Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00058
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: May 13, 1973
Frequency: completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00058

Full Text

Vol. 3, No. 19

15 cents

FOR Ti S' G. T: u
162 EASf 78 SIREi.
NEW YORK 21, N. Y,

Where does Ri
Cil -


stand ?

Panday, the new President
General of All Trinidad
Union, stand?
How come Panday has
decided all of a sudden to
bury his differences with
All Trinidad, and to "hum-
bly offer" his services?
These are questions I think
we need to ask. Not because

we want to malign anyone
from the United Progressive
Party, but because sugar work-
ers must know which side their
bread is buttered.
We have known Panday as
a man who worked with OWTU
George Weekes and Vanguard.
Now we want to judge him
in relation to sugar and to a-
number of facts at our disposal.
We want to be sure of what
makes him tick.

Just three months ago -
Sunday February 4 to be
exact, the goodly Senator spoke
at Naparima Bowl.
Present were Joseph Alex-
ander and Norman Baxter from
Brechin Castle, both leaders of
the struggle against All Trini-
dad throughout Brechin Castle
and Usine, on the issue of
retro-active payments. From
Usine came Hosein, the cane
farming worker, and about four
Seated close to the Chair
were Lequay and Allarakoo of
Sugar Plantation and Industrial
Workers Trade Union; Aji-
moodie, the soft-spoken Presi-
dent of the Staff Association
and other officials of that latter
We numbered about twenty-
seven. It was to this gathering
that Panday made known his

Blackpool Sisters Cheer Speaker

Blackpool makes new bome

Club has moved into a
.new club house at the top
of Tunapuna Road.
The building was official-
ly opened last Saturday
night May 6 at a
gathering held to install
officers for 1973-74.
Everything was spick and
span following a massive reno-
vation job of a derelict WASA
building, all on a self-help basis.

A packed hall of members,
guests and neighbours, cheered
inauguration speeches by top
officers and gave an enthusiastic
reception to addresses by Frank
Stephens, Lloyd Best and
County-Councillor Barker.


The President, Milton Sebro,
thanked the Tapia House Group
for having made its premises

available in the days when
Blackpool was without a home
of its own.
Other Officers for the new
term are: Marva Ashby; George
Farrell; Ronald Ashby; Jenny
Farrell; Mahandra Satram;
Waynel Adams; Junior Ashby;
Linda Wilkinson; Carl Quash;
Herbert Pierre; Ann Peterson;
Lenville Allick; Annette Albert;
Rudolph Wilkinson; Cecil Nes-

He outlined a two-pronged
attack to bring hourly and
daily paid workers under the
umbrella of the Staff Associa-
tion of which he is legal ad-
His plan was aimed at gaining
control of the supervisory staff
as well as the hourly and daily

On Wednesday coming -
May 16 Tapia people (North)
will meet at the House, 82-84,
St. Vincent Street, Tunapuna.
The meeting will assess the
National Convention at Chagua-
ramas and mark out directions
for the coming season. Starting
time is 8.00 p.m., with Syl
Lowhar in the Chair.

Outing to Point

Point Fortin Associates of
Tapia will host an all-day session
of Tapia (South) on May 28.
Full details will be announced
in the next issue of TAPIA.
Members willing to provide
transport are invited to contact
Nigel Gill at Tapia Southern
Office, 17, Royal Road, San
Back number
s c0 e
TAPIA campaign to sell back
numbers began last week Friday
May 4 at UWI Campus.
The campaign will cover all
major towns and institutions in
the country. Next stop, San
Fernando, May 18 and 19.

asdUu rdlluay, riPr e udllt ( *1aa l uO
All Trinidad Sugar Union
paid workers.
With the former under his
wings, he felt, the great burden
of servicing grievances over
89,000 acres would immedia-
tely be reduced, since the
supervisors could then take the
responsibility of communicating
with all hourly and daily paid'

Continued onBack Page


IN A drive to unsnarl traffic
problems Jamaica has intro-
duced a new programme of
staggered working hours.
Starting May 1, factories
and schools begin at 8.30,
offices at 8.00 and places of
business at 9.00.
Reports are that the new
scheme is working smoothly.
Interviewed by journalists,
business leaders say they have
noticed no dropping of sales.


Page 4

Pages 6& 7


Our printing-plant opens at The Tapia
House, 82-84 St. Vincent Street,
Tunapuna, from Friday, May 10.
Kindly phone orders to: 662 5126.


SUNDAY MAY 13, 1973

NOW THAT the Constitution
Commission is about to complete
its work down at Chaguaramas,
the big question delegates have
been asking is whether or not we
are going to put the Governor-
General in his place by bringing
a draft report before the Con-
Such a question is an extremely
weighty one. Any such an act
would be tantamount to an arro-
gation of sovereignty by the peo-
ple and would mean transforming
the National Convention into a
Constituent Assembly at which
we the citizens will ourselves
take the responsibility for deciding
upon and legitimating the new
One hope has been that the Wooding
Team would keep the Convention in
permanent sitting by deferring the
winding-up of the current agenda until
some kind of report has been readied
for presentation. You might call this
the bureaucratic route to the attain-
ment of a Constituent Assembly. Un-
fortunately constitution reform is
immutably a matter of politics and can
never be accomplished by the tactics
and methods of administration.


Although there is a very good case
for re-opening debate at the Convention
later when the options have been
further narrowed down and before
any draft report is ready, we can
safely take it that the Commission will
not adjourn and then reconvene at
some later date.
The Ordinance under which this
Commission has been brought into
being does not permit reports to any
authority but the Governor-General
and the one thing Wooding would be
badly advised to do would be to pro-
vide Williams with a pretext to disown
the Report in advance.
Of course the time may well come
one day when it would be the revolu-
tionary responsibility of the Com-
mission to release the report to the
public. If a reasonable time elapsed and
the Government failed to publish the
work then Wooding would be morally
bound to make that deficiency good.
Such thinking, however, is based on

SUNDAY MAY 13, 1973

That Constituent

Assembly Is

Coming Soon


the assumption that Williams could
take the risk of shelving this report in
much the same way as he has shelved,
so many others not least the Sinanan
Report on Local Government.
Well, if Williams wants to join
Charles I and Louis XVI, that would be
perfectly o.k. with Tapia. We would
prefer to alter that tradition of those
mimic men who cannot pass gracefully
into yesterday. It would be with the
greatest sorrow that we would enforce
the wages of absolute monarchy but
we would enforce them all the same.
Williams has no judgement whatso-
ever and he writes West Indian history
as if he was born in the Public Records
Office in London. Yet, he understands
European history very well so Tapia
can guarantee that he will publish the
Report. You can tell exactly how he is
thinking on these matters from the
way he is scared to fly out of the
country these days.
So if the Report is sure to be
published the only possible reason for
wanting Wooding to bring it before the
Convention is to try and tie up the foot
of the illegitimate if legal Parliament
now in being. But if we fear that
Parliament will simply throw the
Wooding Report to the dogs then it is
here that politics must enter the game.
The National Convention must continue
to sit and must become a Constituent
Assembly but we must arrange that
without the help of Wooding.
To arrogate the sovereignty unto
the citizens by politics and to render
the illegitimate Parliament openly
irrelevant, there are three conditions
that we need to fulfil.
The first of these is that we must
design a set of constitutional proposals
capable of bringing together the entire
opposition to the old regime.
Our proposal for the reconstruction
of the State and the society must
respond to the historical demands of

the moment. In practical terms, this
dictates a set of changes which must
be simple, precise and clear and must
yet retain their sense of practical
Obviously, the proposed changes
must hold out hope for:-
an equitable electoral system;
an Executive powerful enough
to be able to promote radical
change but one duly restrained
from abuse;
a Legislature where the
nation's voice would be heard
especially those voices wihch
articulate dissenting opinion.
Courts which will be both
trustworthy and just;
the sort of political system
which would encourage the
growth of political parties
mounted on democratic coali-
tions of community interests
rather than on race, religion
or personality.
Concretely, when you look at these
demands, it seems that we must have:-
a Republic with a figure-head
a strong Prime Minister relying
on an elected legislature of
professional politicians;
a powerful second chamber
appointed by community
groups and enjoying power
of appointment, publicity, en-
quiry, arbitration and debate;
and finally, an election system
that would bring in the youth,
give minority political interests
representation commensurate
with their actual support in
the country, and at the same
time eliminate rigging by those
who happen at any given
time to be holding office.
The second ingredient of a political
solution to the constitutional crisis is
an agreement by all the opponents of

the old regime to participate in the
work together. Those who simply have
a grudge against Williams and only
wish to move the PNM and to put in
some other party without any com-
prehensive reorganisation of our poli-
tical life, must have no place in this
kind of movement.
Armed with such a movement and
the plan for reconstruction which the
movement has adopted as its own, the
third ingredient would be a political
offensive, a campaign to galvanize the
country into accepting its historic task
of founding a nation in freedom.
The opportunity for such a cam-
paign will come the moment that the
Government receives the Wooding Re-
port. A point of confrontation will
emerge when the Report is brought
before this Parliament which the entire
country now regards as irrelevant,
unrepresentative and illegitimate.
At that historical moment, the
People's Parliament will become more
a living reality than ever.


In a sense we have had a trial run
down at Chaguaramas the other day
after Williams tried from outside to
dictate a line to the Commission on
Proportional Representation.
The response of the moderates
should not only have been a warning to
this insecure government but a lesson
to the rest of the country. Nothing so
defines a revolutionary situation as
when the moderate, conservative and
well-to-do sections of the population
are so frustrated by the old regime that
they would not lift a finger to save it.
If Chaguaramas has established any-
thing, it is that the PNM has precious
few props remaining. Apart from what
the official PNM delegation has par-
roted, there has hardly been a kind
word for them.
In Tapia we just know they are
finished for good. We know it from
logic and hardwuk and we feel it by
intuition as well.
One problem is that the large major-
ity of citizens and groups still operate
as if we are powerless to effect any
change at all let alone clear the ground
of the government. The moment that
we see our strength, we will all be
able to call the Constituent Assembly
and move.
And that moment is coming soon 0




C' C Clico a company of
West Indians, formed for the
economic upliftment of PEOPLE.
Growing from humble beginnings to one
of the largest financial institutions indigenous to
the Caribbean. Assets for the security of our
policy holders now total over



The Growth is UP


SUNDAY MAY 13, 1973

.a -illlmill 1 U U .




THE indications are that
the sugar workers now on
strike at Orange National
Company shall continue to
acquit themselves well.
SAs promise of this, some
400 of the 1,500 striking'
workers staged an eight-
hour demonstration outside
of the Triennial Conference
of delegates of the -All
Trinidad Union on Sunday
May 6.
From early..o'clock of the
morning in question they as-
sembled at the recreational
grounds in Tacarigua. The air
was still fresh and cool And
eager faces stood under the
lofty saamans, in readiness to
carry out plans prepared the
day before.
By 10.00 a Tapia team of
Taylor, Best, Baptiste and Max-
well had arrived in San Fernan-
do to keep up with develop-
The picket line by then was
already in full-swing. Heads
nobly draped in sarees lined
the way as many of the posi-
ions were manned by women.
Moving among them was
Winston Lennard, patiently
nurturingtheir courage,strength,
and spirit. Present too were
Ronald Holassie and other sup-
porters of the Cane Farmers

Union as well as James Millette
and Richard Jacob of UNIP.
The police had taken up
their positions too. But peace
Workers' Committee mem-
bers Chandrickasingh, Wanza
and Carrington were there lead-
ing and guiding.,
On the balcony of fhe Para-
mount Building over the road
stood George Weekes and a


During the first session of
'the Conference, "our specially
invited guests gave speeches"
as Rampartapsingh once had to
remind Mr. Shah senior. This
part of the programme took
the entire morning, and as if by
plan, much more urgent union
business went by the Board.
But such is the fate of the
meeting held once every three
years. The real business of the
Conference is relegated to extra-
Caroni's Personnel Manager,
Sam Worrell, also spoke. His
job, he said, would be made so
much easier if he had to deal
with all bargaining bodies to-;
Soon lunchtime -was upon

us. Only when we saw a van
loaded with meals for the dele-
'gates of the Conference were
we conscious of our own needs.
The workers on the picket line
were to receive ice and Sweet
drinks, enough, only to wet
their palates.
All morning they stood
breaking the heat of the sun
with placards. And disciplined
as ever. Not once was a bottle
seen on the picket line.
Then came the much awaited
second session. Workers were
only too anxious to see for
their ownselves all they had
heard so much about. Many
among them, paying members
of the Union, watched on as
177 "delegates" selected an
Executive on behalf of the
thousands of other members.
If only they had one man, one
Would the Conference ever
take up the issue of Orange
Grove? It was left to Dickson
Emery to open the bowling.
He outlined the nature of the
grievance, bringing the strike
up to date. Members of the
Conference were given an op-
portunity to speak on the issue.
One delegate who was much
grieved by what he saw outside
suggested that a Committee be
appointed to investigate the
Before he could return the
mike to Emery, Rampartapsingh
snatched it. A little quarrell
Emery pleaded that the
manner in which the General

India minister calls for responsible films.

A FILM council as an apex
body'for "mobilising collective
thinking on problems faced by
Indian cinema in general and
the film industry in particular"
is proposed to be established
by the government of India.
Mr. I. K. Gujral, India's
minister of state for informa-
tion and broadcasting, said this
in his convocation address at
the film and television insti-
tute of India, Poona, on March
The Council, Mr. Gujral said,
will provide intellectual leader-
ship required to set in motion ,
creative moods, of far-reaching
significance in the field of fea-
ture and short film.
Mr. Gujral also proposed the
constitution of a' national film

corporation to assume a variety
of functions in regard to import
and export of films, augmenta-
tion of distribution and ex-
hibition facilities at home and
abroad, and harnesing of incen-
tive schemes to assist in re-
generation of Indian cinema.

Referring to objectives of
the Indian television, Mr. Gujral
stressed the importance of TV
as a medium of mass commu-
nication to bring about an all-
embracing social transformation
of the country.
TV, he said, should not be
used as a toy for middle-class
entertainment but a powerful
weapon in the struggle to
modernise India and involve
people into the process of

change. The Indian TV system
should be unmistakably Indian
in character and spirit, he said.
Referring to the social res-
;ponsibility of cinema, Mr'. Guj-
ral asked: "Is the role of the
cinema confined to being a
mirror., which merely reflects,
or should it be a catalyst which
activates the inherent contra-
He had no doubt that if the.
full creative and dynamic po-
tential of cinema has to be
utilised, it should have to as-
sume the latter role.
Only then could the film
be a crucial input in our social
milieu, subtly changing this
present-day life, liberating the
forces of change inherent in
society..he said.

Secretary had taken away the,
mike was not proper. Ram-
partapsingh, offered apologies
if what he did was disrespectful.
Finally came the General
Secretary's turn to speak. He
wanted "the people outside"
to know that the Executive
had not come to the Conference
without some thought of them.
He informed them that a.special
Executive meeting had decided
that the new Executive would
look into the matter.
Next came further business.
Gafoor' Mohammed put a
motion before the Conference.
He wanted the Starding Orders
suspended so that the meeting
would proceed to the Amend-
ment of Rules and to the
Election of the new Executive.
The motion was carried by 156
to 11.


The meeting moved swiftly
through the, Amendment of
Rules and the candidature of
Basdeo Panday was assured.
The alteration meant that
three years employment in the
sugar industry is no longer
necessary for one to be able to
hold office. But approval from
the Executive is now necessary.
The elections were a fine
example of Trades Union demo-
cracy All Trinidad style.
There were four nominees
for President General. The
others: Emery, Hosein and
Bramble all gracefully bowed
to Panday. As the General

Secretary argued, you wanted
a good lawyer and an economist,
here was Panday, matter fix!
"You overwhelm me andi
you frighten me," replied the
new President General.
For a while one thought
that there would be a contest
between Dickson Emery and
Ivan Bramble for the post of,
First Vice President.
Then Rampartapsingh, per-
haps sensing some hesitation,
came forward and spoke to the
delegates. He told them that
"the Executive has agreed to
put to you Mr.Emery and no
other person as the First Vice
"You do not have to accept,"
he reminded them.
Bramble then walked briskly
up to the mike and gracefully
bowed out to Emery. He said
that he,was sorry about one
thing only, which was that
Mr. Rampartapsingh .,had not
given him a chance to rescind
his own candidature.
By the time the trustees of
the Union were elected it was
well on 6.00 p.m. A motion
to continue the proceedings
was backed by a minority only.
Already there was much un-
It did not seem too im-
portant that we should hear
what the new President General
had to offer for the coming
three years.
All further business was ad-
journed for another three

Guybau manager


,4th May, 1973
Dear Sir
I am writing to thank your correspondent, Lennox Grant, for
his basically fair account of the informal press briefing which I
held at the Hilton Hotel at Port of Spain last week.
I have, however, two minor quibbles. Firstly, the rather
ambiguous caption of the article. Secondly, in the body of the
'article, our 1972 pre-tax income is given as G$42 million.
The press release which I gave to the Trinidad journalists at the
meeting, as well as my own oral statement, indicated that our
1972 pre-tax income was of the order of G$24 million and, for the
record, I would not like this oversight to pass uncorrected.
I am nevertheless generally satisfied, as I indicated earlier, with
Lennox Grant's coverage of the press briefing, which was in fact
fuller and better than the accounts which appeared in the Trinidad
daily press.
With kind regards.
Yours sincerely
P. A. Thompson


.T rT AT" A X7 AS A '2


I ni4aum. a mautizbL

* Continued on Page 10

GE4 TAPIA- UNDUAY MAr 1, 1319 ,3

Neuw patterns

in India

Han raft

INDIA has a rich and colourful
craft tradition dating back millennia.
Forms and motifs of various kinds
have originated and developed in
this subcontinent inspiring and
.guiding 'potters, metal .:workers,
woodcarvers, weavers and other
craftsmen for thousands of years.
Today the indigenous' arts and
l "crafts of India are fast disappearing
owing to .various socio-economic
factors. Even a quarter of a century
ago, an Indian craftsman was a pea-
sant in his spare time while his
mother and son spared no pains in
continuing the tradition in rural
In return, the -village as a
whole permanently assigned tb
the craftsman a piece of land
belonging to the community or
a fixed measure of grains at
harvest time. Thus, the. other.
party to the exchange ,was the
collective organisation of the
village, and the artisan beloniged
to the people.
With the gradual breaking up
of the village pattern, the rural
arts and crafts are not only
seriously threatened but have
actuallybeen affected adversely
in many parts of the country.
Conscious of this trend,
organizations like the all-india
Handicrafts board, the hanol-
,loom board and the khadi anid
village industries board are t ry-
ing to preserve this tradition
by a programme of reinter-
preting the traditional skills in'
terms of aesthetic values.

Sublimation of old to new
patterns and a combination of
the two serves a meaningful
purpose and helps the growth
of the characteristic harmony
between art and utility, artisans
and crafts, industry and designs.
A study of Indian craft
from a purely aesthetic point
A0 of view will reveal that there is
a surprising continuity from
one epoch to another. The
basic continuity is achieved not
-. at the sacrifice of flexibility
x of forms and designs.
On the other hand, the popu-
lar standard of taste has been
maintained throughout because
of the scope for such trans-
formation and change.
This continuity is, however,
not like that of a stagnant pool.
So long as the craftsman func-
tioned and set his personal seal
b .;on the things he produced,
there was no risk of any violent
change in their appeal nor was
there anysudden break with
the past.
Art was conditioned by the
The World isesaying Yes function of the craft-object..
to bold gold In other words, decoration was
S ts i s ttt~ A A Have you said Yod vof? part of function; it grew from


m A -T7 A r A T"tiA


- II y ,, %A

SUNDAY MAY 13, 1973


ON FRIDAY last a large
contingent of Regiment
and Police withdrew from
Maracas Valley ending six
days of, occupation. The
Armed Services were hunt-
ing the now famous but
still elusive "guerillas" in
,the Maracas hills.
As one villager put it -
"hunting guerillas? Dey was
.hunting mangp in de bush and
dey capture a whole starch
mango tree 'up de hill. Dey
.ain't leave one".
"De only kind of human
being dem was hunting was
woman", said another.


The occupiers set up a road
block at thejunction of Maracas
Royal Road and Acono Road.
They searched cars and people
going in and out of the Valley.
Villagers were made to empty
their pockets, even take off
their shoes.
One brother was made to
strip down to his drawers in
the road. It appears he was
caryirig a plastic bag of nails
and when asked what he had in,
the bag replied: "you ain't see
is nails".. Apparently the police
found this to be impertinent so
they set out; in their usually
coward fashion to belittle him.
Knowing, of course, that any
retaliation means "licks'in the
police van".

"'Boy, dem fellers had a
good time. Dey get free rum by
de club, dey smoke dey weed,
dey harass husband and wife
A hunter described to me
two encounters with the Regi-
ment in the bush. He was
taking a short-cut to come out
on the Caurita Road when he
'heard voices and through the
bushes saw the green berets of
the army men.
He was then about ten feet
from the road on the upside..
/ He simply sat back in the bush
and watched twelve soldiers
pass, chatting casually as they
hunted the "guerillas".
He then back-tracked to
Eligon Road and discovered
four more by a bridge. Again
he waited in the bush until they
left and then made his way
home, knowing of course that
if they had seen him he-would
surely have been "captured"


The brothers on the block
in Guarata say that they have
never seen any of the "guerillas",
nor anyone even looking sus-
picious. As a matter of fact, the
American who the daily press
say used tQlive in a cave in the
hills was a quiet fellow who
"slept mostly in de club".
Serano Mejias, one of the
most.respected hunters in the
Valley and who is in the bush

every week hunting from the
Caiman ridge on the west to.
Tucuche on the north to Caura
on the east says that he has
never come across any strange
"You can't even go in your
garden these days." You can't
even hike and enjoy the beauties
of nature.


In 1970 the Regiment, train-
ingto deal with riots, were told,
that their enemy wi'ould be
"black, with a. fathead and
beard and wearing a dashiki".
Today Yyou only have to be
young. and black and natural
and you are a guerilla. "If you
wearing-a green or red or black
jersey well den you gone."
So the "guerillas" are still
at large. The exercise.bore no
fruit except of course mangoes.
But what it did was to
increase the already alarming
animosity that our people,
young and old alike, feel for
the police. There can be no
doubt that those police who
take part in "counterrevolu-
tionary exercises" flaunt their
authority and really .bully
One wonders if policemen
really realise how hated the
uniform is? One wonders too
whether they want to continue
the antagonism that exists be-
tween themselves and their


IN THE small district of
Coiosal, lying to the south
of Mayo in the ridge
that overlooks Gasparillo,
Marabella and San Fernando
to the southwest, a group
of 13 youngmen between
the ages of 15 and 25 have
organised the Blackgold
The brothers are all un-
employed. As a matter of fact
none of them has ever really
had a job. They havemade a
two days here or there, garden-
ed a bit, but never a steady job.
Scrunting from day to day.
Until a few months ago
when Michael Bellamy agri-
cultural field officer of Inter-
national Foods Limited.told
them of the opening up of one
hundred acres of land in the
The land is to be given out
to farmers in 2-5 acre parcels,
to grow pigeon peas. He en-,
couraged them to get together

and take the opportunity to
establish a livelihood for them-
selves and their families.
Since then there has been
no turning back. The Co-op
was formed Evrol Atwell
was elected president, Panolal
Ramdath, secretary/treasurer
and Carlton Marchan, Public
Relations Officer.


Employment was got on
the survey of the lands and
half the wages received went
to the Co-op. Cutlasses, boots,
an axe etc., were bought and
clearing of their portion of
the land, approximately 20 acres
Already nearly 10 acres laret
cleared. Fertilisers, seeds, tech-
nical advice and a guaranteed
market are being provided by
the company. The first crop
should be harvested by the end

of the year.
The Blackgold Co-op is part
of the awakening sweeping the
country. The brothers know
that in their age group 30 out
of 100 walk the streets without
work, they know that project-
work is only humiliating our
young people -'encouraging
them not to work hard. They
want nothing of that.
They want to break from
the scrunt. They want to see
their sweat -bringing rewards
from the sQil. They want to
find their manhood and stand
on their own feet.
The villagers who chided
'them at the beginning are
already singing a different tune.
They see the seriousness, they
-realise that their youngmen
are making a change. The
Blackgold Co-op has cheered
the hearts, of the people of

"Anybody Wy % ay3 .jowa-
days dat dey like~pAicemen is
a hypocrite. Long time in


Ma lal S

v llej nd

and ryPlfs

Ivan Lauhlrn Tapia Community
Relations Secretary

Maracas-we use to live good
wid de police. But since Williams
give dem license to brutalise
black people all dat finish."
In Tapia we know that there
is a significant section of the
police service who are opposed
to the way in which the govern-
ment is using them.
The time is fast coming when
,they are going to have to decide
whether to continue brutalising
their mothers and brothers,
their fathers andsisters;)or say
a fat 'NO' to Williams' tyirany
and so allow all citizens
civilian and police to live to-
gether with dignity and respect.


had raged for 55 days of heady
and uninhibited abandon in the
people's parliaments before the
Caesar's impertinent State of
Emergency descended on the
-country, re-imposing the long-
standing imperial curfew on our
That was three years ago. In
that glorious season of the poui,
The new movement, by setting
the stage for the 'impending defeat
of the PNM Government and the
ultimate demise of the Afro-
Saxon regime, undoubtedly wrote
its name in pink and gold in the
annals of our history.
The revolutionary aspect of 1970
lay not in social or economic upheaval
because clearly, the king and the ruling
oligarchy still retain in their hands the
reins of office, precariously perched
as they may be.


,No, the revolution lay in the
clarity with which we for the first
time saw our oppression and our
oppressor because revolution is not so
much about the suffering of:people as
about the articulation and dramatisa-
tion of that suffering in the way that
effective politics prescribes.,
And what the entire population
understood once and for all in 1970
was the utter contempt and scorn in
which the Government holds us all,
whether friend or foe; the frightening
absence of self-respect and self-confi-
dence in the highest realms of leader-
ship; its complete lack of insight,
vision of imagination and its pathetic
'dependence on rigid formulas invariably
imported from abroad; and, in the final
Analysis, its total incapacity to govern
,with any' humanity, compassion or
We must not therefore confuse the
iRevolution of February with the April
Revolt, one of the episodes of which it
was unquestionably the major cause.
1 he February' Revolution is by no
Means already a finished thing and was
not an event that happened suddenly
out of the blue. It was the culmination
of forces that had been-warming up for
ten if not for three hundred years.


Certainly the ten years starting with
the Chaguaramas Agreement of Decem-
ber 1960 and ending with the Shanty
'Town Demonstration on March 4, 1970,
was the period when-subconsciously
our independent nation was born in
opposition to the neo-colonial Williams'
State. And the period from October
1968 fo February '1970 was the time
when the hitherto formless and in-
effectual opposition, at last acquired
cutting edge.
Those 15 months saw the formation
of a street-coalition of students and
intellectuals with militant unionists,
unemployed, urban youths and dis-
advantaged blacks. The Rodney March
i brought that alliance into being and
the subsequent series, of incidents pro-
vided the movement with black power
as its operative slogan, with NJAC
as its organizational focus and with
Granger, Nunez, Weekes, Darbeau,
Suite, McKarm and others as the
tongues of pent-up popular frustrations.
One by one this string of incidents
settled the form the impending con-
frontation would finally take. The New
World Split, the Anguilla and Michener
episodes, the Camacho Case, all tell a
tale of preparation for 1970.
'As the strategies of particular groups
shaped themselves, the type and extent
of collaboration between them also
simultaneously settled themselves.
As the striking force of 1970 was
being moulded by these developments,
it became clear that we in Tapia were

insisting on a somewhat but not an
entirely different position. At White-
hall and in Woodford Square during
theiRodney March, Lloyd Best declined
|Geddes Granger's invitation to speak
and offered instead to address the
students in the University. In the
Camacho Case when we declined to
support the sensational "pan and
prayers",, two now conspicuous PNM
Sprofiteers 'attacked Best bitterly in
the morning papers.
When the demonstrations actually
started, Tapiamen certainly were among
those nuqnbers who revealed where the
country stood 'and we were as strongly
represented as anybody else at say,
Caroni or the Basil Davis funeral. But
we continued to urge a strategy of
investing the movement with plans for
national reconstruction, with a solid
base in community organisation and
vith the democratic culture of free
Yet, in the disillusionment which
followed the PNM Government's re-
covery of April, even our well-wishers
and Friends, admittedly most of them
in the other West Indian islands and
abroad, kept inquiring why we had not
responded to the appeal that we should
join the popular movement and "give
it technical direction, ideas and plans."
Some found it a matter of great surprise
that only our Chairman, Syl Lowhar,
our (then) Editor, Adrian Espinet and
his girlfriend, were detained under the
Emergency Regulations.


There then began a whole series of
half-baked and superficial interpreta-
tions of Tapia's position especially by
those cowardly few who have escaped
abroad and have constantly to be
turning attention away from themselves:
The orthodoxy now being given out by
the charlatans in London and Washing-
ton is that Tapia had been relevant up
'to 1970 as "good bourgeois reformist
opposition"but that, although we have
survived and are stronger than ever
here in Trinidad & Tobago, we have
been rendered historically irrelevant and
supremely ineffectual by an entirely
different new situation. These are the
same people who, in another breath,
say that no revolutionary change took
,place here in 1?970.
More sympathetic critics have argued
that Tapia was hampered by the re-
moteness of the Tapia House from the
cockpit of action, by Lloyd Best's "un-
justified reputation" as an aloof and
"arrogant" intellectual which may have
made it difficult to collaborate with
.his former students who were now
in the leadership of the 1970 move-
Still others felt that Tapia's strategy
of attempting to spawn local self-
organization was "idealistic, utopian,
ill-conceived and lacking a sense of
urgency". The result, they feared was
that this image placed barriers in the
way of communication between the
Group on the one hand, and the "mass-
movement" on the other.
Or, it was sometimes put, Tapia
lacked the oratorical command, or the
political will, or the "charisma", or
the something necessary to put its
undoubtedly valid message across to
the ordinary man in the street; that we
lacked the humility to "come down"
and explain things to the "little people".
Alternatively, some saw Tapia as a
disciplined "old-left" organization un-
willing to entertain the infantile "spon-
taneity" of the younger "new-left"
set'. One variant of this, advanced by
Ivar Oxaal, is that, Lloyd Best was or is
caught in a "Hamletian paralysis", and
was typical of the academic who


supports revolutionary action but is
nevertheless not prepared "to take the
plunge into the chaotic and naive
moral fervour of the popular move-
The multiplevarieties-of these inter-
pretations and the fact that new, ones
are being continually offered as time
passes, tells you how irrelevant and
ineffectualTapia actuallyis.The "revo-
lutionaries" in exile, of course, can
talk and write about nothing else. Their
latest "perspective" sees Tapia as only
"the most articulate and enlightened






of the new middle-class professional
Now that the February Revolution
is over three years old, these ideological
fulminations and speculations can very
much better be tested against the evi-
dence that people have. History is 'a
very hard taskmaster and in politics
,nothing is more difficult to suppress
than the facts. People always get to
know the score.
The fact of the matter is that Tapia's
strategy has been clear and consistent
from the start and we have never
abandoned any principle. We came into
being by repudiating Millette's Crown
Colony idea that you could bring
change by what he then described as
"a thousand and one arts".
That is to say, when it boiled down,
by the conventional politics of 'making
a stir" by announcing a Doctor party
or a Doctor Union, or both, in a press
conference, and then hoping to whip
up some indignation for a few weeks,
in tne expectation that brimstone, fire
and gun-talk would launch off a new
In the face of this idiocy, long
discredited by Williams' successful use
of it to keep our country in its colonial
chains, we have maintained all along
that a responsible, independent nation
needs permanent political organization
which cannot be created in crisis
situations, which takes time and hard-
wuk to build, and which rewards the
work by never ever cracking under
You can bet your life that Doctor
organizations will not last; every season


they have to recruit a new set of
followers with the Doctor always out
in front. The country is full of examples
- the PNM being a special case only
because it controls the tremendous
resources of the State. We can safely
disregard the rest, in whatever guise
they may come.
This is what the country was learn-
ing between 1960 and 1970 and all that
Tapia did Was to articulate it perhaps
more insistently than anybody else. Our
failure to move the Government in
1970 was due to the fact that the
country is unwilling ever again to give
a blank-cheque to any movement,
however big its impact on our con-
sciousness and however big the stir it
succeeds in making.


The next government will have to
earn its opportunity to govern as a
continuation of work already started.
Its stewardship must be a renewal of a
pledge already honoured.
That is why the next successful
movement must necessarily be a coali-
tion of community interests only
Doctor parties arrogantly 'go about
trying to organise everybody else. Our
movement has to bring together all
kinds of people who have criticised one
another, quarelled, and even fought but
who in the process have finally come
to agree on a common plank. That is
why it is essential that we publish plans
even if the government gets a chance
to fudge them. This is why we must
bring out the historical record and


S' .
-*I- (



embark on genuine and sober reflection.
The country is scrutinising what all of
us have been doing and saying.
Fortunately or unfortunately, in
1969 we did not see so clearly. It was
still fashionable then to chase simple
solutions even among the most militant-
ly committed sections of the opposition
movement. What better illustration of
this is there than the meeting which
Joe Young called so that the assembled
opposition could together deal with
the PNM?
Williams had said that it was nothing
but "a fight to the finish". Joe Young
understood that. And when the chips


wereereally down he held what was in.
effect a Constituent Assembly of all,
*opposition groups.
On Sunday May 11, and Monday
May 12, 1969, we met up in Transport
House. Among those present were, at
one time or another: Selwyn John
George Weekes, David Murray,
David Darbeau, Geddes Granger, Ver-
non Jamadar, Alloy Lequay, Peter
Farquhar, Stephen Maraj, MASAKhan,
Lloyd Taylor, Augustus Ramrekersingh,
Lloyd Best, Syl Lowhar arid of course,
Clive Nunez, Krishna Gowandan and
Joe Young.
Notably absent were James Millette

and the Moko leaders. In those days
UNIP was not for unity but for con-
ventional politics and Millette enter-
tained the illusion that he had the
strongest political party in the country,
"with 6,000 members in the Eastern-
Counties alone". Nowadaysthey are in
unconventional politics but in those
days of golden electoral expectations
the best Millette was prepared to do,
such were his priorities, was to promise
to phone through to the assembly of
opposition groups to let us know what
Moko .thought.. When people are now
confronted with the expedient of
"UNIP for unity", they know what
judgement to make.


Looking back at the whole picture
in 1969 then we can see why we had
neither organisation nor plan in 1970.
And we can see the real reasons why
Tapia's weight in that respect could not
at the crucial moment be thrown
behind the movement.
The field could then be divided into
four quite distinct political tendencies.
There was the PNM, the Bhadase
splinter of the DLP and Moko, all of
which feltrthat the next election was
the most important thing and were
happy making the conventional prepa-
rations for it.
Secondly, there were those forces;
which were in the end to make up the
Black Power Movement of 1970. The
strategy of this group was "uncon-
ventional" in the sense that it saw
absolutely no point in merely going
to the next elections. Certainly NJAC
wanted a complete shake-up of the
political, social and economic 'order
though by what means has never really
become clear to the country.
Thirdly, there was a group of frus-
trated, electoral parties; the Jamadar
S'. 1 and Lequay DLP, the WFP and the
Liberals. After a bitter experience of
hopelessly ineffective opposition, this
group was ready for desperate measures
and was preparing for a flirtation with
the new-born left.


How desperate this group was is
borne out by Farquhar's exclamation
at Joe Young's meeting that "I am ex-
pendable", and by Jamadar's decision
one year earlier to offer Millette the
DLP leadership and make him in effect
ANR Robinson the First.
Tapia was left then as a fourth
tendency, with hardly any support at
all. True, there existed a great deal of
overlap between NJAC, Moko and
Tapia and a lot of groups which were
then less well known and which only

acquired names during and after
February 1970.
But Tapia's version of unconven-
tional politics was beyond the ex-,
perience both of the country and of
the Tapia people themselves. Not only
did we lack the political skill to sell the
position we were holding but we were
ourselves only reaching out behind what
was no more than an intuition and a
When the New World split, Owen
Baptiste as Benedict Wight, Earl Love-
lac6, Earl Augustus, Janis Patterson,
Jomo Watusi and a whole number of
angry commentators had come out in
the papers against us. Later Augustus
was to appear as a speaker at the first
ever Tapia public meeting and Janis
Patterson was to be the first ever
woman to speak on a Tapia platform.
But all that came long after the
Transport Strike.
When Lloyd Best argued the Tapia
case at the Joe Young meeting, it made
no political impact whatsoever so that
when the house divided, only five
people voted to establish a radical
newspaper, to promote a different
kind of collaboration between the
unions and to erect a solid community


Intellectually, it was very convin-
cing, they said, but while the grass was
growing, the horse would surely starve.
Perhaps we know better now because
the horse is starving worse than ever.
But at that time, two clearly differ-
ent strategies had come before us and
the Tapia strategy of "winning on
points" was brusquely pushed to the
background while we rushed the spot-
light in time for 1970.-We wanted an
easy victory but easy come, easy go!"
On February 26, the Movement
succeeded in "catching the imagina-
tion" of the country-at-large and the
time had come to deliver. On March
19, at the first-ever Tapia public meet-
ing, held at, Auzoriville Park, we put
forward "Black Power and National
Reconstruction: Proposals Following
the February Revolution'"
Although these proposals were
specifically addressed to the demands
and needs of the movement, no dis-
cussion of them ever followed for the
simple reason that all kinds of psycho-
logical and political as well :as personal
barriers had'been erected in the months
before; and the strategies had hardened
on the ground.
So far the chroniclers of the Feb-
ruary Revolution have been presenting
us with all kinds of novels in historical
disguise. But now that "genuine re-
flection" is being called for, the facts
may have a different story to tell'

* NEXT WEEK: The Options Before Us Address to the Assembled Opposition on May 12, 1969. Lloyd Best

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S Stephens

-- --- ~I

.A I





AS the Dominican Re-
public gears itself for next
year's presidential election,
the turbulent social situa-
tion has revealed the
fragmented nature of Presi-
dent Joaquin Balaguer's
Reformist Party, whose
incapacity to offer effective
solutions has led to internal
controversies. It is the usual-
Caribbean story. ,
Organized by Balaguer for
the purpose of his first presi-
dential candidacy after the
death of Trujillo, with old
Trujillo supporters, opportunists


avid for positions and big-busi-
ness representatives who in the
Cabinet defend only the in-
terests of their particular sector,
the Reformist Party is already
showing fissures which without
doubt will deepen before the
1974 elections.
Significantly, the struggle
does not stem so much from
political ambitions (all the Re-
formist chiefs agree on the

second re-election of Balaguer)
but from mistaken criteria on
the socio-economic question.
The official party is rapidly
polarizing into two groups: one
which proposes to include cer-
tain changes in the pre-electoral
programme (taken from the
. Left, in isolated fashion, out of
a revolutionary context) and
one which insists on superficial
reforms which leave the power

of native capital and
of the foreign monopolies in-
tact. There is no doubt that
Balaguer heads the latter group.
But there is conflict even
within the right-wing branch
of the reformers, incidentally
affected by the brutality of
the military repression un-
leashed on the occasion of the
guerilla landing of February.


An example of this conflict
among accomplices was the
recent resignation of Jose Brea,
Pena, minister of industry and
commerce, and owner of a
powerful chain of radio sta-
tions, when the police closed
down one of his stations.
In February the principal.
controversy reached public
attention. The Reformist Agra-
rian Movement (an appendage
of the Party and in charge of
popularizing agrarian laws) over-
stepped the boundaries of its

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responsibilities and proposed a
series of measures which have
scandalized the Dominican busi-
ness elites.
Although the Movement re-
affirmed its political support of
government and its re-electionist
line, it demanded "the applica-
tion of revolutionary measures,"
which included "a scientific
urban reform" and workers
participation in the public and
private sectors,' with "active
participation in all the earnings
and leadership of the com-
The Movement also demand-
ed the nationalization of the
banks and public services (es-
pecially the Dominican Tele-
phone Company, which is
owned by International Tele-
phone & Telegraph) and the
establishment of "diplomatic
and trade relations with all
countries of the world".


Immediately, the local press,
including the big opposition
newspapers, unanimously edit-
orialized against the demands.
But, hours later, a similar re-
formist but audacious proposal
came from the government
apparatus itself.
In press advertisements paid
with State money, the National
Housing Institute said that the
only answer ,to the housing
problem in Santo Domingo was
an urban reform.
On February 27, in his
annual speech to Congress,
President Balaguer dissipated
all illusions as to any change,
especially changes proposed by
his own team.
"It is opportune," he said,
"to point out at this time, when
the country is being flooded
with proposals of initiatives
of a pseudo-nationalist tone,
that the government opposes
the idea of nationalizing the
banks and of expropriating the
big companies operating in our
country with foreign capital."


According to the Dominican
President, the projects of the
Movement and of(the National
Housing Institute are "themes
used demagogically by irres-
ponsible persons and groups
which could affect the policy
we follow to favour foreign
Since 1971 he has outlined
the government's policy, with
unaccustomed frankness for a
Latin American ruler.
"We depend, in large mea-
sure," he said in a speech to
the US Chamber of Commerce,
"on economic and political
collaboration with the land of
Washington and Lincoln, and
we cannot afford the luxury,
as have other countries of Latin
America, of shaking off the
yoke of so-called US imperial-
Refuting "the false allega-
tion that national wealth should
be exclusively for the use of
the Dominicans," he stated that
"it would be absurd to think
that our country could take
the insane course of a national-
ization race, inspired by pseudo-
patriotic reasons"

LATER THIS year,- a
National Trade Union Con-
gress will be held in Cuba.
It is the first National
Trade Union Congress to
be celebrated in Cuba since
1965. It will discuss themes
that are of vital importance
to the Cuban Revolution
and lay down a policy line
that will be followed by the
Cuban government.
Planning for this year's con-
gress dates back to 1970. It was
the result of a critical appraisal
of Cuban institutions and of
the role of mass participation
made by Fidel Castro as that
year's sugar harvest came to an
The 1970 harvest's aim had
been the achievement of a
10 million ton crude sugar
production. Although it broke
all previous records, the.harvest
did not meet its coveted goal.


It was not the failure to
make the 10 million tons of
sugar, however, that lay at the
basis of Fidel Castro's agoni-
zing reappraisal of Cuban in-
stitutions and especially the
role of the trade union move-
ment. It was, rather, a recog-
nition that mass organizations
and the trade union movement
were not fully playing their
role within the framework of
the Cuban Revolution.
The trade union congress
is the direct result of three
Years of unceasing labour to
- correct the deviations that had
arisen. The outcome of these,
endeavours is that the trade:
union movement in Cuba has,
rhade a comeback..
S What happened to the trade
union movement that required
this profound reassessment of
its role? Why is this the first
trade union congress to be held
in eight years? Why was it
necessary for Fidel Castro to
say: "Let us begin to democra-
tize the labour movement?"


The answer, it would seem,
was an underestimation of the
role of the trade union move-
ment as the direct representa-
tive of the Cuban workers. The
roots of this underestimation,
paradoxically, lay in the fun-
damentally popular nature of
the Cuban Revolution and its
'By the end of 1960 nation-
alization of all inudstry had
been carried out and unemploy-
ment had been eliminated.
Workers won benefit' after
benefit: free health care, edu-
cational opportunity for their
children and themselves,' low
rents, better pensions and sick
leave benefits.
The entire state apparatus
now concerned itself with en-
acting laws for which the work .
ing class movement had always
fought. In fact, they went far
beyond that. There was no
longer "capital and labour" or
"exploiter and exploited". Fidel
Castro told the workers in the
first weeks after the revolution-
ary victory: "You and we are
a single thing: people and power
are one single thing".

It was this total identity of
interests between government
and worker that, to some ex-
tent, forced the trade union
movement over to the side of
the road.
Trade unions carriedbri but
the great struggle for the rights
of the working class became
the task of the government
itself. Economic demands, tile
key to past trade union activity,
Were no longer a combat issue,
Instead, the trade union move-
ment found itself with new
tasks. It was to help win the
workers into the revolutionary
mainstream, to fight counter-
revolution, and to spur pro-
On the production front,
the trade unions became the
organizers of the emulation
campaigns in the work centres.
Government, administration and
the Party also emphasized pro-
duction, and often the trade
unions found themselves in the
position of accessory rather
than principal stimulator of
these efforts.'.


During the era of "sectarian-
ism," which prevailed in the
party apparatus in the early
sixties, the trade union leader-
ship-was usually imposed from
the top in contradiction tb
Fidel Castro's original thesis
that they should be chosen
by .the free election of the
workers themselves.
In the final years of the
sixties the trade union move-
ment fell victim to almost com-
plete dissolution. A new kind
of workers movement was con-
cieved and put into execution:
that of the "Vanguard Work-
ers". The "Vanguard Werkers"
were outstanding workers cho-
sen by assemblies of their shop-
SUnder this conception, gen-
eral worker participation in the
daily, affairs of the work centre
was small. The "Vanguard

Workers" met to discuss prob-
lems and then brought the
decisions to the other workers.
On August 23, 1970, Fidel -

SUNDAY MAY 13,1973
Nw i "U,

Castro told a Cuban women's
congress that "we still don't
have all the formulas". But
ie stjes:ce- that it was clear
that the general line must be
"to replace the administrative
procedures with democratic
ones". In the same speech he
declared that special emphasis
had to be placed on the
strengthening of the workers'
movement in Cuba.
One year later, absolutely
free elections had been held
in all the work centres in Cuba.
Some 163,000 officers' of
35,000 trade union locals had
been elected in workers' assem.
blies. This was the grassroots
base of the new workers' move-
T) 1972, local trade union

elections were once again.heldh .
Once the local trade unions
had consolidated themselves,'
worker representatives founded
almost dozen national trade
union organizations. Today,
Cuba has virtually completed
the task of restructuring the
workers' movement from top:
to bottom.
Originally, the XIII Congress
of the Cuban Trade Union
Movement (CTC) was to:have
been held at the end of 1,972,


At present,,15 pre-congress:
subcommissions are hard iat
work drawing up reports. The
finished reports will be dis-
cussed in all trade union locals.
Out of these discussions th't
will involve the whole Cuban.,,
workforce, new reports will
be written which will, in tur..
be discussed and approved byf"
the National Trade Union Con-
gress. ;:
The themes of the reports
will go far beyond thelimitsof
purely trade union matters.
The Cuban Revolutionary
Government has announced that
the decisions taken at the Trade
Union Congress will be used
as its guide in determining
national policy*


Cuban Trade

Unions Make


* for the paint-shop man.

* for the home craftsman.

* for everybody.

Just ask for the
NCH-601 outfit
,or only $375.00

_ __

N t :M-As
S- ho


SFrom Page 4
Within and was seldom imposed
externally. Artistic skill was
not acquired, but inborn; art
and life went hand in hand for
they were never thought of
As life was conditioned by
religion, customs and codes, so
too were crafts. Conflict could
not arise because an alternative
social structure did not present
itself until the industrial
age. The revolutionary change
brought, about by industrial-
isation could not be an easy
one. Old values crumbled and
because no new values could
be readily found there was an
inevitable sense of frustration.
When the craftsman of old
disappeared the standards set
by him also vanished. Yet the:
machine which took his place
failed to guide popular sensi-

SUNDAY MAY 13, 1973


0 patterns|

in H



ability or to produce any aesthe-
tic standard.
In the place of quality pro-
ducts by the craftsman, the
machine took charge and sub-
stituted quantity. Where the
one excelled in individuality
and personal touch, the other
went by sheer number and
anonymity. When production
on a large scale became possible'
by the use of machines, the
Products were characterless.


The craftsman who inherited
the "group soul", or the sum
total of artistic consciousness
preceding him, functioned at
his best when both his material

and spiritual satisfaction was
.assured by the society.
In the cataclysm that indus-
trialisation brought about, both
these elements, so conducive to
greatness in art and craft in
the preceding-ages, were lost
to the craftsman.
As a factory hand, his
material condition worsened
and, more than that, he lost
his dignity and status which
were bestowed on him in a
village economy.
Industrialisation also meant
a division of labour, so com-
plete, yet up to the time, quite
unknown. The 'craftsman was
both the designer and the manu-
,facturer and, therefore, was
free to set a standard for him-
self in his craft.
Industrialisation cut these'
two into a number of different
compartmentsand in any event.
the craftsman played an in-

significant role in a complicated
Moreover, as the designer
and the manufacturer combined
in the traditional craftsman,
he could command the shape,
form, colour and other details
of the product.
The modern age may not
lend itself to recreating the
past. The machine has entered
so much in 'our life and it
promises to be a greater in-
fluence in the future.
There is, on the other hand,
the chance of evolving a new
and abiding, culture by the
judicial integration of machine
and handicraft. By "judicial
integration" is meant instilla-
tion of a sense of design in the
manufacturing process so that
we recapture a little of that
colour and form'in the things?
of everyday use which were so
characteristic in the days, of
'the craftsman.


A mere copying of the past,
.however adept, will not help;
for the past was conditioned
by so many factors, since van-
ished. Moreover, what will,pre-
dominantly guide the design
movement in the present and
and the future is science.

'The use of science in every-
day life will grow at a faster
rate than what we can imagine.
now. We have in any case to
take into account that science
has already opened a new vista
of possibilities by the invention
of a number of synthetic
materials and the progress is
continuing at a gathering speed.
The contemporary Indian
craftsmen have encountered the
modern world and reacted to it
with unique and perceptive in-
sights, which were expressed by
their ancestors through various


In a society which adapts
its traditions carefully to slowly
changing circumstances, the in-
dividual is confident, assured,
and adjusted to the world in
which he finds himself. And
'the use of traditional forms
and motifs can also help the
contemporary artists and de-
signers to 3n unlimited extent.
Design is thus a central
human activity,) interlocked
with everything people do, and
capable of epitomizing the
character of an age and of the
artists or artisans who create it.
The modern crafts we choose
become the expression of our-
selves. And we treasure those
things in whose design a way of
life is expressed *
\ .


June 30



74 Independence Square, P.O.S.
19 30 High St., San Fernando,
(Trinidad, W.I.)




SUNDAY MAY 13, 1973

Absence of

quickies is

W.I problem


SOMEHOW despite our
poor record in recent years
the result of the recent
series seems to have caused
a fair amount of shock.
What are the reasons?
Before the Australians arri-
ved in the West Indies, it was
felt that they were a strong but
somewhat unbalanced-side and
there was a certain vague and
undefined optimism that some-
how we would cope.
This feeling which this ob-
server for one did not share was
probably due to the fairly
widely held opinion that the
poor. record of the West Indies
team was very largely due to
the leadership or non-leader-
ship of Garfield Sobers. It was
also partly based on the fact
tha~ttfheWest-Indies undoubt-
edly had a potentially strong
batting side. -
After the first Test, opti-
mism increased. It was felt
that the Australians' main
threat, super-fast bowler Dennis
Lillee, had been mastered and
Bob Massie seemed likely to
stay out of the side through
lack of fitness, as he in fact did.


That the Australians amassed
nearly 700 runs in two innings
without losing as many as ten
wickets somehow was glossed
over; as well as the fact that
the wicket was quite dead,
that Lillee, with luck, could
have taken four wickets; that
Walker did take six wickets in
an innings; and that Jeff Ham-
mond, their "fourth-string'
pace bowler, looked very pro-.
mising indeed.
On our side, though, Gibbs
made many of us, including
myself, -eat our words by bow-
ling much better than he had
done for years. Besides, all our
middle batsmen made runs.
Although our fast bowlers -
Dowe and Holder seemed to
be as innocuous as ever, a draw
was easily accepted as a fair
The second Test in Barbados
did not take us much further.
One ominous sign appeared
when we found it necessary to
make three changes, bringing
in Willette, Murray and Boyce
(who replaced the originally
named but unfortunately in-
jured Julien) for Ali, Findlay
and Dowe.
The one change the Austra-
lians made was to replace Lillee
with Jenner because the former

was hurt and they in fact
did not make any others during
the series but for Benaud, who
replaced the injured Stackpole
in the last Test.
Meanwhile, subsequent to
the second Test, the West Indies
used Lloyd and Davis the
latter because Rowe was in-
jured, true as well as a 17th
player, Jumadeen, in the last
Test. You might say that this
was an improvement on the
20 players we used against
India in 1971, and the 18
against New Zealand last year
but it remains a graphic demon-
stration of the kind of trouble
we were in.


Although we lost the third
Test the optimists still did not
-give up hope because we lost
by a mere 44 runs while Rowe,
one of our major front-line
batsmen, had not batted and
the spinners had again perfor-
med well.
We therefore approached the
Guyana Test with some en-
thusiam only to find that our
batsmen collapsed in the second
innings and threw away the
advantage of having won the
What happened at Bourda
specifically? There was a spot
on the wicket which it was
felt might affect our three
frontline left-handers Lloyd,
Fredericks and Kallicharan part-
icularly when the spinners came
on. In the event, it was claimed,
however, that only Kanhai got
out to a ball that could in
truth be blamed on the pitch.


My own theory is that the
left-handers did probably ap-
proach their innings with trepi-
dation, thus threw away their
wickets and induced panic
amongst the others. Also, in
dealing with Hammond, if your
timing is in any way off, you
are in trouble since he tries -
with a good degree of success -
to bowl with the accuracy of
his idols Snow and Statham.
In his first 7 Test matches
for Australia against both Pakis-
tan and the West Indies, Walker
has also shown signs of great-
ness. In these matches Walker
has twice taken 6 wickets in
an innings, and he has also
twice taken 5 and once 4
wickets the equivalent of

a batsman making four cen-
turies and a 90.
Rather like Weekes when he
batted against England and In-
dia in 1948-49, Walker has been
unfortunate in not getting total
recognition for these remark-
able performances.
Even more remarkable a
factor in the results has been.
a resurgence of Doug Walters
after his disastrous season in
England last year, where he
made just over 50 runs in
some 7 innings.
People forget that another
great player, Denis Compton,
once had a similar if not more
terrible season against Australia
in 1951, and although I never
saw the great Compton, I have
little hesitation in comparing
Walters with him.
The Walters we saw in the
Jamaica Test and it is said
that his Trinidad Test 100 was
even better, is the best "butcher-
ing" batsman I have ever seen
since Weekes, who, apart from
Sobers, is the best batsman
period,,that I have ever seen.
I think that Walters even
more than Gregg Chappell,
rated by many as the better
player, threw fear into our
bowlers although this alone
does not seem to have been
the deciding factor.
In looking at our general
problems, Kanhai as captain
is as little to blame in my
opinion as Sobers was, and one
hopes that the critics of Sobers
will appreciate this opinion now
that it has been reinforced by
the evidence of the series.



The problem lies with the
bowling and more specifically
the quick bowling. The third
Test in Trinidad was the only
time in the last 17 Tests that
we have succeeded in bowling
out a side twice and even then
we did not manage to win.
Over the last two years, with
the emergence of Ali and
Willette, and the fact that Gibbs
has apparently somehow res-
tored some flesh to his spinning
finger, our spinners have done
reasonably well so much so
that people like David Holford
and Arthur Barrett now seem
to be completely out of the
selection picture.
Our fast bowlers, however,
can only be described as friend-
ly, at least on wickets like
these where our situation has
been graphically exposed by
Taylor of New Zealand last
year and again by Hammond
and Walker this season.


In addition to our bowling
troubles, we have simply not
had a front rank wicketkeeper
since Jackie Hendricks' retire-
ment some four years ago and
these two points go together
ball in glove.
Gibbs is our only bowler
of proven Test class and even
if Sobers can play in the coming
England Tests, he may not be
able to do all that much
The batting is also relatively
unproven but we cannot be
badly off if Davis could only

make the side in the fourth
Test when Foster and Rowe
were injured.
Most good judges would
agree that both Kallicharan and
Rowe have latent greatness in
them. But we are still having
opening problems even if you
say that we have almost never
had two opening batsmen of
class at the same time,
Fredericks not being, in my,
opinion, the one who has it


Still, the problem lies with
the opening bowlers and I think
that a young and strengthened
Michael Holding may be part of
the answer although the selec-
tors have seen fit to pass him
by for the English tour.
To close, I would like to
give my views on the Sobers
issue. There can be no doubt
that a fit Sobers should have
been on the side although I do
not think that he is now a
greater allround cricketer than
say, Tony Greig or Mushtaq
Muhammed or chiefly, Mike


I would like to make the
points however that:-
he should have been asked
to take a quiet fitness test, but
4* he should not have been
abused by the Press or had his
case discussed in the open by
the selectors.
West Indian society owes a
great deal to Sobers as a man
who has not only served our
cricket spectacularly well, but
as a man who at his best was
clearly the best ever anywhere
at his line of endeavour.
Sobers was good for our
confidence, if only we could
have realized it, in much the
same way as Muhammad Ali
was for American blacks. For
Gary I say a million thanks
from all cricket fans 0

I. R.JI-UL-.

-..J EE IK t-~II -I

SYou always
Wanted her to

i / W sew...


makes it easy -

and an ideal

Gift too.




m EI --

mumanumnsilss m inma


Irs. Andrea Talbutt,
Research Institute for
Study of ian,
162, East 78th Street,
NITJ YCRK, N.Y. 10021,
Ph. Lehigh 5 8448,
U.S..A r



SFrom Page 1.
But first, official approval
would be necessary for an am-
endment tothe Constitution
which would allow workers to
join the Staff Association.
Panday's eager hope was
that such approval would soon
be granted. He was anxious, as
he said, to gain control of the
sugar workers. He was not
convinced, he claimed, that
those persons and groups at
present involved really had the
sugar workers' interest at heart.
After he spoke I asked him
to indicate in concrete terms
which persons and which groups
he had in mind, and to establish
the charges he had made.
He didn't answer, but asked
instead what was the solution
I had in mind for the sugar
For me, as a Tapiaman, the
solution could only come
through the efforts of the work-,
ers' own actions. I told him
that during the rebellion at
B.C. in November last year,
the Tapia contribution had been
to assist the worker to run his
own affairs.


I was concerned about the
terms upon which people were
canvassing the support of the
sugar workers. It seemed that
the central question, as Panday
saw it, was simply how to getl
workers to revoke membership
in All Trinidad and join the
Staff Association.
I warned Panday that we
seemed not to be paying any
attention to new policies, pro-
grammes and perspectives. What
proposals were being advanced
for workers' control of sugar?
By what means and along what
lines did we intend to effect a
comprehensive reorganisation
of the industry?
As far as Panday saw, the
workers had long gone past
these questions. They were now
determined to get rid of the
Union and that was the big
question to be settled first.
How long will we continue to
suffer under the dictatorship
of Rampartapsingh and his
But the big question, as far
as the sugar workers are con-
cerned is something else. After
all the years of domination
and bullying by All Trinidad,

workers no longer wish to be
puppets in a Union over which
they have no control. And that
is what the fight is about,
whether .at B.C., Usine or
Orange Grove.
The meeting had been called
with the express purpose of
breaking the old chains and

Cummlngs, usine
liberating sugar from an ex-
politation that nearly amounted
to slavery.
So when Panday began to

talk about joining the Staff
Association, it sounded like a
bright new hope for the longest
suffering group of workers in
all of Trinidad and Tobago.
The only thing that gave the
game away was this blanket
charge against "outsiders". Was
Panday serious or was he play-
ing the usual game in sugar?
Three weeks agod'.got'wind,.
of Rampartapsingh's "wooing
of Panday. It was a case of
But could Panday resist flying
on the pepper tree?
Rampartapsingh was in dire

Sugar Simmering

THE sugar industry con-
tinues to simmer as the
clearest possible sign of
the basic instability of life
in Trinidad and Tobago,
today. As the culprit res-
ponsible for the presence
in these parts of almost
all our many peoples, there
is no single activity which
generates passions more
than does the sugar in-
Whenever there is a crisis
in sugar, the Government
invariably becomes nervous.
Since Independence, every
major stirring in sugar has
been met by panic reaction
on the part of the PNM.
Williams anticipates the
consequences of capitalism
and slavery.
In 1963, he brought in
Bhadase and in 1965, the
ISA. In 1970 the Govern-
ment declared a State of
Emergency to head off a
possible mobilization of

Brechin Castle by Granger
and NJAC.
Next they bought out
a controlling interest in
Caroni Limited and now,
to close off that chapter,
the All Trinidad Union has
brought in Basdeo Panday
to succeed Bhadase Maharaj.


The opposition response
to all this has not been
very different in concept.
From Rienzi and Butler,
we inherited a radical tra-
dition of intervention from
outside to rescue sugar and
this tradition has been sus-
tained over the years right
up to the current effort by
the new Canefarmers Union
Tapia does not doubt
the intentions and motives
of those who are working
to deliver sugar from its
colonial chains. Nor do we
think that sugar should be
somehow exempt from the

political life of the country.
The sugar industry has
to be embraced by politics
and political activity and
those of us who are work-
ing for a new kind of
society must lend our help,
our advice and our un-
stinting support.
We only add that any
intervention from outside
must take the utmost care
not to trample on local
leadership and not to stunt
the growth of strong and
permanent organization
with real roots in the local
We insist that the All
Trinidad Union must be
repudiated and consigned
to the rubbish heap of
history. At Orange Grove,
we say let the workers
form their own House
Union and let that Union
share ownership, control
and management with the

straits. He needed someone to
touch up the image of the
All Trinidad Union, someone
prepared to work with him.
Who was the likely choice?
Panday wanted quick, quick,
control of the sugar workers
to forestall the entry, as he saw
it, of all those calling for change.
I was told that Panday was
prepared to accept the offer,
provided that the constitution
6f All Ttinidad was altered to
make possible one man, one


Well, the Triennial Confer-
ence went ahead and made its
amendments last Sunday. One
man, one vote, my eye. All the
Amendment means is that the
Executive continues to instal
as President General, any man
,that they want to have.
As Rampartapsingh put it,
one qualification on which the
Executive is determined to in-
sist is that the candidate must
not be involved in politics.
Well, well, Senator Panday
has now been unanimously
elected to succeed Bhadase Ma-
haraj as the President General
of the Union. What a mandate
for a man to have! e





Lands up to the' top of
Balthazar Street, Tunapuna,
now have their water deliv-
ered daily by WASA trucks.
Until they were able to
instal a dozen storage drums
two weeks ago, you could find
hordes of children toting water
late at night and in the small
hours of the morning.
In North Tunapuna the
water never comes before 9.00
p.m. and is cut off again by
6.00 or 6.30 a.m.
Those who live on the face
of the hill have to go to bed
before 6.00 p.m. to be able to
get up and fetch their supplies.
At Clark Lands, they used
to make the long trek down
to Balthazar Street and climb
back up over and over to fill
.up sinks and tubs at home.
Now they just fill up their
tanks at the foot of the hill
and come down during the day
for a bucket when needed.