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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00060
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: May 27, 1973
Frequency: completely irregular
 Subjects
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
 Notes
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00060

Full Text

SUNDAY MAY 27,1973


Vol. 3 No. 21





A


WHAT clearer evidence is there of PNM insensitivity
to the plight of the poor than the current oppressive
milk policy.
With the cost of living already so high, and
squandermania of public funds so rampant, only a
heartless Government would try to raise revenue by
imposing a 5% levy on so basic a commodity as
powdered milk. Soon a 5 lb tin would cost $7.00


And why is this so? It is
because of the need to raise
money in order to increase the
subsidy paid particularly to
Crown Land farmers. Recog-
nition of this need was based
on the case made by dairy man
W. D. Greenaway, an effective
preacher and campaigner in
Agriculture,Minister Robinson's
constituency.

BARONS
At the recent Agricultural
Consultation, the Barons of
the Agricultural Society, apart
from demanding $1.75 per gal-
lon of milk, remained in the
background, knowing full well
that they would benefit from
whatever concessions were made
to the samller 20-cow farmers.
"-SiiR~e lT~69NeIl' has b&een
paying $1.20 for a gallon of
top quality fresh milk.
In addition, the Government
paid a subsidy of 20 cents per
gallon. Recently this subsidy
has moved up to 45 cents. And
it is by means of the 5% levy
that the extra costs are to be
met.
Now m 1972 the quantity
of fresh milk supplied to Nestle's
by these Crown Land farmers
was 1.5 m. gallons. This is the
equivalent of 1.5 m. pounds of
powdered milk because it is
about 10 pounds liquid milk
to the gallon and about 90%
of liquid milk is water.

CONTRAST

By contrast, the average
quantity of powdered milk im-
ported over the last four years
is about 10 m. pounds. The
fresh milk intake of Nestle's
from the Crown Lands Deve-
lopment project is therefore
about 15% of total powdered
milk imports.
This is not likely to supply
the needs of the population
for many .years to come, given
the present rate of agricultural
transformation.
Clearly because of price and
demand differentials the fresh
milk (Sta Fresh) market is
distinct from the market for
powdered milk.
The market for Sta Fresh
seems more or less to be the
market of the middle to high
income groups. The fact is that
powdered milk is what poor
people purchase mainly.
And this is determined by
relatively lower prices, thl
rather ingrained habit of feed-


To


Jacques Farmer



N Ristle

i-Nestle.


stays fresh for weeks

without refrigeration


ing on powdered milk, and by
the flexibility it gives as far as
storage is concerned.
But instead of allowing those
who can afford to pay more
to do so, the Government has
adopted the iniquitous policy
of taxing the poor to benefit
the rich.
This means that taxpayers
whose backs are most hunched
must now subsidise Sta Fresh
drinkers by 45 cents to the
gallon to meet the further
,ejnse of the 5% levy.

CONSUMER

At any rate the Government
itself is the major consumer of
powdered milk because of the
School Milk scheme which is
onm more reason why any steep
'inrease in the price of this
essential commodity makes no
economic sense at all. Who
pays the subsidy? Who buys
the milk?
Unless of course it is the
intention to cut back on this
amenity which has for so long
a time now been an important
dietary supplement for children
of poor families.
But the Government could
not be g9 short-sighted. For
even in the Gomes oa the need
to strengtken the nation by


feeding this almost perfect food
to the young was well apprecia-
ted.
There is another considera-
tion.
It is believed that the price
of fresh milk is based on pro-
duction figures that have been
grossly exaggerated for purely
selfish political reasons.

ENTERPRISES

Farmers are laughing at the
Ministry of Agriculture because
they know what the true pic-
ture is. It is common know-
ledge that in most economic
enterprises, and agriculture is
no exception, costs begin high,
but fall over some given period
of time during which output
is increased to an optimum
level.
It is almost certain that
proper account has not been
taken of the income which
accrues to the farmer by the
way of culled cows and bull
calves sold as beef for remu-
nerative prices.
More important too, is the
fact that after these farmers
shall have repaid their loans
at the end of 14 years or so

Continued on Page 2


Obstructing the free-way


youths await
TWENTY-THREE Tunapuna
youths, picked up by the
Police on the night of May 15,
1973, and charged with
obstructing the free-way, are
now eagerly awaiting trial
towards the end of the month.

So far the young men have
upset the calculations of
certain people in authority
who had urged them to walk
with $24 on the day of the
first hearing. The hope then
was that, they would simply
enter a plea of guilty and that


hearing
would be the end of the
matter.
For this trap they have
not fallen, and have instead
decided to insist on their
human rights and fundamental
freedoms. Liming as far as
they are concerned is a per-
fectly legitimate social activity,
As yet no official response
has been made to the letter
which Tapia sent post-haste to
security departments and
which had urged the Police
"to reflect deeply on the
matter


ilk


Prices


THE ERA OF ARAB


WEALTH. WEEKS

"Some news for the 1980's: Two Saudi Arabianprinces have just
joined the board of directors of General Motors in which they are major
shareholders.
The Kuwait Investment Co. is erecting a chain of "Arabian
Nights" motels across the U.S. The Sheik of Abu Dhabi has bought a
30% interest in the Columbia Broadcasting System, to add to a com-
munications empire that already includes the Washington Star-News
and Metro-Goldyn-Mayer.
The White House issues a statement welcoming the huge
investments by "our Arab Allies" as a way-of stopping the dollar drain
("If they cause us trouble," adds one White House economist, "we can
always nationalize them"), but it expresses some concern at reports
that Libya and Iraq are negotiating with France to obtain nuclear
weapons... "
QUOTING thus, from April's Time Magazine, George Weekes,
indicated to delegates at their 33rd Annual Conference last
weekend what was the vision economists had of the world
economy a decade from then.
Such a transformation he felt may seem fanciful, "but
was by no means impossible." In fact he argued that "in
many respects the age of Arab wealth and power has already
arrived." And he went on to note that "Arab oil money was a
major element in the monetary crisis that led to the second
devaluation of the dollar last month."
In addition he pointed out that while 5 years ago
income accruing to Arab countries was $4.4 billion, it was now
$10.b. And by 1980 this figure could increase to $40.b.
"If that holds true," Weekes said, "the income of the
Arab nations would then exceed the combined earnings of
FORTUNE'S current largest U.S. industrial corporations. The
richest oil state of all, which has a population smaller than
New Jersey (about 7m), would have greater monetary re-
serves than U.S. and Japan combined."
He said that the recent thrust to control Middle
Eastern oil began in 1970 by Libya's leader Colonel Gaddafi
who had siezed power in a military coup the year before. Be-
cause of the world's insatiable demand for oil the Colonel was
able to increase Libyan oil royalties by 120% within 2 years.
He pointed out as well that in Latin America the
policy of nationalisation was the same. There, oil was being
sold at $2.00 per barrel. While for Trinidad the prigg p r
barrel was 75 cents. This was grrim 9nfd naRtionl] dijgrai
Waekeg lamentgd,4e (,
I_ _


I i


15 CesU 14





PAGE 2 TAPIA




Sir,
Permit me to comment on
the article "After Pan Week
what next?", as penned by
Keith Smith, in TAPIA of
Sunday, May, 6.
The population, including
Panmen, did not respond to
Steelband Week because it did
not emanate from Steelbands-
men but from Williams and his
puppets on the executive of
Pan Trinbago.
Because of this no one,
inclusive of Panmen them-
selves, could regard with any
measure of seriousness or
decency Steelband week, and
moreso since it lacked the usual
supply of free whisky, free
rum, free roti, free transport
etc., noticeably present at
rallies, panmen conferences etc.
Contrary to the opinion of
Keith Smith, the realtrouble
with Pan Trinbago is not that
it begins and ends with its
executive, but rather because it
begins and ends with the big
destroyer of organizations
seated at White Hall.
It is as a result of this
knowledge by quite a number
of honest Panmen who regard
with seriousness their God-
given talent and who are not
prepared to exchange their
souls for whisky, rum, roti or
cheap publicity, that they
refer to the executive of Pan
Trinbago, as rightly pointed
out by Keith Smith, as
"Augustus and dem, and dem
fellers".
Keith Smith could not be
more right when he outlined
how Pan Trinbago came on the
,scene and how its birth was
politically inspired.


SUNDAY MAY 27, 1973


George Goddard





replies to





Keith Smith


I am however, not fully
satisfied that he gave a full
enough description of the
political birth of Pan Trinbago
and I don't agree with him at
all, that I was assassinated in
the process, with no real
objections.
I was not assassinated, I was
crucified, and there were real
objections.
There is a great difference
between assassination and
crucifixion. Assassins at no
time show any sign of regret
or repentance. In fact they
usually glory in the crime
they have committed.
On the other hand we have
seen the same people who
crucified, honouring and pay-
ing tribute to the one crucified.
I was (hypocritically)
honoured and had tribute paid
to me in my absence by the
same assassinators (as Keith
Smith calls them, I prefer to
refer to them as crucifiers)
though the honour and tribute
paid to me by them at the
Town Hall, on April 25, was
as a result of the real objec-
tions of real panmen.
I am sorry however that I
had to disappoint those pan-
men who have been objecting


After


pan


week


what


next ?
over the years to my
crucifixion by the Williams
selected officials of Pan Trin-
bago, but I just could not
bring myself into accepting
any sort of award.
I would like to challenge
Keith Smith to state publicly,
what traditional functions has
Pan Trinbago carried out more
efficiently than the now
defunct NATTS outside of the
traditional functions of in-
trigue, deception, betrayal and
crucifixion?
From what source has
Keith Smith gotten his infor-
mation that Pan Trinbago has
done little to change the life of
the average Steelbandsman? Is
he not aware that Pan Trinbago


has done so much to change
the average Panman over the
past year, that it has cost the
life of at least one, and the
physical injuries and police
arrest of quite a few others?
Is he not aware of the fact
that the life of some of the
average Panmen has been
changed so much because of
the influence of Pan Trinbago,
that on Carnival day and
within a stone's throw from
Police Headquarters, there
was a free-for-all bottle throw-
ing party between the members
of two Steelbands both of
which are represented on the
executive of Pan Trinbago?
Keith Smith has to be
sadly mis-informed to state
that Pan Trinbago is in a
curious kind of way a continu-
ation of NATTS.
NATTS in the first place
was a Union in the truest
sense of the word and as a
result dealt with Panmen both
individually and collectively.

ORGANIZATION

In NATTS each Panman was
required to join the organisa-

tion as an individual though
he was in truth and in fact a
part of a group, and was
entitled to personal benefits
and subjected to personal dis-
cipline on being found guilty
for violation of the rules and
or policy of the organisation.
Such acts of discipline how-
ever, could not affect other
innocent members of the group
of which the offender was a
member.
In Pan Trinbago the whole
group (the Steelband) is a
member, and the steelband is
required to delegate members
to represent the entire group.
This arrangement makes it


*George Goddard

impossible for the officials of
Pan Trinbago to legally recog-
nise or discipline its members
as the majority are not legally
members and therefore not
legally subjected to discipline
or legally entitled to any
benefits whatever.
If this is true and the
truth it is, how can anyone
say that Pan Trinbago is a
continuation of or is following
the life style of NATTS which
was built on honesty, sincerity
of purpose and dedication.
Keith Smith seems to think
that if the executive of Pan
Trinbago does not change their
style they, like Goddard, will
be assassinated, with very few
protesting voices.
But with his forecast I
don't agree, as Pan Trinbago
must at all times function
within the framework of the
blue print prepared by Williams
to save itself from annihila-
tion.
It is only if they, the
executive of Pan Trinbago,
should decide to drift from
the course as prepared by
Williams that they would then
be executed by the great White
Hall executioner himself amidst
the protesting voices of
Williams'--ast-Steelbands hope, -
the executive of Pan Trinbago0


*lll u"rl I


Sir,

IF the Lottery Board is not
careful it will surely incur the
wrath of the public and forfeit
the favour and confidence given
it from the time of its in-
ception.
It would seem from its atti-
tude that the Board is taking
the public for granted and
apparently is under the impres-
sion that whether the conditions
of the Lottery are favourable
or unfavourable the public has
an obligation to give it their
full support.
Agents, Vendors, and mem-
bers of the public have repeat-
edly approached the Board,
asking for a change in the


prize structure.
These people argue, and
quite rightly so, that the Lot-
tery prizes should be divided
into smaller shares to allow
more persons to win more
prizes, rather than having less
prizes, rather than having less
people winning bigger prizes.

This I consider a very rea-
sonable request which if adopted
would encourage a wider parti-
cipation in the Lottery.
Moreover, such a change
will attract bigger sales of tic-
kets, more agents, a larger
field of vendors and bigger
and better returns to the Board.
The Combined System which
the Lottery Board is about to


introduce to the public will
not help one bit to solve the
problem; on the .contrary this
will go further to bring about
more complications and dis-
satisfaction.
The Board should recall to
mind the "Three Digit" fiasco
which it ran into sometime
ago, a fiasco which nearly
brought the Lottery to a stand-
still.
All that is now asked of the
Board is a division of the prizes
as follows:-
When tickets are sold at $5.00:
2 First Prizes: @ $25,000 each
2 Second Prizes: @ $15,000 each
2 Third Prizes: @ $10,000 each
4 Prizes: @ $ 2,000 each
4 Special: @$ 1,000 each
When tickets are sold at $10.00:
2 First Prizes: @ $50,000 each
2 Second Prizes: @ $20,000 each
2 Third Prizes: @ $15,000 each
4 Prizes: @ $ 3,000 each
4 Special: @ $ 2,000 each
Digits to be paid on First,
Second and Third prizes.
This layout is very simple
and will mean no financial loss
to the Board. The ticket output
will be enormous and the public
will welcome such an equitable
change.
There,is to be a Mass Meet-
ing of Agents and Vendors to
discuss the Combination Sys-
tem and according to their
findings the meeting will take
the matter to the Prime Minister
in the hope that he will order
a reorganisation 'of the entire
prize structure. NATIONAL


MILK PRICES TO RISE
* From Page 1


the farm will have a salvage
value.
To calculate the real cost
of producing milk at each point
in time one must keep a con-
stant eye on all these factors.

On the processing side, ig-
norance runs rife. We do not
know as yet what it really
costs Trinidad Food Products
Limited (Nestle's) to produce
Sta Fresh. Nor do we know
what its ingredients are.
But that is no surprise since
a thorough investigation of the


company's operations has never
been attempted.
And this company is already
heavily subsidized through its
pioneer status with tax con-
cessions galore.
Presumably when it is Mr.
Robinson's turn to do his strip-
tease before the newly appoint-
ed judges of the Party Quiz,
there will be a lot of party
music to dance to. But let
us not be fooled. The music
of rising prices means that
the rest of us must continue
to do the bossu-back.


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Tunapuna,
Trinidad & Tobago.


1 _


jCI LJ 61l


11 UJILAL-ol


----~--,


I irr~ I~U


I syst a]





SUNDAY MAY 27 1973


Sir Hugh Wooding


closes


the


National


Convention


at


Choiusaarnas


THIS IS the 22nd day on
which we have met as a National
Convention to discuss issues
which the Commission considers
to be of major importance. We
cannot really say that the res-
ponse to our invitation was on
any day what we had hoped for,
but we can and do say that those
who attended represented a wide
cross-section of the community,
including Tobago, and that their
contributions to the debate amply
justified our holding the Con-
vention.
In other respects, we have been
disappointed. In opening the subject
of "Local Government" I referred to
our invitation to local government
bodies to discuss with us in private
serssioW coistitutional changes- which
might be considered desirable 'and
necessary for the improvement of our'
local government administration. As I
said,, the invitation was declined. I
regret that I must add that it is not
the only such invitation which was
declined. But I shall say no more about
this here or now.
At the Convention itself,'we ob-
served that the Media who are always
ready to express opinions on every
conceivable subject in the daily and
weekly press failed to contribute to
the proceedings at this Convention
except once and then only because
it was a subject which concerned
themselves.

e

And it seems to me unfortunate,
if not significant, that on a subject
like "Fundamental Human Rights"
the Joint Standing Committee of Jus-
tice and the Bar Association could
send no single member to participate
until the fifth day of the debate when
fortuitously three names remained on
our list of speakers.
" Even so, I hope I am not unfair
in saying that its principal contribution
was limited to the subjects of press
freedom and legal aid and that it paid
little or no attention to many of the
wider aspects of human rights and
fundamental freedoms.
However, ladies and gentlemen, let
meconcern myself'with the discussions
at the Convention. They have con-
firmed that a parliamentary democracy
within a republic is what the people
require.
That being so, it will be the Com-
mission's responsibility to erect a Con-
stitution which will provide for a
President as Head of State, a Prime
Minister as Head of Government, a
Cabinet or Council of Ministers to


FRIENDS





AND





DEL E GATES


IAM





DONE


serve wifh the Prime Minister as the
Central Executive, and such "checks
and balances" as should maintain and
support the kind of democracy that,
as it may seem to the Commission,
will reflect the aspirations of, at least,
the majority of the people.
I have phrased those words delibera-
tely "the kind of democracy that,
as it may seem to the Commission,
will reflect the aspirations of, at least,
the majority of the people".
This is in part because the Com-
mission must take into account not
only the views expressed by speakers
at this Convention, but also the repre-
sentations at the several public meet-
ings we held in Trinidad and in Tobago,
the discussions in greater depth at our
.private meetings with various groups
and with a few selected individuals
like the Auditor-General, and the sub-'
missions in the large number of memo-
randa we have received for all of
which we are deeply grateful.
There is a further reason. In opening
the Convention on March 30, I recog-
nised explicitly that it is "the business
of government to govern". And we
have been reminded by a speaker, who
(no doubt jestingly) suggested that
we should write it into the chapter on
Human Rights, that it is the right of a
government to govern.
But if I interpret correctly what
has been discussed here, the concern is
with the responsibility of a government
to govern in a way that will merit the
approval of the people. Of course,


what we merit we do not always get.
Because that has been a primary
concern, many and various proposals
have been put forward for our con-
sideration. Some 'of these proposals
run parallel to one another, others
cancel out each other, yet others may
be reconciled. So the Commission must
decide.
In this regard, I should say that in
assessing the weight of any opinion
expressed the Commission must take
into account, among other things,
whether it is the opinion of an indi-
vidual or of a group and, if of a group,
what it assesses to be the strength of
the group's support..
Also, I should add, the Commission
cannot consider itself bound by, al-
though it will give due weight to, any
majority opinion expressed. Our exer-
cise has been one of enquiry, a quest
for guidance and assistance, but at the
end of the day it is for the Commission
to form its own opinions and to make
its recommendations accordingly. That
indeed is what our terms of reference
require.



It is to highlight a government's
responsibility that "checks and balan-
ces" are introduced into a Constitution.
One such is a chapter on human
rights and fundamental freedoms. The
Convention is not unanimous on the
question whether these rights and free-
doms should be re-drawn or continue
to be expressed as they are. Several
questions have been raised, among
them being:-
1. On a matter as fundamental
as fundamental freedoms, is
it not right that they should
be expressed explicitly and
in unambiguous language so
that, for example, they can be
taught to children without
Risk of wrong interpretation?


2. Should a provision like the
present continue to pre-
serve the force of laws which
conflict, if they do, with rights
and freedoms which the Con-
stitution prescribes, not only
as existing, but as having
existed before it came into
being?
3. Is it consistent with a charter
of fundamental freedoms to
provide in the very charter for
Parliament to override them,
subject to the vote of a pres-
cribed majority, even when a
state of emergency does not
exist? It has been explained
that recourse has been had to
s.5 of the present Constitution
becatise the apparently cate-
gorical imperatives of ss. 1 and
2 have led to doubts whether,
for :example, schemes for
social.security can be intro-
duced without abridging cer-
tain rights or whether certain
provisions of the Industrial
Relations Act would be con-
stitutionally defensible. So
would it not be better to
rewrite ss. 1 and 2 in order.to
enact them in a less categorical
form than they now appear to
be?
4. Should a charter on social,
economic and cultural rights,
'as distinguished from political
and civil, be written into the
Chapter,thereby forming part
of the Constitution instead of
being merely a Preamble?

S

Further, it has been urged'by most
speakers that the existing provisions
relating to proclamations regarding the
existence of a state of emergency and
to consequential matters require re-
examination in a number of vital
respects including:-
1. the terms of the proclamation
itself which, it is said, should
be more explicit and informa-
tive;
2. the right or desirability for
Parlaiment, and through Par-
liament the people, to be
informed at the earliest possi-
ble date of the broad (though
not necessarily detailed) cir-
cumstances making it
necessary or expedient to
suspend the fundamental rights
/ and freedoms a right some-
times referred to as "the right
to know";
3. the constitution, appointment
and powers of review tribunals;
4. the lodgment of and restraints
Continued on Page 4


T~API[A PAGE 3






PAGE 4 TAPIA
From Page 3
upon political detainees;
5. the time limits of an original
proclamation and/or its sub-
sequent extensions, and the
authority to make or extend it.
The Commission has taken note of all
these as well as other questions and
will give them due consideration.

0*

ANOTHER of the "checks and
balances" is the constitutional
supremacy of Parliament. It is, I
think, the established practice in
parliamentary democracies for
important government announce-
ments to be made in the House,
for questions on a variety of
subjects relating to government
business to be asked and an-
swered, for bills and motions to
be debated with due regard to
the customary stages prescribed
for the enactment of Bills, for
committees to be appointed with
various responsibilities and for
the people to be kept informed
through Parliament of the state
and progress of government busi-
ness.
Complaint has been made that these
traditional requirements have been
honoured in, their breach rather than in
their observance. It is however not the
business of the Commission to esquire
into the validity of such complaints.
Rather,- its business is to provide a
- Constitution which, so far as constitu-
tional provisions can ensure, will main-
tain the traditional supremacy of
Parliament in all its aspects.



But, first, I should comment on the
make-up of Parliament itself. A sub-
stantial body of opinion as expressed
at the Convention is in favour of a
bicameral parliament. As regards the
House which is now known as the
House of Representatives, the contro-
versy is acute whether it should be
elected as previously on the basis of
first-past-the-post or on a mixed sys-
tem of first-past-the-post and propor-
tional representation.
From the discussion as it developed
it is plain that there are differences
between two several proposals for a
mixed system. Both agree that the
membership of the House should be
doubled and that half the total should
be elected on the basis of first-past-
the-post.
But one proposal is that the other
half should be distributed so that in
the final result a party will be allowed
so many as may be necessary (and no
more) to make its total representation
in the House tally percentage-wise with
the proportion the total vote in its
favour bears to the aggregate of votes
cast;whereas the other is that it should
be distributed by allowing a party so
many of that half as will tally percent-
age-wise with the proportion the total
vote in its favour bears to the aggre-
gate, so that the seats won on the
basis of first-past-the-post will thus
remain, unaffected. This may make
quite' a difference in the final result.
It is now the Commission's task to
resolve what in certain respects has
become a triangular issue.
Both the proposals for a mixed
system appear to have in mind, among
other things, that-aparty can include
in its list the names of persons whom
it would wish to select ,as members of
the other House. Yet many of those
who put them forward have contended
that the other House should neverthe-


SUNDAY MAY 27,1973


less be retained.
On the other hand, many have
called for a unicameral Assembly which
seems to them to be far more logical.
Also, they look forward to its doubled
membership providing an active corps
of back benchers who can engage in
useful committee work as well as a
body of learning and an expertise such
as should make a valuable contribution
to its debates and other proceedings.
This is another issue which the Com-
mission must resolve.



On the matter of elections the
Commission has been asked to con-
sider the constitution and-functions of
:he Elections and Boundaries Com-
missions. Should there be an identity
oft membership of these two commi-


0 Ivan Lauglin


local government bodies. But again
the Commission must ask and answer
- is this a matter for enactment in
the Constitution?
As regards the composition of the
other House, if the Commission should
accept the view to set up one, for
which (as I said) many have contended,
there are wide differences of opinion.
Everyone seems agreed' that it should
no longer have a built-in government
majority, but one view is that govern-
ment representation should extend to
50% of its membership.
At the other end of the range the
view has been strongly advocated that
the other House should comprise ex-
clusively representatives of community
and sectional interests, paid and subject
to recall by them, and that it may
have membership up to 500 depending
on the number of interests which


0 Syl Lowhar


ary for parliamentary rules of pro-
-cedure to provide for the setting up
of standing committees, but I can
think at present of no adequate reason
why the requirement to establish some
of them and the prescription of their
functions and powers should not be
included in a Constitution.

a S

On the question 6f law reform, I
shall invite the Commission to consider
a recommendation I offered in October
1966 to institute in Parliament a
"lawyers' law day" in the same tradition
as a private members' day. What I have
in mind is that a specified day or days
in each parliamentary session should
be set apart to be devoted exclusively
to measures of law reform which,
being largely non-political, seldom


* Lloyd Best De


Friends and dek


ssions and, if not, should there be
some liaison perhaps by maintaining
the identity of the chairma- or by
some and what other means? How and
by whom should they be appointed?
Should opposition parties or any of
them have any and how many ap-
pointees' on the Boundaries Commi-
ssion? Should the Boundaries Com-
mission be given new guide-lines and,
if so, what? Should it review con-
stituency boundaries every five years
or immediately after each decennial
census?.

*

For the more complete registration
of voters, should parties be authorised
to appoint representatives to accom-
pany the itinerant registration officers
when they are registering potential
voters, or should they regard it as part
of their own political activity to ensure
that all their supporters or possible
supporters are registered duly and in
time? If they are to have any authorised
status, subject to what conditions
should such status be accorded?
Plainly, the bulk of election pro-
cedures must be and remain the subject
of ordinary legislation. What, if any,
should be introduced as constitutional
imperatives? The ballot box for exanm-
ple, has been proposed as one.
Such questions as these relate to
elections to what is now the House of
Representatives. They may also relate
to other elections, for instance, to


should be regarded as entitled to
representation, with a quorum that
might be as few as two.
Its function would be to pass judg-
ment on legislative proposals after
which it would be left to the House of
Representatives to proceed with them
or to abandon them as it might think
fit. If it proceeded with them after.an
adverse judgment, it would do so at
its peril. ,
All the questions I have adumbrated
regarding the make-up of Parliament
are so interrelated that they may have
to be looked at together. They are by
no means easy, but the Commission
will face up to them and in deciding
upon their recommendations will give
them the thought and attention which
they so eminently deserve.
Whatever our recommendations may
be on those questions, it is now
generally agreed that 18-year-olds
should be given the right to vote, that
the ballot-box should (or is acceptable
to) replace the voting machines and
that the life of a Parliament should
continue to be normally for five years.
These conditions everyone appears to
accept as guaranteeing regular, fair and
free elections to the entire electorate,
however apprehensive or even sus-
picious.
Not enough has been said certainly
not nearly as much as I had hoped of
parliamentary committees and, although
the, importance of law reform has been
stressed, no device has been suggested
whereby Parliament may prod the
work of the law reformer. It is custom-


attract 'the attention of the politicians.
My thought is that the setting apart of
such a day or days should keep alive
and focus attention on the necessity,
and indeed the urgency, of bringing
our laws up to date.


a *


AN ESSENTIAL feature of
the supremacy of Parliament and
of its efficacy as a "check and
balance" is its control of the
,country's finances. The call here
has been for the following among
other recommendations:-
1. authority to be vested in the
Auditor-General, authorising
him to undertake the functions
of a Comptroller-General in
addition to the auditing func-
tions he now performs, the
objective being that his check
on the spending of public
funds should take place while
they are being spent and not
merely after they have been
spent;
2. authority to be given to the
Auditor-General to make
interim reports to Parliament
,., ajd when he may consider
them necessary, such reports
to be thereupon referred to
the Public Accounts Com-
mittee;
3 the prescribing of a time limit

Continued on Page 9






THE cricketing public
anxiously awaits the forma-
tion of the commission to
enquire into cricket and
their getting down to busi-
ness.
Queen's Park has reacted
in a curious way by saying
that they have nothing to
hide. They are missing the
point, deliberately or other-
wise. The probe has very
little to do 'with whether
Queen's Park has anything
to hide although if they
do it will be useful to
know.
The probe should be re-
garded primarily as a good
housekeeping exercise all the
archaic procedures with built-
Queen's Park still holds with'
regard to cricket will then come
to light and the cricket public
must then set about the task of
forming a truly representative
national cricket body to control
all aspects of the country's
cricket.

CONTROL

The nonsense of Queen's
Park having total control of
international and interterrirotial
cricket must no longer be toler-
ated. Some people seem to
think that because they are
appointed agents by the West'
Indian Cricket Board of Con-
trol then there is precious little
we can do. This is a straight
case of putting the cart before
the horse.
If a, truly representative
cricket body exists here then
the WICBC can only act in'
Trinidad through them. This is
precisely ,what obtains in the
other territories. The only
reason for QPCC representing
the West Indian board here i1
that the only controlling body
for the sport here up to how
has been that private club and
the cricketing people in the
other territories find this situa-
tion a bit of a sick joke.
Another thing that seems to
confuse some people is that
the Oval is a private ground
and they cannot see how we
can run cricket here without
having control of the 'ground.
This too is really no problem.

DEMOCRATIC

In Jamaica, for example,
Sabina Park is the ground of
Kingston Cricket Club (the equi-
valent of Queen's Park here).
Yet Jamaica has a totally demo-
cratic Cricket Board of Control
which runs all aspects of the
island's cricket.
Arrangements are made for
the use of Sabina Park for all
important matches inter-
territorial, international, tests
etc., this is as it should be -
the most senior and equipped
club in the country willingly
cooperates with the Jamaica
Crciket Board of Control.
All the accounting gates
etc., is controlled not by the
Kingston Cricket Club, but by
the Jamaica Cricket Board; in
addition Kingston Cricket Club-
lends all the assistance possible
to ensure that everything runs
smoothly.
This may be the way to
solve this aspect of things here.


SUNDAY MAY,27, 1973



Privilege will come






to light in cricket
.


e


Queen's Park will be unwise to,
try and block something like
this, for the alternative is total
take ovelofhe ground which
everyone knows is not im-
possible.
Recent indications are that
they are still trying tokenism
to wangle their way out and
retain control.
A suggestion was put forward
at the meeting of the North
Board of Management on May
7, that the Constitution of the
Cricket Council be liberailsed.

ELECTED

Apparently, the President
and the Secretary, and also
the Selection Committee which,
under the Council's Constitu-
tion are totally the preserve of
Queen's Park, are to be all
elected. This is a transparent
case of this kind of manoeuvre.
One hopes that the, reaction
to this by the non-Queen's
Park members at the meeting
is further evidence that the
country is no longer asleep and
no half-baked schemes will be
allowed.

CONTRIBUTIONS

Cricket in this country is
demanding nothing less than
proper democratic control -
this entails a total overhaul of
the present council' Queen's
Park must accept that their
'divine right" to run cricket,
here has come to an end and
face the future realistically.
They can have an important
contribution to make in a new
cricket set-up but accounta-
bility will always from now on
on be to the cricketing public
rather than themselves. They
must openly and graciously
accept that other people in this
Country can organise cricket
and work with them at. the
same level.

MINOR LEAGUES

Scores of minor leagues
are working under the most
severe handicaps, the Wes Hall
League which must be most
ample testimony of how badly
neglected our young cricketers
were up to then; these must be
seen for what they are and
encouraged.
The cricketing public is on
its way to a proper controlling
body for the national game.
There are people in Queen's
Park itself who know and un-


Baldwin Mootoo Treasurer of the Tapia
House group.

derstand this. They must let ,. ', '' ,
their voices be heard or have .
their club left out in the cold.


TAPIA PAGE 5






PAGE 6 TAPIA
THE disturbances which occurred in the
British Caribbean in the immediate post-World
War I period lasted up to 1924 and affected
the Bahamas, British Honduras, Jamaica, St.
Lucia and Trinidad.
The situation did not go unnoticed in the
United States, especially by certain elements
in Congress and outside of it who were agita-
ting for the acquisition of the British and other
European-held possessions in the Caribbean
in settlement of the war debts owed to the
United States by Britain, France etc., as a
result of the First Great War.
In retrospect, it is something for wonderment that
anyone in Congress would have wanted to saddle the
United States with the millstones which the Caribbean
colonies were in the inter-war years. However, Congress
is a mixed bag of politicians and has always had its
mavericks.
One such was definitely Senator David Reed, a
foremost advocate of the notion of a swap of terri-
tories in war debt settlement in the 1920's. Interest-
ingly, the notion was not without attraction to
American naval men, the General Board of the Navy,
the body which advised the Navy Secretary on
policy for the US Navy, actually suggesting it in a
1919 memorandum on the value of European islands
in the Caribbean to the United States.


With the 1920's an abnormal one for Anglo-
American relations, the transfer idea weevilled its
way into a number of disputes between the two
countries: the war debts issue itself; the dispute over
disarmament of naval forces and naval bases; the
quarrel over the use of British (French too) islands in
the Caribbean and off Atlantic Canada in Prohibition-
busting, rum-running operations toward the United
States.
In 1923, coincident with the flare-up of Anglo-
American tempers that attended the negotiating of a
funding arrangement between the two countries,
Senator Reed submitted a resolution in the Senate
calling for the cession by Britain and France to the
United States of their Caribbean possessions toward
war debt settlement.
In-his speech on the resolution before the Senate,
Reed stressed, the politico-strategic argument and
remarked that the continuing unrest in the Caribbean
colonies, which stemmed from chronic underdevelop-
ment, constituted a threat ,to American security
interests in the area. The United States, he said,
should acquire the colonies and promote development
and,. with it, stability. Instability economic deve-
lopment stabilization was'the Reed equation. It was
an equation to which British colonial decision-makers
were then moving, although cautiously.
Reed's cession proposal and his remarks on the
socio-economic malaise in the European Caribbean
touched, expectedly, a sensitive vein among authorities
and politically-relevant strata in the colonies. We hear
that the Governor of Barbados, in an address before
the House of Assembly, referred to the transfer
agitation -in the United States and dismissed it
sarcastically as 'vapourings'.
The colonial press in the British and French islands
hit back with direct criticisms of and reflections on
the American colonial record and protectorate record'
in the Caribbean, the Pacific and even in Liberia
(West Africa) and how American tariff policy was
harming the West Indies.


The situation in the American Virgin Islands,
acquired by purchase by the United States from
Denmarkin 1917, came in for special comment: racial
discrimination; disparity in wages for workers in the
United States and in the American Caribbean colonies;
the depression in the sugar industry brought about ih
part by American discriminatory tariff policy; the
high rate of immigration from the islands; their
anomalous constitutional status owing to the failure
of Congress, some six years after American acquisition,
to establish a permanent framework of goVerniimet.
All this vas true. Confirmation comes frohi a 1924
'report 'on the US Virgin islands by the Director Of
War 'Plats to tie 'Chief" f Naval dOperationis, US NafVy
'(the islar&ds' :,dlnim:irrliOn Was in the haniAs of t 'e
NaJVy D1epartU ei tl' ,i i'll pr',,,'nlcl priilp,, s)


'd I aty AMd 'jrii m It's -a ^erre-s ^. ^.


years as well as economic competition with the large
Cuban and Dominican cane growers (American, of
course) had rendered the sugar industry unprofitable.
In addition, the imposition of an export tax of $8.00
per ton on Virgin sugar by the American administra-
tion had virtually crippled the industry, with conse-
quent-economic depression. No doubt, this state of
affairs was a factor in the unrest which developed in
St. Croix in 1925, the Governor in a letter to the Navy
Secretary in June of that year describing the political
atmosphere as having been charged for sometime
'with elements of a dangerous nature'.
What the preceding on tlhe Virgin Islands highlights
is the way in which certain American policies were
contributing to the inter-war crisis in the Caribbean
economy. The plunge in the price of sugar was to some
extent due to American policy. Then there was Pro-


lvaai


hibition and the rum industry. When it appeared as if
Prohibition was boomeranging as the Europeai islands
off Atlantic America became sluices for some adven-
turous bootlegging operations, the United States
successfully applied diplomatic pressure on Britain
and France to plug the loopholes, with resultant
misery to the rum industry, it would seem.


was never allowed to happen. Through the issuance of
visas, the requirement of substantial bonds, the
United States, with the tacit approval of the British
metropolitan and colonial authorities, exercised an
extremely tight control over the flow of British West
Indians. The result was a sharp decline in the numbers
of British West Indians entering the-United States
after 1925. In comparison to the average of thousands
a year up to and including 1924, the average for the
rest of the 1920's and for the 1930's became hundreds
a year. In 1932, for example, a mere 113 British West
Indians entered the United States.
The 1924 Immigration Act affected British West
Indian migration to the United States in other ways by
closing entry from the Latin American countries also.
Under the terms of the Act, the Latin American
countries and Canada were granted quota-free access.



K et(






mnr(





Wesl

However, only nationals of such countries qualified
This meant that the many British West Indians
desiring to enter the States from Latin American
countries such as Cuba and Panama had to be a
national either by birth or grant of citizenship. My
guess is that there were relatively few who enjoyed
that. status.


(The Yankee response)


For consideration too is the effect of the passage
of the 1924 Immigration Act, sometimes\called the
Quota Act, on the flow of West Indian immigration
to the United States. The statistics on British West
Indian immigration to the United.States up to 1924
are difficult to assess, since it was only after 1931 that
the records distinguished the British West Indies from
the other West Indies. Till then, the "West Indies" was
virtually synonymous with the islands in the archi-
pelago, including Cuba, Haiti and the Dominican
Republic.


Nevertheless, it is generally believed that a large
proportion of the West Indian immigration to the
United States between 1901 and 1910 (107,548) and
between 1911 and 1920 (123,424) originated from
the British West Indies. This was the case up to 1924
in which year an estimated 10,630 West Indians
entered the United States. That year was something of
aipeak and, retrospectively, it was not surprising as the
door was about to be shut by a new Immigration Act.
There was a heavy cultural/racial bias in the 1924
Act in that its distinctive element, the national origins
formula, assigned a bigger quota to the countries of
North, and West Europe than to those of South and
East Europe, while it discriminated openly against
emigration from Asia and Africa. In addition, under
the Act, emigrants from the European colonies in
the Caribbean area who hitherto could enter the
United States under a separate quota, were now in-
cluded in the quota allotted to the Mother Country.
In theory, this should have worked out to the benefit
of the British Caribbean colonies in that the annual
cquota allotted to Britain, 65,721, was seldom filled
by their white citizens in the life of the Act up to 1952.
According to US immigration records, the United
Kingdom used up 43.9% of its quota between 1925
arid 1929; 22.6% between 1930 and 1934; and a mere
4.4% ini the 1936/40 period. This therefore, left room,
techiicaiiy, for ,.~i.rT.lhl- emigration to the United
States frOf the Br,,h colonies in the Caribbean.
.!,,.. ,.\ 1, thi neVer t occurred or, to be more direct,


s,,cund


oj


Series


Later, Cuba, Panama and other Latin Ameridanif,
countries in the Cairbbean, area started restricting
West Indian immigration. For example, in late 1929
the Venezuelan Government, reacting to pressures
from labour which was worried in part by the likely
effects of the Crash of that autumn on employment
in the oil industry where most of the West Indians
were, decreed a ban on all Negro immigration. At the
same time, it ordered all West Indian Negroes in the
country to register with local authorities and to carry
the equivalent of a pass certificate.
It seems to me that in assessing the causes of the
outbreak of disturbances in the British Caribbean in
the mid-1930's, the immigration factor must be con-
sidered. Closure of the outlets meant not just aii
addition to the already excess supply of unemployed
and underemployed labour in the economically-
depressed, territories. It also meant unmeasurable
frustration for those more ambitious British West
Indians to whom in those days the United States,
Panama, Cuba and Venezuela were frontiers of
opportunity. (For consideration too is the possible
loss to many households of the remittances from
family etc., who could have made it to those
countries). In sum, it is my view that the effects of
the blockages of the immigration outlets would have
been cumulative between 1925 and 1935.

iM 'l' A;- .


The .straw which broke the camel's back was, of
course, the Great Crash of the autumn of 1929 and the
ensuing Depression, which lasted for a decade. The
British Caribbean was hit very hard just how hard
is yet to be pinpointed, though. Sugar prices, already
depressed, went down further. The report of the West
Indian Commission (the Olivier Commission), pub-
lished in 1930, presented a depressing picture of the
state of the sugar industry. And the report was issued
at at time when the Depression was just only beginning,
The story oft' ; contemporary Cuban suig.l indus-
try was just e: ie:ribXe, the value of exports to the
United States pluniing from US $317,5 million in
1924 to US $39 million in I1').2 a tlhe market priee


by Fizz Baptiste





declined from 4.186 cents per pound to 0.925 cents
in the same period (New York Times, July 7, 1936).
The Cubans were forced to adopt the so-called
Chadboume Plan of 1930 (after Thos. Chadbourne,
the American President of the National Sugar Export-
ing Corporation) to restrict their production in an
attempt to shore up prices.
It was a bad time for all commodities and raw
materials as lower prices developed for coffee, cocoa,
cereals, wool, hides, copper, nitrates, tin, silver -.all
products of countries in the Caribbean and in Latin
America (USDaily, August 14, 1930; Statement of the
Department of Commerce ofAugust 13).
Oil was also hit, although temporarily, as a result
of the passage on June 6, 1932 by Congress, under
pressure from the domestic oil lobby, of a measure




tass and




st in the




Indies.

imposing a tariff on all imported oil $.21 per barrel
on crude and fuel-oil and $1.05 on gasoline. The
tariff was -directed specifically at the Venezuela-Aruba-
Curacao oil producing/refining industry, in which an
indeterminate number of British West Indians were
employed in the unskilled labour force.
It would be instructive to discover how they were
affected by this measure specifically and by the
depression generally. Likewise for the Trinidad oil
industry, which exported to the United States. As
lieuwen has shown, Standard of Indiana, the Ameri-
can company which was one of the Big Three in
Venezuelan oil at the time of the Crash and which
owned the Aruba refinery; went bust, selling out its
interests to Standard of New Jersey. The latter, in
which the'Rockefellers, had interests, figured promi-
nently in the story of the Great Crash (cf. J. K.
Galbraith; The Great Crash 1929, Penguin, p. 58, 88,
155 & 161)..

_Zz






As capital-importing countries, the British Carib-
bean and Latin America were adversely affected by
the high money -stes which prevailed in world
financial centres as a result of the Crash and the
Depression. While Government borrowings declined,
the fall in trade (export/import) hit revenues and the
entire mechanism affected budgets and the ability of
Governments to service their foreign debts: For a
number of the Latin American countries, the fiscal
difficulties proved too much to bear and Cuba, for
example, had to declare a default on debts contracted
by the pachado Government to a number of Ameri-
can banks such as the Chase National Bank, the
National City Bank of New York and others.
The political repercussions of all ,this in Latin
America was a wave of insurrectionary movements
between 1930 and 1931 especially. Hardly a country
escaped some unrest and there was many a change of
regime. As the Manchester Guardian editorialized on
September 8,1932 in respect of the Chilean upheaval,
it was an excellent example of the way in which the
fortunes of their staple exports reacted on the poli-
tical stability of Latin American States. Chilean
nitrates and copper, the country's basic exports, were
mostly seriously hit by competition from new areas of
production and by the catastrophic fall of prices. At
the same time, the country's foreign debts amounted
to approximately I175 million. With unemployment
in a relatively small industrialized population standing
at over 100,000 on official estimates, successive
Chilean Governments stood or fell by their negotia-
tions with the nitrates and copper interests, which\


were controlled by American financiers.
In Venezuela, there were a series of attempts to
overthrow the regime of Juan Vincente Gomez, the
country's caudillo since 1908. Some of those attempts
were made by political exiles operating from Carib-
bean territories such as Aruba and Curacao. Indeed,
the latter was the scene of a remarkable coup de main
by Venezuelan political exiles in 1929. The Venezue-
lan unrest probably spilled over into Trinidad, a haven
for Venezuelan political exiles. It is for speculation
how much, if at all, oil workers in the industry in
Trinidad and in Aruba/Curacao were politicized by
this brand of activism.,
Worried by the incidence of instability in Latin
America and by fears of 'communistic' involvement,
the new American Administration of Franklin D.


TAPIA PAGE 7
Roosevelt evolved the strategy of the 'Good Neigh-
bour' to try and stabilize things. One important part
of the strategy took the form of the negotiating of
reciprocal trade agreements between the United States
and Latin American countries.
In return for better market prices for their
commodities and -raw'materials, the Latin American
countries undertook to honour their U.S. debts
(where defaulted as in the above-cited case of Cuba)
and to re-negotiate funding arrangements. The first
such reciprocal agreement was concluded with Cuba
in 1934 and by the end of 1936 the United States had
completed similar agreements with a number of other
Latin American countries.
Of course, revival of trade was the major objective
of such agreements. So that, according th the New
York Times of July 7, 1936, exports from the United
States to Cuba in the twenty months from September
1, 1934 after the conclusion of the reciprocal trade
agreement were valued at $99.2 million as against
$52.2 million for the corresponding period January 1,
1933 to August 31, 1934. The rise in imports from
Cuba to the United States was even more impressive:
from $78.4 million between January 1, 1933/August
31, 1934 to $221.4 million for the period, September
1, 1934 to April 30, 1936.
The American strategy did not embrace the British
Caribbean directly. The colonies continued to lan-
guish, with the British Government, besieged by acute
domestic problems of its own, able to offer only
Commissions and mere palliatives. It was against this
background of ketchass that the distrubances broke
out from 1935 and, following the historical pattern,
set off an immediate chain reaction


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PAGE 8 TAPIA

F2a'


SUNDAY MAY 27,1973



Paradise for the




investor; hell



for the people


AT A banquet held in
the Dominican Republic,
recently, the vice-president
of the First National City
Bank of New York made a
toast to that country, call-
ing it "the paradise of
investors".
The label was well-merited
but what Stephen C. Eyre
neglected to point out was that
that very fact had made the
Dominican Republic a hell for
the people and for the peasants
in particular.
The truth is that over the
last 100 years short-lived and
corrupt governments have been
giving'the key sectors of the
economy to the foreign in-
vestors in return for political
support from Washington.
In the last decade, for in-


stance, US experts and advisers
have taken over the country
not only economically but also
politically and strategically.
National police programmes,
amounting to more than some,
$4,000,000 annually are direct-
ed by USAID through 20 Ameri-
can officers (six of whom were
appointed by the CIA).
Investments in education -
which is allocated $10,000,000.
in the Budget depended in
1971 on, another $13,000,000
coming from US sources. In
1972 this amount grew by'
about $9,000,000.
Agricultural and livestock
development plans cannot go
on without foreign aid.' The
Ministry of Agriculture mana-
ges a number of projects similar
to those of USAID/LA which


channels some $8,000,000 from
the University of Texas "to
increase sugar production".
These projects are controlled
by a team of US experts opera-
ting from the Ministry. Last
year there were 45 of these
experts, of whom only three
spoke Spanish.

INEQUALITY

In all the Dominican Repub-
lic has received more than
$1,000,000,000 in financial aid
from Washington from 1950
to 1968, in other words, more
than $64 per inhabitant a
record figure in Latin America.
But statistics as we in Trini-
dad and Tobago know only too
well can be very misleading.
For a look at the actual life


DrVI-~


syle of the people of the
Dominican Republic forces us
to question the merits of the
investment that has gone into
the country.
Of the country's 4,000,000
inhabitants, 43.9% are under
15 years of age, thus giving
it one of the smallest labour-
forces in Latin America. Pea-
sants who make up 76.2% of
tme total population represent
65.1% of the labour-force.
It is these peasants who pro-
duce the country's basic export
items (sugar, tobacco, coffee,
minerals) but per capital rural
income is $118 annually as
compared to $360 for the urban
population.
Only 2.7% of'the peasant
dwellings have running water
and only 1.9% have electricity.
4% of the peasant population
consumes eggs, less than 1%
eat fish and only 3% eat bread.
Hardly anyone eats vegetables,
Rural illiteracy is 66% and the
Housing deficit in this sector
amounts to 100,000.
'The trouble is that while
peasants do the work, they
own nothing and profits are
not coming to them. The land
tenure system has not changed
since Trujillo's days. In 1950,
0.1% of. the landowners held
28.8% of the fertile land. Today
these figures are 0.2 and 25.3%
respectively.

EXODUS

The distribution of land par-
cels and the creation of irriga-
tion programmes in the past
decade have benefited only the
political friends' of President
Balaguer and the foreign con-
tractors (that is, if one doesn't
count the inevitable commis-
sions taken by the official
bureaucracy for the giving out,
of work coiftracts). Moreover
9% of the total landowners
occupy 64% of total irrigated
land.
The national sugar industry
is limited by the seasonal nature
of the work, primitive harvest-
ing techniques (manual cutting)
and, the single-crop system
which, because of rotation,
leaves vast tracks of land period-
ically idle.
And as a further "woo" to
investors, the government fol-
lows a deliberate cost policy
which implies chronic unem-
ployment (25% in the sugar
sector; 35% in all the country-
side) which lowers wages and
makes it impossible for the
agricultural worker to organize,
in unions.
Perhaps the most catastro-
phic result of this has been the
peasant exodus to: the cities.
The rural population has de-


creased on this score by 3o
every 10 years, which is equi-
valent to the demographic
growth index. The five principal
cities with their semi-urban
areas hold more than half the
country's inhabitants.
During the harvest season,
the agricultural labour force
returns to the fields but later
re-migrates to the "misery
belts" around the cities. Those
who remain survive in horrible
living conditions.
A cane cutter in 1945 earned
some 50 cents a day, today he
earns from' 70 to 90 cents,
despite the law which guaran-
tees him a dollar wage a day.
r
PROPERTY

In the cities the Dominican
finds himself prisoner in a situa-
tion where US investors con-
trol 52% of the nation's in-
dustry, the State 51% and local
businessmen the remaining 7%.
The process of denationalization
continues by means of the
formation of mixed companies
and a policy 'of land con-
cessions and tax exemptions.
Recently, the government
announced that the Gross
National Product had grown
by 12.5% in 1972, claiming that
this had beeh the highest in-
crease in 'the continent, as veri-
fied by the International Mone-
tary Fund. Nevertheless,,ECLA
has refuted this figure and
fixed the Dominican growth
rate at 8% for the same period.
And what the Balaguer re-
gime has not talked about is
the fact that the increase in
production,, exports, banking
and commercial transactions
has benefitted only a miniscule
group of foreign investors and
empresarios who control the
economy.
Nevertheless the present
government bases its stability
and its future on the increase
in the influx of foreign capital
which will tie the interests of
the monopolies closer to the
political fate of the president
and his regime.
Balaguer, himself, has vetoed
a nationalization bill which
would have affected ITT in-
terests, saying: "I will always
defend the principle of property
rights".
Meanwhile social inequality
in the Dominican Republic
.seems to have reached intoler-
able levels, especially in the
last few months of political
crisis which has rapidly polar-
ized the majority of the nation's
people against the government
of Joaquin Balaguera


PRENSA LATINA


* for the paint-shop man.

* for the home craftsman.

* for everybody.

Just ask for the
S NCH-601 outfit
Sfoir only $375.00


- L --


i- )


~j~ii~







* From Page 4

within which the Public Ac-
counts Committee should
make its "annual" report to
Parliament, the objective being
that the report should be
before Parliament and be de-
bated before the end of the
calendar year following that
to which the accounts relate;
4. the recognition of the right
for the Public Accounts Com-
mittee to submit to Parliament
reports with-proper despatch
on any interim matters that
may be referred to it on the
Origination of the Auditor-
General;
5. authority for the Public Ac-
counts Committee to investi-
gate the award and imple-


of public funds;
10. the audit by the Auditor-
General or, if for any reason
that is not practicable, by
chartered or certified account-
ants of the accounts of all
statutory boards and corpora-
tions and of all limited liability
companies in which the Minis-
ter of Finance (as a corpora-
tion sole) has the total or a
majority shareholding;
11. the submission of all such
accounts and of the audit
report thereon for transmission
to the Public Accounts Com-
mittee or, alternatively, to
another parliamentary com-
mittee exercising like powers.
authorities and discretion for
their investigation;
12. the regular and punctual lay-


gates I am d


mentation of contracts and
in its discretion to summon
persons, whether within or
outside of the Public Service,
to appear and answer before
it;
6. provision for the control and
audit of any public fund,
established for any specific
purpose or nct paid into or
forming pat ,of the Consoli-
dated Fund, :i like manner as
the control and audit of
moneys from th.- Consolidated
Fund;
7. insistence upon due obser-
vance of the restraints on the
Contingencies Fund, that is
to say, that advances shall be
made therefrom only if there
is need, which is both urgent
and unforeseen, for expendi-
ture for which no other pro-
vision exists;
8. the prescribing of a time with-
in which a supplementary esti-
mate shall be presented and a
supplementary appropriation
bill introduced for the purpose
of replacing any advances
made from the Contingencies
Fund;
9. the imposition on the recom-
mendation of the Public
Accounts Committee of ap-
propriate sanctions for the
failure on the part of anyone
,whomsoever to discharge any
functions for the due and
orderly receipt or expenditure


ing before Parliament of all
audited accounts the submis-
sion of which is a condition of
any loan or any government
guarantee of a loan for the
carrying on of any under-
taking;
13. the submission to Parliament
of the terms and conditions
of any loan to or guaranteed
by the Government the due
repayment of which is to be
a charge on the Consolidated
Fund; and
14. the requirement to obtain
approval of Parliament before
the execution of any agree-
ment for any loan or guarantee
of a loan the repayment of
which is to be a charge on the
Consolidated Fund.




A THIRD "check and balance"
is an independent Judiciary.
Everyone is agreed that this
should be well established and
maintained. To that end everyone
is also agreed on assuring our
judges security of tenure and a
charge for their emoluments on
the Consolidated Fund.
Such differences as have arisen
turn on their appointment and
particularly on the appointment
of the Chief Justice. These must
be resolved and it will be


convenient to consider them when
dealing with offices of a national
character.
The undisputed objective is to en-
trench and sustain a Judiciary which
will owe no loyalties save to the
Country and the Constitution, which
will have no ties or allegiance such as
may make or tend or even appear to
make them other than impartial in the
strict discharge of their functions or
such as may cause or tend or even
appear to cause them to brook any
interference, pressure or influence at
the hands of the Executive.
Like Caesar's wife, they must be
above suspicion. It will therefore be
for the Commission to consider how
that objective can be achieved to the
complete or, at least, the best satis-
faction of the Society as a whole. And,
as before, the Commission will be

































lone


guided in its deliberations, though by
no means bound, by the views which
have been expressed at and prior to
this Convention.
A FOURTH "check and balance"
may be an Ombudsman. I say "may
be" because it is still in issue whether
the office should be created. One of
the Tobago delegates put the case
against it in a very down-to-earth and
forthright manner, and it seems there
have been echoes at this Conference
telling of the fears and apprehensions
to which he gave utterance.
On the other hand, citizens aggrieved
by acts or omissions which they attri-
bute to maladministratibn may and
often do feel that in the absence of
fair and impartial investigation they
will explode and call down vengeance.
That is not a feeling to be encouraged
these days. So we shall have to give
this matter, too, our most careful
consideration and, if we reach the
opinion that we should recommend the
institution of an ombudsman, we shall
further consider whether he should be
a single or triple personality and what
the nature and extent of his functions,
powers and discretion.
A FIFTH "check and balance" is
the force of public opinion. This
cannot be 'written into a Constitution
but, provided public opinion is in-
formed and objective, its force can be
most effectual. It must not be inhibited
by fears or apprehensions, nor must it
be malformed by the attractions of
place or patronage. Above all, it must
be grounded on principle and be un-


SUNDAY MAY 27,1973


TAPIA PAGE 9
compromising on public affairs. This,
you may think, is merely an advisory
opinion.

*

MUCH has been proposed for
the splitting of executive powers
between the President and the
Prime Minister. And many reasons
have been advanced in support,
founded in the main on what
has been called the centralisation
of too much power in one man.
On the other hand, the demand
has been for responsibility to the
people. A chief executive, it is said,
cannot share that responsibility al-
though he may delegate some of his
functions. But the responsibility re-
mains his and he must bear it. And
since responsibility is the correlative
of power, how it has been asked -
can he be expected to share his power?
However such questions may be
resolved, there is at least one area in
which authority that the Prime Minister
now has can be transferred. In that
area lies the authority to appoint or to
advise the appointment to offices of a
national character.

*

Such offices include those held by
persons whose functions and respon-
Ssibilities are intended by the Constitu-
tion to serve as a "check and balance"
on the Executive like the Chief
Justice and other, members of the
Judiciary, the Auditor-General and his
deputy. They include also those held
by persons who owe a direct respon-
sibility to, the people for the due and
impartial discharge of their duties and
authorities like the Chairman and
members of the Elections and Bound-
aries Commissions.
The appointment to all such offices
may well be entrusted to the President
acting in his' own discretion after
consulting (in the sense of obtaining
the views of) the leaders of the political
parties represented in Parliament and
any other appropriate persons or bodies
as he may think fit.
Or it may just as well be entrusted
to the Senate, dependent on its com-
position, which would delegate to a
senate committee the right and duty
to investigate the acceptability
- or otherwise of nominees for the
appointment. These and other alter-
natives will be considered by the Com-
mission in the event of its recommend-
ing that appointments to such offices
should no longer be, as the present
Constitution provides, "in accordance
with the advice of the Prime Minister".
Other offices of a national character
have also to be considered. I have in
'mind particularly the several already
established Service Commissions, and,
possibly, other like Commissions such
as the Health Service Commission
proposed by the Medical delegate to
the Convention.
These stand perhaps on a somewhat
different footing. Their responsibility
is to provide the administrative machi-
nery for carrying out executive policy,
so that the Executive should have
some say. On the other hand, the
public service is expected to be free
from political patronage or discrimina-
tion or favour, and with due, regard to
the essential character of what is in
fact public business. It may be thought
therefore that the appointing authori-
ties, that is to say, the Service Com-
missions, should be appointed otherwise
than at present provided "in accord-
ance with the advice of the Prime
Minister".

Continued on Page 10





SUNDAY MAY 27, 1973


0 Dr AnthOny Maingot. Justice Georges


* From Page 9
At least one further question must
Sbe considered in this context. Should a
Director of Public Prosecutions (by
whatever name called) be appointed
to undertake the responsibilities'and
discharge the functions as regards cri-
minal proceedings which the Constitu-
tion now vests in the, Attorney-General?
This has been the subject of much
debate and a body of opinion is
strongly in favour of divorcing his
political and executive duties as a
Minister of Legal Affaris from the
constitutional authority to which I
have just referred.
The Commission will examine the
question with the utmost care, paying
due regard to but, as I said earlier, not
bound by the weight of opinion on the
one side and the other. If it should
recommend a separation of what, for
convenience only, I may call the two
offices, then it would seem that that
of Director of Public Prosecutions
would fall within the category of
those owing a direct responsibility to
the people.



I REFER now to the issue; of-
citizenship. Once again on behalf of
the. Commission I must applaud the
Trinidad and Tobago Alliance of New
York State for sending two of its
members as delegates to the Con-
vention in 'order to put forward their
case. And "perhaps I should add that,
contrary to statements made in an
article which appeared in the Express
newspaper, neither I nor any member
of the Commission expressed any con-
cluded view on the subject when we
visited North America.
Our Secretary wrote a week ago
asking to record our refutation of the
statements but up to the present, by
right of its press freedom, the Express
has not published either the letter or
the denial. The coming of the delegates
from New York suggests that the, and
their Alliance took a different view
from the Toronto correspondent:
In the main, though not entirely,
the problem of dual citizenship relates
to nationals and former nationals who
have gone abroad, principally to North
America, seeking educational and finan-
cial advantages where opportunities
are more abundant.
In a much lesser degree, it relates
also to nationals of other countries
who have come to this Country for
one or another of divers purposes. The


w9 UL. olAwyn ayitI
Commission senses that the Convention
is far more concerned about the former,
and not much about the latter. That
does not mean that the Commission
will fail to consider both or, for that
matter, other aspects on the question:
THEN, there is the issue of women's
rights rights which they contend
should be on a par with men's if there
is to be no discrimination by reason of
sex. Most of this discrimination is a left-
over from the days, not so long ago,
when.on their marriage women became
chattels, albeit valuable or valued chat-
tels, of the men they married.



SEven their children were not theirs,
so that their battle for them still
continues in the battle for their right
to the citizenship of their mothers.
Being chattels, the women had to
take on also the citizenship of their
husbands and lost the right to their
own. Their battle against such degrada-
tion, successful though it has been,
now takes a different turn. Why should
they have the right to obtain the
citizenship of their husbands without
being able to codfer on their, husbands
the right of obtaining their citizenship?
Further, there is the issue as to
children born out of wedlock. Two
years ago, a very welcome bill was
introduced into Parliament removing
the distinctions and the stigma which
affect the lives of such children. Rut
there has been a freeze. The bill has


eone no further. In the result, thp
archaic pronertv-intluenced fiction p.r-
sists that a child born out of wedlock
has no father though, in order to save
the State from the obligations\of its
fatherhood it may by order of a court
be recognized. as having a. putative
father.
' Seeing that "putative" means "sup-
posed", is such a child in that respect
any different from a child born in
wedlock? However, the debate with
which we are concerned is -whether
such a child should enjoy the right
of the citizenship of his father, whether
acknowledged or putative.
All these, and more, will' concern
'the Commission in' its deliberations.
We shall bear all the arguments in
mind and we shall also' bring into
consideration points arising from in-
'ternational law and customs.

*

ONE OTHER matter I must
refer to not the one debated
today which is very fresh in our
minds, but the basically important
one which we completed yester-
day.
WHAT shall, we recommend for
Tobago? Home Rule? An irrevocable
option to secede? A regional Council
with an enhanced status over and above
other local government bodies and a
wider measure of autonomy? Better
and more extensive service facilities
-',a deep harbour, an international
airport, shipping services, a district
registryfor deeds and other documents
of title and for births, marriages and
deaths, and/or whatever else besides?
Or do we leave things as they are and
say nothing?
From the opinions expressed on the
subject of local government generally,
I feel sure that everyone at this Con-
vdntion must welcome the statement
by its delegate that the ruling party
"does not underestimate the importance
of local government in Trinidad and
Tobago and in fact holds it in very


Friends And


i Delegates



.I Am Done


Our printing-plantis open at TheTapia
House, 82-84 St. Vincent Street,
Tunapuna. Kindly phone orders to:
662 5126.


I T A P I A m ~ s I 1 I
C o I


PUBLISHING *OFFSET PRINTING-EDITING SERVICE


high esteem".
Everyone too must welcome its
declaration of the desirability that
the Commission may record "in some
document associated with the Con-
stitutiori" its recommendations on local
government. The question nevertheless
remains should such recommenda-
tions, if any, be enshrined in the
Constitution and, if so,'in what sort of
detail?

*

We listened with interest yesterday
to the exposition of a philosophy of
local government which admittedly
cannot be implemented overnight or
until the people in town and country
have accepted and are ready for it. It
is not something that can be imposed;
rather, if it is to find fruition, it must
take root and grbw. Meanwhile, its
expositor conceded that except for
Tobago, he does not argue against
(nor does he argue for) any of the
recommendations that delegates have
asked us to make.
The call has-been for decentralisa-
tion of the administrative machinery
and for the involvement of the people
of the ,lbcal government areas in the
services and amenities, in the advance-
ment of their cultural pursuits and,
generally, in the management of their
affairs. Cost and efficiency have been
set up as red lights warning against
emotional decisions. Hence, so to
speak, we have been warned.



Friends and delegates, I am done
- perhaps in more ways than one.
Ours has been an important exercise
which the Commission must proceed
to complete. I want merely to say
now that as a Commission we have,
listened with keen attention to all your
submissions, they are all being recorded
so that they may be available for
study by ourselves and by those of our
fellow-Commissioners whose other
commitments did not permit them to
be with us throughout our sessions,
and we shall give full and most careful
consideration before finally deciding
on our recommendations. We owe
you a great debt of gratitude for your
contributions and we applaud your
public spirit.

I now declare the Convention closed .


.PAGE 10 TAPIA


I










We have survived...




Weeks to OWTU


HABIBS


May/June


Price Reductions


Shi
WAS


Dres
WAS
17.95
16.50
S 25.00
33.00


rts
NOW


8.95 4.99
16.95 6.99
9.95 5.99


Jeans
WAS NOW\
23.00 8.99 \
27.00 18.00
13.95 9.99
(Exclusive
Imports)


s Pants
NOW
8.99 / / Shirts
7.99
WAS NOW
16.99
20. 00S S leeve 11.95 7.99
L Sleeve 12.95 8.99
(Exclusive
Shirt Jacs)


/


Suitings / S/-hoes Swim Suits
WAS NOW WAS NOW
9.95 6.00 WAS NOW 9.95 7.99
13.95 10.00 24.00 15.00 10.95 2.99
18.95 12.00 35.00 18.00 (surfers)
PerYard / 21.00 10.00
/ 9.95 4.99
Denim Shorts
WAS NOW
9.95 5.99


Lloyd Taylor
IN SUMMING up the for-
tunes of the OWTU, from
1963 up to the present,
George Weekes, President
General of the Union, told
the 33rd Annual Con-
ference of Delegates held
on 19th to 20th May, '73,
that their Union had sur-
vived.
They had survived what he
termed "the armed political
coup d'etat of the Williams'
regime," and in order to do so
they had suffered,
"And because of that sur-
vival, he continued, "we
proudly meet today in the
cause of Freedom, Justice,
Bread and Democracy."
But he noted, with refer-
ence to the historic origins of
the Union in 1937, this ques-
tion of survival was not new to
them. The Oil Field Workers
Trade Union, he said, was born
with the aim of ending ex-
ploitation and oppression. That
he pointed out was the revolu-
tionary course -of the OWTU,
and he further emphasised that
it "is an unchangeable law of
God."

ATTACKS

Reviewing the several at-
tacks on OWTUWeekes noted
that in 1963 they had survived
the work of twoCommissions
of Enquiry. One of which was
called to investigate the work
of so-called subversives in the
Trade Union Movement.
In 1965 it was the ISA. In
addition there was the timely
release of the Subversive Re-
port which he claimed libelled
and attacked him. 1966 wit-
nessed, Weekes said, wicked
and dirty attacks by Williams
and the Trinidad Guardian be-
cause of his visit to the Carib-
bean Island of Cuba.
In 1967 they had survived
the retrenchment of thousands
of oil workers in Shell and BP.
By 1968 came "the organised
plot by the Williams regime to
win power in OWTU by giving


full backing to their stooges
in the person of Urilton Pierre."
The Union had survived that
too.
Come 1970 they were faced
with "illegal detention" for
over seven months, police oc-
cupation of the Union's Head-
quarters, the seizure of Union
records and the attempt to
burn it down together with the
Vanguard printer.
1971 brought another
Police raid, Gestapo style, said
Weekes. From then on till
1973 Weekes continued, the
Union had survived 13 High
Court Actions brought against
them by two top officers, and
one rank and file member of
the Union.
POLICE
In the light of these attacks
Weekes wondered whether the
Police Commissioner, the
Guardian, the Law Society, the
Bar Association, Justice Trini-
dad, and the Labour Congress
would demand that the sus-
picious activities of Whitehall
be investigated.
"Who among us", he
queried, "will doubt that the
real reasons for the secret
plots, and conspiracies, indeed
the whole sordid, despicable,
dirty, ugly and wicked act of
war against us could be found
in some concrete cell at White-
hall?"
Commenting -on the
achievements of the Union over
the last ten years Weekes said
that an estimated $100m in
wages and benefits were won
for some 12,000 workers. The
40 hour week won over ten
years ago was the equivalent
of 26 days rest per year for the
worker. Yet for over 9 years
the Union dues remained at-
$1.00 per week. Just think of
that he urged the delegates.
MEMBERSHIP
Further he noted that be-
tween April 1962, and the end
of 1970 "the written down
value of the lands and buildings
owned by the membership
had increased by $667,756.44
to $836,576.44. This achieve-
ment he compared with
$168,820 accumulated during
over twice as much time under
the leadership of John F. Rojas.
Yet he felt that that was
not good enough.
They had next to be ac-
tively involved in the Green
Revolutions now in progress
throughout the Third World.
An end had to be put to the
crime of continuing to use
"our dollars from oil to im-
port food while," referring here
to the power structure, "they
continue to allow our land to
be neglected, and to be con-
trolled by foreigners."
Over 300,000 acres of our
land was in the hands of
foreign companies, he pointed
out.
In concluding his remarks
Weekes felt that increased
wages can mean sense only by
having a modern agricultural
sector developed.e


Reductions



ON

SELECTED

MEN'S

ITEMS


TAPIA FETE

June 30


_~ ~ I ___


_L


TAPIA PAGE1 I


SUNDAY MAY 27,1973









,Mxdrea
Study Of

REse9rcht 78th Stre
i62, 9t\t J.Y. 10021,

ph. Lehlgh 5 ,81448,

Is


Orange Grove Sugar Crystals Not Up


To Mar

"NEVERTHELESS I have
to mention that quality
.of our export Yellow
Crystals (YC) last crop was
not up to our usualstand-
ard, and this crop we are
not doing any better."
.That was how Pro. Z.
Konasiewicz concluded when
he gave evidence before George
Bowrin, Chairman, and
Winston Mellows..a sugar tech-
nologist the two referees
appointed to probe the back-
ground into a 13 day strike
by sugar workers at the Orange
Grove National Company three
weeks ago.
The probe which began on
Monday 21 May, 1973, isbeing
held behind closed doors.
During cross-examination
the Professor revealed that
the experience and know-how
of both Seeberan, the Chief
Chemist, and Yallery the
Chief Pan Boiler was neces-
sary to ensure the continued
production of high quality
Yellow Crystals. *
The two men he went on
to indicate had "both more
than thirty years each, loyal
and competent service for the
company, and have contributed
over the years towards the
well-known high quality of
Orange Grove Yellow Crys-
tals."
It was thus necessary for
both men to work together, he
argued, if Orange Grove was
to retain its world-renouned
reputation for Yellow Crystals.
To destroy that Seeberan-
Yallery combination meant
the destruction of high quality
Y.C.
And if ever quality fe too
far below present standards
that would be the end of
Orange Grove. He pointed out
that people everywhere were

Sugar Crop Off

JAMAICA'S sugar yield this
year now is expected to be
32,000 tons below predictions.
Both the Sugar Industry
Authority and the Sugar Mfrs.
Assn. estimate the current
,crop at 368,000 tons vs. an
original predictions of 400,000
tons.
The 19'2 yield b was
3"';000 Thus it is doubtfLL
if Jama!,a can manelt he uhj!e
U(.S. quot thiis,, year. IDedine
is sa id to he .caused maitrd,
by alat aarfs *wak si.ppup.
lkiidhmipset uthE .cydle.
("mri~frebanna ws


SAYS
UWI
PROF


trying to make YC which is a
crystal whose colour was just
below gold. "Gold dust is what
some people call it," he quip-
ped.
But so far no one had met
with success. In fact experi-
ments in this direction in
Guyana had cost Bookers quite
a lot of money, and on this
account several members of
staff were fired. That is why
Orange Grove was unique.
Yet he noted that since
the last couple of months the
Seeberan-Yallery combination
was broken. Now there was a
"virtual removal of the con-
trol of the boiling house from
the Chief Chemist, and removal
of control of the pan floor
from the Chief Pan Boiler."
Mr. Clement Tello who is
responsible for the new dis-
position of duties between
Seeberan and Yallery chuckled


[ej0 jIOXi =


unashamedly when the Profes-
sor said that if there was ever


a sugar chemist he had met,
then that was Seeberan.


NIJAC Court Po tponed


THE ENQUIRY into the Santa
Claus. Shooting which the Bel-
mont arm of NJAC had planned
for Tuesday May 22, 1973
and to which the public was
invited, has now been put off
indefinitely.
The reason is because the,
Belmont Community Centre


where the public investigation'
was carded to take place,
suddenly became no longer
available* for such purposes.
Reports indicate that a
Parliamentarian from the Go-
vernment side intervened, after
which the wardens of the Cen-
tre no longer felt obliged to
allow that kind of community
activity.
The purpose of the enquiry
was to re-examine and to dis-
cuss the case of Anthony
Joseph also known as "Santa
'Claus"', who was shot while
in the custody of three police
men on Sunday October 29,
1972.
An inquest conducted into
the matter recently gave a ver-
dict of no felony.
A new date and venue are
to be announced soon.


Konasiewicz also told the
probe that since Mr. Tello
had constructed new troughs
for carrying sugar from the
pans to the storage containers

it was not possible for the
company to make any grade of
sugar other than YC. This was
because there was no way to
prevent the different grades
from contaminating each other.
He felt that far too many
changes had taken place too
quickly. The result now was
that the entire factory was.
disengaged. Changes he said
had to be applied gradually
because the factory was a
peculiar one. At 130-years-old
it was the only one of its
kind in the world. And the
only people who were able
to produce Yellow Crystals
were. those from Orange
SGrove.
He went on to give a
history of Orange Grove, and
of the making of Yellow
Crystals. Lloyd Taylor
More next week


.Staff Association


Threatens
THE PETROLEUM Staff Asso-
ciation has warned Texaco and
the Government that a major
shut-down at Point a Pierre
is a real possibility. And that
when such a situation develops
the responsibility "will belong
entirely to those who have power
to prevent it."
In its Staff Review issued
this month, the Association went
on to state that "it would much
rather report success stories for
the company but when we see
failures we insist that the re-
sponsibility for these failures be
justly attributed. "And any
tacit implication of national in-
competence would not be al-
lowed to go unchallenged.
As far as it was concerned
Texaco because of its attitude
to its salaried employees, "must
be dragged kicking and squawk-
ing into the twentieth century."
It viewed with "grave con-
cern the downward trend in al-
most all spheres of the com-
pany's operations, the very low


Texaco
morale of salaried employees,
and the general deterioration of
standards."
But blame for these condi-
tions, it felt, must be placed
squarely on the shoulders of
the Americans who "with their
assumed monopoly on know-
ledge and experience mess up
one thing after another as they
apply new organisation tech-
niques which may have worked
in the U.S. to the very different
situation in Trinidad."
In the face of falling stand-
ards Nationals who are able to
improve matters are "forced to
stand aside and watch."
The Association has ob-
served as well that while stand-
ards have been falling there has
been, simultaneously, an upward
movement of Nationals to more
responsible positions.
It could be that a case is
being prepared to prove that
Nationals are incompetent,
thereby ensuring the continued
direct control of operations by
expatriates.


TANZANIA is nearing an
important development
goal sufficient man-
power for science teaching
- thanks to the success of
a centre for training
secondary school science
teachers.
The centre, set up within
the University of Dar-es-Salaam
turns out 100 science and
mathematics teachers every
year, enough to meet the
needs of a country which has
set 1980 as a goal for attaining
self-sufficiency in all manpower
needs.
Until very recently, almost
all teachers of science at
secondary school level and
above were foreigners. In
1965, there were only six
Tanzanian science teachers.
Today, nearly 300 Tanzanians
are teaching science in the
country's 114 secondary
schools. And thanks to the
centre, their number is steadily
growing.
The centre, which was
started with technical and
financial help from Unesco and
the United Nations Develop-
ment Programme (UNDP), is
part of the university's
science faculty.
Situated in a new building
c-.*mFrnpi at the university
campus 13 Kilometres (eight
mii:- noarth of the capital, the
*.centr, offers courses in chenm-
iistry,, plry.-sis, tbotany- zoology


and mathematics. A depart-
ment of geology is to be added
this year. As well as training
secondary school teachers of
science, the centre prepares
university level teachers and
scientists to work in govern-
ment and related industrial
bodies.
The centre is representative
of Tanzania's determination to
expand science education
which is essential for building
up qualified personnel in such
vital areas as medicine, engi-
neering, research and
technology.

EXPERTS

The university was helped
in setting up the centre by 11
Unesco experts, most of them
British, and 17 Tanzanians
have received advanced train-
ing in the United Kingdom,
and the United States on
UNDP fellowships. All but one
of them are now teaching at
the centre.
All Tanzanian students
graduating from the centre are
obliged to work for their
government for five years. A
number of Kenyan and Ugan-
dan students are also being
trained. UNDP assistance to
the project was completed at
the end of last year and the
centre is now entirely staffed
by Tanzanians.
Unesco Features


/ ,/,
.. ,- .* ,.


"/


Ii


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