Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00074
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: September 2, 1973
Frequency: completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00074

Full Text

Vol 3. No. 35

SEP 4 '73






OUR 11th anniversary of In-
dependence finds this country
already in a mood of reflection.
The agonizing about the present
and its promise for the future
has been intensified by the un-
mistakable evidence of the arri-
val of a heightened military
dimension in the political situa-
Will the struggle that engulfs
the police extend before long to
the politicians? When that day
will come if it is not here
already we in Tapia don't
know. So much is uncertain now
that it is foolhardy for as to
pretend any perceptive grasp of
present realities.
What we do know is that the
Government is to blame for
this development. The story, as
we have told it, goes back to the
1970 February Revolution when
the PNM Government, charac-
teristically incapable of any re-
sponse transcending meanness
a id petty vindictivene 5, chose
to impose a State of Emergency
and then to introduce its Public
Order Bill.
That it showed to be its true
"Perspectives for the New So-
ciety". So that the document
bearing that name which came
afterwards, like the elections of
1971 and the appointment of a
Constitution Commission, all
came too late and therefore

short of possible civil war.Itis by no
means the only measure that has
been advocated in the last five years.
There are still indeed those who
clutch at the mirage of a new regime
being installed through a quick elec-
After Millette in 1970 and the
Robinson-Jamadar offerings of 1971,
that expedient is embraced now only
by the cynical and the foolhardy.
Let them tell us how they would
hold an election campaign in the
present political climate.
One means that has not been
adopted and explored is what Tapia
has been advocating since May 1970
a Constituent Assembly. It is not
a discredited alternative. It just has
not been tried.
And we urge now that the pre-
sentation of the Wooding Report be
the occasion for a sincere initiative
in this respect. We urge:
1. That Parliament be dissolved;
2. That an Assembly of all politic-
al groups be called (including NUFF);
3. That the Chairman of the Con-
stitution Commission occupy the
chair and members of the Commission
serve as a Secretariat;
4. That the Commission's Report
and Draft Constitution be the work-
ing papers;
5. That there be free debate; and
6. That the Government place it-
self on par with all the rest.
No magic wand, no amount of
hoarse bellowing from Tunapuna
will bring this about. It is people -
particularly those who are standing
aside and urging non-solutions who
must take a stand now. There may
not be another chance.

WE IN Tapia are proud heirs to
the publicist tradition of the
New World Movement. After five
years what account can we give
to those 40 affiliates of the
Trinidad New World Group whose
anxious hope brought them to a
fateful November meeting in the
nidst of the Rodney crisis? What
has Tapia done to dignify and
extend the New World heritage?
Inevitably, we have done a great
deal less than hoped, but we have
done a great deal none the less. We
thought we could help consolidate
"New World Quarterly" to widen
communication on a regional scale,
but all we have managed to do is to
make our centre-spread available for
reflective investigations of the New
World kind.
That is not quite good enough
and the absence of the radical regional
quarterly must disturb us till we can
fill the gap.
On the other hand, with Tapia,
now unfalteringly appearing every Fri-
day since last November, we have
established the most influential little
paper of the many spawned by the
New World Group. Not only do we
combine wide-ranging commentary
end review with pointed vanguard
reporting on the issues of our time,
but we manage the combination with-
out any sacrifice of taste, discrimina-
tion or rational method.
Above all, by sticking to the
strategy of patient building, we have
remained a viable operation against all
the probabilities.
We have been building up both
the plant and equipment needed for
the Movement's own print-shop as well
as the technical and business staff
required for a Tapia Publishing House.
By the end of this year we ex-
pect to have established facilities to
guarantee the appearance of our paper
and other publications without need
for any outside services.
We can rejoice that this has
been achieved almost totally on a
self-help basis. Perhaps we were lucky
that our fund-raising drives never
caught the imagination of any but the
hard-core New World associates our
list outside the West Indies brought in
less than $400 US.
Almost all our saving and invest-
ment represent the capitalisation of a
labour of love. All our full-time staff
are whole-hearted Tapia people, even
those who were not when first they
Where others have workers and
management we have a community
forged by continuing creative partici-
patien and increasing mutual trust.
Even the qualified professionals among
our workers draw only a subsistence
wage and the principles which decide
our pay-scale anticipate what we ad-
vocate for the entire country.
Continued on Page 2

15 Cents

gained too little credibility.
For the February Revolu-
tion was a revolt against a cor-
rupt and brutal regime. There
was no effective opposition in
Parliament; there is absolutely
none now. The Government was
bent on repressing lawful expres-
sions of dissent, it still is now.
In 1970 large sections of the
country were galvanized against
a regime which simply failed to
liberate the creative potential
of a subjugated race, inheritors
of the Caribbean patrimony -
black, brown, pink and white.

That is why the People's
Parliament gained legitimacy
over the above that enjoyed
by that throttled House across
the street. And placed our na-
tional independence movement
in the mainstream of human
So that the inherent base-
ness of the Government's re-
sponse could not match the
idealism of the people's de-
mands. And the results are all
around us today; solutions seem
about to be fired out of the
barrels of opposing guns.
To the extent that we in Tapia
are able to assess the present situation
there is still a way out a step

I --- ~- C


From Page 1
Our revenue comes now
from two major sources, ad-
vertising and sales of the paper.
Small capitals have also come
from The Tapia Sou-sou and
from the Tapia House Group.
But our main income has been
the voluntary service from
Tapia people which in the
beginning helped to construct
the Tapia House and only a
few days ago produced the
money, materials and labour

progress r0.or

needed to house our newest
printing equipment.
What advertising revenue
we win has to be slaved for by
endless trudging, badgering and
Sales and income will neces-
sarily grow as we expand our
political and community base.
And when the crisis heightens

there is only one place that
this country can turn for a
journalism that makes some
sense of the facts.
Our big gains in revenue
depend however, on our entry
into a kind of publication
which would specialise in West
Indian education outside the
school. Foreign publishers and

opportunist political publishers
can always issue a doctor book
here and there but Tapia must
aim to activate many more
We have begun to take
orders and once we have cleared
the last hurdles to our com-
pleted plant we should be able
to discharge our liabilities to

6our bankers and creditors. At
the same time we could create
for the Tapia Movement the
means of effective education
and meaningful economic inde-
Our New World dream was
conceived in the late 1950's
when the promise of an in-
digenous school of thought
rang merrily in the national
ear. If there is one thing we
dare not fail to do in Tapia it is
to make that dream come true.

Tapia Appeals For Funds

THIS IS an appeal for
financial assistance.
It goes out to all our
member s, Associates,
friends, readers, subscrib-
ers and well-wishers, and
to anyone who is con-
vinced that the Tapia House
Group and the TAPIA
newspaper have contribut-
ed something to the coun-
try in the five years of our
The financial assist-
ance we require would en-
hance our ability to

continue the work that we
have been doing.
Instead of making direct
appeals for money, we have
preferred to help ourselves.
That is why we founded the
Tapia House Publishing Com-
pany to publish our newspaper
and to provide an economic
base for -our other work in
1969. Regular readers over the
period can no doubt trace our
progress and development since
In August 1971 we an-
nounced that we had engaged
our first two members of full-

time staff. In May 1972 we
announced the launching of a
self-help printing company es-
tablished on capital built up
from the Tapia Sou-Sou Invest-
ment Club and from donations
to a Tapia Printing Fund.


Through such efforts we
have been able to put up and
equip two offices, and to pur-
chase on credit a printing press
which has been installed in the
Our full-time paid staff has

"A Nation like an
individual can have
but one Mother,
The only Mother we
recognize is Our
Mother -
Trinidad & Tobago.
If there is Love
between Her Children,
one for another,
A Mother cannot
discriminate; All will
be equal in her eyes."




TEL: 62-34471 62-34579

TEL: 62-,.208

since grown to 10, all of them
members of the organisation
who are making notable sacri-
fices in terms of pay.
All of this we have been
trying to do with revenue com-
ing from the sales of the paper
and advertising. In addition we
have been able to count on the
voluntary service of Tapia peo-
ple at every stage of our build-
ing and expansion whether
ofthe physical accommodation,
or of the circulation of the
The position now is that we
are poised on the brink of a
major advance in the field of
our economic enterprises -
paralleling that in the political
We need, to start with,
$12,000 as initial capital to
finance camera and plate-mak-
ing facilities which we have to
acquire to complete the print-
ing plant being set up at the
Tapia House.
It means stepping up the
fund-raising drive begun last
year, which involved the selling
of bound volumes at special
rates, the selling of annual
subscriptions to the paper, back
issues; seeking donations from
friends and well-wishers etc.
We also look to sponsoring
activities aimed at fund-raising
and we should in due course be
calling for support for these

As we said in TAPIA in
May last year, it is our inten-
tion to establish a genuinely
Caribbean printing and publish-
ing enterprise. Students, educa-
tors and just ordinary readers
will know that there is a woeful
scarcity of Caribbean material
available at a price most people
can afford. It is appropriately a
field in which we can hope to
make a contribution, given our
particular interest in stimulat-
ing indigenous Caribbean
thought and our background in
That the venture is econo-
mically feasible we are con-
vinced. But to make the crucial
step forward additional finance
must be had from those who
appreciate what we've been
HERE is what you can do:
* Send us your cash do-
nations today
* Set yourself a target
sum you will raise by your
own efforts selling bound
volumes, soliciting dona-
tions, any means you de-
* Join the drive to in-
crease subscriptions to the
paper -at home and abroad
* Encourage other Tapia
people to do their part.



NAME -------------------------

ADDRESS ----------------------


I enclose $ ........ as per rates listed below

T&T............ $12.00 TT
CARIFTA......... 18.00 WI
CARIBBEAN....... 12.50 US
US/CANADA........ 15.00 US
UK............... L 8.00 UK
W. EUROPE ....... 10.00 UK
WEST AFRICA.......12.00 UK
INDIA............ 12.00 UK
AUSTRALIA........ 12.00 UK
EAST AFRICA...... 15.00 UK
FAR EAST.......... 15.50 UK
All overseas deliveries airmail.
Surface mail rates on request.
RETURN TO: Tapia House Publishing Co Ltd.,
91 Tunapuna Rd., Tunapuna, Phone: 662-5126
Trinidad and Tobago


----- 1 r



THE WORKERS at Orange Grove could scarcely believe it
when they heard that the Board had re-instated Tello after
reading the Report of the Commission of Enquiry.
"In the carrying out of the programme Mr. Tello incurred the
displeasure of the workers and so failed to)get the co-operation
which was so vital to success. His personnel relations were decidedly
not good ..."
If the Board accepts this assessment by the Commission how
do they expect to achieve anything like reasonable productivity
from here on?
Are they planning a reign of terror in the factory? Or is it
true that they are planning to
let Tello's contract expire when
it comes up for renewal next The
Obviously the Board is play- O
ing games and we are left to range
wonder whether the Commis-
sion's clearing of Tello in the Grove
final paragraph of the Report
is notanessential part of those Report
And now that the Union
has adopted delaying tactics,
Workers are wondering whether Hear the Commission:
Primus, Bowrin and Panday are "It was unfortunate that
still as friendly as they used both the new system and the
to be in the days when they new personnel structure were
were on the George Weekes introduced at the same time.
gravy-train. Apart from any reaction to the

According to the Report,
Tello changed the boiling sys-
tem in order to ease congestion.
But congestion was not eased.
Instead, boiling produced
molasses of excessive purity,
demanded more washing, used
more water, lost more sugar
and resulted in reduced effi-
ciency and increased cost.
On top ot that the sugar
produced was of an inferior
quality partly because a new
trough was introduced creating
"the ever-presen!t danger of
mixing grain".
It might be thought to be a
straight case of incompetence
but it would be a mistake to
jump to this conclusion.
Tello has indeed offered
eminently acceptable technical
reasoning in defence of the
changes he introduced and
Tapia sees no reason whatsoever
to doubt the validity of that
For example he has based
his case for hot sulphitation on
the high quality of juice which
the record showed up to the
time that he made the change.
And whether :t is the
strikes boiled, the molasses
diluted or the fields ploughed,
,,is explanations can be easily
entertained even if you do not
agree with them.
Where Tello falls down is in
the attitude, a sign of the times.

Hampton fund-

raising fete

HAMPTON Athletic Club
has embarked on a fund-
raising drive to buy uniforms
and equipment for the 1973-
74 athletic season.
Towards this end the Club
is holding a party at Legion
Hall, Richmond Street, Port
of Spain on Saturday, Sep-
temper 8.
Admission is $1 whether
cat or chick.

new structure by persons, con-
sidering themselves unfairly
treated, the new system re-
quired supervisors with ex-
perience at the very least".
The attitude here is of a
man who thinks you can simply
hurl military instructions at
people and they must obey.
James noticed tits method mi
the PNM in 1960.
It appears wherever there
is no concept of people and
therefore no concept of patient
planning with popular partici-
pation in it.

That is the hallmark of the
old regime. Now-for-now. The
Leader speaks; everybody falls
into line. Tello just gave the
Chemist some books to read
and then one day announced
it was time for the new sys-
tem to start.

He came with all kinds of
book-sense notions that a fac-
tory qf that size in Barbados
would' only have so many
workers.. therefore cut staff,
reduce shifts, reorganize: come,
The revolt agaiin.t Tello,let

us all understand it, is not
against technical incompetence
or against a man, it is a rebel-
lion against a neo-colonial sys-
tem. And that is why, when all
is said and done, the workers
will not yield.

C 1 will appear

COlumn next week




Ps Stephens

k I

N.C.B \

Trust Building. TRU ST
20 Abercrombv St. COMMERCIAL BANK

Check with the

N.C.B Trust. Very corn-

petitive rates of interest

paid on all fixed Deposits.

Call 3257 6 7 8Today.



ih, .,,,



LAST MONTH Jamaica launched a Workers Savings and Loan Bank with a bang. A
month before, on July 11, the Bank had gone to the market with one million Ordinary
Voting Shares at $0.50 J. per share and contrary to the gloomy prognostications of the
financial pundits, the Issue was oversubscribed by the very first afternoon. There is the
same clamour for popular participation up the Caribbean as down.
Our Workers Bank on April 30 lamented its first anniversary with an ominously apologetic
Annual Report. You need only pass up Independence Square and see that glorified hole in the wall to
guess what scene that Bank is on.
All the high hopes we only recently had of a financial house which would be "aware of the needs
and aspirations of workers", hve already been dashed.

Frankly, the Workers Bank
is a Cinderella pure and simple,
a poor-me-one, in need of help.
Like so many of the measures
we have had in recent years it
was an expedient, a sop to
black people precipitated by
the February Revolution, with-
out thought, without plan,
without method. Another
Orange Grove or Caroni;
another BWIAor Telco, another
anything you wish.
Even now you can see that
the Jamaican effort will be
different in important ways.
Manley's Government is a clas-
sic sam-fie brown man govern-
ment and it is not going to do
anything that might subvert the
traditional Afro-Saxon regime.




Already you can discern
the zig-zagging on education,
land reform,bauxite and foreign
investment but within those
limits Jamaican economic poli-
cy has method.
The Jamaican perspective
is not particularly radical and
could hardly be. Like here, the
Government is playing around
with fake localisation and with
such obvious brambles as The
Bank of Nova Scotia Jamaica
Chen Young is making a

To all of us





pitch for "'sou-sou" accounts
he is talking about travelling
tellers and mobile units into
the workplace on pay day and
so on. We shall see how far the
Bank can activate the little
people and put their finances in
If Workers Banks are to
mean anything, our conception
of a bank has to be drastically
altered even if, indeed especial-
ly when, Chase Manhattan and
the rest of these North Atlantic
parasites have been finally ex-
pelled from these islands.
When ANR Robinson was
reorganising the financial sys-
tem, every policy measure he
introduced assumed that the
foreign banks would be here
forever; at no stage was it
envisaged that banking would
be an essentially Trinidadian
business. And that is what
tells you where Procope is com-
ing from.


The Bank he says, started
"from a zero base", there
was unprecedented liquidity
elsewhere in the system .. our
established competitors would
have been in the position to
woo customers away our
loan portfolios grew by bidding
against competition at the ex-
pensive end of the deposit
market this resulted in

above-average cost of funds.
Procope moans on about
the difficulties of servicing
poor-people "who have no
collateral to offer other than
their wages and termination
benefits... "


He weeps about the "addi-
tional burdens" on the Bank
because of "payroll operations"
and he explains how cost-of-
living pressures on "this level of
wage earner" cuts down work-
ing balances to unprofitable
In sum, he makes it
quite clear that they have little
idea about what is involved.
Tapia will tell them that we
don't business with any of
these feeble excuses. The fact
that the Bank is dealing with
poor people is no reason why
it should not do well from the
very beginning.
Had the Bank excited the
country by offering an entirely
new vision of bankhi;n we
should have expected a whop-
ping success.
An honest government and
a new regime apart, the thing
that would have made the
differences a genuine com-
munity budget service aiming
at a fundamental attack on
household and mortgage
The tellers of a People's
Bank in the chaotic financial

situation of poor people in this
country must be house-to-
house salesmen sitting down
with people and working out
budgets for house and land;
education of children; house-
hold furnishing; like motor and
fire insurance; Christmas, birth-
day, wedding and christening
expenditures; and all the prac-
tical issues that people face.


Such a Bank would under-
stand the psychology which
first gave rise to the sou-sou
but last year when Procope
and Williams fatuously pro-
claimed that they were workers
too, it only confirmed how
serious they were.
If they were capable of
visualizing what the country
really needs, they would have
seen that the short run solu-
tion lay partly in pooling the
resources of the Penny Bank,
the Post Office Savings Bank,
the National Commercial Bank
and the Workers Bank; partly
in operating that unified com-
plex as a household and mort-
gage division of the Central
Bank; and partly in different
conception of banking staff.


The Government would
also have had to contribute
more capital of course. But
in a very short time the neces-
sary liquidity would have come
from the involvement of vastly
increased numbers of dedicated
c;ilzens in thl world of bank-
ing and finance.and from more
and more rapid development of
rational patterns of spending,
saving and investing.
As things now stand, not
even the public corporations
and statutory authorities have
found it possible to bring their
business to the people's bank.
And workers understand the
reason why.

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PERHAPS IT HAS something to do with that statement
that "we are not ready to form a party yet". The phrase
may have suggested to some that Tapia is just sitting around
twiddling its thumbs, waiting for something to break.
At least that is the impression I get from the
puzzled expressions when I mention that I am the Adminis-
trative Secretary of Tapia. For almost invariably the next
response is, "But what do you actually do?"
At the risk of begging the question, the answer is
that I do everything that Tapia does or, to be more
precise, everything that Tapia does involves the Adminis-
trative Secretary in one way or another.
In a way I'm a general utility man, servicing the
political work of the group and the publishing and printing
activities of its companies.
As a political organisation
all members of Tapia are in-
volved in spreading our political
message and are constantly
taking initiatives in the field.
The task of co-ordinating these
political initiatives is that of
our Community Relations Se-
cretary. However, the growth
in our membership and in our
political contacts in-
evitably means a growing vo-
Allan Harris Administrative Sec- lume of administrative and
cretary of Tapia secretarial work the execution




of which falls within my port-
If anything should answer
the query about my role in
the organisation, it is our news-
paper. The editor, of course, is
responsible for what appears in
the paper, though given the
limitations of staff, I assist
him with sub-editing and proof-
reading duties as time permits.
And, like all other members of
the Group, I also write for the


My duties as far as the
production of the paper is
concerned, are to provide the
editorial staff with the supplies
they need to do their job and
to ensure that supplies and
equipment are in place so that
the printing of the paper goes
off smoothly and on time.
Time is of the essence in
the newspaper business. For the
production of the paper is one
thing, getting it to its destina-

tion quite another.
The greater part of the
distribution and a fair amount
of the actual selling of the
paper is done by members
themselves. And from the office
I supervise the mailing out of
subscribers' copies, both do-
mestic and foreign.
Advertising is another im-
portant department .in the
newspaper. Lloyd Taylor, who
is our Advertising Maiager,
can attest to the unrelenting
effort needed to win adver-
tising, which means that he
must almost always be on the
It is the Administrative
Secretary who must give him
the support he needs by keep-
ing the records in order, and
even more important, by send-
ing out bills and reminders
To diversify our revenue
base we are looking for and
accepting an increasing amount
of commercial work for our
press. Whether it is offering
quotations, ordering paper
or ink, or ensuring that jobs
are paid for, as Administrative
Secretary lam again very much
During the year or so that
I've been Administrative Secre-
tary I've witnessed the aquisi-
tion of our press, the change-
over to weekly publication of
our paper, the conversion of
part of the Tapia House into a

printing plant and, most signi-
ficant, the slow but sure growth
in our membership.
All of these are factors in
the increasing responsibilities
of the job. Given the limitation
of finance, and hence of staff,
to which I've already referred,
it would have been impossible
for the Group to make the
advances it has without volun-
tary services provided by mem-
bers. It continues to be the
case that the real criterion of
membership in the Group
is the work that one is prepared
to do.


Looking ahead one sees an
ever increasing amount of work
and even greater need for the
voluntary services of members
and associates, Book-keeping,
typing, filing and other office
routines, selling subscriptions,
including overseas ones; and
pitching in with the distribu-
tion of the paper these are
only some of the important
areas of work that will call for
sustained efforts on the part
of all Tapia people.
Whatever the problems the
political pundits may have in
perceiving what Tapia is about
or where we are going, the
view from the Administrative
Secretary's increasingly clut-
tered desk is that something
out there is growing day by




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Tourism threatens

the gentle Grenadines

Dennis Pan tin

ON THE tiny island of
Petite Martinique, the
Caribbean colour problem
shows itself without the
subtlety of the larger
islands. The island with a
population of 400-500 is
divided into two towns:
Kendes (where black peo-
ple of African origin live)
and Mulatto Town (where
people of African and
European origin live). The
two townsareseparatedby
a no-man's land since the
two groups regard each
another with mutual en-

According to one brother
on the nearby island of Union,
Petite St. Vincent is no place
to go, adding that there isn't
even a Police Station on the
island. I have been told the
same story in both Union and
St. Vincent.
It is one of the stories or
myths which abound on the
hundred or so small islands
catspraddled between Grenada
and St. Vioicent and called the
Grenadines. Even this seems
a misnomer since most of the
bigger islands, at least, are
dependencies of St. Vincent.
If the people of the Carib-
bean know so little of one
another even in the major
islands of settlement one can
understand the mystery and
ignorance which surrounds the
Grenadines. This is partly due
to the inaccessibility of the

area.The inter-island schooners
using engine power and sails
are the main means of trans-
port although there is a light
aeroplane service to at least
two islands.
In a Caribbean whose major
beauty spots already seem to
have been conquered by tourist
resorts, the Grenadines offer a
unique opportunity to develop
a Caribbean-oriented tourism
of guest-houses. But the danger
bells are already ringing. The
islands are beginning to taste
"modern life" landing strips
for small aircraft, pleasure
boats, hotels and the increasing
use of the US dollar (hotel
accommodation, for instance,
is quoted in US dollars).
Where self-sufficiency for-
merly existed, there is now a
hankering after the "better
things in life". For example,
the islanders normally make
their own bricks by crushing
stones. In Carriacou I saw red
bricks imported from Trinidad
for use in a new building at
greater cost and with much
breakage from steamer trans-
The really frightening sign,
however, is the fact that
foreigners are buying off land
in this area, not only land but
entire islands!
Thic *iiiun of POtile St.
Vincent has been reportedly
bought out lock, stock and
barrel by some foreigner and
declared private property.
Palm or Prune Island has
been leased to other foreigners
for 99 years and has its own
landing strip. On the island of
Union, a French millionaire
has established a curious com-
plex: a hotel built five years
ago which has never opened, a
desalination plant and a re-
fuelling point for South Ameri,
can boats intransit between
points unknown.
The area is declared private
property. One can however,
walk along the sea-wall past
silent, sullen South Americans
refuelling their boats. The sea-
wall overlooks a man-made
aquarium full of huge crabs,
lobsters and sharks.
The island of Bequia, de-
clares the tourist brochures, is
the most beautiful; it also has
the most hotels. Carriacou at
the other end, is the largest
(7 by 2 3/4 miles), and also has
a fair share of hotels and guest
In the face of this new
encroachment, the islanders
continue to eke out a living by
fishing, taking jobs in the new
tourist sector or migrating to
the larger islands to work.
Farming and livestock rearing
have also been important, but
the islands have been affected
by the regional drought. Up till
weeks ago the land was dry
and theanimals were dying out.
If the governments of Gre-
nada and St. Vincent refuse to
adopt a positive stand on this
encroachment ontheGrenadines
then the area may soon become
the "ideal" tourist resort -
luxury hotels, bell-boys and
beach boys, casinos and pros-
titution, all for the price of a
few dollars more.

n'pn PflITH

Clico, a company ofWestIndiansformed

for the economic upliftment for the people

of the region. Cico has grown from humble
O___ .e nne n. fthelargest financial

begin nn ingbs CU UI-ibbean
institutions in the Southern Caibbean
.,, .... a VIIR TRUST


Assets for the security of po0icY

holders total over $54,000,000.00

CLI C0/0&

outstanding record of i






29 St. Vincent St.,, Port-of-Spain. Tel: 31421 7 Branch Offices and Friendly Security
Representatives throughout Trinidad & Tobago, the Caribbean and London.










a critique

"Black Intellectuals Come
To Power" was published
by Schenkman in 1968.
Subtitled "The rise of creole
nationalism in Trinidad and
Tobago", the book by so-
ciologist Ivar Oxaal des-
cribed the rise of the PNM
and the nationalist move-
ment of the late fifties and
sixties up to the attainment
of Independence.

Oxaal who is Senior
Lecturer in Sociology at
Hull University, England,
has since embarked on a
revision of that earlier work
intending to look at de-
velopments after Independ-
ence up to the seventies.

The following four
pages contain the draft of a
new chapter from the new,

yet unpublished edition.
The Chapter is entitled
"The Critique of Caribbean
Politics Economy" and in-
cludes a discussion of Tapia
and New World thought,
Oxaal writes that Lloyd
Best and his Associates re-
present "in no uncertain
terms, post-Afro-Saxon,
post-miinic-men conscious-

IN HIS NOVEL dealing with the West Indian nationalist movement
Naipaul describes the misadventures of the colonial politicians who
inherit power in the mythical island of 'Isabella' a thinly disguised,
Trinidad with a dash of Jamaica and Guyana added in. Having thrust'
themselves forward to fill the vacuum created by the departing colo-
nial establishment these 'mimic men' find themselves utterly unable
to cope with the problems of government.
They spout socialist slogans and have themselves photographed
cutting ribbons to inaugurate various minor public construction pro-
jects which in the past would have gone unheralded. But all is sham;
they are made frantic and ultimately overwheinmet by ite twin fmiies
of chronic social distress in Isabella and the cool, olympian control
over its economy exercised by the foreign management of the bauxite
They are hoodwinked by unscrupulous or incompetent foreign entre-
peneurs vho take advantage of the tax concessions offered through 'Pioneer
Industries' status. For the mimic men life becomes surreal; the illusion of
national independence having been exposed as a mirage brings a severe psycho-
logical disassociation from the environment.
Throughout the story, Naipaul's ndian participant-narrator projects a
sense of lack of moral conviction bordering on hysteria and chaos. In the end
disaster comes and he is forced to flee from Isabella. "For those who lose, and
nearly everyone in the end loses, there is only one course: flight. Flight to the
greater disorder, the final emptiness: London and the home countries".


For Naipaul the West Indies constitute a particularly striking example of
the absurdity of the human condition. They seem, indeed, to be virtually the
the sociological incarnation of the Absurd. Writing in the New York Review of
Books in 1970, on the occasion of the black power uprising in Trinidad, Naipaul
pessimistically prophesied:
In the United States Black Power may have its victories. But they will be American
victories. The small islands of the Caribbean will remain islands, impoverished and
unskilled, ringed as now by a cordon sanitaire, their people not needed anywhere.
They may get less innocent or less corrupt politicians; they will not get less helpless
ones. The island blacks will continue to be dependent on the books, films, and goods
of others; in this important way they will continue to be the half-made societies of a
dependent people, the Third World's third world. They will forever consume; they
will never create. They are without material resources; they will never develop the
higher skills. Identity depends in the end on achievement; and achievement here
cannot but be small. Again and again the millenuim will seem about to come.
In this characteristic passage Naipaul reveals himself as a kind of reverse-
Frantz Fanon. Like the Martiniquan critic Naipaul recognizes that the colonial
condition is one of extreme degradation and powerlessness. But for Naipaul,
there can be no exit from this condition in the West Indies. Their past history
condemns them. There can be no transcendence of these historic and inherent
Although Naipaul's pessimism on this point may be extreme he never-
theless articulate a definition of the West Indian situation often felt if not
often publicly expressed by many of its leading politicians. Indeed, it would
not be too much to say that this problem of faith in the viability of the region
was, and is still, the point around which all analyses and prescription for the
West Indian future turns.
The question of the possible degree of national autonomy was by no
means a new one in the late 1960's Williams had, as we have seen, wrestled
with it at the time of the Chaguaramas affair. It had been the central animating
issue of the Black Power crusade and remained, in the aftermath of defeat, the
first entry on the political agenda for all of the contending groups. Could there
really be a rew, independent Trinidad free of both middle class Afro-Saxon
mimic men and the disorganization caused by the picaresque "Quashie" the
average fete-loving, rum-drinking, lower-class Creole man?

From a literary and philosophical point of view Naipaul's perennial
embrace of a cosmic defeatism on this issue vis-a-vis the West Indies was, of
course, as they say, his privilege. (Although a devoted reader might sometimes
wonder if he was not suffering from a permanent overdose of the philosophy of
Albert Camus and the films of Charlie Chaplin.) From a historical and political
perspective, however, The Mimic Men was both anachronistic and reactionary.
Perhaps the basic flaw in Naipaul's interpretation of West Indian society,
as portrayed in The Mimic Men was that, like many another self-exiled writer,
he lost touch with the changes taking place in his native country. Naipaul's
Isabella is still the Trinidad of his postwar youth. The mimic men in the novel
most closely resemble the marginal, opportunist politicians who sprouted during
pie-PNIvi pci,"d.
Naipaul's protracted revenge against Creole society is most hurtful in its
persistent refusal to ever take seriously the dedication and at least limited vic-
tories of the men who participated in the anti-colonial cause. Has any other
country ever produced as its sole major writer one who, writing from a position
of communal neurosis, has consistently mocked, trivialized and caricatured its
national cause? Herein lies an irony worthy of Naipaul himself.
But Naipaul was too sensitive an artist to miss much that was essential in
the neo-colonial malaise. Although he has been incapable of accepting the
normal, instrumental political activities of West Indians on a serious level the
great Void is constantly tugging at his coat tails in TheMimicMen he does
recognize that the neo-colonial moral situation of absurdity and moral chaos is
connected with the fact of economic dependency.
Even so, his depiction of the intellectual and political analysis of this
situation is fatally superficial a one-sided burlesque. Its net effect is to further
mystify and confuse the situation, and to promote a conservative image of its
inevitability. He simply avoids coming to terms with the developments during
the Sixties, such as the work of the New World Group, of the rise of Lloyd Best
and Tapia House in Trinidad. These forces represented, in no uncertain terms, a
post-Afro-Saxon post-mimic men consciousness, and they are absent in any
reasonably objective or even recognizable form from anything which Naipaul
has written about the West Indies.

New scholars

Where Naipaul settled for a vision of West Indian man as destiny's scape-
goat of West Indian intellectuals, who grew up just behind him during the
Fifties, achieved a brilliant clarification of the objective structural reality of the
West Indies.
Whether or not Lloyd Best ever becomes Prime Minister, or Chief Ser-
vant, or whatever title is selected for the titular leader of the new Trinidad,
during the 1960's he established a place for himself in West Indies history during
the Decade of Development. With C.L.R. James largely resident back in London
during this period the role of radical critique of the independence dispensation
fell on a growing circle of young dons and students at the University of the West
Indies campus in Kingston the New World Group.
The UWI campus became the leading centre of West Indian intellectual
development and would have on its staff historians like Roy Augier, James
Millette, Walter Rodney; sociologists like Orlando Patterson and M.G. Smith;
and a large stable of gifted young economists. Among this galaxy of major new
nationalist scholars Lloyd Best would be a founding and representative figure of
this post-colonial tendency.
The son of a carpenter, Best was born in 1934 and grew up on Orange
Grove estate, Tunapuna, yet another product of that fertile region below the
Northern Range east of Port of Spain whence sprang Constantine,-Padmore and
James. The ubiquitous Barbadian influence in the district was also present in the
case of Best: both of his grandfathers had come to Trinidad from Little England.
Young Best followed the well-established upward academic path, winning an
Island Scholarship from Q.R.C. and setting off for Cambridge university in 1953.
Best represented an interesting, and inevitable progression among West
-----PAGE 8 -

r __




Indian scholars from the example of Eric Williams. Williams had broken with
tradition in electing not to study law or medicine: But by choosing history he
remained suited largely for academic pursuits. Lloyd Best, like some of the best
brains of his generation, would choose to read a directly practical subject eco-
nomics. At Cambridge he was taught by such world-famous practitioners as
Joan Robinson and Nicholas Kaldor.
The path of further advancement opened to him when he embarked on
postgraduate work in economics at Oxford where he intended to continue
studies for a doctorate. This was in 1956, the year in which Eric Williams had
revolutionized politics back home in Trinidad, and a period when West Indian
patriotic sentiment over a possible federation was at its highest. When Best re-
ceived an offer to take up a fellowship at The Institute of Social and Economic
Research (I.S.E.R.) at the University in Kingston, he abandoned Oxford, Eng-
land, and a Ph.D. (popular usage in the West Indies has nevertheless conferred an
honorary degree on him. He remains "Dr. Best" in the minds of many).
Thus, at the age of 23 Lloyd Best was back in the West Indies. He knew
next to nothing about the region, but he would dedicate himself to the task of
finding out what made it tick. To achieve this end he founded WISSI the
West Indian Society for the Study of Social Issues the forerunner of the New
World Group, which he later founded in British Guiana in 1963 while working
as a United Nations Economic Planning Adviser to the Cheddi Jagan Govern-
ment. The major organ of the group was the publication of the New World
Quarterly, a sophisticated but thoroughly indigneous journal, which would
contain some of the best writing on the West Indies during the middle and later
sixties. With articles on politics,economics literaturee and the arts, New World
set a steady standard of competence far above that which the Williams genera-
tion had attained. (The latter, of course, had not had the advantage of a subsi-
dized university base in the West Indies from which to operate).
What were the social and political perspectives of Lloyd Best and the
growing New World tendency? There was never unanimity on many aspects of
outlook, but the official consensus was that it should faster a broadly-based,
non-sectarian Caribbean radicalism. In a paper delivered to a Retreat in Jamaica
in October, 1965, delegates from the New World Group declared that "our
radicalism was at no point to be identified with any of the going political doc-
trines, be it Socialism, or Liberalism, Communism or Radicalism or what have
you. Rather we want our radicalism to be interpreted as nothing more nor less
than the sustained application of thought to the matters that concern us
deeply". In the context of a society still steeped in colonial myths and pre-

judices, they stated, social criticism and the simple exercise of reason were in
themselves revolutionary. The New World Group was to be an instrument for
change in the field of ideas throughout the Caribbean through "the politics of
journalism". Nothing outside actual politics was a better training for politics
than the collaborative effort of putting out a radical, unsubsidized radical
periodical. Beyond that, giving direct support to political parties or political
doctrines, this New World would leave to other organizations. The establish-
ment of the New World Quarterly, marked a renaissance in the development of
West Indian radical consciousness a process which had largely fizzled out
once the older generation of nationalist leaders and their coteries, who as in
Trinidad had generated a certain intellectual accompaniment to the claim to
office, eventually succeeded in their ambitions.

We have seen how Eric Williams, managed to parlay knowledge into
power by creating a bridging institution, the University of Woodford Square,
between the middle class and the masses in the mid-Fifties. Although the New
World Group was despite its attempt to avoid classification ideologically to
the left of Williams, it too would require organizational method for disseminating
its views. This West Indian New Left certainly did not have the degree of social
and psychic distance from the masses as had been the norm in the more inhibited
days prior to the end of colonial rule, but it was nonetheless largelythe product
duct of the expanded but still elitist, educational system which had produced
.the scholarship boys of the previous generations. New World, like its pre-
cursors which led to the founding of nationalist parties in the proceeding genera-
tion, was chiefly a middle-class talk-shop, without deep or stable roots in working
.class organizations. The question of political method was not solved for them
that is to say, merely by virtue of opposing the existing neo-colonial regimes
from their base in the University of the West Indies or the University of Guyana.
'What was to be done?

The natural impulse of taking one's message to the masses in a great
gathering could, of course, still be tried. The UWI history lecturer Walter Rodney
attracted large audiences in Jamaica in response to his Black Power lectures -
lectures for which he was expelled from the country. But in Trinidad there was
the additional-complication that the standard "charismatic" gambit of generat-
ng a mass following was locally in ill-repute. How could one attack Er

SWilliams and not at the same time criticise the demagoguery inherent in the
University of Woodford Square? The charismatic Hero haranguing the colonial
Crowd had been indicated for the mystifying, essentially stabilizing ritual
which it was, or could easily become, Thus for a conscientious radical like
Lloyd Best that road to easy notoriety was ruled out. Instead, when he finally
returned to Trinidad in the mid-Sixties to a permanent post at the St. Augustine
branch campus of UWI, he established, after a split with the historian, James
Millette (who had been the local New World leader) his so-called Tapia House.
This was quite literally a house, or spacious palm-thatched shed, built by Best,
his followers and associates, and neighbors, in the backyard of Best's house on
the Upper Tunapun, Road, not far from the campus. This became a community
centre for arts and adult education. Politics by journalism was continued with
the publication of TAPIA, a splendidly literate and informed popular tabloid
which surpassed even the standard for political journalism set by C.L.R.
James during his days as editor of the PNM Nation. Tapia house, group, and
paper continued the New World emphasis on rational analysis and non-sectarian

Thatched roof

Lloyd Best had become by this time firmly convinced that in the West
Indies passing enthusiasm were a genuine detriment to serious political progress.
Thus, the Tapia House Group though regarding itself as an integral part of the
1970 Movement criticised the leaders of "the People's Parliament" in March-
April of 1970. Tapia mistrusted the facility with which a spontaneous movement
could be mounted in the streets of Port of Spain a facility which gave a
seductive, but false, promise of permanent result. As a bridging institution be-
tween the intellectuals and the masses Tapia House, with its small-scale
intimacy and backyard informality, its emphasis on artistic as well as high-
powered intellectual labours, its thatched-roof simplicity and do-it-yourself
ambience, could claim to avoid the inherent pitfalls of basing a movement on
the big show in the Square. If this approach could be criticised as an example
of virtue based on the necessity of a low budget and limited popular support,
it was nonetheless arguably sound in principle, insofar as an organic rooting in
the local community was seen as the indispensable prerequisite of a successful
popular revolution, consistent, one might suppose, with the doctrines and
anti-vanguardist praxis of C.L.R. James.

But James became, in fact, openly hostile to the Tapia House idea and to
the programmes put forward by Lloyd Best and his associates. Their estrange-
ment had begun in 1965 when Best declined to support the Workers' and
Farmers' Party, feeling that it was a hasty, opportunistic and foredoomed at-
tempt. to unseat Williams. TheW.F.P. moreover seemed to violate the very
postulates of thorough and careful party organization which James had em-
phasized in his critique of the PNM in Party Politics in the West Indies. Best's
analysis of the West Indian situation, and his development of a radical reformist
programme differed significantly from the views of James but no one could
deny that they were based oi a deep analysis of West Indian history and political
economy. The centrepiece of the West Indian critique of political economy
produced during the Decade of Development was the paper entitled. "Outlines
of a Model of Pure Plantation Economy" which Lloyd Best published in
Social and Economic Studies in 1968 and which forms part of a largerstudy
undertaken in collaboration with Kari Levitt, the celebrated Canadian author
of Silent Surrender. Best and Levitt traced the stages in the development of
underdevelopment and continuing dependency on colonial plantation economies.
Rich in insight and historical breadth the work has been criticised for an over-
reliance on typological thinking New World was never wanting in memorable
apothegms but must be ranked as the nearest thing to an inspired, technical
discussion of the development of underdevelopment in the West Indian economies.
The authors contend that the pure plantation model has three essential
characteristics. The first of these involves the demonstration that these-
"hinterland" societies are structurally part of an "overseas economy" of the
industrial metropole; secondly, that such societies comprise as a locus of "total
economic institutions", and thirdly that the value flows in such a system are
typically incalculable.
These particular characteristics of societies which like the West Indies
approximate Ihe pure model of the plantation model means that the conven-
tional formulations of economic laws and practice cannot be expected to operate
in the same way as in the metropolitan country itself. There is fatal lack of
interconnectedness between the internal elements of plantation model econo-
mies the major structural links run between the individual local branch firm
to its metropolitan headquarters.
How did the new West Indian leadership manage not to confront this old
lantation economy in spite of their radical orientation? In Lloyd Best's view



the answer was essentially a variant on Lord Keynes. observation about the pro-
pensity of governments to fall prey to the theories of a defunct economist; in
this instant Sir Arthur Lewis, the St. Lucia-born distinguished economist who
was the key advisor to West Indian nationalist regimes during the decisive
formative years of the 1950's. The brilliant Sir Arthur could hardly be described
as defunct but in Best's view Professor Lewis's advice had not proved to be sound.
The basic fallacy in the Lewis approach which Trinidad like other part of the
West Indies had adopted was that it was premissed, as Best saw it, on an in-
appropriate application of Ricardian economic theory to the West Indies. That
is, Lewis's emphasis on attracting maximum foreign capital investment for the
development of "Pioneer Industries" was based on the assumption that this
would in the long run produce increasing profits, savings and reinvestment out
of which the road to self-sustaining industrial growth would follow in due
course. This had manifestly not happened. The Williams regime was 15 years
later struggling for its life in the face of ever-mounting unemployment. The
situation was even more acute in that other showplace of "industrialization
by invitation" Jamaica.

The problem was not that foreign investment had failed to be seduced'
by the supine posture of the West Indian governments. The level of foreign
investment since PNM came to office had been high. Between 1957 and 1965
foreign direct investment averaged around $86 million per year, and consistent-
ly accounted for over half of the total annual investment by the business sector.
During five years in the period it had accounted for more than 75 per cent of
total private investment, reaching a staggering 99 per cent in 1963. And, as
Eric Williams had envisaged at the time of the sale of the major British oil
interest to Texaco in 1955, it was the United States which had taken over the
major share of the action. According to one measure the proportions were
running as follows US $145 million, Britain $25 million, Canada $3 million.

Despite this massive inflow of foreign capital, however, Best would insist
that Trinidad's dependence on such investment was largely an illusion. Follow-
ing McIntyre and Watson, he pointed out that although inflows of capital
during the 1957-1965 period averaged $86 million per annum, outflows of in-
come from-the country, not counting management and licensing fees, averaged
$111 million more than 30 per cent higher. In 1966 and 1967 the situation
was even worse: outflows were running at one and a half times the inflows.

"The grim fact is that we have ourselves been generating the capital with which the
firms have been getting more control of our economy. Between 1964 and 1968 71
cents out of every dollar invested by foreigners came out of profits made in Trinidad
& Tobago. And the figure was perhaps higher in the earlier period".
It was becoming clear where Arthur Lewis's original recommendations
had gone wrong. He had expected that the increase in income which foreign
investment would generate would lead to the rise of a local, national takeover
of business. That policy had not worked because the local share of total profits
has simply not been high enough to permit a higher contribution of local
savings to investment. "In most countries savings come mainly from profits
not from wages", Best noted. "The most damaging result of the fact that
nationals work mainly as wage earners is that even a high and rising national
income does not lead to more national ownership of business".

Privileged status
This was not to say, however, that the traditional elite sections of the
society had not done well under the neo-colonial dispensation. Citing a current
survey by Acton Camejo, a UWI sociologist, Best indicated that nearly 80 per
cent of the Trinidad business elite were still white or off-white. Out of the 230
business respondents to the survey only nine per cent were Indians a sur-
prisingly low figure while a mere four per cent were of African descent.
Herein lay, the cause of yet another myth-based grievance in'the competition
between the two major groups' "The impression that Indians are doing well,"
Best shrewdly noted, "is an African impression, but the Indians cannot be
excited by their position in the whole picture. So we can see why both groups
must feel that (We are the second class citizens)".
One major cause of the continuing disparity between the privileged
European elite's status and that of other'groups was to befound in the data on
levels of educational attainment. At the 1960 census fully a quarter of the
European working population had obtained the equivalent of a university
education, and 53 per cent of that group had some kind of high school certifi-
cates. Chinese and Syrians had only two per cent with university education and
12 per cent with school certificates. Mixed races had figures of one per cent and
10 per cent respectively. Africans and Indians both had under four per cent
of their number with school certificates or above and an insignificant proportion

with university education. A quarter of the Indian workers had no education
at all. Although educational expansion and reforms during the Sixties un-
doubtedly produced changes in these proportions in a more democratic direction
and official belief that educational mobility is the key to general social mobility
was an assumption open to question.
Such expansion as had taken place was in any case far from being a
panacea for the growth of youthful unemployment. Youth, even educated
youth, were highly redundant in the economy. As Lloyd Best observed with
reference to the origin of the Black Power protests, in the alienation of youth
during the post-independence period: "In 1966 32 per cent of the age group
15-19 and 27 per cent of the age group 20-24 were wholly unemployed. And
62 per cent of the country were under 25, conscious of the PNM government
only in the discredited phase of its history".

Local control

So the plantation model economy was in its essential respects still very
much a going concern in Trinidad. Best now moved from analysis to prescrip-
tion. The original Tapia programme as published in 1968 comprised two
interrelated aspects, economic and sociological. First, and most important, a
scheme for the economic reorganization of Trinidad was outlined which re-
presented, in political terms, a well thought out radical-reformist programme
for the economy. From the analysis of the main features of the plantation
.economy, and the critique of the Lewis development policy, Best and his
colleagues proposed as the key economic reform what they termed localisationn".
This meant that, for a start, the multinational Companies which dominated the
economy Texaco, Shell, Grace and Tate and Lyle, banking, advertising, the
media would be required to transform themselves into recognisable and bona
fide legal persons of Trinidad & Tobago.
"They must not merely be formally separate from their international affiliates as
some of them are now; they must be actually so. We are invoking anti-trust
legislation against them on our definition of what constitutes a combination harmful
to the public interest. Shares must be traded on the local market in denominations
and forms which provide access to every man in the street of Brasso Caparo or
Port of Spain".
Localization, it was emphasized, was not to be understood as the same
thing as nationalisation or expropriation. The latter concepts were viewed as

From Left:
TAPIA newspaper offices on
St. Vincent Street Tunapuna,
put up in July 1972.
.-_ Syl Lbohar, chairman of
Tapia,addresses Constitutional
Convention at Chaguaramas
in April this year. Lloyd Best
and Allan Harris listen.
The Tapia House in late
S1969. The area at left now
houses the press room. Accom-
modation for camera and
plate-making facilities is under

S. ,' -. .. -. '.^ .,

inappropriate borrowings by colonial radicals from "the North Atlantic
experience". It simply did not matter whether the major industries in Trinidad
were foreign companies or not so long as they performed in the way dictated by
local people. In some cases obtaining ownership might be necessary in order to
acquire control, but the key factor was to domesticate the multi-nationals and
this could be achieved without outright nationalization. To take one example of
how the job would be tackled: Texaco ran about 13 companies in Trinidad but
their accounts were conveniently entangled among themselves and with the
transactionsof Texaco International to hide the true nature of pricing sales and
purchases. Such convenient methods of bookeeping handed down from
"plantation economy" would havetobedisentangled in order to establish
radical alternations in methods of tax auditing. A special task force of account-
ants, economists and engineers would be set up as a 'Techretariat' to deal with
such problems.
"The ultimate aim of 11l these measures is to clear the field for a different kind of
collaboration between ourselves and the external world. Foreign investment and
technology etc. are sometimes useful. It is direct metropolitan investment that is
anathema. Once we have redefined the terms of collaboration and broken the
psychological and material barriers to advance of Caribbean decision-makers there
will be plenty of room for play. In fact, some of the restraints which are now being
proposed will become obsolete. Fortunately, they will also bring into being a class of
independent-minded local entrepreneurs and managers holding positions from which
they can change the rule again.
The historical inability of the West Indies to produce just such a stratum
,of local entrepreneurs was for Best, precisely where, the emphasis on the savings
and reinvestment model had been premature. In writing about early industrial'
England David Ricardo could take as an assumption both the existence of a
national economy and an entrepreneurial ethos. Arthur Lewis had erred in not
realizing that this assumption would not hold in the West Indies.
Thus for Best, one of the major elements of the localisation program
would be to create structural inducements for the emergence of local, private
entrepreneurial initiative. To this extent his outlook did not imply a radical
break from capitalism, but rather its reverse: localisation would create the
prerequisites for this vital engine of the capitalist dynamic to operate within
Trinidad for the first time in its history. In this regard, the economic doctrines
of Schumpeter rather than those of Ricardo or Marx were the key theoretical
insights. At the same time, however, the Tapia programme clearly envisaged
---PAGE 10--4



Denis Solomon addresses the November 1971 meeting of the Assembly of Free

izens at Tapia

Tapia out in force for the opening of the Constitution Commission's public sessions, August 1972

collectivization or stringent controls of the commanding heights of the economy..
The net result would apparently be the creation of a mixed economy combining
elements of "people's capitalism" with socialization of major industries, and a
radical break with the reliance on investment inputs from abroad. Trinidad was
already generating a great deal of profits for potential investment the problem
was to gain control over and divert those processes to producing local growth,
to harness local initiative, and thus achieve greater mastery over the urgent
problems of social planning while at the same time working toward a larger
vision of an integrated Caribban community.

The Marxists

These were the outlines of the grand strategy of the Best-Tapia perspec-
tive for dealing with the impasse of Trinidad misdevelopment. The programme
itself was far more detailed and rich in provocative, original points of concrete
detail. Yet it by no means constituted a blueprint for future change. Aside
from the basic propositions about the chief structural contradictions in the
economy the spirit of the Tapia approach was a free-wheeling, open-minded
one. Who could really say, in advance of the particular political contingencies
which might develop, just what degree of direct state takeover of foreign enter-
prises might be required? It was not for the Tapia leadership to decide on firal
policies this could only flow out of the popular movement itself during a
period of political struggle which had not yet firmly crystallized. A change in
regime might come about in one of several ways:the government might collapse
in a crisis it might even be voted out of office.
Tapia in 1971, like the New World group before it, was not yet apoliti-
cal party, but like Williams' Political Education Group in 1955, it was very
close to becoming one. Tapia was not utopian, but it did aim to be inspirational,
to put forward fresh ideas and to show that neither fatalism nor defeatism about
the evils of economic dependency were necessary. The mystifications of the
conditionof dependency had been rigorously examined and cleared away without
relying on general historical denunciations or on the emotive appeals to national-
ism which Williams had employed, nor by descending to the well-meant but
misguided appeals to blackness on the part of the current generation of Trinidad
The split between Tapia on the one hand, and C.L.R. James and West
Indian Marxists on the other, can now be readily understood. Tapia could be
criticised as a reformist movement which, far from destroying capitalism in
Trinidad, was actually proposing to do what Eric Williams had failed to do -
strengthen it through the creation of a national bourgeoisie. Under neo-
colonial rule capitalism had been vulnerable to attack through appeals to
patriotic sentiment, and was in its weakest form. The contradictions which had
Williams and his regime reeling from crisis to crisis signalled that the time was
ripe to smash capitalism not to resucitate it by creating a local capitalist class.
Best and his colleagues had provided a brilliant, indeed Marxist, analysis of what
was wrong with the West Indian economy, but rather than prescribe the obvious
cure of thoroughgoing socialization of the means of production and the elimina-
tion of the profit system, he had launched strategy aimed at calming the
worst fears of foreign companies by preaching localisationn" and by directly

appealing to the avaricious energies of both the established business interests
and the aspiring petty entrepreneurs among the African and Indians. This is the
critique of Tapia from the left. But in Lloyd Best's view this type of critique
represented merely the latest installment in a stale and paternalistic theorizing
by European Marxism, as puritanical, obsessional, and irrelevant in some re-
spects as bourgeois economic theory. The first step in mobilizing the intelligence
and dedication of the Caribbean people, Best insists, is to get out from under
the rigid formulas of both liberal capitalism and Marxist socialism. Moreover,
the social structure of West Indian society in any case made the latter in-
There is no "bourgeoisie" here because we have had no "bourg". Nor have we had
feudalism or any dynamic class of national capitalists so there need not be any
"socialists" or "communists", What is the meaning of "middle class"? In almost
every family we can find represented the full spectrum from professional through
artisan to labourer. Tapia rejects all of these imported categories and we seek to
understand what is going on here in terms of Caribbean definitions. When we do
that, we see all kinds of very rich possibilities for national integration and economic
transformation. And we make all kinds of fresh interpretations. (TAPIA No. 20,
Aug. 1971).
Among these fresh interpretations would be the ingenuous claim that,
despite its "middle class" leadership Tapia was as "working class as any in the
country: "We are working class because we are working!"
The refusal of Lloyd Best to accept a class analysis of Trinidadian and
West Indian society is one of the peculiarities and, in the present writer's
opinion, major weaknesses in his analysis. It derives from, and is of a piece with,
one of the cardinal tenets of the earlier New World Group which may be called
the assumption of Caribbean exceptionalism. Since Tapia bids fair to represent
the avant garde of West Indian thought in the early Seventies, this crucial doc-
trine requires a brief discussion and critique.
To begin with, it is clear that the analysis of the peculiar, special
character of the Caribbean experiences was a necessary and powerful line of
attack. The critique of the traditional economics of the region was vindication
enough for this level of analysis. But there was always the danger that the
adherents of this line of reasoning might fall into the trap of exaggerating the
degree of exemption whichthe Caribbean did in fact have from the structural
problems of other societies.

Chief heresy

How could one accept the chief heresy propounded by Best: that the
notion of social class is merely an "imported category" without relevance in a
society where nearly every family contains representatives of various social
strata? It must be admitted at the outset that there is possible support for this
proposition in recent work on social stratification in Trinidad and Guyana.
These data do show substantial social mobility, both upward and downward,
-between parents and offspring, thus tending to produce some degree of scatter,
as Best would have it, across the full spectrum of occupational groups, But a

from the situation of the parents. And even if they do, this does not by itself
indicate that links of kinship with relatives placed lower down the social scale
are actively maintained. In any event, there is certainly nothing whatever ex-
ceptional in the West Indian tendency for intergenerational social mobility to
reduce the individual's subjective perception of class differences: all developing
and developed societies show mobility patterns and social relations of the same
order, if varying in degree.
To take this criticism one step further: even if it were true which it is
almost certainly not that the typical relationship of a West Indian manual
labourer to the better-off elements in the society was mediated by close and
meaningful kinship links this would not contradict the evidence for the existence
of a class or status hierarchy incorporating great discrepancies in the objective
distribution of private wealth, social prestige and power. All that would be
proven in such a case would be that one dimension of social stratification would
be relatively weak, namely that of social distance. We have noted, that the small-
scale, post-agrarian ambience of Trinidad did in fact tend to produce more
intimate and casual social relations across formal status lines. The tendency to
practice a degree of fluidity with respect to the maintenance of social distance
should not, however, be allowed to obscure the central fact of structural in-
equalities which, although mitigated by various personal bonds, formed the
backbone of the Trinidad social system. Quite apart frori the white elite, large
disparities in income, power and life styles characterized the multi-ethnic but
also hierarchical status order of the neo-colonial society.

Special pleading

A carefully executed study of contemporary San Fernando by Colin
G. Clarke is most illuminating.From these data-obtained in a town which has
traditionally boasted of its high degree of racial integration it can be seen
that the family-based links on which Best has laid great stress were not only of
doubtful value in undermining the hardening of class divisions, but were still
virtually non-existent in forging bonds between the two major cultural groups.
Here we must reluctantly break off our consideration of the new issues
arising out of the development of post-independence West Indian ideology as
represented by Lloyd Best and his circle. It is clear that the struggle for the most
appropriate adaptations of classic European radical ideology to West Indian con-
ditions is far from over. The impulse toward an analysis based on a faith in
Caribbean exceptionalism is open to the same kind of suspicion with which
Marxist critics have viewed such "special" doctrines as African socialism or
black Marxism: An uncritical acceptance of the postulate of a unique Caribbean
reality could obviously lend itself to a type of special pleading on behalf of
a rising elite in need of a new form of ideological mystification to legitimate the
continuing social inequalities generated by a reformed, West Indian national
When, and in what ways, this possible danger will be recognized and acted
upon we cannot know how. But there is, in the writer's opinion, a valid basis for
optimism. Lloyd Best personifies a new highly-competent, savvy and egali-
tarian West Indian generation who are waiting to seize their hour. They may yet
evolve, through the impending struggle with North American interests, to
revolutionary positions in spite of their having made a dogma out of their
commitment to non-dogmatism.




In writing or speaking the purpose is either to
persuade or to inform to a particular view point,
or both. However, the clarity of the message is
always more important than the language or the
media used to communicate the message.

Our message is that you should,do your Banking
Business with us, and not merely because we're
a truly National Commercial Bank but
actually because our Rates of Interest and our
services are competitive, and our Financial
Counselling Services sound and innovative-
designed to help you.

Live a better life


The National Commercial Bank of Trinidad & Tobago. 60 Independence Square.

Bank in your Bank.



10.30 a.m. You know
"BACK FIRE" is out, sell-
ing very well among the
secondary school children.
Well done Neville. Thanks.
Bob Henry has a story in
it. So does Fortune. Hello
Al, liked the story. Write
any poetry recently? Not
much. Give us a collection
soon. Keith, that's you?
How yer going. Cool. Yer
surviving with dem people?
They ain't serious. Who is
these days. Wrong attitude
man. Hello glad to have

That Shell scene

Victor Questel listens in on the launching of the

you. Didn't know you used
to write boy. Surprised
meself. Hi Anthony. Where
did I meet you again?
T.M.A. Read a little piece
that night. Yes, Oh Yes.
I like how your story be-
gins Keith. Yeah, yeah. I like
it too. Nobody talks about

craft. It is so important, craft.
The Caribs, did not write but
they wove their stories. Yes,
look at the story the wife-lead
Be serious. It was the bush
you see, the wife could have
lost her way in the bush. I see.
Yes, we must talk about craft.
By the way we had no
Caribs here. Well who are those
people in San Raphael? That
riddle whispered around the
Scarlet Ibis room in the Hilton,
while the talk continued, and
the book waited to be launched.


The wife's in England.
Coffee everyone. Yes. Good
point. Didn't think of that.
Brinsley put yer thumb print
here. Pen scratches paper. Wish
it was history though. Well yer
making it.Miss Hodge isn't here,
so is Reynold Bassant.
What's your name? Oh. Hi
Dew, let me see your thumb
print nah man. You too Chu
Foon. Laugh. You is one of the
contributors? No. Sorry, you




see I don't know who is who.
That's alright.
You see that lady in the
floral dress and the one next to
her with the black rim glasses,
dem is contributors.Thank you.
Who is the printers? Oh. They
did a good Job. Shell pushing
a good knob here boy, they
need the public relations. They
might yet barge down in style.
Remember UBOT? This
This Therese Mills compel, ah
mean compile the writers very
well. Good cross section. Rain
still falling. Like the big man
upstairs doe stop working? He
just flushing down he troubles.
When I spoke to Eric Roach
he was so enthusiastic, that I
went ahead with the idea of a
book of stories for children,







Sangre Grande

written by several Trinidadian
writers. Thus when I was at
this Shell function, I threw out
the suggestion that a company
should finance the publication
of a book of stories for child-
ren. The response was favour-
able. Within a week I wrote to
Shell and they replied stating
that they would do it. The
title The Shell Book of Trinidad
title The Shell BookofTrinidad
Stories, is really my idea, a way
of thanking Shell.
Heads nod. Hands clap. A
leaf is pinned on. Hands clap.
We must thank Mr. Ali. On
behalf of the writers and my-
self, I offer a sincere thanks to
Shell. Well I'm working on
some aspects of Trinidad's his-
tory. For example, the railway
Lopinot very rewarding.
Who is that slim tall guy
with shades? He? That is Dew.
Big man like you ain't know
Dew. Fellar tell me last week
that Dew is rated among the
top 15 in the world.


Hear C.L.R. not well at all
lately.Yeah, so what going orn.
Didn't realize St. Lucia was
like that. Hum. That mixture
of Obeah and Roman Catholi-
cism. Yeah. "One step behind
the churchdoor stood the
devil". Walcott's Another Life
looks at that.
Yes, Don't always agree
with you. Don't expect anyone
to. Lloyd just told me you did
a review of my Sandra Street.
Yes, I didn't read it. It was just
that I found that two stories
did not fit into the scheme.
They did the selection. Oh.
What about the covers? They
did not send me the proofs.
When last yer read ah Eric
Review? Man making plenty
sense these days. Yeah. Must
be the season. He knocks in.
Remember Spoiler's calypso
S. meh great grand father
pitching marble. Yeah. No is
the first time we have meet.
Theresa Mills is a good
journalist. In this country you
have to be everything. Yes.
Journalist, short-story writer,
editor, reviewer, the whole
works man. When last yer went
in Sealey's book-shop. Got a
good book there last week.
More space.


Yes. I like Anson's pro-
grammes these days. It have
plenty identity in we literature
man: Wait around ah bit, I hear
the Guardian camera man on
his way up. T.T.T. was here
earlier, but they left to cover a
Ladies and Gentlemen, I'm
sure you will remember, August
20, 1973, the rainy day when
we launched for our eleventh
anniversary, The Shell Book of
Trinidad Stories, containing
stories by the following 14
writers-: Michael Anthony,
Eric Roach, Merle Hodge, Al
Ramsawack, Undine Giuseppi,
Daphne Pawan-Taylor, Lucia
Farrell, Keith Smith, Brinsley
Samaroo, Reynold Bassant,
Darryl Dean, Siegmund Assee,
Ida Ramesar and Therese Mills.
This time so, the rain still
have meh Mustang jeans and
white shirt-jac damp and ah
scanning the horizon for a lift
from that upsidedown place.


.,rthe inside story
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~,- Cj



The donkey cart moves forward with the slowness
of indentured peoples. With the ease born of certainties
I shall never feel; its rounded syllables of
movement mocking my liquid style.

The donkey locks the corner and you, son
of the mistaken mariner, steer clear in your Datsun.
Who is the assimilated man now? Kripal
Singh who sees history in the landscape can
only pose the question, can only pose.
But how be judge as well as witness.
Who will advocate the way to windward
Who will sling the last stone? You?
You without sin, poles apart from the polemicist
anathema to Anansi?

How each blade of grass cuts the memory.

Our coming together was as absurd as the twinning of cities.
Her voice dumb her every kiss a dipthong of doubt.
Such was the bought fishy selfishness of love
netted in a lover's throw.

circle around though there is no carrion
only the oncoming rain. The kiskedee's vision
has stuck in its throat, and still the inch-
measures the marigold, its length, minds its own
interest for profit or loss.

A frog leaps slowly across the road
as my mind leaps slowly across the frog
as the road leaps. Leaking fears as my
ruined gutter spout leaks.

I can no longer avoid the heresy of hearsay
or re-
dress the naked truth.

Vulnerable as the scarred mountain side
spare despair thrown and anchored
my dreams I hang on a nail. My fancy
since infancy hammered out.

Crying I tear myself away from the scene.
The donkey cart stops near a museum.
All art becomes artefact now. [V.Q.]

The Staff and Management of

Yu See Mee

Independence Greetings


TO The People


Trinidad & Tobago



Michael Harris gives a

Seppy for

the sleepy

NOWADAYS a lot of
people complaining that
they can't go to sleep.
Now this is a really terri-
ble complaint. It is really
a hell of a thing to have
to face day in and day
out the nightmare of
being awake in this place.
So to help out these peo-
ple I have been going
around trying to collect
some popular remedies.
Sleep potions. And to
my surprise they have a
lot of them. Man they
have sleep potions for
every race, class, colour
and creed. All you have
to do is select one that
suits you the most.
One of the most popu-
lar ones that people tell me
about is the one where you
get very involved in anything
that does not really matter.
Actually there are all kinds
of variations of this remedy.
The trick is to write a lot
,of letters, make a set a speech
and drum up public support;
but never for a really serious
matter. After all, your pur-
pose is not to change any-
For example, the recent
-Family Planning Association
controversywas a great oppor-
tunity. It don't really matter
whether you for or against the
FPA plan; all that is necessary
is to get very involved in the
plan, just the plan.
Forget- all about the so-

called wider issues, like mas-
sive unemployment of the
youth, or the lack of leader-
ship in society, or poor hous-
ing or the corruption of those
at the top. Just get involved
in the narrow issue, so in-
volved that you get tired.
Once you tired you bound to
fall asleep.
There was another beau-
tiful remedy that somebody
come up with recently. This
is the one where you choose a
convicted murderer, a nice
convicted murderer from a
decent background and work
your ass off trying to free
him. Nothing else must matter
but your nice murderer and
all the nice names you getting
on your nice petition. By the
time you through counting
all them names, you bound
to be asleep.


So you see all it really
takes is a little imagination
to fall asleep. Like another
remedy a lot of sleepers using
is to pretend that nothing
going on; these days this is
kind of hard to do but if you
fete hard enough, lime hard
enough, drink enough grog
and smoke enough dope, it
can very easily be done.
Yet another potion I hear
about is the one where some
people go about being very
objective about "the present
situation". Now this is a very
tricky remedy and I really
don't advise everyone to try
it. It involves seeing and not


seeing,beingandnot being all
at the same time.

What you have to do is to
be aware of what is going on
and heap blame upon every-
body else but yourself for
not doing something about
it. Your purpose is to stand
apart, never get involved,
never make a commitment,
just stand outside and pound
everybody. This way you fall
asleep without even realising
For those who want more
simple and ,direct remedies
you could always become a
"religious" fanatic. Preach
fire and brimstone and decide
that this place too evil to be
worth saving and just sit
down and wait on judgement
Or you could become a
scandalmonger, or you could
be the chairman of your own
committee of inquiry doing
nothing and going nowhere.
As I say it all depends upon
what suits you best. Just
remember that the object
is to go to sleep.
But really and truly all
these remedies that they have
is for those people who un-
fortunately see too much,
hear too much, and think
too much and would not
like to. For most of us we
don't have a problem. We
could fall asleep and sleep
for a long time. All we have
to do is to lie down and
wait for the next messiah to

You always

wanted her to


makes it easy -

Sand an ideal

Gift too.










my game

My father had a loco-corn-cob pipe
I wonder at his motive
His thought was somewhat primitive
He was working for the guv'nor
He loved working for the foreigner

My dad had a local corn-cob pipe
Puff-puff, puff-puff
it had no trade-mark
it only had some local expertise
He said that's what he was a native for,
puff-puffing his pirogue towards the shore

He wondered why he strained his arm and thigh
and spent his free and reverential time
bowed in obeisance to the governor that foreigner.

I have a loco pipe
puff-puff puff-puff
It has a trade-mark and a foreign name,
What the hell's my motive?
I strain my brain
Has education made me sensitive
There is no governor. [L.K.]

cricket regime

already discussed andaccepted
his proposals, how can he say,
otherwise, that is a lot of
change for one year. Was
Stollmeyer relaying a press
release from the council or
issuing his own proposals?
That Stollmeyer can anti-
cipate so accurately what the
council is going to do, says
something about the phony
democratic culture in the
A cursory look at the
TCC constitution shows why
Stollmeyer, an influential
member of the Queen's Park

Cricket Club can decide what
the Council is going to decide
in one year.
The council consists of
23 members of which the
club has nine representatives
plus its secretary who is ex-
officio secretary of the coun-
cil. In addition to its \over
weighted representation on
the council the club also
wields enormous informal
control over the council
through the facts that the
chairman of the Trinidad
Umpires Council is appointed
by the Club, and all significant
meetings are held on the
club's premises.

Jeffrey Stollmeyer: A lot of
change for one year.

ONCE AGAIN the issue
of constitutional reform
in cricket has been raised.
Jeffrey Stollmeyer has
proposed -
1. The election of the
president of the Trinidad
Cricket Council by the
2. the election of the
secretary by the Council;
3. the appointment of
Trinidad captain by the
4. the selection of the
national team by the
Commenting on his own
proposals Stollmeyer said that
that was a lot of change for
one year. If Stollmeyer's pro-
posals and comments are not
a reflection of what the prob-
lems of the administration
of cricket are, then, nothing
Stblhneyer must either 6e
a prophet, or the Council has

3 plce


iA air 17 S II t 7c


The council shall consist of the following members:-
(a) The President of the Queen's Park Cricket
(b) Eight members of the Queen's Park Cricket Club nominated
annually by the management Committee of the Club, four of whom
shall be chosen to represent the North and four to represent the South.
(c) Eight persons who are not members of the Queen's Park
Cricket Club, four of whom shall represent the North and four the
South, elected annually in the manner set out in sub-rule (2) hereof.
(d) Two persons, who are not members of the Queen's Park
Cricket Club, nominated by the President after consultation withthe
other members of the Council for a period not exceeding two years at
any one time, but shall be eligible for re-nomination; one shall represent
the North and one shall represent the South.
(e) Two persons, who are not members of the Queen's Park
Cricket Club, annually elected, one each by the Northern Cricket Um-
pires' Association and the Southern Cricket Umpires' Association from
their respective active membership lists.
(f) Two persons, who are not members of Queen's Park Cricket
Club, annually elected, one each by affiliated Leagues/Association in
the North and South respectively who are financial.


Poems by Derek Walcott


Ruthv en Baptiste assesses

promised reforms in Queen's Park

s 5





(See box for quote from
Trinidad Cricket Council Con-
stitution and Rules Section
3 sub-section (1) a-f).
That is constitutional
control, what about informal
control. The representatives
for Maple on the Council are
also members of Queen's
Therefore, if the Council
were to appoint the president,
the secretary the Trinidad
captain,and select the national
team it only means that the
club no longer does same
openly but behind a legal
mask. No change in one year
in fact.
Moreover it is absurd that
a private club arrogates to
itself the appointment of four
of its members to represent
"the South" and four for "the
North". Not only is it absurd,
but it is morally repugnant as
well that the hundreds of
minor leagues throughout the
length and breadth of the
country are represented
neither directly or indirectly
in the "national" body.
Only the affiliated leagues
association of the north and
south has one representative
each on the council while
Queen's Park has such over-
whelming representation on
the council.
Still more absurd is that,
while a "national" body ex-
ists, the club is the agent for
the West Indies Cricket Board
of Control.
The Club as agents for
the WICBC guarantees the
WICBC $200,000 for the two
tests played here by touring
teams. The rank and file mem-
bers of the Club are also
dispossessed of the remaining
amount which the club gua-
rantees itself, because the
club rents the ground from
the Queen's Park Cricket
Ground Co.


There is no maths involved
in guessing who are the share-
holders of the cricket ground
The professional cricketers
see all too clearly that pro-
fessionalism is entirely possible
here and that it is unbridled
capitalism which obstructs its
growth. So there is no end of
conflict between the players
who provide the entertain-
ment and the powers that be.
At the beginning of the
second test at the Oval be-
tween the WI and Australia,
Clyde Walcott introduced the
members of the WI team as
the "new look" team
and the only new thing
was the absence of Gary
Only last year, Kanhai
was completely overlooked
for the New Zealand tour and

Lance Gibbs shabbily treated
two or three years before. In
1971 Lance was among the
five best cricketers in English
County Cricket.
Was the "new look" atti-
tude towards our professionals
coincidental? I think not.
Was the new look policy the
reason why the West Indies
played such unenterprising,
uncharacteristic defensive
cricket? I think so.
After the 1960/61 series
between Australia and the
West Indies started the move-
ment of bright cricket that
swept the cricketing world,
and the leadership of that
movement was seen to have
emanated from the footstool
of the British Empire, the
Third World's third world, we
saw the disgrace of two succes-
sive tests between the WI
A u s t r a lia systematically
drained of their interest by

the third day.
Horrible it was to see
Inshan Ali beating all the
Australian players and only
one attacking fieldsman in
the slips.
One remembers Doug
Walters giving four catches
close to the wicket off Ali
from balls that had him beat-
en comprehensively. Walters
went on to score a century
between lunch afid tea, a cen-
tury which in my opinion was
decisive in the Australian vic-
tory eventually. In fact, we
never called up the trump
we had in Inshan Ali.


I gather that from the
28% of the normal test crowd
that turned up at the Oval
for the last test the majority
of our cricket public have

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seen the new look policy of
the WI selectors for what it
really was an attempt by
cricket reactionaries to re-
verse the movement of bright


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arena we must never again
allow cricket reaction to rear
its ugly head because of
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U. S.J



THAT SPARK of renewed zeal with which the
West Indian team approached their series
against Australia earlier this year and which was
all but smothered by the machinations of the
West Indian cricket overlords finally burst into
flames in England once the players were allowed
to run their own affairs.
In all three tests the West Indies set the pace.
From beginning to end in the first Test at the Oval the
team was well in charge and never really let the initia-
tive slip a convincing victory by over 200 runs.
In the second Test at Edgbaston, Kanhai and his
men, except for a shor- while in the first innings when,
led by Fredericks, they set about repairing an innings
that had been damaged to the extent that half the side
was down for less than 150 runs, showed that not even
in a remorselessly slow struggle would they be out-
On the last day of that match Kanhai opted for a
draw rather than a contrived finish. In retrospect it is
now easy to understand that decision and see the total
control he had of the series.


As predicted, the final Test was totally unlike the
second. The expected West Indian victory in that match
was by a wide-margin Having defeated England in
the first, and demoralized them in the second, the West
Indian team set about an almost complete annihilation
in the final Test.
The climb back up to the top has started (al-
though one series late). To continue this trend it is
important that the West Indian Cricket Board under-
stand how much the game has changed in recent years
and allow the men who were involved in that change to
have more say.

In this respect, in addition to Kanhai (as cap-
tain), Sobers should be invited to join the selection
committee for the series against England here next
Worrell could take any team onto the field in the
West Indies and be untroubled b insular prejudices.
This is because he was trusted and openly showed that



Today in the Caribbean,people
are taking a vote of confidence in
By deciding to work together to




he was interested only in taking the best available
eleven into the match.
In general, insular prejudices have arisen because
selection committees in the past have either been
weak or have been suspected of horse-trading among
themselves. Some Caribbean politicians too have tried
to use their influence in odd ways.
With Sobers and Kanhai on the selection com-
mittee,I am sure that the final eleven can appear in any
territory without any wild outbursts over the omission
of local heroes. The West Indian public is convinced
of the ability and knowledge of these two great
cricketers and of their dedication of West Indian
The performances of the tour indicate the co-
hesion of the team, and their professionalism and con-
fidence in themselves which were reminiscent of the
Worrell-Sobers era of the early and middle sixties -
such a contrast to the dejected and demoralized band
of gifted players who dispersed from Trinidad at the
end of the Australian tour less than six months ago.
The influence of the senior
men Kanhai, Gibbs and
Sobers cannot be under-
estimated. Kanhai had a special
word for Sobers after the first
test victory, and now that the
kudos are coming in from all
quarters, it is interesting to note
that while acknowledging the
captain and the team as a
whole, Seymour Nurse and
S.-- Wes Hall have separately
paused to pinpoint the con-
tribution and influence of
\ Sobers on the team.

After three bad innings
Kanhai redeemed himself in
the last two just as we were
questioning whether he should
continue batting at the very
decisive No. 3 position. Cer-
tainly in the final match he
showed beyond question the
significance of the one down
position on a team.
The mastery with which
he handled the side too must
have finally silenced the doubt-
ersand those who had suggested
during the Australian tour that
he tended to be defensive.
That I have always thought an
unfair criticism.
About Sobers there is no-
thing more to say it's all
there in the record books and
in the accounts of the series.
Surfice it to mention that only
in on: innings was his wicket
convincingly taken.
Gi-' remained a perma-
nent thorn in the English side.
They were continuously runn-
ing from the quick rising ball.
The groundsmen found them-
selves in the predicament of
not being able to prepare a
spinners' wicket for Und',
wood for fear of the havoc
Gibbs would have created. The
disdain with which he finished
off the English side in the final
innings of the series re-empha-
sised his class and ability.
The all conquering West
Indian side of the sixties con-
tained four really great cricket-
ers Sobers, Hall, Kanhai and
Gibbs. The Trinidad cricketing
public has shown their appre-
ciation to Sobers and Hall in a
tangible way in the last two
The time has come for us
to do the same for Kanhai and

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