must acknowledge three basic forms of colonisation
by the maritime nations of Etrope. Large scale
settlement by Europeans in such countries as Canada,
Australian and New Zealand;the conquest by a
European elite over entire indigenous populations
such as in India, Indonesia and Africa East, West
and South; and the extermination of whole indige-
nous peoples followed by the importation of new
hewers of wood and drawers of water for-the benefit
of a transient metropolitan ruling class. This third
case of pure exploitation is most richly illustrated in
the Caribbean Ocean Sea.
Of course, there were combinations. The
United States is a combination of settlement and
exploitation; Latin America, so misnamed, is a com-
bination of settlementand conquest.

This statement was pre-
sented by Tapia Educa-
tion Secretary DENIS



Amongst the colonies of exploitation, Trinidad
(not Tobago), with its restless, rootless and volatile
mix of newly-come migrants is the example par
excellence. The degradation of both colonised and
colonizer, a feature of the entire enterprises has been
as complete as can be among us. Wallowing in self-
contempt has been for us an established way of life.
We have worshipped the large-scale social,
political and economic organisation winch more
effective technology and improved material stand-
ards of living have offered as a substitute for a better
Among us urbanisation, the break-up of the
extended family with its consequences in rampant
individualism, and the uprooting of religion and cul-
ture from their cosmic moorings with all the twisting
of creative expression which that brings, all of these
are basic planks of our daily existence. And now the
policy of pioneer industrial growth which we have
been so fiercely pursuing since 1950, has anchored
this colonial legacy to the giant multinational cor-
porations in our midst.
In the wider world, the consequence of these
arrangements has been alienation, misery and psychic
shame of which the proletarianization, noted by
Marx is merely one particular form, important mostly
for the dispossessed within Europe itself. But basic to
all the forms of alienation are the twin disabilities of
arrogance and impotence arising from the disruption
of the pattern of organic growth.


On the one hand, we then have a fool's paradise
where nature is thought to be totally in control of
man and on the other a fatalistic resignation to a
complete domination of man by nature. The claptrap
about developed and developing countries is the
current mirror of this completely false distinction.
Other symptoms of the basic sickness are
racism, religious bigotry, class snobbery and the
totalitarian centralization of power.
These are the conditions against which we in
the movement have launched oir revolt. Yet our
revolt is by no means the first. The reaction against
imperial capitalist expansionism is as old as the
expansionism itself. Who has forgotten the heroic
stand made in Santo Domingo in 1519 by Enriquillo,
the West Indian boy from Dominica, first in a long
line of Caribbean political leaders?
The North American, French and Latin Ameri-
can Revolutions have all been attempts to break the
stranglehold of Atlantic technological civilization.

But to whatever extent they may have cleared the
ground for further revolt, none of them was in itself
The North American Revolution did not destroy
African slavery and did not therefore cure the cancer
of American racism against which the battle is raging
still. The French Revolution was bourgeois, it was
not egalitarian; and the Latin American independence
movements have had almost exclusively elitest results.
i e next phase of the revolt was the growth of
the socialist -idea in Europe, an idea which went hand
in hand with the literary philosophy of romanticism.
Both arose out of the search for a more humane life
but the socialist solution has placed too heavy an
emphasis on materialism, the Romantic solution on
the imagination and the senses. The one was too
objective, the other too subjective.


The dialectical materialism of Marx has led to
Stalinism and to the same conception of large-scale
industrialization, economic 'imperialism and arms
proliferation as has the capitalist organisation of the
United States. The romantic individualism and cult of
sensibility, so evident in the life of Shelley in
whom it was allied to a fundamental irresponsibility
- Byron -whose political idealism was mere quixotry
- and Nietzsche, the doctrinal father of caudillismo,
has led by varying paths to Napoleonic dictatorship,
to Hitler and, through various literary and religious
manifestations, in the 19th century such as Trans-
cendentalism and the Walden Community, to the
present Hippie Cults with their emphasis on com-
munal living, drugs, exotic religion and sex.
In Trinidad and Tobago, it has become fashion-
able in the highest places to inveigh against these
tendencies and many other governments have taken
repressive action against them or tried to harness
them to their own purposes within such constructs as
Burnham's "Co-operative Republic," his "national
service" and his legislation on obeah.
But what people like Williams, Barrow and
Burnham have failed to do is to understand their
place in the total reaction against the dehumanisation
wrought by North Atlantic technological expansion, a
reaction of which Williams, Burnham and Barrow have
themselves been a part.
Now we have Young Power, Black Power, the
Civil Rights Movement, the Conservationist Move-
ment and Women's Liberation. These are all 20th
century facets of the revolt against large-scale indus-
trial and political organisation. The New World and

lBre at 5,A n yAs

Suda ovmbr18197



Tapia Movement is a tributary to that larger stream.
We must know now how the part relates to the whole.
The 20th century political revolts have been
the independence movements in India, Pakistanand
Ceylon followed by the flood of newer movements
from which or own opportunity has come.


But the Caribbean, and particularly Trinidad
and Tobago, is different in a special way. First of all,
as the purest example of the manipulative power of
colonial expansion of conquest, extermination,
slavery, indenture and plantation economy. We are at
the bottom of the international heap. If we were only
to pick ourselves up, everything else would have to
Secondly, in the Caribbean, we are made up of
tiny units. This smallness ip our biggest advantage.
The combination of smallness, mixed population and
newness make us a -microcosm of the world problem
created by 500 years of imperial expansion. We are
an ideal potential laboratory for breeding the idea of
humane and creative democracy.
The government now in power in Trinidad
and Tobago did in fact try to associate itself with the
new movement for liberation of the colonies, set in
in motion by Gandhi, taken up by Nkrumah, Sukarno
and Nasser and consolidated in the famous Bandung
Conference. But the efforts of the 1956 Movement
have had no impact either inside the country or out-
Devoid of original thinking and adapted'only to
the college-exhibition regurgitation of metropolitan
orthodoxy, the PNM has insisted on seeing Trinidad
and Tobago as merely a passive part of something

going on in the world as a whole; they have spine-
lessly accepted definitions of ourselves imposed by
.opinion-makers on the international stage and their
robber-talking spokesman has studiously ignored the
necessity to understand ourselves as the first step
towards building with our own resources
The Tapia Movement now has to clear this
deadwood away. Just as we have discarded all the
blind interpretations of reality which sees only
"masses" and "bourgeoisie" and class-consciousness
but can never see a revolution while it is actually
taking place, so now we must reject all the claptrap
about MDC's and LDC's, about developing countries
and intermediate technology, so dear to the colonised
Tapia must make a new interpretation of the
history being made.around us. Trinidad and Tobago
does form part of a larger movement but our revolt
must find its fuel here and then in the West Indies.
Our first task has been to find a philosophy
which would win back the humanity lost in the indus-
trial revolution and stolen in the Enterprise of the
Indies. Here and now we assert the value of smallness,
the virtue of a people living face-to-face.

Trinidad and Tobago is a microcosm of world
society-urbanised young, multiracial[ educated all
the cliches that come so readily 'to the tongue for the
purpose of political persuasion; all the characteristics
that invite manipulation in the spurious and super-
ficial politics to which we have been subjected for
the last 17 years.
If the Movement can now exploit these charac-
teristics of our society in ways that are not manipula-
tive, cynical, or pessimistic; if we can see our own
true nature and at the same time make an accurate
evaluation of our place in the world, we stand a better
chance than anywhere in the world of creating a new
type of democracy, relevant to the entire over-
centralized civilization. Naipual has said that we have
created nothing. Walcott has replied that there will
be nothing like what we create. Tapia urges that we
should go ahead now and create it just by deciding to
be ourselves.
The ideals proclaimed by European romantic
idealism- that men are born free and equal- just do
not go far enough for us. To "free" and "equal",
Tapia has added "responsible". Man is born free and
equal and responsible. We are not going to settle for
anything less than that.

The Tapia Movement rejects any suggestion that
Trinidad and Tobago or any other community is
incapable of elevating itself by its own exertions. We
requdiate the preposterous notion' that people are
grasping and greedy, concerned only with what they
can get.


Because the Tapia Movement is satisfied that
Sman is a responsible being, we can never permit our-
selves, in our approach to the people of this country,
in the discussions that we hold, in the style and
content of our newspaper and publications, the
manipulative zigzagging that is so much a part of the
actions and statements of the political parties and
the editorial scribes.
Tapia rejects the facile cynicism or the defeatism
of those who have proclaimed that wherever there
are racially mixed communities there must be racial
antagonism. We find completely odious that pseudo-
science which defines leadership in' terms of pecking

We do know that racial antagonism exists in
this country. In fact, we have consistently stripped
the camouflage from the attempts by the parties of
the old regime to manipulate those antagonisms which
we have inherited from our colonial past. But Tapia
also knows that at another level, there is a fund of
genuine multiracialism, of inter-racial harmony and
acceptance which has grown out of daily human
Tapia's idealism doesn't lie in overlooking the
problem of race but in spending the energies to search
for those points of harmony and trust and to build
upon them with all the resources at our command.


Tapia does not need to be told that we are all
animals. But we also know that humanity is blessed
with the spark of divinity. Religion is a recognition
not only of human divinity but also of human limit-
ation in the face of 6csmic forces; and this is in
contrast to the arrogance of that pseudo-science which
glories in a technological and political gigantism
which is supposed to indicate man's mastery over
nature the arrogance which reduces religion along
with everything else to an instrument of its perverted


The Greeks had a word for it hubris and
Shakespeare's King Lear pictures the insanity that is
at once the cause and the brutal chastisement of this
petulant and arrogant disregard of the natural har-
monies of universal law. Like the woodcutter Makak
in Derek Walcott's Dream on Monkey Mountain our
experiences combine with our growing understanding
of ourselves to free us from both the seductive
blandishments of European materialism and the
hypnotic illusion of a leonine African past and to
send us "back to the green beginnings We have
been washed from shore to shore ... now we must
find ground".


If this is idealism, we plead guilty. Tapia pleads
guilty without shame. Anything else is not practicality
but cynicism, pessimism and self-doubt masquerading-
as practicality. Pragmatism, in fact, of a vintage only
too well-klown after our experience to date with
Independence,moralityin public affairs and all the rest.
In answer to the facile criticisms one hears that
"that could never happen here" we reply that it will
happen because it must. It is the only way to salvage
ourselves from doom.
Over the years we have learnt in the Tapia
Movement that if you reject the mirage of charismatic
deliverance and hold to ideals which can only be
attained by work, then your programme must be the
most uncompromisingly practical of all. In Tapia we
have only been able to rally our people to action and
commit them thereafter to work by beginning in a
realm of dreams and then transforming that into a
world of concrete and specific objectives and targets.
We have built a House, burnt our fingers in the
communities and emerged with an idea, an organisa-
tion, a team and a commitment, all tested in the
furnace of the February Revolution. We have survived
to pose the question of power at that precise moment
when it counts.








11 Irl r'l' II 1 ''--




1. Tapia's diplomatic initiative will be re-focussed
in terms of location and type of effort. So far the
diplomacy of Trinidad and Tobago has been deployed
in a very inefficient way, with posts allotted to the
conventionally important capitals and with services
totally unadapted to our needs in political, econo-
mic, consular and cultural relations.
Now, our greatest diplomatic strength must be
in the Caribbean and it must consist not only of
efficient permanent missions but of a series of
initiatives designed to accomplish the ends Tapia
has outlined. In addition to diplomatic posts'in
Georgetown, Kingston, Bridgetown, Havana, Caracas,
Bogota, and strong consular posts in the French, Dutch
and American Caribbean, there must be a whole
range of special agencies dealing especially with the
Windward and Leeward Islands.

2. We shall work for the creation of a UN Economic
Commission for the Caribbean, something infinitely
more substantial and better equipped than the current
ECLA sub-division in Port of Spain. To achieve this,
we may have to.C ear the deck of the complications
posed by the Organization of American States and
related agencies. Tapia.is inclined towards the Cuban
position that the OAS is an instrument of US
We propose that the OAS shotild perhaps be
widened to include Canada and confined to being an
American Assembly of Vations with all hemispheric
economic and technical collaboration going through
the United Nations. If we got a powerful UN Economic
Commission we might be on the way to such a modi-
fication of the OAS.
3. The Caricom Secrqtariat must be upgraded
with a complex of Techretafiats addressed to specific
problems. It'would certainly pay to establish one
Techretariat to deal with multi-national corporations
on a West Indian scale, another to promote agricul-
tural diversification, again on a regional scale. Much
would depend on whether the New World Movement

is able soon to sweep these petty princes away and
clear the road to serious economic and cultural
planning at the level of single islands.
4. Education and the diffusion of information
must be reorganised.
The biggest single block to progress in the Carib-
bean is the mindless mimicry of our thought based
on the almost complete irrelevancy of the education
system. Perhaps the most important part of the
answer lies in a reorganisation of the University of
the West Indies.

To emancipate the education system, Tapia
proposes to decentralise the University as so to
create a framework where relevant local decisions
can 'be made and regional collaboration pursued in-
tensively and expeditiously where the need for it is
IL 'l" .W f" a!Hi Waa

real. At the moment an incompetent and corrupt
bureaucracy is keeping education in a state of per-
manent underdevelopment because the feckless aca-
demic regime lacks the moral authority to challenge
the!outmoded governmental regime.


Tapia also proposes immediately to bring to an
end the delay in the establishment of a Caribbean
Examinations Council and to support the movement
for indigenous thought by subsidising a regional
publishing house, by giving more effective assistance
to text-book production, by establishing a National
Academy, hb c,-c:ting ;, N.-tiinnm Trust t. run the
Trinidad Guardian and converting it into an Eastern
Caribbean daily with editorial offices throughout the
area, and by moving rapidly towards an integrated
Eastern Caribbean film, television and radio service.


Part of the educational reform will involve
wellthought out scholarship programmes for students
from the poorer islands and from politically strategic
areas such as Martinique and Surinam. A whole move-
ment of thought has to be created now to engulf the
area and move it in the desired direction. To this task
Tapia brings the whole experience of the New World
Group with tremendous resources in contacts and
bridges already built. Educational co-operation with
the nonEnglish speaking areas must develop into
student exchange schemes, interchangeability of
degrees and parts of degrees. Foreign language teach-
ing in schools must be reformed and upgraded, and
language institutes of the kind proposed for Trinidad
and Tobago by the OAS but suppressed by the
government for petty political reasons must be
established. They must not only teach the other
languages of the region to English speakers but must
also be the centre of English instruction for the
personnel of the non-English speaking countries and

mr I, i i. ilSs msiam

\ centre of training for interpreters and translators
for the entire region.
5. Specific integrated regional services must be
instituted wherever possible. There must be a Carib-
bean Administrative College, a Caribbean Military
Academy, a Caribbean Naval College, a-Caribbean Air
Training College a Caribbean Merchant ,Marine Col-
lege. Non-military national service in Trinidad and
Tobago and the larger territories must be extended
to form a Caribbean Service Corps to work in all'the
6. There must be a rational system of air carriage
achieved by appropriate merging or demarcation of
responsibility of the airlines at present based in the
Caribbean, and a renegotiation of routes with outside
carriers based on the concept of a single Caribbean
. Shipping must be rationalised by a judicious
combination of long and short-haul passenger and
freight services based on national shipbuilding and
national seamanship.
8. There must be a Caribbean Fisheries Com-
mission to regulate fishing rights and co-operation and
supersede the present system whereby the Caribbean
countries are used as stalking horses for American
9. We must sign short-term staple agreements
and long-term trade agreements with Japan, EEC
and COMECON. Our diplomatic focus in Western
Europe must be Brussels not London. In regard to
these agreements, our small size will be a definite
advantage, in that the volume of exports will be
small in relation to the total demand of the trading
partners concerned. The government should in fact
have been exploiting this during the past eleven years
by making a series of bilateral deals instead of hoping
for a free ride into guaranteed markets.
10. We must take commercial initiatives in
Africa and Asia in order to sell sugar and localised
petroleum in the short run, and in the long run to
develop markets for manufactured goods as well as
assuring co-operation in sugar technology and in the
technology of small agriculture and industry. We
must foster cultural exchange and cement relations
with freedom movements to assist in the .combat
against apartheid and the remnants of colonialism.
11. We must re-apply to OPEC for membership
and come to terms with Shell, Texaco and Amoco, in

such a way as to show the other oil producers that we
are no longer a US petroleum colony.
12. In Eastern Europe, we must centre our
diplomatic activity on Belgrade, as representing non-
alignment and a more relevant form of social and
economic organisation within the socialist grouping.
13. Our relations with the USA must be con-
ditioned by the fact that it is the largest source of
direct investment and the headquarters of most multi-
national corporations and mineral enterprises: they
will therefore be conditioned by our specific interests
in these areas.
At the same time, we must be concerned to
develop relations with the Black population of North
America, which has long-standing traditional links
with the Caribbean and in the context of American
lobbies, is bound t6 become a powerful pressure
group in our favour.
14. We must develop relations with the small
states and potential states of the Pacific-Oceania,
Fiji and New Guinea.


S S1~1

Fat pants with folds, in brushed Denim and Corduroy. Pullover shirts and Afro embroided
dashikis. Platform boots and shoes. At Habib's in town

positively' -



The Assembly

: Syl Lowhar on 'who

THE STATE of the country is critical and urgent. There is
need for everyone to take a stand in the matter of bringing
the broken fragments of the nation together.
That statement took, through the oratory at last
Sunday's Assembly of Tapia Chairman Syl Lowhar, the
form of a ringing exhortation to the 500 or so people
gathered in the Tapia House.
It was how Chairman Lowhar ended his address on
"The State of the Country".
As usual, his address was liberally seasoned with re-
ferences Daaga, Learie Constantine, Martin Carter, Wilson
Harris among the many names, episodes, lines or phrases
Lowhar recalled.
But never did his listeners lose track of his main theme the
situation in the country and the place of Tapia in it.
When he said "the first Assembly of Tapia," many must have
wondered which of the current series of gatherings he meant. Until
Lowhar gave the date November, 14, 1968.
Himself one of those who had gathered on the spot five years

before to found Tapia, the
Chairman mentioned other
persons who had attended that
first meeting. Some had quit
early to play leading roles in
other groups.
There was impatience with
the Tapia determination to
follow the process of slow and
patient building. Lowhar noted,
however, that "our long haul
is now seen as the shortest way
It was proof that history
had absolved us. The stand we
had taken against conventional
Doctor Politics had been vin-
And the Chairman sought
to bring his point home by re-
ference to the political career
of Earle Lewis currently the
main spokesman of a shadowy
group called "Voice of the
He indicated that in the
days of the New World Group,
antagonism had existed be-
tween Lloyd Best and Lewis
and between himself and
Lewis. Reading from the docu-
ments, he showed that Lewis
had been a strong proponent of
now-for-now political organisa-
tion, a man who urged political
handbills instead of the New
World journals.


Lewis had since been ex-
posed as a hard-bitten support-
er of Williams and his regime.
Yet Tapia's judgment of the
man and his politics had drawn,
much criticism in 1968. And
the people who made the cri-
ticisms should be wiser now.
Yet Lowhar had in 1973 to
point to the inordinate pub-
licity being given in the press
to Earle Lewis, to the IRO and
to Ashford Sinanan, "while
movements with programme
and organisation had to scrunt
for space".
It was worthy to commem-
morate the Tapia vision of 1968.
We had seen from then that
though the PNM had raised the
level of the politics, merely to
create another like the PNM
would be to prove Marx right
when he said "the first time
tragedy,the second time farce".


Tapia had .succeeded in re-
placing "counterfeit charisma"
with genuine participation. We
had emphasised organisation
as well.
Cipriani, Butler and the
PNM had brought advances
even though they all exploited
the hero-crowd syndrome.
Williams' advance had been in


bringing party politics and in
eliminating the independent
Tapia was going further: in
stressing solid building and per-
manent organisation, we would
eliminate in our turn the over-
night coalitions from our poli-
Resisting the now-for-now
and Doctor Politics, Tapia had
been called "intellectual". Low-
har referred to a recent Express
editorial describing Tapia as
having intellectual power but
not being in the running some-
He said: "The press cannot
see Tapia as a threat because
they are judging us by stand-
ards we have left behind".


The Chairman went on to
consider the prospects under
the Prime Ministership of a
Karl Hudson Phillips or of a
Kamaluddin Mohammed.
He felt that both candi-
dates were inferior to many of
the leaders currently under the
scrutiny of the country. While
Hudson Phillips was myopic
and repressive, Kamal, to be
accepted at all, would have
first to declare his assets. So it
was clear that by putting decla-
ration of assets in the public
mind Williams didn't himself:
want Kamal. And he did not
want Hudson--Phillips.
So the question "who we
go put?" was being asked in
But, the Chairman charged,
"'who we go put' has been
used to confuse the country
about Tapia and unconven-
tional politics. Because the

we go put'

Find the


to know


'who?' is dependent on the
"When we find the 'how?'
we will know the 'who?'".
Lowhar rejected in turn
the military prospect, an "easy"
election or an armed coup.
He urged the Constituent
Assembly which Tapia had pro-
posed since 1970. It was clearly

The nation
From page 4
So that is the Tapia task.
To ring the bell again. Summon
the people. Tapiamen and wo-
men had to get the population
to see its interests. To articulate
for our friends and families
where we work and where we
live, in terms of the issues of
the day, a philosophical pers-

an idea whose day had come.
Lowhar noted that the call for
the Constituent Assembly had
been taken up by Williams
through Granado and.the IRO.
But, "people are afraid the
recognize the Constituent As-
sembly as the 'how?', because
that would identify Tapia as
the 'who?'.

pective that lifts and elevates
the country, that transports it
into a nobler realm.
"We must bring it together
in a philosophical realm so that
people can see a nation of
people who stand up tall who
own the land, who have an
organic connection with the
cosmic forces, who are in

As a Tapiaman
saw it
THE TAPIA Assembly
held on Sunday November
18 was the best attended
Tapia "anything" that I
ever seen, at the House or
Arriving at about 9.45 a.m.,
I was pleased and proud to see
the allocated chairs, roughly
450, almost taken up.
Pleased, because for me it
is always a pleasure to hear
Tapia rap, and proud because
I look at myself as a Tapia
man, and even before the meet-
ing was started, I was confident
that the audience would be an
attentive one. They actually
ended up to be just that.
Registration s t a r t e d
promptly at 9a .m. I was told,
and I apologise for being late.
Ivan Laughlin, Tapia's Com-
munity Relations Secretary,
welcomed, most intimately,
Tapia members from far and
wide in his genuinely pleasing,
passionate way.
I could not help but notice
people coming in all through
the day to register, take a seat
and prepare themselves for
serious Tapia rapping which
they were to receive.
Syl Lowhar, with his fear-
less, powerful oratory spoke
about the State of the Country.
Syl is a man I believe who.
could relate any story to you
ard hold your attention
throughout. He has a style all
of his own, a special gift for
speaking to people, so one can
V-LlI imagine Syl speaking on
the state of the country-.- .
I had to look around at the
audience searching for expres-
sion which was my way of link-
ing my thought with theirs. I
thought that if the problems
were as simple as getting paint
,and brushes and painting the
country clean this is what I
would do, starting early- Mon-
day morning and I thought the
audience felt this way too.

"We have to go around and
activate the people all over
the land. The morning has
come. We have rung the bell and
called the people. Tomorrow is
another day and the day after
that the system is going to
crack. We are here. We are
working. We are organized and
are ready. One of these days
the country will come and the
people will shout for the walls
of Jericho to tumble".



S tephens

a~-.-- --rr----,.. --.._,.~_.-. 1-


"IVAN, I want to meet Keith Spencer",
The morning session had just finished. Mickey Mat-
thews and I were standing near the bar where Nigel Gill
and Peter Solomon were selling mauby, juice and beer.
Paula was putting together hops and black pudding.
The people were hungry and thirsty; gay and vibrant.
Gocking said the occasion was magnificent. Mr.
Robertson called Solomon superb and "aristocratic". Syl
had looked at me and we only smiled, our hearts under-
stood the significance of the day.
Tony MacFarlane, renamed Ja-Ja in 1970, was rapping ex-
citedly with one of the brothers from La Brea who had come with
Esmond Phillips.
I looked for Keith. He was talking to Michael Pollydor. Both
men had come with their brothers from Point Fortin. Mickey had
never met Keith though they both hail from Butler's stomping ground.
Mickey is a Fyzabad man.
They clasped hands, more introductions followed, the words
came easily. Revolutionary struggle is all embracing. When men live

with a common purpose a
clasped hand is all that is
necessary to bind the brother-
I could not listen to the
conversation. My mind drifted,
Five years. Five long years. I
know it is happening.
Tears had welled up in my
eyes when Domni escorted his
aging mother, wearing a Tapia
jersey,to her chair. Domni, who
with Mastifay and Dalgo, are
legends in Tunapuna.
How could I forget Sweet-
bread's face when Lloyd was
talking. Colin "Sweetbread"
Phillips, that supreme optimist,
a man whose roots are in Bel-
mont, caught in the vibrations

of a communication that
touched the spirit.
"The walls of Jericho will
O.E. understood. I saw it
in his eyes. A searching man, A
serious brother a Tapia man
from early.
"Where are the men to run
the country?" The cynics ask.
My mind was jolted out of the
reverie. I am looking at them.
Alston Grant from our first
meeting I knew he was a vital
Junior Tobas he works
with Billy Montague who has
never come to the Tapia House

but who has a Tapia view of
the world. Together with
Mickey, they brought their
following from Fyzabad. Keith
and Michael and "Bones" came
from Point.


Victor Chariandy, a solid
man, you have to convince him
- he brought his people from
St James and Four Roads. Errol
Mahon, Desmond Baptiste and
"Tex" came with their follow-
ing from Richplain and Covigne
in Diego.
"In 1968 the students en-
tered the struggle led by the
militant unions. In 1970 the
black, unemployed youth ... "
So We describe the mobilisation.
We must now add in 1973
the young whites.
My skin is white. Through
my veins run the bloods of
Europe and Africa. My mind
knows only the Caribbean.
I have been called com-
munist and black power advo-

cate. In 1970 I was in the
Caroni march the only white
man. Rejection by people of
my own skin, suspicion on the
part of blacks. "It is the way
you live that makes the com-
Today I am not the only
white man. I see Claude and
Brian; Geoff and Allan Herrera,
Madeleine and Kathy (Brian's
wife); Rosie and Elizabeth;
the Nothnagel brothers Nick
and Hans; Christopher and


"The glorious morning
come.' Keith Smith's words
captured the splendour of Sun-
day. It is significant that those
words should come from a
Laventille man.
Laventille embodies the
spirit of survival. A spirit ex-
pressed in the steady confidence
of Denzil and Ronnie Grant;
in the oratory of Yacksee. A
spirit that shows up in Keith

Smith's supreme confidence in
the creative capacity of our
people and in Lenny Grant,
"On that day they shall
come from every corner of the
land". Point, Fyzabad, Diego,
Laventille, Corosal yes,
Corosal behind Gran Couva,
East of Gasparillo, the home
of Blackgold.
That group of sisters and
brothers who are transforming
a district, adding a vibrancy to
an area where hardship is a way
of life. Carlton, Evrol, Kenneth,
Gemma, Marilyn and all the
others living the revolution.
The rains that showered
the Assembly of September
23 had given way to a bright
Sunday November 18. "Like we
convert God", someone said.
"Many of those men sharing
the same vision had assembled".
The message had spread.
As I looked around, the faces
of my brothers who had la-
boured for this day, and whose
names dwell in my heart, told
me that we had come home to
Tapia, our spirits high.



the people of Trinidad & Tobago

1 Call a Constituent Assembly of citizens and inviteall
groups including NUFF

Appoint Sir Hugh Wooding to the chair,adopt

Sthe Commission as Secretariat and accept their
report as the Working Papers

3 Charge the Constituent Assembly to

Dissolve Parliament and announce a date for
fresh elections

elect a Provisional Gov't

4 Chargethe provisional Government to

Free political detainees and offer amnesty to

Repeal all restrictive legislation passed by the 1971

Parliament andopen up the broadcasting media

launch a short- term programme for fuller employment,
national service and restoration of the public service

Home- with our

spirits high


~-----U------- -------c~-----~,-~

ir s I~rLdrea Talblatt,
Research rIstitute for
StudY of hen,
1629 Tsast 78th Stre et
ni-T YLORIX 8Y. 10021,
Ph. Lehigh 5 4489




'80,000 people




Ia d t





Michael Harris



Hamlet Joseph
Ivan Laughlin

Keith Smith
Syl L owhar



Allan Ha rris




Friday, November, 30


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