Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00082
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: October 28, 1973
Frequency: completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00082

Full Text

Sl~ L ~1Is




THE NEXT major stop of the
caravan will be at Success
Village, Laventille, on Wednes-
day October 31.
That will be the first public
meeting in the area west of
Tunapuna since the current
campaign started on October
12. The Tapia platform will
be set up at "Highlanders
Corner" Erica Street and Old
St Joseph Road from 7 p.m.
and will include Keith Smith
and Hamlet "Yaxee" Joseph
both well known community
So far meetings have been
held in Tunapuna four points
both north and south of the
Eastern Main Road Mayaro,
New Lands and Guayaguayare.
Meeting in that south east
oil-producing region were held
last weekend. And on Friday
November 2 we go to the South
western end of the 'oil belt -
Point Fortin.

Meetings will be held in
New Village, at 5 p.m. and at
Hi Lo Corner, Point Fortin at
7 p.m. People in Point will
hear that evening Lloyd Best,
Ivan Laughlin, Allan Harris,
Volney Pierre, Lloyd Taylor
and Syl Lowhar.
The caravan rolls to the
populous district of Diego
Martin on Wednesday Novem-
ber 7 and Thursday November
8. The Wednesday meeting will
be held at Covigne Road -
Diego Martin Main Road Cor-
ner. Thursday night at Four
Roads Junction, also at 7 p.m.
a battery of speakers includ-
ing Keith Smith, Dennis Pan-
tin, Denis Solomon, Lloyd
Taylor, Syl Lowhar and Lloyd
Best, will be presented.
To complete a busy week
on Friday, November 9, we
go to Charlie King Junction,
Fyzabad. On this historic site
FyzabadTapiamen like Mick y
Matthews and Alston Gn.Ait
will speak together with the
regular line-up which includes
Vice Chairman Volney Pierre
from San Fernando.


IS THIS the time to
press for a higher share
for Trinidad and To-
bago of the earnings
from oil?
The question arises
in the light of the PNM
government's tradi-
tionally supine policy
of waiting for some
dislocation or crisis in
international supply to
take advantage of it.
In this case the
Arab-Israeli war, and the
Arabs' apparent determi-
nation to use oil as a
means of forcing the USA
to take a more realistic
line on the Jewish state.
And the current specu-
lation on whether we will
now get more for our oil
as a result was prefigured
by the Prime Minister who
in his last Convention
speech referred to "the
enormous geographical
advantage that Trinidad

and Tobago enjoys with
tiouble looming in the
Middle East and North
African production ."
A recent Guardian
report quoted the Ministry
of Petroleum and Mines
as revealing a 3.9 million
barrel increase in crude
output from January to
June this year over the
figure for the same period
last year. Amoco was said
to have almost trebled its
crude production over the
If as is being predicted
an oil boom is to come by
the end of this year, then
the question of securing a
higher share of the earnings
for the country depends
on more than the Middle
East travails.
Attempting to come to
terms with tlie new
movement, the government
has since 1970 been talking
about negotiations for a

new deal taking into con-
sideration the rate of
royalties, the rate of in-
come tax and the prices on
which these calculations
will be based.
What has been happen-
ing in these negotiations
the country is still to find
But it is a more than
reasonable guess that the
Government lacks the
heart or the political
strength to press for any-
thing in line with what the
Middle East countries have
been demanding. And it is
not only a question of the
Middle East oil producers
being in a stronger posi-
tion through lower produc-
tion costs and better
quality product.
We can see from Wil-
liams again that the govern-
ment starts off from the
essentially defeatist posi-
tion "what Trinidad pro-
duces is so insignifi-
cant in relation to total

IS ?

world production that the
disappearance (of the oil
industry) from the Trinidad
and Tobago or Caribbean
scene would not evea rate
a sentence in small print in
the world Press".
Neo-colonial self-con-
tempt passes for a grasp of
practical realities. But in-
competence and lack of
planning has left us in the
position where we are only
now assembling the ex-
pertise to deal with natural

Everything on the
quiet. Are they talking
with the companies? What
are they seeking for
crude? For refining?
It is either that nothing
is going on, or that the
government is once again
keeping the thing hush-
hush between itself and
the companies, when it
concerns all of us.

Invite you to their

S> 0 ( 0 1 R 2 HOW
St. Augustine Circular Road
(See map behind) TO
In Aid Of FIND
IE % 1 \1''.\ A LI

aad & 43FETE
ADMISSION: $5.00 Couple
$3.00 Single

-- --s c I --- c~ -- --s~ I

-- ---




Up community spirit

IT MIGHT have been an
evening at the Gallows
Football Ground at Delhi
Road, or an evening rapp-
ing with the brothers on
the block. Possibly, too,
you might have returned
from watching the Tesoro
Company of Players, or it
might have been that you
were listening to the Third
World Symphony in prac-
tice sessions.
If luck a rare thing,
especially in Fyzabad wasn't

with you, then you might have
spent the afternoon telling
heavily armed policemen who
weren't particular to listen that
"Idon't know anything about
what you are speaking" or "I.
am not so and so".
Searches and harassment
are a way of life in Fyzabad.
Community organizations are
The revival, to some extent
and the arrival of a multiplicity
of social, sporting, art, drama
and semi-intermediate type
political organizations in Fyza-
bad and surrounding villages
bear witness to the revival of
community spirit.


The political and economic
debility that is a national prob-
lem had its effect in the area
too. Not that police brutality,
unemployment and inadequate
housing have disappeared. They
haven't.Crisis proportions they
have reached.
What has happened is that
these organizations are flowering
because of a new courage,
enthusiasm and interest. People
are discovering daily that they
can do a great deal for them-

They don't have to Wait
for a messiah to do it for
them. A conviction that they
are not as stupid and as im-
potent as Williams and his
oligarchy would have us be-
lieve. For 17 years they have
lived it. They know.
People in the area want to
to participate in the economic,
political and social life of their
country. This is why they have
chosen to build their organisa-
tions and run them as they see
fit. They know that the Doctor
and his middlemen muddle
organisation. They know that
organisation doesn't derive
from one man. That it is de-

rived from the many who con-
stitute it.
And so a new day is about
to dawn, not only in Fyzabad,
but in the country as a whole.
We in Tapia know this. It is
what we have been espousing
from the start. Building organi-
sation that will illuminate our
hopes and aspirations.
Organizations that will go a
long way in helping to remove
the fetters of four hundred
years of slavery and colonialism.
For the corrupt and incompe-
tent few it is the end.
For us as a nation it is
only the beginning.


IOctober 30th 31st 1973

This is a $12 million issue. The 8% Bonds 1993/98 can be
purchased at TT $94.85 per cent, with a running yield of 8.44%
per annum, and gross redemption yield of $8.50% per annum.


The list of applications will be opened at 8.00 a.m on
Tuesday 30th October, 1973 and closed at 12 noon on
Wednesday 31st October 1973. Bonds will be dated 31st
October 1973.

The Central Bank of Trinidad and Tobago is the sole and exclusive
agent for the raising and management of this issue.

Interest will be payable half-yearly by the Central Bank of
Trinidad and Tobago on the 30th April and the 31st October.
The first payment will be made on the 30th April, 1974 at
the rate of TT $8.00 per TT $100 face value per annum.

What the funds will be used for:
These Bonds will help finance projects under the Third Five-Year
Development Plan 1969-73, including agricultural, industrial and
tourist development, schemes for education, housing, water and
sewerage, etc.
where to obtain application forms
Prospectuses and application forms may be obtained at
the Central Bank of Trinidad and Tobago, Investment
Division, Central Bank Building, Comptroller Accounts,
Central Bank Building, any of the branches of the
commercial banks operating in Trinidad and Tobago,
Trinidad Co-operative Bank Limited, Caribbean Stock
and Bond (Trinidad) Limited, West Indies Stockbrokers
Limited, all Trust Companies operating in Trinidad and
Tobago and Barclays Finance Corporation of Trinidad
and Tobago Ltd.
Applications will be received at the Investment Division of the
Central Bank, St. Vincent Street, Port of Spain, and must be
accompanied by the full amount of the purchase price of the
Bonds applied for.
The issue will be made under the Development Loans Act 1964
(No. 19 of 1964), as amended by the Act No. 17 of 1965 and Act
No. 14 of 1969.
Further information may be obtained from the Central Bank,
St. Vincent Street, Port of Spain; all banks and trust companies
or your stockbroker.

12 NOON OCTOBER 31st 1973



FROM THIS point, it seems to
me, the country could go either
one way or the other. Things
never stay the same: they either
get better or worse. And when
you say that things have just
remained the same, it's because
they have in fact got worse.
It seems certain now that "the
Williams era" is over. Cheerfully re-
signed inefficiency of the "Boy, what
to do?" kind when it was not a
chaotic Carnival this is what every-
body now calls "incompetence".
While it may have been because he
didn't have it in him to do it, Wil-
liams' regime has been simply too
inefficient to run a police state.
Williams has alienated himself from
"those who call tor total repression".
Likewise he has turned his face from
the call fur total or more comprehen-
sive freedom: he has justified the
banning of Carmichael, and by impli-
cation, the banning of all the litera-
ture deemed as "subversive".
He has denied radio and TV time
to the opposition and put restrictions
on the holding of marches and public
But Williams is incapable of "total"
anything. His has been a commitment
to an undramatic policy of middling
which pleased nobody totally, got
nothing like total commitment to it
from anyone, and was gloomily held
by its erstwhile and time-serving de-
fenders to be the least bad of the
"One from 10 leaves nought" but
yes to CARICOM. Constitution Com-
mission, but no Constituent Assembly.
"People's Sector", but no emancipa-
tion of national enterprise. Fifty-one
percent "participation," but no Local-


So he has had to represent the
opposition in their extreme expres-
sions. On the one hand, "liberal capi-
talism," "total repression", unrestrict-
ed foreign investment and let Caesar
render unto Croesus the things that
are his.
On the other hand, orthodox
Marxism, American-style Black Power,
misguided guerrillas and those obsess-
ed with an "intellectual fetish".
His call to arms to the PNM has, in
recent times, been always against
something terrible. Balisier House is
encircled by lunatic fringes of differ-
ent kinds. Therefore, it's PNM or
"bacchanal". There's nothing better,
nothing else to put. So hold on to
what you have.
Laughter these days is nearly al-
ways bitter. The kyak-kyak contorts
the face into a grimace, and when the
muscles relax there's no release. Two
years after warning about PNM or
"bacchanal", Williams could say: "I
don't wish to stop any Carnival, I
merely seek not to be caught up in it".
The "bacchanal", as we havebeen
seeing, has at last engulfed the PNM.
In even more acute distress than the
country, they are asking "who we go
Whoever they put will have the
benefit of Williams' own statement
that there has been no progress in even
the matter of moving forward from
colonialism. He has, he said, this





'"powerful feeling that the Caribbean
has moved back towards colonialism
instead of away from it".
And the failure came in spite of
this policy of steering between
"extremes". Because, in the absence
of a commitment to some positive
direction, some shared future vision
in the fulfilment of which PNM mem-
bers could sincerely say "this way or
bust", the policy was one of keeping
clear of the alternatives, but not
going anywhere in particular.


Zig-zagging naturally followed as
the PNM ship responded to magnetic
pulls from either side. The captain has
been so busy fighting off the attacks
that he neglected to keep the ship on
This has left us with an onerous'
cargo of evils so keenly perceived by
everyone that there is this shared
sense of national disaster. Nothing
seems to work; all the plans have
miscarried; we have been unable to
provide ourselves with the necessities
of life food, water, ordinary ameni-
And now that the discontent has

accumulated, and even those who have
gained something over the years are
likely to see a threat in the rising wails
of the dispossessed, the feeling will
doubtlessly prevail that we need to
batten down and stick rigidly to some
course or the other.
So I feel there will be agreement on
the need to tighten up, to clamp down,
to enshrine a discipline that will either
be internalised by the people when
they are so persuaded or will be forced
onto us.
That way, then, the choices as to
where the country will go seem to be
either voluntary restraint based on
consent or "total repression" based
on guns.
And either way, it will have to be
comprehensively adopted or applied.
Having said that, I am now able to
understand better why I feel so alarm-
ed about the absence of a concerted
public voice. That is to say, people
talking about the issues of today in
terms of what we want tomorrow or
don't want.
It seems that the people have been
a long time about making up our minds
about what we want for the future. I
try to understand the "victory" of
the Public Order Bill in 1970 against
the PNM's victory in bringing it back
in 1971 and 1972. It was not possible
to mobilize that public voice again in
order to see to it that our faith was
not betrayed.
We boycotted the elections as
asked in 1971, and we have since
refused definitely to endorse a single
political alternative.
Both guerrillas and the police have
their support within the country, the
strength of neither being decisive.
But things are not as evenly ba-

lanced as that last example would
suggest. The regime has money, forces
and arms and a lot more to lose.
We have our trust and support to
give or to withold and the power of
our collective voice to be heard on the
question of specific issues which bear
on general directions we want to go.
That is where things stand. But
things are not standing still. The
regime's forces have begun marching
towards the final extermination of the
guerrilla "threat".
We can only fool ourselves into
believing that that is a matter which
concerns only misguided idealists or
criminals and the police and Regiment.
We can't take the view that the fellers
have no one to blame if they go out on
a limb and now it's being mercilessly
hacked down.
I am dismayed because I tend to
sense the existence of a feeling that,
however unsatisfactorily, however
messily, the guerrilla thing is drawing
towards its predetermined end, with
the participants being gunned down -
regrettably but inevitably.
I might never go to Caura hills;
hunting is not a sport I take part in.
But the fact that people accept that
the hills are now defacto areas
of military operations and out of
bounds is a prospect that alarms me.
Field trips by naturalists and stu-
dents have been called off. Campers
have been hauled in for questioning.
Searches are nightmares we all have.
Yet I don't hear the loud clamour
of people asking why, and insisting
that, if it has to be endured, that the
maximum care be taken to ensure that
citizens' rights are not infringed un-
necessarily. That the law enforcersstick
scrupulously to the law which is their
reason for being.


Why is it that the daily press, al-
ways calling for laws like the IRA to
be implemented, have not called for
the laws about inquests to take their
course? Or even asked about it.
There is no natural reason why
official convenience which leads to
the exaltation of the need for secrecy
should take pride of place over people's
convenience,their right to know what's
going on.
Citizens have a right to expect
that they will be able to go about
their normal business whether, work,
recreation or politics without undue
And if there has to be a curtail-
ment of this right or a regulation of
its exercise, then we ought to be
given a reasonable account of why.
Even then, we can expect that
officials who are sufficiently appre-
ciative of their own and the rights of
others would exercise the greatest
caution, erring on that side indeed, if
there is to be any excess.
If you have a proper understanding
of what freedoms are, then you can't

accept that your house can be heed-
lessly ransacked with an insolent show
of insensitivity, and then be satisfied
that it's "a search like any other
It is just not true that the courts
are open to people who want redress
in the way Chief Justice Hyatali
cynically suggests. The Courts should
be a last resort in these things, and in
any case, who wants to wait two years
for a charge of wrongful arrest or
assault to be heard?
Even while a civil charge of mur-
der stood against him, Supt Burroughs
was going about the country being
photographed in the newspapers,
armed, carrying out arrests, searches,
guerrilla hunts. When the case came
up, Mahmood, the man bringing the
charge, didn't turn up. The magistrate
threw it out. No questions asked. No


When a guerrilla shoots at a po-
liceman, it is "shooting with intent to
murder". When Insp. Prime shot Earle
Lewis in the back of his leg, it was
only "malicious wounding".
The police know all this: that the
odds are all on their side. And this is a
more powerful weapon than the SLR
which can prematurely "close the
case" anyway.
Adrian Espinet who had been
through the 1970 ordeal of arrest and
detention noted "the punitive intent"
evident in the "animosities and per-
sonal attentions of the police". He
called it a very bad thing, a very
unprofessional thing."
Well, we have to maintain that. We
have to insist that the obvious harrass-
ment of political figures like Granger
and Balfour is unprofessional; it shows
a political involvement of the police, a
bias on the part of public officials that
is deplorable but which we must
ourselves clamorously deplore.
The projection of individual po-
licemen as champions of law enforce-
ment, when this means the enforce-
ment of laws passed with clear political
intentions, is to make political figures
out of public officers.
It is as much a duty to be watch
ful, even suspicious, of the authorities,
as it is to support the police in the
keeping of law and order. The two
things are not incompatible.
These are observations which come
and have been coming from political
opposition. And maybe for that rea-
son, it is felt that we are only saying
so because we have cocoa in the sun.
But where are the other people
who have a citizen's concern with the
maintenance of a civil society based on
respect for rights and enjoying some
measure of stability?
The country can only go in this
direction when all the people who
share this perspective for it are pre-
pared to be active in its championship
We must askquestions, demand answers
and feel free to be vocal on the issues
of civil rights.
The regime of "total repression"
has markedly beeh gearing up. The
government's forces have been develop
ing the machinery to sustain a
police state. Those of us who prefer
voluntary restraint based on consent
had better start equipping our own
forces, and do it fast.


Lennox Grant


A AIA jrmffj: aJ






words, frightening words, but words which the people
of this country are hearing and using with increasing
And in a large degree the terror and violence are being
perpetrated by the police upon the people and the people are
responding in anger and hate. The obvious question is why?
It is above all necessary to introduce a note of cool, of
caution, in any attempt to answer this explosive question. We
must remember in the first place that the men of the Police
Force are not all brutes or bullies or inhumane men. That there
is an element of brutality cannot be denied, but it would be
unjust and unfair of us to attribute this to all our policemen.
After all these men are not aliens in this country. They
were born amongst us, they grew up with us, their children
are the friends of our children, in short they are part of us,
and to turn upon them now is to inflict upon this nation more
divisions than we have already and to create a wound that
may never heal.


The policemen of this country need our help, not our
abuse. While it is difficult to speak of helping them even while
they tramp through our houses, threaten our lives, intimidate
our children and seem to be trying to turn this country into one
vast concentration camp, the effort must be made.
For it is important to understand that like the rest of the
population, the policemen of this country are not free. For
they are caught in an evil dilemma that has been their burden
throughout our history and we must understand this and free
them once and forall from their unbearable position.
Throughout our history the laws of this land have been
made not to protect the people but to ensure our subjugation
and the use of the police to enforce these law has been an
important and essential part of the process of subjugation. It
is but the practical implementation of the old Colonial philo-
sophy of Divide and rule.
When the local police were set against the people and
the people rose up against the police a situation was created in
which the colonial masters had the opportunity to play the
role of arbiter and peacemaker, to make decisions for the
resolution of the conflict and by so doing to maintain their
It did not just happen that way, it was deliberately
planned. For example, during the Butler riots of 1937-1939
when the crowd burnt Charlie King to death, it is important to
remember that Charlie King the Policeman was as black as any
member of the crowd.


And as it was then so it is today. We may no longer be in
a colonial situation, but the Powers who rule this land, the
people who have interests to protect are using the same
tricks, they are playing the same game as the white colonial
masters. Theyare setting brother against brother, police against
Of course att he bottom of the present situation are the
brutal and oppressive laws that the regime has passed o limit
our rights' and to curtail our freedoms. But when a man is
accosted by a policeman carrying a vicious and lethal weapon,
he does not remember the cruel laws or the people who
passed them, all he sees is the policeman.
The first step then in freeing our brothers in the police
service from their untenable positions is to bring down the
regime that would use them in this evil way and force them
into this unhappy position. And the second step is to ensure
that never again are they placed in a position where they can
be manipulated by unscrupulous politicians. This is practical
language means bringing them under the control of the Munici-
pal Governments, and thus making them answerable only to
the people.
We are out to build a new society and the police also
have their part to play. Let us free them to play their part.
For we either stand together in freedom or we shall be
broken together in slavery.

Dear Tapia:
Events of the past weeks
torment me, and write I must:
particularly so when, from
whatever perspective I view
my homeland, you shift with
them, standing out behind
contributing to the zig-zag-

Let me say, here and now,
that I see you directing a
campaign for the inevitable
hurried General Elections.
That Tapia will win depend-
ing on the stand Tapia takes
and its mobilised leaders, and
that the issue to John Public
be based on Tapia's philo-
sophy and declared objec-
tives, but served to suit the
present taste of our popula-
tion. It can be done and
ought to be done.
To my mind, Tapia must
bear the responsibility for any
catastrophic trend superven-
ing from now on. Tapia has
been leading through since it
first spoke. And Tapia's
thoughts have permeated the
entire nation to the stunning
yet correct result of even a
total boycott of the last elec-
Even Eric's reconstruc-
tions or attempts at recon-
structions have been based
on Tapia's thinking. In short,
Tapia had been directing the
nation from a rear-seat.
At the present time there
is chaos. The genius, Eric,
must hide from the monster
he has created for he created
it; not in the image and like-
ness of a general will but in his
own. And so successful has
he been in structuring from
perpetual rule that sectional
interests now have no com-
mon denominator and the
nation gapes hoping for a
Why must not Tapia now
rise to the call it has fostered,
if not produced? The matter
of messianic self-projections
is of no moment now if Tapia

controls its forces.
Why can't Tapia win the
General Elections and pro-
ceed say to calling a General
Assembly? Win; take office;
then dissolve after setting up
the necessary machinery for
implementing phase 1 of the
new dispensation.
I still maintain that one
must join the herd if it is to
be led to verdant pastures.
The animals cannot be re-
trained while the shepherd -
the Moses still controls, in
whatever changed form.


I insist that I'm not talk-
ing bilge. Human beings will
remain with all the charac-
teristics present in our people
so long as the institutions and
machinery remain the same.
Preach as you will, write
as you will; holler as you will;
only effective control of the
machinery that can ever give
the chance to change things.
Take hold of the State now
that you've given the chance
to and steer it.
There is nobody in Trini-
dad capable of so tremendous
a task. A N R is devoid of
character and should he, by
Tapia, be made to secure
Carnival King, for his troupe,

in so far as essential leader-
ship is concerned, can only be
masquerade, then Tapia is a
Why advocate change,
condemn the obviously inept
pracrises of the regime, lead
thinking and produce hope
(even againsL the background
of the acceptance of self-
projected leadership), and
when the nation lies wounded
and putrefying Tapia says
"the time is not yet".
True it is that leaders
cannot be ,made: but is a
mechanical nicety important
to a dying man? Trinidad may
yet, if Tapia refuses to grap-
ple, go up in flames. It will
not die but Tapia will be
consumed in those flames
and control of the State will
be left to survivors and not
men whose lives are charac-
terised by "giving". Trinidad's
young will flounder, and pos-
terity will ridicule people like
Best, Lowhar, Laughlin and
My point may be clum-
sily put, yet if you but think
of it remembering my com-
ments on Tapia's "non-engage-
ment" perhaps it may contri-
bute something.
God's blessings!
Kingstown, St. Vincent

Moral authority:

Your rod to

shepherd the herd






THE DEATH of Salvador
Allende and the military
overthrow of his Govern-
ment in Chile must have
made Prime Minister Dr.
Eric Williams sharply aware
of the possibilities of a
similar threat here.
The first Marxist leader in
Latin America to have won
power through popular elec-
tions, Allende fell down during
the bombardment of his palace
after seeing his country's eco-
nomy crippled by prolonged
strikes brought about by pro-
testing workers and Christian
His ,wife and daughter as
well as Fidel Castro are con-
vinced that the uprising was
instigated and inspired by Yan-
kee imperialism.
Trinidad and Tobago has
oil, a resource which was of
increasing importance to the
United States especially with
the tension in the Middle East
between the Arabs and the
Since the outbreak of war
crude oil production here has
suddenly increased by 20%.
The State Department does
not look with favour on the
new attitude of friendship to-
wards Cuba in the OAS. Some
time ago Castro spent a whole
month as the guest of Allende
and the Chilean people.
Recently on his way to the
Non-aligned Conference in
Algiers his Russian-built
Ilyushin landed in Piarco and
he was warmly embraced by
Dr. Williams.
For some time now Dr.
Williams has been complaining
about external interference. At
the OAS meeting in Santo
Domingo, our representative
voted against the re-admission
of Cuba although the instruc-.
tion which left Whitehall was
that we should have voted in


With respect to our appli-
cation to join OPEC the Prime
Minister confidently announced
that we had been accepted as
a member only to discover that
his telephone conversations are
being tapped.
Dr. Williams has told us
that in '70 he was called upon
to declare the State of Emer-
gency by a delegation of labour
leaders led by Ex-Senator
Clive Spencer.
These Labour Congress
leaders had given him an ul-
timatum, threatening to gene-
rate unrest of the type which
led to Allende's downfall if the
prime Minister did not act.
It will be recalled that a
mass of workers in,WASA had
begun to seek membership in

the OWTU, and to leave
NUFGW and the PSA. Spencer
subsequently resigned very sud-
denly from the SWWTU, and
the reasons remain obscure.
It is only since Dr. Williams
announced his intention to re-
tire from public life that Spen-
cer returned on the scene by
securing an appointment as
Personnel Officer with the
National Insurance Board.
The expulsion of Otto Silva,
the agent of the American
Institute of Free Labour De-
velopment (AIFLD), was an
indication that Dr. Williams
was becoming more and more
suspicious of the involvement
of these foreign influences.


Both the Caribbean Con-
gress of Labour and the Trade
Union Congress under whose
joint auspices Silva was al-
lowed to set up office quietly
on Frederick Street, protested
vigorously and up to the last
minute it was hoped that the
expulsion order would be re-
These hopes were dashed.
Silva went on to Barbados, and
Gaston Benjamin, the CCL
Secretary has since resigned.
Paddy Summerfield, writ-
ing of "Regional Organisations
of Trade Unions in the Carib-
bean" in the '68 Cropover issue
of New World, had this to say:
"Several American -writers
commenting on the interna-
tional activities of US labour
have stated that the AIFLD is
virtually the agent for the US
GovernmenTt. And AIFLD mem-
ters have admitted their in-
volvement in the overthrow of
governments in Brazil and the
Dominican Republic.
"In '63 Cheddi Jagan, then
premier of Guyana, charged
that $1.2 million had been
made available to his oppo-
nents from United States
sources. In a letter to the New
York Times in June '63 he
wrote, 'Local trade unionists
known to be hostile to the
Government and none other
have been trained by the
AIFLD to overthrow my Go-
vernment .. "
In the November 14, 1971
issue of TAPIA we pointed
out: 'By the end of '70 a new
chief of CIA operations had
been sent out to Queens Park
West. With a record in Saudi
Arabia, he is known to be a
trouble shooter equipped for
dealing in oil.
"His job? the programme
of 'Public Safety'. His oppor-
tunity? The complete break-
down of the Industrial Stabilis-
sation A:t, the Government's
obvious inability to curb the
general restlessness of labour,
and their incredible delay in
introducing more reasonable
legislation. His instruments? -
"Cabinet" has already been
chosen, and it is believed too

The establishment labour
leadership and an ingenuous
One of the defects of the
PNM, according to Hudson-
Phillips, was the lack of active
labour union support. In this
respect, he contended, the rul-
ing party here was unique in
the Third World.
Implied in this statement
is the promise to bring labour
leaders into his Cabinet if he
were to capture the post of
political leader and eventually
of Prime Minister.
It is understood that such a

that several labour leaders who
have beenmade comfortable by
the IRA have pledged their
support for Hudson-Phillips.
Dr. Williams has blamed the
PNM for most of the problems
of the country, and has talked
about a mad scramble at the
public trough".
He has also told us of two
major blunders two pieces of
legislation which never came
before Cabinet fr scrutiny
This seems to be an obvious
reference to the Public Order
Bill which was rejected both by
the country and the party, but

which Hudson-Phillips had
vowed to bring back in pieces
These pieces are the Fire-
arms Act, the Summary Of-
fences Ordinance Amendment
Act, the Sedition Act and the
Industrial Relations Act.
So when Dr. Williams
warns us that there are those
who are all for total repression
there can be no doubt that he
is referring to the ex-Attorney
General, Karl Hudson-Phillips
whose proposed American-type
campaign for Party Chairman-
ship was described by the-
Prime Minister as an "intrusion
of outside elements into do-
mestic Party affairs".
Karl makes the reproach
that all that he has done was for
the greater glory of Dr. Wil-
liams. This Williams dismisses
as "mamaguy", having seen
clearly what Karl's intentions
We had better remind our-
selves of th: repression we havy,
suffered while Hudson-Phillips
was Attorney Geieral. The
"Public Safety" laws now in
force are tailor-made for a
Latin American dictator backed
by the State Department in





------ ---------~-----~ -~11------1 ~-1'

- ---- ----------~ -----`~-"I`""~-~--~



I ArIfA i'Atffh 5




BLOOD is thicker than water. In times of
trouble people instinctively seek solace and
strength amidst their kith and kin. Nationality
and race invariably expand their influence on
As the rapid onset of events precipitates
our own February Revolution to its consum-
mation in an enduring new regime, Trinidad
and Tobago inevitably probes the rule but
there is no way of knowing in advance whether
or not ours will turn out to be an exceptional
case. The ultimate result is certainly not pre-
ordained by the Fates.
What is already evident, however, is that the
issue of race and class is fraught with perplexing
paradox. The Black Power Movement which held the
spotlight in 1970 arrived on stage with hemispheric if
not universal credentials. Yet, the decisive reactions
to it were those on the most narrowly parochial scale.
It was the response of the Caroni people more than
the links we made with the other victims of the
Middle Passage which determined the political impact
of the Movement.
Then, too, Black Power identified the enemy as
the white power structure but the apprehensions and
fears which the Movement bred were greatest not
amongst the European and off-white minority, but
amongst the off-black Indian community which the
banner sought to woo.


Certainly the period since 1970 has witnessed a
fiercely competitive assertion of identity on the part
of Indians as well as Africans. In some quarters this
assertion of race and nationality has been so keenly
felt that the demand for a voting system based on
proportional representation has for the first time
found fertile ground on both sides of the racial fence.
It has even been argued at the Constitutional
Commission that, in devising a more equitable system
of government and, politics, we cannot but ac-
knowledge that racial fragmentation is a permanent
fact of life and that a genuinely multi-racial political
party is at best an idealist's hopeless dream.
Such an interpretation seems all the more curious
when it is realized that the political rebellion of 1970
was directed against the organised racism of the
PNM-DLP regime. The election campaign of 1961
and the constitutional discussions of 1962 had
witnessed an all but open retreat by the PNM from its
original programme of Bandung inter-racialism.
There is documentary evidence to suggest that
the boundaries in the 1966 election were drawn only
after clinical government study of where the major
races lived. The upshot was that by 1970, few must
have doubted that the PNM accepted itself as an
irrevocably African party, the DLP as an unabashedly
Indian one. Certainly, few acted on any different
It is true the rift between the races was a legacy
of the 19th century when the migration of indentured
Indians forced taxes up and wages down and robbed
the Africans of the bargaining power which Emancipa-
tion had given them against the planters. It is also
relevant that Williams' political references as the
college-exhibitioner-Messiah supreme, appealed most
directly and more strongly to those whose strategy of
self-salvation had for over one hundred years been
premissed on winning higher education as the most
effective means of establishing a people's elite visibly
and irresistibly qualified to succeed imperial power.


With the advent of Adult Suffrage in the 1940s
a political polarisation was historically a logical and
natural development in so far as the educated elite of
Christian functionaries was overwhelmingly African in
its racial identification.
The mere existence of a racial polarisation was
not however a sufficient condition for a racist political
system, as Williams obviously thought in 1956 when
he pursued a political integration of the races in a
single political party. By the same token, what did
tend to transform a mere historical polarisation of the
races into a racist system of politics was the singularly
unhistorical assumption made by Williams in 1958
after the Federal Elections, that the Indians con-
stituted "a recalcitrant minority," which was nothing
but a disingenuous euphemism for a permanent
communal force.
In 1960, CLR James was the first to appreciate
that the apocalyptic methods of Doctor Politics
necessitated a continuing appeal to religion and
nationality and a fanning of the flames of race. The
illusion of an omnipotent Messiah come single-
handedly to deliver his people from bondage survives
only where ignorance and impotence reign supreme.
It is therefore incompatible with the formation
of rational ideological perspectives and diametrically
opposed to the establishment of participatory party

First part of an

by Lloyd Best

To be co ntisnu

James' failure to win his point against Williams
in 1960 and the emergence of Capildeo as the alter-
native Prophet on the DLP side must be seen as
crucial developments in the consolidation of the racist
PNM-DLP regime which dominated the political stage
until Black Power and the new national movement
demolished it at the end of the 1960s.

IN THE slogan "Indians and Africans Unite",
Black Power found an entirely natural banner
of protest and an effective call to action. Tired
of the debasements of the previous decade
after the elevated promise of the late 1950's,
the nation once more reached out for the noble
vision of a just and multi-racial democracy.
Though the enemy was defined as a white
power structure, Black Power in Trinidad & Tobago
contained a universalistic almost religious appeal for
humanity, justice and love.
On the surface the Movement appeared to have
been faced by two mutually exclusive choices. If it
insisted on race as the basis of the political struggle
and aimed at whiteness as the target, it could only
have become anti-Indian in the end because once the
"we" has been defined in terms of blood, it becomes
impossible to be selective about the "they",
Many Indian fears about the Movement arose
precisely because they understood just this and could
not therefore be persuaded by a mere label of inter-
racial peace.


The other choice which the Movement faced
was to repudiate race as the basis of social and political
solidarity by opting for Afro-Indian unity and estab-
lishing the principle of multi-racial involvement with-
in a single political movement. Despite certain con-
fusions created by the international context and
others deliberately fostered by the political establish-
ment, it is quite clear the the Movement resoundingly
rejected race.
At bottom, history allowed us no other choice.
People instinctively understood that the most pressing

issue of power was to smash the base of the old
PNM-DLP regime. The new generation understood at
once that a revolt against the brutalities of con-
ventional politics demanded a demolition of its
traditional racial planks.
Unfortunately, the Afro-American context of
the Movement presented obstacles to collaboration
on the Caribbean scene. The demand for Black Power,
when it came, found an identical chord throughout
the Americas wherever there was the same yearning
for identity and self-expression, for spiritual and
cultural freedom amongst the worst victims of the
merchant-capitalist barbarization.
By the same twist of fate, it found not only
a common capacity for racial emphathy and racial
tolerance among the varied Afro-American commun-
ities, but also a sense of cultural nakedness. Above all,
it found a common failing of articulative power the
effect of which is to blind the peoples, as they strive
to prop up one another, to the individuality of their
different existential situations.
This failing in articulative command among
Afro-Americans is only the extreme example of the
psychological and cultural damage wrought by im-
perial rule wherever it imposes new values, new

c -ass


&CTOBER 28, 1973

perceptions, new tongues. However pervasive the
phenomenon, the Caribbean case is the extreme of the
extreme and in 1970, our vulnerability before im-
ported ways of thinking led us into catastrophic error.
Black consciousness, although authentic in its
own Caribbean terms, could not resist self-expression
in American styles of doing. The resulting confusion
was, only hinted at by the calamitous consequences of
Carmichael's visit to Guyana. Stokeley's insane re-
jection of Indians from the Movement was only one
small index of the danger of transferring political
perceptions from one environment to another.
The decisive difference between the West Indies
and North America is that here blacks do have political
power. Black Power may have been misused but no
amount of intellectual gymnastics will change the fact
that it does exist and it is only our fault if we have
allowed the colonial economy to survive.


And we must acknowledge that one of the
reasons why the PNM have allowed ittosurviveis be-
cause they do not believe that black people have any
head for business. Rather than rely on national
initiative and "let the Indians take over," they pre-
ferred to leave control with foreign capital.
All this we failed to see partly because it was a
bitter pill to swallow how could we admit to such
self-contempt on the part of the national movement
and its distinguished Messiah leader? The other part
was that we were unduly receptive to American intel-
lectual leadership. A thinker as loose as Fanon became
unduly popular here because he had been legitimate
by metropolitan radicalism, when for West Indians, his
workprovidesus with precious few marching orders.

We went off on all kinds of tangents and frittered
away the early chances of the February Revolution.
Just as we failed to see that our police could be made
a part of the revolutionary community and therefore
found ourselves adopting all the Panther stances
against the "pigs" and the "fuzz", so too we failed to
see that we had the chance to build a durable political
movement quite capable of taking the power. Accord-
ingly, we went off on a negative and planless scene.
The combination of our own quite legitimate
impatience and our quite gratuitous imitation of

Black American anarchism led us to aim for a totally
unfeasible knockout blow when the game could
easily have been won'on points. The irony of it is
that, for all their Seales and Cleavers, for all their
Elijah Mohammeds, their Malcolm X's and their
Stokeley Carmichaels,.the Americans have achieved no
ideological clarity discernably greater than ours.


Sadder still, and more shameful, the failure of
one imitation has initiated a desparing drift towards
the most constrictive creed of all. Overnight Marxists
are springing up everywhere. Some who only yesterday
were the most rabid advocates of race have suddenly
today been transformed into even more rabid advo-
cates of class.


HAROLD CRUSE has put this dilemma very
harshly in describing Black Power as a Move-
ment without a theory and Marxism as a
theory without a Movement. Black Power
certainly did provide a stirring call to action
for a brief period up to 1970 but it, has not
succeeded in converting its heady crowd-
'involvement into the iron disciplines needed
for permanent political organisation.
Marxism, with its glittering array of apostles, is
favoured with both a rich endowment of scriptures
and an abundant supply of popes and high-priests
always eager to expound on Chapter and Verse. The
nearest most of these scribes ever come to action is to
glofiry guerrilla activity in the morning papers. Behind
the cloak of radical rhetoric, they represent perhaps
the most colonised group among us, and in some ways,
effectively the biggest supporters of the old regime.
In the newly independent colonies, the successor
elite has been selected by the imperial power and
made fit to rule by education into metropolitan ways
of thinking. The neocolonial state survives partly
because the left as well as the right is equally colon-
ised by irrelevant theories of action, and has been
incapable of diverting their popular tributaries into a
single roaring torrent.


The great independence movements invariably
become causes of widespread disenchantment. In
Trindad and Tobago, the firebrand leadership of those
unforgettable independence struggles, for all its tra-
dition of radical Marxist scholarship, has turned out
to be just another house-slave, turned slave-master in
the new situation.

Since Williams was already 44 in 1956 so that
his personality and ideology cannot have undergone
any profound transformation since then, the mirage
of his radicalism can only be explained by reference to
our own illusions. We accepted "Capitalism and
Slavery" as a radical statement and a radical statement
it was. But not because of the original content of its
thought. Its significance for us derived from the violent
defiance of its stance and the aggressive departure
from the .historical interpretations then prevalent
in the colonial world.


The clue to its essential conservatism is that the
economic or Marxist interpretation of history was
already an orthodoxy in the metropolitan world of
the 1930's. t was an orthodoxy that certainly im-
proved historical interpretation but often led the
unwary into a damaging simplification, one that
excluded people from their rightful role in history.
It is an orthodoxy attractive to the dispossessed
because it lines up large supernatural forces in con-
flict without the bewildering complexity of a people's
world.lts most receptive audience is a colonial country,
not least the extreme Caribbean case.
Williams is only the most important so far of the
"Marxist Prophets" who have turned out to be sheep
intheclothingofanti-imperialwolves. The whole new
elite constitutes a group which, by virtue of its
education in the Imperial University system, enjoys a
monopoly of the metropolitan radical Scripture.
Their command of the whole hocus-pocus of
metropolitan radical thought, by defining them as
apostles of change in colonial eyes, makes them
politically indispensable to the real union and com-
munity leaders whose radicalism is entirely local and
relevant and therefore can never win the status it
deserves at least not from the colonial mind.
In Trinidad and Tobago we have the entirely
curious situation where the militant unionists who
have been holding out against the old regime and have
actually emerged from their work of building political
organisation from below, are not only forced to utter
imported slogans which completely confuse their
followers and keep their movements in splinters, but
also are forced over and over to rely on university-
trained lawyer/economists, manifestly their political
In the newly independent colonies, the real
community leaders can get legitimacy only by accept-
ing metropolitan definitions of their radical worth. To
repeat a Panther slogan or regurgitate a Marxist
slogan is immediately to attract political attention in
the colonial countries.
The brokers behind this recolonizalioi process
is the parasite academic class. Their command of the
metropolitan Scripture is the surest pledge of thbei


However, as the Marxist parties almost every-
where in the new states have proe n, metropolitan
radical thought has not provided any serious guide to
action in any part of our American world.
In the Cuban case, the Communist panyy e-
garded Castro and Guevara as n oihing but ra/y and
arrogant middle-ciass adventurers. The ('Coimn ;ists
opposed the Movement until near the vec!, end of
Batista.Theyspent their time in Havana indenifyingthe
the truly revolutionary classes while under their very
noses,the peasants were making revolution in Orente.
In Trinidad and Tobago, those of us who .ire
dedicated to a practical and concrete programme of
revolutionary reconstruction cannot afford to be
caught either in the doldrums of theoretical exegesis
or in the swell of frenzied mobilization:
We must devise that most elusive and Marxian -
not Marxist -- thing of all, a praxis, a 'theory of race
and class capable of informing action. Such a theory
would be forthcoming only if we abandoned Holy
Scripture and addressed our native intelligence to the
specific facts of our own particular place and tuie.
The most urgent task of the February Revolu-
tion is to fashion a theory of action grounded in the
reality of Caribbean life. We must see that the hope-
less floundering of many community leaders, in the
unions and the local areas, is partly due to the failure
of the intellectuals to fulfil their primary revolution-
ary responsibility. That responsibility is to make
intellectual revolution..









BARRISTER Vernon De Lima
came to the rescue of a San
Femando young woman who
was before the court on a
charge of arson.
As a result the young wo-
man who pleaded guilty to the
charge was placed on a one-
year bond of $250, and she was
required by the court to report
to the probation officer once
a fortnight.
South Tapiaman Nigel Gill
who had taken an' interest in
the case feels that the inter-
vention of Mr. De Lima at a
critical stage of the court pro-
ceedings was an important fact-
or in the San Fernando sister
getting mercy from the court.
That critical stage was the
morning of Tuesday October 9
when the young woman ap-
peared without a lawyer in the
San Fernando High Court to
answer such a serious charge.
She had been unable to
raise the $250 asked by a
southern lawyer.
After her guilty plea the
sister was asked whether she
had anything to say why sen-
tence should not be passed on
her. She broke down in tears.
At this point Mr. De Lima
rose from the bar and asked the
judge to have a word with the
He then pleaded,with the
court for her and the judge
responded with equal mercy.
Says Tapiaman Nigel Gill:
"On Behalf of sister Maria Wil-
lams, her mother, the brothers
on the block of Lower Mucura-
po Street and the brothers
and sisters of Tapia, I would
like to extend my sincere thanks
to Mr. De Lima and to a lesser
extent to the presiding judge
and the prosecutor Mr. Dwarika.
"It is heartening to see that
at least there are still some
members of the legal profession
whose hearts are in the right

STRIFE, and conflict;
division and disagreement.
Is there anything at all that
the country is agreed upon?
Yes, there is. And if
you listen to the sound that
comes through clearly
above the discord, then
you must hear this simple
tune: "TIME -FOR- A -
The country has said it.
Tapia agrees. And, said Tapia
Secretary Lloyd Best in El
Dorado, Tunapuna, last week
Friday night:
"If I have to make a jail,
we go make this change. If we
have to put our necks upon the
blocks to pull this country from
the hole, we will do it. We
want to sound it loud and clear
so neither friend nor foe will
be deceived".
For "change", read "new
men, new plans, new organisa-
The men, They are young,
without previous political affi-
liation, able, and prepared to
display their mettle as the
campaign goes on.
The plans. More and more
they will become known as
time goes on. But they come
from a specific and concrete
and hard-headed analysis of
the degradation and the bru-
talization and the pain and the
punishment that people have
experienced in this country.
The organisation. It stands
on solid foundation, the result
of five years' patient building.
The task now is to put up the
building on those foundations.
That is, to form a national
political organisation.
With these, Tapia hopes to
move the country from the
last stage of advance it attained
in the fifties. In 1956 the PNM
promised party politics, perma-
nent organisation.
But it failed to fulfill that:
what it did provide was a one-
man show. For' the rest, the
PNM, according to Williams
himself, was a mercenary or-
ganisation motivated only by
material gain.
"We have to lift this coun-
try beyond where the PNM left
it. If you do not see in this
organisation the men, the ma-
terials, *the command, the mo-
ral strength and the political
imagination all that is necess-
ary to lift the nose of the
country above where the PNM
left it don't touch us with a


.Wed. October 31 Suc-
cess Village, Laventille.
Thurs. November 1 -
Fri. November 2 Point
Fortin (2).
Wed. November 7 Diego
Thurs. November 8 -
Diego Martin.
Fri. November 9 Fyza-
bad, Charlie King Junction.


ten-foot pole," Best declared.
Butler improved on Cipriani.
Williams improved on Butler.
Tapia must improve on Williams
or we would be only "spinning
top in mud".
Tapia, therefore, contem-
plated a political, party which
was not only a permanent or-
ganisation kept alive by the
purse strings of political patro-
"We are saying," Best con-
tinued, "that we have to move

from party politics of that kind
to what we call participatory
That means, instead of
leaving it all up to one man,
we must put real control into
the hands of the localities and
the groups.
What makes the difference
is the time we have taken to
build it. For Williams and the
PNM did themselves have the
idea, but they attempted to
build the party in nine months.

And that was the mistake.
"You have to build an
organisation that has a demo-
cratic culture, that understands
what it means to limit leaders.
Somebody must be able to tell
Williams 'Bill you talking a lot
of rass'. But nobody could
tell him that, and that's the
And that, Best added,
showed the kind of political
party we had to build, if we
were to be an improvement on
the PNM.



THE Repertory Dance
Theatre (RDP) under the
direction of Astor John-
son will open its Novem-
ber season with two per-
formances at 4.30 and
8.30 p.m. at the Napa-
rima Bowl on Sunday
November 4.
Following this the com-
pany comes to Port of Spain
for three performances at
Queens Hall on Friday Novem-
ber 16 and Saturday Novem-
ber 17. There will be a special
matinee presented by the
National Commercial Bank,
on the 17th for students.
Included in this season's
schedule is a lecture concert
at Providence Intermediate
School on Friday November 9.
Fresh from their success
in Pieces II in which they
were featured jointly with

DerekWalcott's Theatre Work-
shop the RDT is looking for-
ward to an exciting season.
Five new works are listed
forpresentation.These include
"Graveyard for the Living",
"Moments" and "Danse
Two shorter pieces "The
Pas de Deux from Love Songs"
and "Lament" a solo chereo-
graphed by Austin Forsyth,
complete the quintet.
These will be performed
along with some of the other
dances from the repertoire. It
is also hoped to present vary-
ing programme on each appear-
The cast features many of
the dancers from last season
Henry Daniel, Roslyn
Charles, Lewt Carrabon, Edi-
son Carr, Adele Bynoe, Wayne
Cantaste and Michelin Del-

Making their first appear-
ance with the RDT this season
are Stephen Bobb,Olive Jones,
Sandy Augustus, Lori Jodhan
and Clarence John.
The company has been
fortunate in-obtaining the ser-
vices of Andre Tanker who
will direct the music. The
Gonzales Folk Choir, the Mau-
Mau drummers and chanters
and pianist Clive Alexander
will also provide music and

Lighting will be handled
by John Andrews, decor by
Henry Telfer and the stage
management by PATT.
Tickets are available from
members, from Stephens High
Street, San Fernando, from
the PRO office Admin. Bldg.
UWI St. Augustine and from
Y. De Lima and Co. Frederick
St. Port of Spain.





,. AAfter

I.W the war



fights to


badly damaged buildings,
groupsof women work with
hammers, separating bricks
and iron rods that are
whole enough to be reused.
The sound of the hammers
is sometimes interrupted
by the rhythmic noise of
the machines in the March
8th Textile Factory in
The North is now re-
building everything that
had been destroyed in a
single attack by Nixon's
The workers of the textile
factory 80 percent of whom
are women tend their ma-
chines and also work as brick-)
layers carpenitrs and rubble
In spite of the constant
threat of bombs, no moment
did the factory stop function-
ing, until December 28, 1972.
On that day, the US Air
Force destroyed 50 percent of
the buildings and 30 percent of
the equipment of the March 8th
Textile Factory.


Because of the protection
measures the factory took, the
shelters united by communicat-
ing trenches, no worker was
wounded or killed in spite of
the 70 bombs that were dropped.
Real victory came 12 hours
later, when the workers started
to operatesome of the machines.
One month later, the factory
was in full swing again.
In 1965, shortly after John-
son began the first escalation
of the war against the North, a
photograph distributed by the
Vietnamese Information Agen-
cy showed the evacuated fac-
tory, with only the machine
bolts on the floor.
It was the March 8th plant
which had opened only a year
before. The photo spoke elo-
quently of the first of the
enormous sacrifices made to
maintain production.
The factory, divided in five
separate centres, located 20 km.
from each other, had to operate
under difficult conditions.
Then the workers had their
first experience as builders, for
they had to construct the new
buildings for their dispersed
factory, the dispensaries, day-
care centres and schools for
their children.

!E J [4

With the end of the John-
son escalation, the factory re-
turned to Hanoi. Then on July
'4of 1972 independence day
of the United States Nixon
sent his planes to bomb the
workers' district adjacent to the
factory, destroying most of
the newly built blocks of apart-
ment houses.
This reporter still remem-
bers the sight of those buildings
shortly after the attack. They
were covered with grey dust
from the effect of the bombs,
and a reporter from the "Wash-
ington Post" was mulling over
the possibility that an anti-air
craft missile had fallen on land
and had caused the great

More than 100 families were
left homeless and faced with
the urgent task of reconstruc-
tion. Today, 80 percent of
those buildings have been re-
constructed, along with a hospi-
tal, schools, day-care centres,
a movie house and even a park.
Le Minh Hai, a middle-aged
restless woman, is the assistant
director of the textile plant.


She told us that as of now
production goals have been
fulfilled by 102 percent in
terms of quantity and by 87
percent in terms of quality.
Statistics are always cold,

Even the blind

exact statistics but the num-
ber of "thuong binh"
(mutilated)is high in North
Vietnam. That is why the
government has sought so-
lutions which will permit
the employment of this
labour force and their phy-
sical rehabilitation.
In 1954 Ho Chi Minh
adopted a policy which may
be summarized as "Mutilated
but useful". He uttered that
phrase during his visit to a
special school for soldiers who
had been blinded in the war
against the French.
The visit represented a
change in the old ideas about
work for the mutilated. The
blind soldiers received not only
special training to overcome
their handicap and music
classes, but also manual work
Today the DRV is con-
structing a new four-story
building for the war blinded.
"But even so it will not be
enough. We'll have to build
more institutions of this type
in other provinces",said Nguyen
Ngoc Ninh, director of the
Special Centre for the Blind.
The school for. the blind
has also become a workshop
which produces wire brushes,
screws, and sandpaper.
The blind, old and young

alike, with their dark glasses,
sit and carry out complicated
movements and operate ma-
Thach Kem, 63 years old,
a veteran of the anti-French
war, works near Nguyen Van
Tan, 26 years old, who lost his
sight in the war against US
"After the war began, more
than 100 blind people came
here. Now when the new build-
ing is finished, we'll have more
than 200, but it still won't be
big enough," commented the
The phrase "not big enough"
was repeated constantly, as if
to emphasize that the war has
left a great number of blind and
The "veterans" of the in-
stitution work in the day and
teach reading and writing to the

particularly when one is not
there to see the dramatic, living
reality of the workers in the
Huge sheets of nylon cover
the top of the plant, protecting
workers, machines and raw
material from the rain.
Many of the buildings are
still without roofs, with a lot of
machines functioning in the
open air. Only the determina-
tion of the workers to protect
the installations from rain has
kept the factory from stopping
In addition, there is the
heat, a problem aggravated by
the fact that the plant's venti-
lation equipment has been des-

troyed. And there is the hot
steam coming from some of
the machines in the wash and
dye sections.
Outside, at the entrance to
the factory, thousands of bicy-
cles are parked in the lots,
while underneath the shade
trees, groups of women work-
ers talk or study, some waiting
to start their shifts, others
having finished them.
A big sign bears the words
of Ho Chi Minh: "Nothing is
more precious than independ-
ence and liberty".
Referring to what we had
seen, Le Minh Hai said: "These
disasters awaken our hatred
more and this is a stimulus for
us to rebuild our factory". [P.L.]

play their part

new pupils at night. In 1972, in
spite of the war, these blind
people produced 400,000 sheets.
of sandpaper, fulfilling their
work targets by 103 percent.
"We had to work very hard,
but it was our small contribu-
tion to the war effort", said
Huynh Van Cam, a 46 year old
man who lost his sight in the
war against the French in Nam
Near the Long Bien bridge
there is a small workshop which
produces "Ham Rong" Brand
toothbrushes. Many workers
here have one arm or one leg
Others, apparently well
physically, have undergone
complicated surgical operations.
Most wear a red insignia with
the inscription "thoung binh"
The Party has.allowed them

to call their toothbrushes
"Ham Rong" after the name of
the bridge on the Ma River
which during the war was a
symbol of resistance and the
grave of more than a hundred
US airplanes.
Dinh Doanh Tam, 50 years
old, is the director of this
singular workshop. He lost his
right arm in the fight against
the French in a province near
Hanoi. He was one of the com-
batants who participated in
the destruction of one of the
biggest fortresses maintained by
the French in Vietnam.
"Of the 180 workers in
this shop, 130 are mutilated.
Most of them are combatants
in the war against US troops,"
he said.
The factory exports part of
its production to Cuba. That is
why the director explained that
they value highly "Cuba's sup-
port and the constant references
to Vietnam in the speeches of
Fidel Castro".
The workshop is very new.
It began to function in 1972 and
that same year it was partially
destroyed during the US bomb-
ing raids of December.
The mutilated of Vietnam
work and study. In the work-
shop they also take cultural
and technical courses.
"We also have a self-defense
unit, because we canstill fight",
said one of the workers in the
shop. [P.L.]

w.,I* 9


*-' -~ t~ _r 7i C




synonymous with Tuna-
puna and associated with
furniture and other house-
hold items has recently
opened the doors of a new
furniture and appliance
store for shopper, especial-
ly those from Tunapuna
and the surrounding dis-
The building representing
this new phase in retail trading
by the Senhouses stands firmly
at 110 Eastern Main Road.,
Tunapuna. And it serves as a
hardware and upholstery cen-
tre as well.
This apparently sudden
take-off into retail business was
not so sudden after all. Instead
it marks in bold a point after
almost two generations of part-
nership, toil and self-sacrifice,
spanning the better part of half
a century. In a phrase --slow,
solid, and patient building
brick by brick.
It all began in 1939 when
the late Lionel Senhouse and
his widow Albertine let their
buckets down in Tunapuna,
just where the new establish-
ment now stands. As sole





Big Surprise Discounts on these Buys

* Film Processing
* Film Sales
easy Christmas Terms


traders this husband and wife
team managed what was a small
furniture and haberdashery
centre until 1964 a period of
26 years when old man
Senhouse kicked the bucket.
For two years more, Alber-
tine held the reins by which
time Max Senhouse, burly and
now 37 years, was ready to
enter the picture. Taking over
the Senhouse banner in 1966,
the young Max, brimful of
ideas, devoted his fullest atten-
tion to the store.
Previous to this, Max who
is a professional photographer,
worked with Wilson's Camera
Company in 1960 and sub-
sequently with Shoup Execu-
tive Corporation in Jamaica
and in Barbados. Later he was
employed with the Trinidad
and Tobago Government as
Chief Photographer Technician
in the Electoral Office.
So Max, unable to give up

I Now on
and continuing

photography for the business
bequeathed by his forebears,
solved his dilemma by adding
to the Senhouse name, a photo
studio. The studio which ad-
joins the new building is
manned by the well-experienced
Vernon Bousignac.


The new section is managed
by Winston Senhousev Max's
younger brother, and a veteran
upholsterer. Eager as well, to
continue the tradition of good
service to customers are two
charming assistants Margaret
and Ursula Sylvester.
The policy accorded shop-
pers is "fast efficient service -
quality fully guaranteed or
money back". But Max is at

Austin Percival Bramble
won a landslide election
victory over his father W.H.
Bramble. Young Bramble
launched a new Govern-
ment with a 100% mandate
from the people to freeze
all sale of lands to white
North Americans who had
obtained very liberal con-
cessions from Old Bramble
between 1963 and 1970.
This blow to the real estate
and construction boom of the
sixties caused young Bramble
to be viewed with suspicion
and fear by the new North
American residents who had by
then established two white en-
claves on the island.


After his first year in office
as Chief Minister, Bramble be-
gan to-feel insecure without
the financial support of the
.white "investors" and there-
fore changed his policy and
went to the polls after just two
and a half years, seeking an
"anti-racism" mandate from

pains to point out that thft
policy is no fly-by-night gim-
According to him, his
father "left a good name in the
business world. I have met
many customers from as far as
San Fernando, who comes
down to have their furniture
made here and I intend to
continue this good service".


opposite St. Charles R.C.
TEL: 662-4087


Reg. $205.00
Special $168.00
Reg. $220.00
Special $168.00
* LIL SLIDING (4' 6")
PANEL BED Complete
with Dri1rn mattress
Reg. $325.00
Special $199.00
with side Drawer Head
piece Complete
Reg. $420.00 1--
Special $299.00 'I
4' 6" Complete. \
Reg. $21500 /
-'.ecial $170.00
MATTP'.SS. '>;3
Special S49.95


* 21" SHARP
* 17" SHARP
and other Household Appliances.




the people.
The gimmick came in the
form of an attack on the
Secondary School and the cul-
tural programme at the Extra-
Mural Department (UWI) in
Montserrat which have high-
lighted West Indian folk music,
Caribbean dance and West In-
dian plays.
Bramble insists that this
programme makes the whites
uneasy and also corrupts the
youth with its "bad" language
and Afro-Antillean emphasis.
The folly of the racial issue
can be judged from the follow-
ing list of plays staged at the
Extra-Mural Department be-
tween 1971 and 1973.

Douglas Archibald
BEGGARMAN by Eric Burton
(c) COCKADOO by Arnold Cam-
(d) TERMINUS by Denis Scott
(e) BELLE FONTOby Eric Roach
Peter O'Neil
by Dorcas White
(h) BIG BUSINESS by Vincent
J.S. Barker
Errol Hill
SHAWL by Errol John
by David Edgecombe
(m) THE SEANCE by George
COMING by Neville Labastide
fred Redhead
(p) MAMAGUY by Freddie Kis-
fred Redhead
Eric Burton
Tutors in this programme
have been:- DANCE: Lavinia
Williams of Haiti, Claire Evelyn
of Trinidad; DRAMA: Eric
Burton of Antigua, Dr. George
Irish of Montserrat (Resident
Tutor), Howard Fergus of
Montserrat (Chief Education
Officer); MUSIC: Bernice Whit(
of Montserrat (Education Of-
ficer) and Edith Bellot-Allen
of Montserrat (Teacher).

Bramble's campaign ticket:
"Racism in Education must be
wiped out", was rejected by
the people as a smoke-screen
but his party was returned to
power because there was no
opposition party contesting the

662 5126



I ----- _j



LATIN American writers
are continuing to win
awards of various sorts
in Europe.
The latest include a
$10,000 U.S. Books Abroad/
Neustadt International Prize
Colombian novelist whose
best known work Cien anos
de soledad (One hundred
years of solitude) has estab-
lished itself as the most popu-
lar book ever written in the
Spanish language.
Cuban poet was awarded the
Viareggio Prize in Italy in
appreciation of "the human
and artistic value of his


Cuban novelist won the
Medicis prize for the best
foreign novel of 1972, a work
entitled Cobra. Sarduy be-
came alienated from the
Cuban Revolution and took
up residence in France. His
writing is oriented to the
school of objectivist literature
in vogue in France. His
novelshave become increasing-
ly abstract and difficult,
gradually eschewing plot and
relying on linguistic wisdom.
His first novel, Gestos told of
a black singer who operated
as a terrorist during the Ba-
tista regime. His second novel
De donde son los cantantes
offered the reader a series of
scenes and images intended
to capture the racial- political
content of Cuban life. Cobra
is a novel which derives from
Sarduy's interest in Oriental


At a "Flanders Festival,"
an international jury appoint-
ed to examine world lyric
poetry during the last twenty
years, selected the Mexican
poet, OCTAVIO PAZ, as one
of five poets awarded prizes.
Not so long ago Paz was
elected by the Cornell Uni-
versity Board of Trustees as
Andrew D. White Professor at
Large for 6 years, 19731979.
He only needs to make
periodic visits for lectures,
seminars and colloquia.
Born in 1910 Paz has
been the dominant figure in
Mexican poetry since the
fifties. For many years he
was a member of the Mexican
Foreign Service, becoming
Ambassador to India, a job
from which he was fired
when he protested against
the massacre of students in
Mexico in 1968 prior to the


writers win



Olymp, Games held there,
by the nired thugs of the
Mexican Government.
Together with a number
of other left-wing intellec-

tuals, including CARLOS
FUENTES, whose novel Cam-
bio de piel, (Change of Skin)
won the Seix-Barrel prize
last year,

Paz has since founded a
political party to oppose the
one Party Statism of PRI,
the Institutional Revolution-
ary Party.
The only prize winning
Latin American writer who
is an ardent supporter of
white Anglo-Saxon American
attitudes is the Argentine,
whose stories are so popular
in Europe and the States.
His most recent opinion is
that the supreme folly of the
United States was to have
allowed blacks to receive an
education. They should have
been kept illiterate and igno-
rant, as in many Latin Ameri-
can countries, he is reported
to have said.

Sesame by
PRE-SCHOOL kids in Latin
America are now Ituning in
to a Spanish version of Sesa-
me Street called Plaza Sesamo
Half the cost of the pro-
duction, $1 million, was pro-
vided by Xerox Corporation.
In return Xerox was to
get a seven-second credit line
at the beginning and end of
each programme.
Of course since only the
better-off elements in Latin
America can afford a tele-
vision set, the deprived and
illiterate, an enormous majo-
rity, will benefit in no way
from the venture.

5th Anniversary




Sunday Nov18,1973


* Foreign policy

= Constitutional reform

* Social and economic reorganization

* National political mobilization



82-84, St Vincent Street, Tunapuna (front)
91, Tunapuna Road, Tunapuna (back)

Members and associates who need or can assist with transportation to and
from the Assembly, are asked to advise the Administrative Secretary, Allan
Harris (Tel. 662-5126) ;ot later than Wednesday, November, 14

i's. ndrea Talbutt,
Research Institute for
Study of imn,
162, East 78th Sbreet,
ITU YORK, N.Y, 10021,/
Ph. Lehigh 5 8448,





Drawing from the heritage of Africa and Europe Tony Williams creates

"EAGAR EARS quicken
the tongue of the ora-
tor". That is what the
Tapia team comprising
Michael Harris, Robert
Maxwell and Ruthven Bap-
tiste discovered when we
went to Mayaro, New
Lands and Guayaguayare
last weekend.
Three meetings were
held in all, one at Mayaro
on Saturday last and two
the following Sunday at
New Lands and Guaya-
The advance party of the
above mentioned was joined
by Allan Harris and Lloyd Best
for the final meeting at Guaya-
At Mayaro. the first meet-
ing was held and after over -
nighting at Mayaro the Tapia
wagon rolled to New Lands
and Guaya.
At the meetings at Mayaro
and New Lands Robert Maxwell-
introduced Ruthven Baptiste
and Michael Harris. Baptiste
outlined the objectives of the
Tapia and the programmes




through which those goals were
to be realized.
He took issue with the
editor of the Bomb,Pat Choko-
lingo who in a recent statement
branded Lloyd Best and Tapia
as a bunch of idealists, while
Choko considered men around
Eric Williams cold, ruthless men
who could deal with the harsh
realities of this cruel world.
Baptiste pointed out that
coldness and ruthlessness had
led the country to unemploy-
mentand brutality.He maintain-
ed that Tapia was practical in
basing its proposals on the
assumption that we the people
of Trinidad and the Caribbean
have the capacity, wit, intelli-
gence and the moral strength
to create a just and humane


Our history in the Carib-
bean abounds with evidence in
our capacity to survive, revolt
and to create anew in spite of
systematic oppression. He cited
the Haitian Revolution that lit

flames throughout the Carib-
bean, leading to Emancipation
in Trinidad in 1838.
After Emancipation, Bap-
tiste said, our forefathers
had started out with nothing, no
land, no capital and 124 years
later in 1962, legal Independence
was achieved.
Baptiste claimed the people
had expressed our creative
genius in the steelband move-
ment. That movement had
started from nothing, with old
pans lying in backyards.
In creating the steelband
we drew from the heritage of
Africa and Europe. Baptiste
saw in the steelband a marriage
of the drum of Africa and
European musical technology.
So that when Tapia bases
its programmes on the assump
tions that the people of Trini-
dad and Tobago have energy
and wit, it was not engaging in
impractical idealism. Tapia was
doingso on the basis of historical
Then Campaign Manager
Michael Harris spoke and at the
meeting at New Lands particu-
larly it was a moving experience.
The people of New Lands

L .* 9'


urged him to rap on, punc-
tuating his speech with enthu-
siastic applause. He said: "The
question is not who we go put,
brothers and sisters, but rather
What we go put".
We go put, Mike said, a new
political system.


"If you change the men and
leave this brutal political sys-
tem intact another time, we
will never get another chance,
to change it. We built on the
shifting sands of one man for
three times.
In 1919, Cipriani, 1937,
Butler, 1956, Williams. Are we
going to make the same mistake
again. Nobody go do for you
what you must do yourself.
We must build our house-on
solid rock, and the rock of any
nation is the people. The people
are the salt of the earth. Mike
said that the pillars must erect
on that rock are two local


government and an enlarged
senate with representatives from
all interest
Local government so that
the people of Mayaro, New
Lands and Guayaguayare can
provide themselves' with the


neessities of life; an enlarged

panded senate would bring the
senate witreprestatives of ties from
all into the corridors of the central
government itself. Thosal government so that

pillars, Mike said, arethe safe-
guards of the of Mayaro, New
Lands and Guayaguayare can

provide themselves with th
necessities of life; and the ex-

pandchoose. There would bring the
repreountry today and the people

no middle road. We in Tapia
areinto the corridors of the entraldom. If
you sit on your backsides andtwo
piars, Mike said,ouare he safe-ing.
Yguare choosing the backwpeople.ard
"The time has come to
choose. There are two camps in
the country today and there is

no middle road. We in Tapiaareon the
are on the side of freedom. We are march-
you sit on your backsides and
do nothing you are choosing.
You are choosing the backward
road. We in Tapia are on the
side of freedom. We are march-
ing down the road to freedom
join us.
Some of the brothers took
us literally, and they organised
their own transport to hear us
again at Guaya.

WHAT IS the national sports council doing? For two
years this council has been in existence and all the
country has got from it is promises.
Where are the 10 regional sporting centres of which we
heard so much in 1971 ? Up to now none of these centres has
been built and every year the allocation has been going back
to the Treasury.
Is 1973 going to be the same? The indications arc 1973
will be no different. One of the proposed regional centres is
Constantine Park at Macoya Road, Tunapuna. Project Con-
stantine Park was started before the NSC was established, to
honour Learic Constantine's fall from ministerial prestige.
Twelve years later the project is still in its formative stages.
The land where the park is located used to be fertile,
sugar growing land and nearby residents have been asking why
that rich top soil was removed and another set purchased to
replace it. Since the promised development by the NSC has
not materialised, it is reasonable to conclude that the NSC is
just as ineffective as the St. George County Council.



of the Caribbean

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