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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00039
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: December 3, 1972
Frequency: completely irregular
 Subjects
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
 Notes
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00039

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Vol. 2 No. 9


NEW SUGAR





UNION COMING


THE WORKERS' organisa-
tion built up in the last five
weeks may well result in
the formation of a new
union growing up for
the first time from the
workers themselves.
This is the shape that
developments in the sugar
belt are taking after five
weeks or more of seething
unrest in the industry.
The period has been marked
by on-the-job protest at first
of a kind difficult to define
in terms of existing industrial
legislation. Then there began
go-slows and full work stop-
pages.

INFLEXIBLE

As a result, Caroni Ltd. have
been unable to make the sche-
duled start of the 1973 harvest
on Monday, December 4.
Indeed on Wednesday the
51% Government-owned com-
pany issued a statement threat-
ening to take action under the
IRA if the workers did not
return to their jobs Iwithin
24 hours.
That same afternoon a meet-
ing of branch officers of the
recognized All Trinidad Sugar
Estates and Factory Workers
Union voted to advise workers
to return to the job.
It was reported that Caroni
was inflexible on the position
that no negotiations could
take place until work had been
resumed. The branch officers
reportedly accepted a com-
promise proposal accepting a
bonus in lieu of the payment
for extra hours worked pre-
viously demanded by the
workers.
From this meeting were
were excluded non-union mem-
bers who have been spear-
heading the struggle over the
last weeks.
However, one of the sore
points against the recognized
union was the fact that it
concluded an agreement on
behalf of the workers without
seeking their ratification.
Accordingly, it had been
decided by the workers that
any agreement to which they


would be committed would
have to be put before them by
the union beforehand.
And the decision to return
to work would require the
sanction of the general body
of workers before it could be
implemented.

W.W. SUTTON

But the workers' movement
that grew out of the last month
or so 'is now moving to con-
solidate the gains made and to
develop a permanent organisa-
tion that would for the first-
time give the workers real
representation which they never
got from All Trinidad Union.
In the 60's W.W. Sutton
attempted to organise the
workers at Orange Grove, and
later the National Union of
Sugar Workers was active at
Brechin Castle and Usine.
Most recently the Sugar
Plantation and Industrial
Workers Trade Union had been
attempting to make inroads
in the industry. This initiative
reportedly met with violent
resistance inspired by the exist-
ing union.
But the workers' movement
whose progress we have been
reporting in TAPIA stood the
best chance of demonstrating
that the deliverance of the
sugar workers could-come only
through their own exertions to
organise themselves on a demo-
cratic basis and to make rep-
resentations to correct the
historic exploitative conditions
of work in the sugar planta-
tions.

BHADASE MAHARAJ

The death last year of Bha-
dase Maraj, leader of the
All Trinidad Union, who for
many years reigned supreme in
.the sugar belt, provided the
best opportunity for a new
organisation to emerge from
the grass-roots.
In fact, months before his
death Bhadase had conceded
that his defeat in the May
national general elections last
year represented a repudiation
of his leadership as a trade
unionist as well.


In their second bulletin
entitled "Rallying Point" issued
on November 24, 1972 the new
Workers Committee detailed a
six-point case against the leader-
ship of All Trinidad:
*Negotiating and signing a
new Agreement without first
seeking a new mandate from
us.
*Leaving the workers exposed
to the whims and fancies of
Caroni for the period January
1, 1972 to September 30 dur-
ing which time the old Agree-
ment had lapsed.
*Spreading lies on' some
branch leaders, double deal-
ing with Caroni, and govern-
ment officials, and attempting
to hoodwink the workers.
*Spreadinglies about the true
nature of the 40/44 hour
arrangement.
*Failing to inform workers
about the allocation of union
finances.
*General industrial inepti-
tude.

EXPLOITATIVE

Committee included -
apart from workers who didn't
belong to All Trinidad at all
some of the branch officers
of that union who had been
recently elected.
The top leadership of the
union, however, had arbitrarily
extended its term of office by
refusing since last year to hold
elections, using the excuse of
the State of Emergency.
It was clear that the struggle
was not being waged by over
ambitious workers simply out
to embarrass the government
and to take power in the union.
Though it is evident from
their two bulletins that they
understand the government has
perpetuated an old set of
exploitative conditions since
taking over Caroni Ltd.
What was really subversiveof
the old regime of intimidation
and violence coupled with
Doctor Politics and impotence
was the fact of genuine
democracy.
For the first time ordinary,
suppressed, exploited, down-
trodden sugar workers tasted
democracy and has had


The movement develops ... sugar workers at Brechin Castle meeting.


consequences 'both for the
union leadership and for the
government-owned company.
The. mood of rebellion ran
high among the.workers until:
it seemed the 'first real chal-
lenge to the IRA was shaping
up. That is not past, however,
but the Workers -Movement has
its eyes on longer term solu-
tions.
Certainly on this issue an
unprecedented number of
workers were activated. From
Brechin Castle regular contact
was established with fellow
workers at Reform, Usine,
Woodford Lodge. The size of
meetings grew over time from
300 to 400 to 700 and 800.

RALLYING POINT

The bulletin "Rallying Point"
has made it possible for all
workers to know what is going
on.
For 16 years the sugar
question has remain unsettled.
The early perspectives of the
PNM repudiated the annual
trips to London to secure
markets and continued support
for the industry as "the
philosophy of colonialism."
But the practice continued,
and still continues. The
palpable failure of seeking to
take sugar out of politics is
also all around us.
The Government has sought
to side-step the issue by
shelving it. A detente was
arrived at with Bhadase which
defined between himself and
the regime clear, inviolable
spheres of interest.
Later, there was the 51% buy


of Caroni Ltd. After all of
these manoeuvres the plight
of the sugar worker remains
the same at the bottom of
the income scale with only
the fully unemployed below
him.
It is well possible and cer-
tainly rich poetic justice that
a rising in sugar is what will
finally spell the downfall of
the entire old regime.
The obstacles before real
community organisation in
sugar are many. The IRA pre-
vents a worker from supporting
an aspiring union against an
old 'rejected one. This is
the result of defining the in-
dustry as "essential."
There is too the capacity of
Caroni Ltd. to intrigue and
manipulate to the workers
- a raise here, a bonus there,
a promotion to buy off
leaders.
On the other hand, it has
the power of victimisation and
intimidation.
The statement implied that
the workers could be committed
to a policy dangerous to the
company's property and per-
sonnel, and it threatened as so
many firms have done this
year, mass dismissals.
All of these, however, may
force workers to comply, but
it cannot make them accept
conditions that deny them
their manhood and keep them
in their traditional positions
as people oppressed and
subservient.
A position indeed so fixed
in the arrangements of the
old regime that any change
is bound to shake the regime
from its very foundations.


TAPIA weekly
YOUR response to more frequent TAPIAS has quite
simply been a great boon to us here at the Tapia House.
Our "Letters to the Editor" page indicates that both our
reporting of key current issues and ,our reflections-in-depth
on the state of the nation are stimulating the kind of
democratic discussion and dissent which alone can win
our people an authentic and lasting freedom.
Now that our weekly is making inroads throughout
the land, we must press on to establish our publishing
company and our print shop.. May we remind all our friends
and supporters that donations may be forwarded to the
Treasurer, Tapia Hosue Special Fund, 91 Tunapuna Rd.,
Tunapuna.
We still have afew of the premium -priced bound volumes
of TAPIA plus selected back issues of New World
Quarterly. Our Circulation Manager will be happy to
deal with your requests for these items.
Indeed,why not become a subscriber to your weekly
review of the new politics? You may also wish to send a
gift subscription abroad. Local and foreign rates are
carried on Page 3.


SUNDAY, DECEMBE-i3.1,97,7- srTUTE

-.2 A,* 7i STj EE*
E LW YOJi,(





PAGE 2 TAPIA






Now that




the people




have become




popular ...



IN THE political vacuum that yet remains perplexingly
unfilled each of the groups feels itself singularly beck-
oned forth to usher in "the new political dawn." That
phrase came from the DAC, eager evangelists of their
own form of "Truth."
Two issues of TAPIA ago we invited readers to take
their pick from four responses to the vocation, culled
from recent statements by political groups. The times
indeed are critical. Sensing an imminent test of strength,
all the groups are flexing whatever muscles they have -
or where they clearly have none, just breathing deep and
loud.

MONKEY PANTS

Since then MOKO has declared, "a new stage in the
struggle" and the schedule of weekend entertainment
seems to include A.N.R. Robinson's most recently
promised "revelations", and the DLP's traditional king-
ship rituals.
But in the curious duality that is the nature of these times
both the ridiculous and the serious seem to cohere in ; kind of
drama of unreality. For while all these now-for-now parties are
wobbling around in their monkey-pants of political incapacity,
the oldest question in the Caribbean sugar is now being
actively fought out on the plains of Caroni.
Meanwhile, fully in character, the national tabloid indulges
the population in speculation purported to be derived from
the sugar belt about a leadership draft for Raffique Shah to
lead the sugar workers.
If anything it is an insult to sugar workers to suggest that
they have been "looking for a new messiah". And especially so
in the light of evidence published in TAPIA over the last four
weeks that the sugar workers have been organising themselves
independently of their union.
For sure the sugar workers have been able to find what the
Express Labour Reporter reports as "a pillar of strength." And
this pillar of strength has been the confidence deriving from the
discovery of what they can do collectively, organised in their own
interests. As turns out, the sugar workers have been far less
impotent than they are made out by that Labour Reporter to be.
And if the report is aimed in any direction at all, it only seeks to
reinforce the myth of the inevitability of Doctor Politics the
rule of Prophecy over impotence. And as such it damages both
Shah and the sugar workers.

DAY-DREAMING

For conventionalpolitics as we have stressed before is
made by news even as much as it makes news.
That we could now daily be regaled with the resolute ab-
surdity of a leadership struggle in the DLP reveals just how much
the resistant remnants of the old order have survived against the
onslaughts of the new.
And in the "Fearless" weekly tabloid another voice of the
old order projects the political field as simply the sum of 72 per
cent plus 28 per cent. Which is only one aspect of the self-
indulgent, statistical day-dreaming now being established as the
forte of its naively anonymous and totally inconsequential
"Political Editor."
Since "the people" have become popular all kinds of charlatans
have felt they could make a hit by dragging that note into any
kind of chorus.
But if "the people" can be confused at all, it is more likely to
be by the findings of surveys which fly headily in the face of
reality and amount to the latest version ofjumbie double-think.
The backroom manipulators understand well that plans never
come from any people in the abstract but are forged and formulated
only by the interaction of solid flesh and blood. They know how
crucial informationis, in arriving at real solutions.
Illusions and images are so vital to their role of keeping
people in ignorance that they just have to keep on dreaming
dreams.


SUNDAY DECEMBER 3 1972


n evolution


in fc

IN THE sense that Audrey
Adams' "Ambakaila" was
for me a dis-appointment
the Repertory Dance
Theatre's performing sea-
son offered by contrast
the promise of fruitful
evolution in the field of
Trinidad dance.
The Dance Theatre led by
Astor Johnson, formed only
last year December, had its
first performance at the Port-
of-Spain Town Hall in April,
andfollowed this in August
with an experimental dance at
the same venue.
But the comparativeyouth
of the Theatre says nothing
of its experience. Most of the
dancers have had a basic ballet
training with the Marcia Moze
and Heather Alcazar schools of
dance.

ANGEL GABRIEL

The Repertory company
even has its own little galaxy
of stars. Now membersof the
Dance Theatre areSandra
Pierre and Austin Forsyth,
lead dancers of Cyril St. Louis'
Humming Birds.
As St. Louis is now on
scholarship in New York,
Sandra and Austin manage the
troupe. Incidentally, the Na-
tivity which they both danced
as Mary and the Angel Gabriel
will be back at the Town Hall
on December 14 and 16.
And then there isthe irrepres-
sible Adele. While dancing with
theMarcia Turner Caribbean
School of Dance, she also
teaches dance at the St. Mary's
Home Tacarigua.

PAUL SANSARDO

With this cast the Reper-
tory Dance Theatre cele-
brated its season of Dance.
The performance last Friday
at UWI was the seventh and
final since the beginning of
this month.
The first was a medley of
-dances based on the traditional
Joropo, Parranda and Valse
Castilian in which the in-
fluence of Paul Sansardo,
under whom Johnson did a
spell of Spanish dancing, was
evident.
Though the traditional steps
emerged polished and modern-
ised, retaining the artistic


,Ik


dance


ESTHER LE GENDRE

principles of these dancers,
the overall effect was displeas-
ing and at times even con-
fused. Somehow the dancers
had not yet settled down to
dance. There were too many
blunders and hurried position-
ings.
The old man solo by John-
son came over as in impromp-
tu piece to give the other
dancers time for a change of
costume. What was of greater
value was what Johnson tried
to do.
He is a young director,
anxious to try everything. Bor-
rowing an idea from Osibisa,
he uses a jazz melody on
African drums and super-
imposes jazz styles on the
traditional African move-
ments.
The result is a dance form
which holds all the promise for
the evolution of the dance in
Trinidad.
As far as technique is con-
cerned, "Victim" was a most
interesting piece. It tells the
story of a widowed mother who
dominated and inhibits her only
child and finally loses him to a
young girl who loves him enough
to let him be himself.

CORINE JONES

Model/dancer Corine Jones
is fiercely dominating as the
Mother, pathetic as the bewil-
dered victim. The absence of
accompanying music symbo-
lised theutter silence of this
type of psychological warfare
and served direct attention to
the experience and artistic
ability of the Mother and Son
of the first sequence.
In the second sequence
music once again attended the
idyllic period when the Son
finds unselfish love. The
dancer in the part of the
young girl is lithe and appa-
rently well schooled,but lacks
the strength of the more ex-
perienced Jones and tends to
run some of her steps rather
than dance them.
"Victim" was somehwat re-
miniscent of a similar se-
quence done by the Jamaica
National Dance Theatre here


last year August. Only instead
of a man torn between wife
and woman and, at the end
still undecided, "Victim"
offers an obvious choice.
Johnson is devoted to bring-
ing the theatre back into
dance. Hence a fairly large
portion of his programme is
dedicated to dramatic presen-
tations like "Defiant Era".
This is perhaps a first of its
kind.
Based on an extract from
C.L.R. James' "The Black
Jacobins", it sketches the era
of the Haitian slave revolt and
the emergence of Toussaint
L'Ouverture, liberator. The
work is still in progress but
from what we have seen of it,
it could well emerge as one of
the best dramatic dance pre-
sentations on the Trinidad
stage.

ASTOR JOHNSON

"For Better or For Worse"
to judge from the peals of
laughter behind me was a
favourite with the audience. It
was also another first for
Johnson in a successful presen-
tation of dramatic folk
comedy.
"For Better or For Worse" is
a satire on a marriage occasion.
The couple and guests are im-
patiently awaiting. While fete
is in full swing, in walks
another woman bearing the
infant wrought by herself and
the groom.
General bacchanal. Wedding
breaks up. A man is arrested
trying to make off with the-
cake. The groom is dragged
off by the other woman. The
poor bride faints. No words,
just expressive dance and an
old familiar situation comes to
life. Accordingto Astor John-
son, his Theatre promises
much more of this revival of
the folk expression and dra-
matic theatre.
In "House of the Lord" the
influence of Arthur Mitchell
of the Harlem Dance Theatre
is most apparent. But in the
short sequenceof "Soldiers"
Johnson allowed himself to be
governed only by his artistic
reaction to a familiar local
street corner scene the
soldiers of the Lord in the
Salvation Army.

Continued on Page 12








SUNDAY, DECEMBER 3, 1972

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR



Women Lib must involve


TAPIA PAGE 3


TIGHT CASE NEEDED

The Editor,

I have just read TAP/A of 19th. Nov. 1972 particularly
Dennis Forsythe's "Charisma West IndianStyle".


changing the


DEAR EDITOR:
I SHOULD like to offer some
comments on the unsigned
article "The Case forWomen's
Liberation" in the November
26 issue of TAPIA. I enjoyed
reading the article though I
felt it was at times incoherent
and angry too much so.
I am looking forward to
seeing the author develop
the argument in later articles,
but all for now I should like
to add my bit:
*That the sort of liberation
the movement demands would
involve such a reconstitution
of the present social order
that most men would not
dare even to think of it.

MOVEMENTS

In fact, most movements
think of change in terms of
government, economics, etc.
and rarely of the essential
human relations which to my
mind is the key thing.
*Introducing capitalism so
early in the argument limits
it. There are many other
peoples, not capitalist or even
aware of capitalism, in which
the woman's position is dis-
gusting.
I think that she (?) may get
into a little trouble with her
assessment of theslave wo-
man's position.
Granted the slave woman
was free from the yoke of-
marriage (this is only true to
a certain period) the alterna-


tive position still made of he
a sexual slave whether to th
white man or otherwise.
*Though marriage as w
know it may have been a Eur
pean invention, the marital
forms existing in Africa the
did not wholly involve a subl
nation of individual rights

MARRIAGE

Any critique of marriage
must begin with the whole
growth of civilisation, for it
from there that the preser
forms have derived.
As long as society is o
ganised aroundthe present
conception of marriage, illegil
macy as a concept and as
social stigma would remain
(legislation or no legislation
abortions would be manifold
and divorce shameful.
Marriage itself is an institute
tion which demands martyr
dom, hypocrisy, and all sorts
of social diseases.

*The demand that wome
come together as a consciousu
political force" may not b
possible without shaking th
roots of modern society, an
its sciences. These must be
come obsolete.
For example, the type o
sentiments and fears express
by women about the Child
ren's Act showsthat the
have accepted marriage an
possession as their security)
and would not allow it to b


SSince I have reservations both with re
O and his loose definition of charisma, / enclo
"heroic leadership".

er threatened. Much of Forsythe's evidence is impre,
e They w d fr a rt have preferred much tighter argument ofth,
le They would form all sorts
of incidental organizations, but Garvey, Bustamante, Williams and Bu
'e none to threaten male hier perhaps the only modern English-speaking I
o- archy. That they accept as charismatic leaders. Only one of these is a "
al god-given and would fight
n more than they would any
i- man to retain it. Yours s
S CHERRYL WILLIAMS
Arima. Arthur
EDITOR'S NOTE: The author
of the article referred to by 22A V
ge the correspondent above San
ee a
s signed her name as "Apan- EDITOR'S NOTE: A.L. McShine'
is daye". The name fell off the
it article in the course of pro- ma and Leadership" will be public
duction. issue of TAPIA.
r-

ti. I am backing TAPIA
a
a Sir, as Tapia has gone weekly if it only notify
n As an ardent reader of the would maintain the same to maintain
TAPIA magazine and a person standard. I doubt very much Boodl
, who is genuinely interested Tapia would deviate, but I am


1-
r-



n
is
)e
ie




d
'-
f


d
e-
y

Y
e


BLIND JUSTICE?
Dear Editor:
It is regrettable that the Attorney General's Department has a
policy of defending accused Police Officers at Magisterial level in
private indictable matters.

If these Officers are committed to stand trial at Assize, could you
kindly advise if the Attorney General would then prosecute these
very Officers or would a nolle prosequi be inevitably or tacitly be
entered?

May I suggest, Sir, that Justice would be done if the Police were
defended privately. This could save the whole Government
considerable embarrassment.

Peter Johnson
Pro Queen Street
Arima.


J.C. SEALY

STHE BOOKSHOP




GEORGETOWN JOURNAL


Andrew


Salkey


A book for all Republicans $3.95
11 Frederick Street & Campus St. Augustine


in its growth and develop-
ment, I think I ought to voice
my opinion here.
Everyone who is studying
the political situation through
the available readable docu-
ments that have been in cir-
culation since the inception of
the P.NM. realises that TAPIA
has been the most construc-
tive up to the present time. It
has not only exposed the
various problems and ineffi-
ciency of the administration,
but has put forward very con-
structive proposals for solving
them.
I stand for all Tapia stands
for and solidly back Tapia in
all its endeavours. I also sup-
port Tapia for the stand taken
and the proposals put forward
to the Constitution Commis-
sion. I would like very much
if you could send me a copy
of that memorandum.
I am now beginning to worry


NEW


T&T
CARIFTA
OTHER CARIBBEAN
US/CANADA
UK
W. EUROPE
W. AFRICA
INDIA
AUSTRALIA
EAST AFRICA
FAR EAST


gard to his analysis
'se a copy of my
uish it from

ssive but I would
e case.
zz Butler are
West Indian
'scholar-prince".


incerely,

Mc Shine.

'ictoria Street
Fernando.
s paper "Charis-
shed in the next


ing all concerned
the set standard.
hoo Lutchman
San Juan


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I -~ -






PAGE 4 TAPIA


Frelimo victory
BEIRA (AWA) The MozambiqueLiberation Front (FRELIMO) is
consolidating itsmilitary challenge tothe Portuguese. Within the new
front opened recently in the heartland of Mozambique, FRELIMO
destroyed a convoy of seven trucks carrying building materials to the
Cabora Bassa dam site.
The convoy attack wasthe highpoint in the military activities of the
FRELIMO guerillas sirlce the opening of the Monica e Sofala
province front in July. Other activity included the destruction of
three Portuguese military outposts and a local administrative centre.


SUNDAY, DECEMBER 3, 1972


UNITED NATIONS (AWA) A landmark
decision by the Economic Committee of the
UN General Assembly has decreedthat
Nairobi, capital of Kenya, in East Africa, will
be the site of the world body's permanent
environmental agency.
The decision was approved recently with
only one country the United States vot-
'ih"'against it. Ninety-three others were in
favour and 30 nations did not cast ballots.
There had been considerable debate among
the underdeveloped African and Asian states


UN first for

African city
favouring establishmentof a major agency
office in one of their citiesinstead of the
others proposed ed New York, Vienna,
Geneva and London.
The African position prevailedover argu-
ments of greater convenience, administra-
tive efficiency and financial economy. The
announcement marked in a non-whitecountry.


-- -------------------------
--- ---- --- -----------
------ ------ -------
VFW--






SUNDAY DEC. 3, 1972 TAPIA PAGE 5


SUSAN CRAIG REVIEWS "WEST INDIAN SOCIETIES."


THE DEARTH OF RECENT publications in
the field of Caribbean sociology makes David
Lowenthal's offering, "West Indian Societies",
a matter of importance. This is more so because
the book purports to cover the full range of
Caribbean societies; such scope is seldom found.
We are even further encouraged to read it by
the initial questions that the author poses:
Who are 'West Indians'? What is West Indian society
and how is it organized? What bonds keep West In-
dians together, and what tensions pull them apart?... Is
there a 'West Indian personality:? If so, how and why
does it differfrom any other? What relevance have these
questions for paramount West Indian problems making
a living, raising a family, running a government, establish-
ing a sense of identity?
What follows, however, is really appalling.
The general impression that the book conveys is one
of confusion: confusion that seems to be in the
author's mind, judging by the conceptual sloppiness
and the contradictions in his statements; confusion,
too, that suggests that, while Mr. Lowenthal can
marshal together an amazing number of quotations on
the Caribbean, he has not been able to make sense of
these societies in a way that would add to our stock of
knowledge. Not the least part of this confusion stems
from the writer's method. And it is to this that I turn
first.
Staggering
Clearly, Mr. Lowenthal has fallen for the notion that
the scholarship in any work lies in the footnotes. The
bibliography is truly 'staggering' (his word) for a book
that says so little fifty full pages of literary, jour-
nalistic and academic sources, indiscriminately thrown
together. And, indeed, the first problem is that the
book is all bibliography a fitting together of quota-
tions: Sociology as montage.
The fetishism of quotations means that the reader
is subjected to verbiage instead of analysis. Throughout
the argument if we may call it that is often that 'on
the one hand', this writer says... 'on the other hand'
that writer says... (cf. p. 21). The reader must take his
pick, his choice of quotes.
The author has a problem in deciding what must be
considered evidence: one's conclusions are not warrant-
ed simply because one can find a quotation to support
them. This gets particularly dangerous when a quota-
tion from the novel written in the 20th century is used
to substantiate a historical fact of the 19th century
(p. 53). It is even worse when Lowenthal uses a single
quotation as the basis for his rather trite, and often
meaningless generalizations -
Without apparent self-doubt. East Indian students
yearn for omnipotence. 'I am always thinking that
one day I will be one great man in the world', a
boy writes...
Or better yet:
Imprisoned in self-hatred, the West Indian may be
compulsively phobic. 'Find me rage [sic] and I
will raze the colony', a poet puts it.


The danger here is that the author does not know
the speakers, nor does he understand their perspective.
Whose voice is speaking in the quotation from the
poem, Negus, by Edward Brathwaite Brathwaite's?
A Rastafarian's? West Indians'? Is it the voice of one
'imprisoned in self-hatred'?
And merely to attribute the endless quotations to 'a
Jamaican', 'a local critic', 'a poet' or a 'small-island
correspondent' explains nothing, nor does it convince
us that we should accept their statements as evidence.
The starting point of all serious writing in the social
sciences must be a clear perspective of one's own. For
facts never 'speak for themselves'; they can only be
made to speak for us. The introduction does not
provide such a framework and all we can gather is that
Mr. Lowenthal is interested in race relations.
Because of his lack of perspective, Chapter II
(History) is perhaps the worst in the book. We are
shuttled back and forth in time on the same page and
often in the same paragraph. On page 59, for example,
we are discussing the planters and their post-emancipa-
tion treatment of the labour force, but at the same
time, dealing with the Imperial College of Tropical
Agriculture in the 1950's and with a quotation from
Eric Williams of 1970. Without perspective, without
insight and discrimination, trivia is too easily possible.


THE TOURIST




PROFESSOR


SEES


THE


The first question which is seriously discussed is the
nature of Caribbean social structure. In spite of all the
variations noted among Caribbean societies, Lowenthal
posits 'a basic Creole social structure' which he goes on
to term 'plural' in the sense in which M.G. Smith uses
*the word.
The 'basic Creole social structure' refers mainly to
those societies which are deemed stratified by both
'class' and 'colour', and denotes the hierarchy of that
eternal trio whites, browns ('mixed' or 'coloured')
and blacks.
Immediately, a number of points here must give us
pause.
The first is the author's highly ambiguous use of the
word 'Creole' throughout the book. He begins by using
'Creole' to 'distinguish white, coloured, and black West
Indians from all others' (p. 33). It is not clear what
conceptual usefulness thiswould have.Yet, in what
follows, the meaning of the word seems to shift to
denote 'black West Indians' or perhaps nobody at all.
We are unable to make sense of the remark about
'disaffected Creoles who eke out a precarious existence
on the margins of Caribbean society'. (p. 283). For by
his own definition, Caribbean societies are composed
mainly of 'Creoles'.
Again, where he says that... 'the Amerindian stands
for all that the Creole rejects in the European stereo-
type of himself, (p. 184) we can only sensibly interpret
this to mean that black West Indians impute to
Amerindians the same stereotype that Europeans have
of Africans. In any case, we should perhaps question the
correctness of the statement.

CREOLE SOCIETY

The use of a term like 'Creole social structure' as
if some West Indians are any more 'local' than the rest
assumes a model, which presents difficulties in deal-
ing with those societies where there are large numbers
of East Indians. Secondly, the ambiguity throughout
suggests that the author should find some clearer way
of referring to the people he describes: certainly where
he means West Indians of African descent, he ought to
say so.
It is not only 'Creole' that needs to be better ex-
plained. The terms 'class' and 'colour' are bandied
about as if what they denote is self-evident. In what
sense we to understand 'class' simply that some
individuals have greater income than others? This is
hardly satisfactory. We are told that
Most West Indian territories contain a hierarchy
of classes, corresponding to colour gradations
from white, through brown to black.
But he goes on to state that Creoles are 'racially-
stratified'. (p. 211) Thus if 'class' is coincident with
'colour' and with 'race', then the browns, mixed' or
'coloured' who constitute the 'middle class' will have
to be considered a 'race'.


W.I


The next problem arises because Lowenthal plumps
for the 'plural' society thesis as his framework. But
M.G. Smith's formulation specifically states that it is
not 'classes' or 'races' that are the constituent elements
in a 'plural' society: it is 'cultural sections' that is,
groups having distinctive and separate cultural patterns
and institutions. Therefore, we can only resolve our
difficulties with Lowenthal's terminology by under-
standing 'class' to coincide with 'race', 'colour' and
'culture' if we are to make sense of what follows.
Having come to this absurd solution to the problem
of definition, we are faced with yet another enormity:
for by accepting the 'basic Creole structure' of whites,
browns and blacks as his point of departure, he is
unable to come to terms with societies like Guyana,
Trinidad and Tobago, and Surinam, which contain
large numbers of East Indians. The model becomes an
orthodoxy in itself; and any departure from it can only
be accommodated as an afterthought.
Racial
Caribbean societies with large East Indian popula-
tions thus become 'societies containing additional
ethnic groups' (p. 86; ). East Indians
who now equal the African population in Trinidad, and
are the largest single racial group in Guyana (more than
51% of the population in 1960), now find themselves in
the odd position of being 'additional'! Implicit here
too, is that East Indians exist outside of the system of
stratification, and are homogeneous groups having no
significant internal differentiation. Neither of these
assumptions seems to be tenable.
But let us look at the 'basic Creole structure' a little
closer: Lowenthal posits a small upper class and larger
middle and lower 'classes'. This is trivial for the same
may be said of a great many societies. The real question
is what is the basis of the class differences. He suggests
that it is ascription in terms of 'colour'. In which case,
why do we need the categories 'class' and 'race'?.Also,
what then is the basis of social mobility?
He makes the assertion that 'formal similarity to
outmoded European social systems validates this struc-
ture in West Indian eyes'. (p. 91) To which European
systems is he referring? Feudalism? Greek city states?
And how do we know (a) that the class structure that
he posits is accepted by West Indians, and (b) that it is
for this reason that it is accepted?
There are further problems here about who are to be
considered the 'middle class' in Caribbean society: the
'mixed' or 'coloured' group. Lloyd Braithwaite, in an
excellent article ("Sociology and Demographic Re-
search in the Caribbean", SES, Vol. 6, No. 4), points to
the problemsof 'racial' classification in the census
material.
It is virtually impossible to accept the census data
for Barbados on the decline of the 'mixed' group over
the years, for clearly there is a problem of perception
involved here. People of mixed race may change their
self-identification over time, and may be perceived






PAGE 6 TAPIA


"WE HAVE TO CONCLUDE THAT 'EXPERTS' ARE ONLY FIFTH RATE PEOPi


differently by census enumerators. Lowenthal himself
suggests this problem when he notes that often black
people with European life-styles are regarded as 'mixed'
or 'coloured'.
If, then, the 'mixed' are difficult to define, in what
sense must we consider them a 'group' belonging to the
same social 'class', and having a clearly distinct cultural
system? And if Lowenthal has in mind the free
coloureds who were a clearly defined group with
specific rights, disabilities and interests in the slave era,
can they be said to exist as a group now? If so, in what
sense? And where?

PART II PLURALISM

THE NEXT SET OF DIFFICULTIES arises
from the discussion of pluralism:
I cannot pass over the distinction that is
made between those societies where the system
of stratification is imposed by force (Third
World societies), and those where 'a consensus
of values' makes for cohesion (Western societies)
The myth of 'consensus' is one of the widely held
tenets of many Western sociologists, especially after
World War II. So much so, that it is often elevated to
the status of being a necessary concomitant of 'Western
democracy' in the 'post-industrial' era. It is as if indus-
trialization removes all inequality, and group conflicts
become resolved by 'rational social scientists' -the so-
called 'technocrats'. But the reality belies the ortho-
doxy.
Where is the consensus in a Britain that sees, within
a year, two states of emergency and a general strike,
along with a protracted civil war in Ireland? Or in an
jUnited States of America that is treated to long hot
summers from rebellious black Americans? Again, the
creation of orthodoxies by the social scientists means
that the presence of conflict can only be interpreted as
'dysfunctional' or as what Truman in "The Govern-
mental Process" calls 'pathogenic politics'.
But to return to Lowenthal:
He would have us believe that all those who oppose
M.G. Smith's pluralist formulation must be 'functional-
ist' since the latter stress consensus in opposition to
the pluralist emphasis on institutional differences. R.T.
Smith thus becomes ranged with the functionalists,
though his whole approach to understanding Guyanese
society is through examining the nature of the social
and occupational groupings over time.

CLASS SHOULD TELL

US SOMETHING

ABOUT THE KIND OF

ACTION TO EXPECT

FROM GROUPS"
Far from denying conflict, R.T. Smith is more con-
cerned with identifying its nature and direction. In
other words, all his arguments are based on empirical
observations, whereas the fundamental point about
functionalist 'theory' is that it is a 'grand theory'
delivered in grand (and incomprehensible) manner; it
begins with the arrogant idea that a single conceptual
scheme can be useful for all places and all times.
Functionalist theory begins too, with the assumption
of consensus on values and norms; and R.T. Smith is
far too sophisticated for that.
But the pivotal part of the argument is where
Lowenthal tries to show us in what sense Caribbean
societies must be deemed 'plural' that is to say, which
institutions are separate and distinct for the different
"cultural sections'. This, after all, is the crux of the
matter.
The onus is on the pluralist to spell out specifically
which institutions are not shared, in which societies,
and at which point in time. Further, they need to tell
us why these institutional differences justify our calling


these societies 'plural'.And this presumes an answer to
a prior question, namely, what are the criteria by which
we can decide whether a society is 'plural' or not. If this
last question is not answered, we are really asked to call
societies 'plural' because pluralists say so.
M.G. Smith's statement below is thus both tautology
and non sequitur:
In effect the population of a British West Indian colony
at this period was culturally pluralistic that is to say,
contained sections which.practised different forms of
the same institutions. Thus the population consisted
[sic] a plural society; that is to say, a society divided
into sections, each of which practised different cultures.
Puzzling
Lowenthal asserts that is the legal, religious, educa-
tional and family institutions that are separate and dis-
tinctive for his three 'social classes' 'although Euro-
pean tradition is paramount among all classes'. [p. 101]
This is puzzling and contradictory if the essence of
pluralism is that the cultural sections have separate
value systems. But let us continue:
The law forbids such 'folk practices as bastardy,
praedial larceny, obscenity, obeah, marijuana...' [p. 102]
and this is the first plank in Lowenthal's 'argument'.
But surely the members of the Caribbean 'elite' also
participate in 'obscenity', marijuana and even obeah?
And who more than the whites in the Caribbean have
been 'guilty' of 'bastardy'? The mulatto population
from the slave era is full enough testimony to this.
Privileged
He argues further that the police force discriminates
systematically against the poor [p. 104] but also that
'firemen and police are more sympathetic to the sufferers
than to the propertied and privileged'. [pp. 104-105].
It really is not clear which we are to believe.
Finally, Lowenthal suggests that the 'folk' have
established alternative legal institutions in the tradi-
tions that govern family land tenure, tax evasion and
smuggling. Tax evasion is hardly the prerogative of the
poor; it is the professionals, the wealthy and the large
corporations who can best afford sophisticated legal aid
in withholding revenue. It is they, indeed, who have
the revenue to withhold. And if Mr. Lowenthal believes
that the 'folk' in the Caribbean have a monopoly on
smuggling, he must be very naive.
There is a problem here, too, of defining'smuggling':
When the oil companies in Trinidad, in order to bring in
personnel from abroad, define senior posts in such a way
as to make local persons seem unqualified to hold them,
is this a case of smuggling? When business firms pretend
that certain inputs cannot be locally made, in order to
defy customs prohibitions on imported goods, is that a
case of smuggling?
Moreover, the very nature of 'folk' communities im-
plies that social sanctions against offenders are parti-
cularly strong. Beckwith observes of the folkways of
rural Jamaica, for example:
In old days, satirical song served as a castigation
of social delinquencies, more effectual than the law.
On this count, then, we are not satisfied that the so-
ciety is 'plural'.
FAMILY FORMS
On the question of family forms, the discussion is
most unclear. We are told that monogamy is the ideal
for all 'classes', that 'Creoles' recognize a large family
network, have close ties between mothers and sons,
beat their women and children, and spend little of
their leisure in the company of the opposite sex! All
sections of the society indulge in concubinage but the
stigma is greater for the 'middle class' than for the'folk'
[pp. 105-114]
Not only is the whole discussion here about West
Indians in general, and not the 'classes' that the author
is supposed to be analysing, but he now attributes these
mindless observations to 'Victorian or pre-Victorian
patterns'. [p. 108] What is the conceivable connection
between Victorian England and contemporary West
Indian family forms?
This, we have not been shown any serious argu-
ment about specific, identifiable family forms that
distinguish the 'classes' here. Moreover, East Indians
do not seem to come within the orbit of Mr. Lowen-
thal's flippant attention. Is it that they have no family
forms? Or that where they were formerly 'additional',


TOO I




CONFL
___ __ __- A


0


N F


NO


A


they have now become invisible?
On this count too, we are not satisfied.
We turn now to religious faith and practice as a key
area of institutional difference among the 'classes'.
The 'elite' and 'middle class' are said to be Christians;
the working class' are only formal Christians, but
belong rather to sects than to the dominant churches:
Pocomania, Vodun, Pentecostal, Revivalism etc.
The most striking point about the discussion here is
that there is not aword about the connection between
folk religion and protest; not aword about the impor-
tance of religious leadership in the different strategies
that Africans in the Caribbeanhave taken to resist the
plantation system: in pre revolutionary Haiti, in the
Baptist War of 1831-'32 in Jamaica, in Post-Emancipa-
tion British Guiana and Jamaica, to establish 'free
villages'. Here if at all Lowenthal could have
begun tomake his case.
The discussion is also weak because it admits that
'respectable West Indians' willshareinthe 'supersti-
tion' and 'magic' of folk (p.117).
Exactly what does Lowenthal mean by 'respectable'?
Is it that the poor are ipso facto not 'respectable'?
Respectable to whom?And if he is saying that the
religious institutions of the folk are shared by the
members of other 'cultural sections', then the plural
notion cannot apply here.
Again, there is nothing on East Indians: it would


STEPNENS


SUNDAY, DE~l.


_ __ __1_ __


r


rlI


r-









E GIVING FOURTH RATE ADVICE TO THIRD RATE GOVERNMENTS "


MUCH




,SION,




ALYSIS


seem that instead ofbeing 'additional', they have now
become a minus quantity.
Lowenthal's own superstitious faith that interpreta-
tion will spring from the footnotes is once again belied.
The author then tries to arguethat the different
'classes' have separate educational institutions on the
grounds that the elite and middle classes go to secon-
dary schools and Universities which have an academic
and Eurocentric curriculum; folkchildren,on the other
hand, attend primary schools under poor conditions,
or remain illiterate.
But surely, the primary school curriculum is hardly
less Eurocentric than that of the institutions of higher
learning. It is the idiocy ofthe beginner's texts and
colonial education as a whole that is satirized in
Sparrow's "Dan is the Man in the Van".
To say that there is differential opportunity for
social groups to benefit from the education system,
is not to say that the different 'classes' have separate
institutions for education. That conclusion can only
be reached by sleight of hand. Lowenthal would have
to make a clear casefor this. He does not do it. And,
at least inthe English-speaking Caribbean, this is not
the case.
The so-called 'middle classes' were but yesterday the
'folk children' in the primary schools. The education
system, side by side with the establishment of an
independent peasantry, became, in the post emancipa-
tion years, an important part of the strategy of libera-
tion fromthe plantation, pursued by the Africans.


Best puts it well -
They say we have produced no enterprise but they
are wrong. Black people's investment was in education,
our business was the school. The tycoons of industry
in this country have been the Primary Head Teachers
We must also look at the former influence of the
school master inthevillages, not only as a teacher, but
as a leader in community life and as an intermediary
between the village and therestof the society. It is
not by accident that virtually all ofthe early Com-
munity DevelopmentOfficers in Trinidad and Tobago
in the 1940's and early '50's were former school
teachers.
Thus, the case has not been made with any force-
fulness to convince us ofthe 'plural' nature of the
society. On the contrary, Lowenthal's defence of M.G
Smith has succeeded in driving the last nail into the
pluralist coffin.
I have dealt at length with the discussion on 'plural'
society, not only because it is at the heartof Lowen-
thal's argument', but also because the limitations here
point to the kind of analysis that is needed.

ANALYSIS

The argument presumes that Caribbean societies
have not changed one whit since 1820: whites, free
coloureds and slaves correspond to whites,browns and
blacks or to elite, middle class and 'folk' To saythat
there is this eternaltrio in the taribbeandoes not
justify calling these societies 'plural' nor does it tell us
anything significant.
We need to ask alternative questions, to undertake.
serious empirical work in historical perspective: we
need toknow what the significant groupings in the
Caribbean have been over time. Who are the people?
Onwhat basis canwe consider them as groups rather
than as statistical categories?How do these groupings
express themselves in economy, ideology, politics,
culture? What are the products of their reciprocal:
action? Where there is conflict what is it about?
It is only on the basis of this kind of exercise that
we shall be able to analyse the distribution of pdwer in
these societies; it is only thus that weshall determine
what the dominant type of society in the Caribbean
may be, and what sub-types there are.
Lowenthal's difficulties with 'class', 'colour', race
and 'culture' point to the problem of defining 'class' in
theCaribbean context, especially given the Marxian
overtones of the word. The concept must notonly
have value as a wayof classifying people, but its use
must also be suggestive of what kindsof action to
expect from such groups.
In other words, wehave to ask whether and for-
whom considerations of 'class' are a basis for solidarity;
and secondly, how are considerations of ,class,
of colour and of race, related. This is not tosay that
'race' is reducible to 'class' or vice versa: both con-
siderations have been important for the veryway in
which these societies were:formed. But again, plausible
answers to such questions can come only on the basis
of factual work.

PART III

EAST INDIANS AND

CREOLES
IN THIS BOOK a whole chapter is devoted
to discussing East- Indians and 'Creoles' and this
relationship is seen by Lowenthal to beone
of 'ethnicity' that is, cultural distinctiveness,
rather than a question of 'race'. (p.144) Yet
two pages later, we are told that
cultural differentiation is nota prerequisite for East
Indian solidarity, nor is the survival of East Indian
culture the sole determinant of Caribbean inter-ethnic
relations. (p.146)


STMRS


Ste hens
PORT OF SPAIN FERNANDO


In other words, he is sayingthat East Indian/
'Creole' relationships are other than 'ethnic',
since there is East Indian solidarity with and
without cultural differences. This leaves us at a
loss about Mr. Lowenthal's intentions.
We havealready dealt with the difficulties about the
word 'Creole'. Nevertheless, in this context, it is at
times ;appropriate, for certainly in popular -parlance
the distinction is betweenwhat is associated with
East Indians and what is not. 'Creole' is never used to
refer to EastIndians which is in itself suggestive.
The discussion singles out areasof conflict between
East Indians and 'Creoles' areas suchas jobs in the
Civil Service and police force, the education system
with its European bias and the arrogance of 'Creoles'
who consistently refuse to treatEast Indians as West
Indians. AsCarol Sigurdsson pointsout, the whole
conception of 'East Indian' is very much a West
Indian' one; for it is here that mutual hostility between
Africans and Indians has led tothe distinctions that
are expressed in the language, especially in the conno-
tations of the word 'Creole'.
Lowenthal himself is not freeof the 'Creole' arrog-
ance: wehave shown the way in which he defines East

"HE TALKS OF "EAST

INDIANS" WHO HAVE

GONE HOME

(TO INDIA); WHICH


SUGG


ESTTHAT


SOMEHOW THEY DO


NOT BELONG HERF "

Indians as "additional' groups, onlyto treat them as
minus quantities when hediscusses the 'plural' nature
of the Caribbean. Hetalks too, of 'East Indians who
have gone home', that is to India which
suggests that somehow they do not belong here.
Once again, we are told nothing new. It is also
symptomatic of situation where we really have very
little sociological insight inthe nature of relationships
between East Indians and Africans. We need to start
from the coming of theEast Indians to the Caribbean,
to examine the nature of the initial and subsequent
contacts between the tworaces.
My own hypothesis of Trinidad which I will out-
line sketchily is that these relationships have
changed over time; moreover, that with increased
contacts between Africans and East Indians, there has
been greater animosity.
Initially, East Indians were introduced into Trinidad
to work on sugar plantations, as the Africans were
refusing to provide the steady and continuous supply
of labour needed bythe planters. What is important is
that initially there was really very little contact
between Africans and Indians the latter were con-
fined tothe sugar belt from which the former were
departing. CarlCampbell puts it well -
Because the sugar estate...was a little world ofits own
the price of being caught up in it, was physical separa-
tion from therest of the working class; and this
reduced opportunities for social integration...The predo-
minant aspectof the relationship between the Indians
and the Negroes between 1845 and 1870 was mutual
ignorance and mutual alienation; not violent conflict.

CONTRACT

As eachcohort of indentures finished their contract
on the plantations, they became a very mobile popu-
lation,searching for agricultural work with as high
wage as possible, before eventually establishing
settlements. The first crucial factor is thatthis settled
population established as well,a family structure and
traditions derived from India, and began to show a
higher rate of fertility than that forother groups in
the society. In the fifty odd years since the end of
indentureship, the East Indian population has grown to
equal' the Africans in number.
The next important setof events that creatednew
conditions for race relations came in the wake of the
1937-38 rebellions in the Caribbeanand the visit of
the Moyne Commission:


Cont'd on Page 8


I ~


--
--


TAPIA PAGE 7


'EMBER 3,1972







PAGE 8 TAPIA SUNDAY DEC. 3, 1972


ACADEMIC LEAVES WITHOUT FILLING THE


VACUUM


Universal adult suffrage and the developmentof
party politics which increasingly expressed racial
divisions.
Formation of County Councils and of Village
Councils: both of these institutions have become
important channels for political patronage and
are sources of racial conflict at the local level.
The spoils here are:
permanent and casual CountyCouncil jobs,
County Council contracts,
special works (crash) programme jobs.
Indian independence in 1947 and the cutting off
of Indian citizenship for the local East Indians.
were then irrevocably committed to West Indian
society.
Compulsory education. By 1950, about half the
East Indians here were still illiterate in English
In the last twenty years, many of the India-born
have died.

GENERATION

And the generation of East Indians who were
born in theearly 'forties would have participated
inthe education system with thesame zeal with
which the Africans had done so since the 19th
century. There is thus a whole cohort of East
Indians who are entering the Civil Service,
teaching service, etc. areas that Africans had
come to think of as their prerogative.
The exercise of power by the 'nationalist' party
mainly African in its support hasprovided
a number of areas ofdiscontent, especially in
neglect of 'rural' areas (where East Indians are
concentrated) and in the industrial legislation
which has served to control the workers, in
sugar as elsewhere, in the interests of the
business sector largely foreign.
I am suggesting then, that though the relationship
of this society to metropolitan countries has remained
dependent, yet within the society, the physical depar-
ture of the colonial power has provided a number of
institutions in which both races have participated and
which have formed the arena of conflict.
It is precisely now when, along with the above,
there has been greater migration of East Indians to
urban areas, that both races feel more and more
threatened by each other. Africans believe that Indians
are 'taking over the country'; Indians, that the system
of political and industrial representation is weighted
against them.
Interestingly enough, a similar hypothesis is sug-
gested by R.T. Smith when he concludes of Guyana:
In short, one can say that there has been increasing
involvement of all races in all phases of the social
system, and it is precisely the increased societal
integration that has produced an increased awareness
of primordial identities.

CONCULSION

Smith reaches this conclusion mainly by looking at the
spatial and occupational mobility of the East Indians.
My contention, however, is that this is not all to the
question. In particular, we have to examine the nature
of state patronage here. For in dependent economies
of the kind that prevails in the Caribbean, where un-
employment is of considerable proportions, state
patronage for jobs and land becomes a crucial focus
of interest and of conflict. In Trinidad, the 'crash'
programmes are perhaps the largest single source of
disaffection throughout the countryside. Which racial
groups get which kinds of Government support must
also be examined.
By extension, I am contending that the whole
system of political representation has to be included
for scrutiny, in spite of the difficulties of reaching
clear conclusions here.
Research that involved a careful examination of
race relations at both national and local levels is what
is needed to test the above or any other plausible
hypothesis. Moreover, the research design should take
into account differentiation within racial groups -
according to economic situation, age, and so on.
We should note too that Speckman's article on
Surinam, implicitly suggests a similar hypothesis to
the one spelled out above. Certainly the suggestion of
similarities between Guyana, Surinam and Trinidad
and Tobago may provide a clue to defining at least
one type of society within the Caribbean *region.
If our hypothesis is tenable, research must also
spell out which factors in present and past social
conditions make it possible to state that the greater
the contact between the races, the greater the racial
antagonism. For what we suggest has serious conse-
quences for ideas about Afro-Indian solidarity as a
prerequisite to fundamental change here.
It is in the light of the answers to some of these
(questions; that we have to look at the East Indian res
ponse to the Black Power confrontation of 1970 in
Trinidad. Lowenthal has dealt with this so superficially
that only one comment is needed:


It is simply not true and not acceptable to say that
'East Indians, confronting black power found it less
to their taste than Creole culture'. (p.177) It is
common knowledge that the sugar workers largely
East Indian were prepared to support the march
planned for April 21, 1970, by the movement. It is
common knowledge, too, that the importance of
preventing this was one of the factors that contributed
to the declaration of the State of Emergency of April
1970. In other words,it is facile to talk about 'East
Indians' without making certain significant distinc-
tions.
My argument above suggests, not only that the
'plural' thesis is irrelevant in considering the Carib-
bean, but also that it is possible to talk of social
change here. This is another area in which Mr. Lowen-
thal could have done some fruitful research: If he
says that the structure remains one of whites, browns
and blacks, does that mean that group identification
and alignments in the society have remained un-
changed since 1820? How does this help us to under-


stand the conjuncture of-political forces in 1972?
What kind of baiss does it give for political action?
And it is precisely on this point that we must
wonder just what is going on. For if there is any
message that the seemingly arbitrary collection of
quotations conveys,it is that change especially
revolutionary change in the Caribbeanis impossible.
Nothinghas changed because nothing can change: all
that surfaces from the footnotes is a smug nihilism.

PART IV MIMIC MEN

LOWENTHAL ISREALLY SAYING in
good Naipaul tradition that the majority of
West Indians those of African descent are
mimic men, wearing the masks of Europe, the
better to hate themselves. Moreover, we don't
exist apart from the masks we wear, and
certainly, in Lowenthal's view, it is the Euro-
pean one that best becomes us. As a society of
masqueraders, the next best we caa do is to
adopt another mask, strike another pose, make
another grand-charge.
If the black people in the Caribbean realise that the
European sicrcotype of Africans must be rejected,
Lowenthal cundludes that this is only a cloak, a
facade -
This new-found ethnicity scarcely replaces the general
ycarninig or things European, but the cloak of ethnic
equality validates acerbities of colour... (sic) (p.177)
Where black people in the Caribbean are enraged at
their condition, he comments -
But rage is sometimes exaggerated for effect, and the
professionally angry black man makes an easy target of
satire.... (p.260)
Every act of self-assertion on behalf of down-trodden
West Indians comes up for derision: even the provision
of welfare benefits for the poor in the smaller islands,
by nearly bankrupt governments,is seen as another
instance of our aping themetropolis. (p.245)
We cannot even rebel properly, he says:
In black power as in so much else, the West Indian
intellectual tradition is to emulate and imitate.
What, one wonders does Mr. Lowenthal understand
by 'the West Indian intellectual tradition'? All over
the Caribbean, scholarshave dedicated themselves to
studying the region on its own terms and in the light
of approaches that would be appropriate to de-colo-
nize the interpretation of our history, economy,
politics, culture and so on.
Itis this same literature by people like John
Jacob Thomas, Elsa Goveia, C.L.R. James, Eric
Williams, Edward Brathwaite, Lloyd Best, and others
that Lowenthal has drawn upon, but without suffi-
cient discrimination to make sense of it.


'The West Indian intellectual tradition' is also very
much an oral one, expressing itself in song, in proverbs,
calypso and so on. And the point here is that where
the folk have borrowed cultural elements,they have
been able to appropriate them, to shape and transform
them for their own use. The history of the Trinidad
Carnival is testimony to this.

One wonders, too, what Lowenthal understands by
'Black Power'. For rebellion with that in view is not
new; it was an issue from the very moment of the
forcible transportation of Africans to the New World.
West Indians and the West Indian experiencehave
given impetus to the struggle, not only in the U.S.A.,
but in theworld-wide Pan Africanist movement as
well. Names like Blyden, Sylvester Williams, C.L.R.
James, Garvey, Padmore and others spring to mind.
In other words, the movements in the U.S. A., in the
Caribbean, in African (and in Europe) have fed on
each other over the years. Thereforejt will not do to
state glibly that black West imitate Indians Afro-
Americans.
But as far as Lowenthal isconcerned, Caribbean
society is only the theatreof the absurd on the world
stage: absurdity writ small. Inthe words of the
calypsonian 'Is a part we come out to play'; and we
have been playing at protest and rage for so long that
we are now 'compulsively phobic';'p. 259)
The habit ofprotest...dies hard. (p.75)

UNDERSTOOD

Clearly then, having understood the importance of
dependence and powerlessness as a starting point for
looking at the Caribbean, Lowenthal has decided that
this is inevitable; that we must settle down and accept
the realities of neo-colonialism. If thisis his case, then
he must be prepared to argue it intectually.
Where is the analysis of both the internal and exter-
nal political and economic forcesto support his
position? Why have the Caribbean politicians with the
exception of Castro taken the road to neo-colonial-
ism? On what basis must we exclude certain possibili-
tiesfrom view altogether? The reader will looking vain
answers to these questions.


How, for example, are we to understand the follow-
ing statement?
West Indianization may be the symbolic order of the
day, but independence also creates theneed for doctors,
technicians, teachers, and a host of expatriate experts,
technicians, teachers, and a host of expatriate experts,
reinforcing metropolitan institutions and culture
(p.302)
The assumption here is, firstly, that genuine indepen-
denceof Europeis impossible; in fact, r. Lowenthal's
conception of independence is simply continued
dependence. The second implication is that West In-
dians are inherently incapable of knowing and serving
West Indian society. By extension, it is only metropo-
litan 'experts' who have this capacity. This assumes
also that one can transfer skills from society to society
asif all social conditions are the same.
But those of us who, as Civil Servants have come
into contact with the 'experts' from abroad have
already made our judgement: The international cir-
cuit is clearly a repository for failures in their field
With very few exceptions the 'experts' come to learn
rather than to contribute. We have had to conclude
that 'experts' are only fifth rate people giving fourth
rate advice to third rate governments and getting first
rate salaries.
All Mr.Lowenthal reveals in this another pace of
impertinence throughout the book, is his own con-
tempt for the Caribbean people.
The most chastening part of the weary experience of
reviewing this book, is the thought that it may have
been intended to fill a real vacuum in Caribbean
Sociology. The work in Sociology has not kept pace
with that of the historians and the economists. If ic
had, "West Indian Societies" could not pretend to pass,
as scholarship.
Lowenthal has now produced his passport to the
international circuit of over-paid and irresponsible
'experts'. The book is written in true 'expert'
tradition the author might have learnt from the
writings of others; certainly, he has had nothing
significantto contribute.
Workers in the field of Caribbean Studies will find
the massive bibliography helpful.








SUNDAY,DECEMBER 3, 1972


economy


up again


"THE fundamental eco-
nomic activities of the
nation suffered a lament-
able depression".
This candid verdict was
pronounced by Cuban presi-
dent Oswaldo Dorticos who is
also the chief of economic
planning. He was referring to
the years 1969 and 1970.
It was a bitter pill to
swallow after a decadeof revo-
lutionary rule. The government
could point with pride to its
accomplishments in education,
social welfare, employment
and recuperation of national
dignity. But it had to facethe
hard fact that its attempt to
storm the heavens by producing
10 million tons of crude sugar
in 1970 had drastically pulled
down almost every other sec-
tor of the economy.
SHARP DROP

Up until 1968, the statis-
tical record told the story.
All through the sixties,
until that year, the gross social
product (all material produc-
tion in industry and agriculture
in terms of value ) rose steadily
In 1962 this was a little
over 6,000 million pesos; in
1968 it had climbed to over
7,300 million pesos.
Then came the sharp
drop. The extent of the "de-
pression" is impossible to
determine because coinciding
with it came (again in the
words of Dorticos)"a deteriora-
tion of economic controls..."


The cause for the drop
was the almost total emphasis
placed on obtaining the record-
high sugar output. Hundreds of
millions of dollars were in-
vested in renovating the sugar
mills and buying other neces-
sary equipment for the harvest.
Manpower was shifted
out of other areas of the
economy to bolster the sugar
front.
The harvest, the longest
in Cuban history, broke all pre-
vious production records al-
though it did not reach the
coveted 10 million tons. The
price paid was the "lamentable
depression"in other fundamen-
tal economic activities of the
nation. This was a depression
that was not accompanied by
any unemployment.
On the contrary, full em-
ployment sky-rocketed the
liquid savings of the population
since there were few products
on the market to absorb earn-
ings.
The Cuban leadership.
was prepared to analyze the
situation, crititize itself and
rectify the course. Since then,
dynamic steps have been taken
to achieve the recuperation of
the general economy.
There is now a plan for
building, slowly and surely, a
solid agro-industrial base for
increased sugar production.
Some aspects of the plan:


A law against "loafers"
was passed that brought
100,000 unproductive men
into the workforce.
The trade union move-
ment was re-established and
with it the projection of more
worker participation in policy-
making and problem-solving
through production assemblies
and a more collective form of
management.
Labour laws including
deduction of pay for repeated
and unwarranted absenteeism,
have been applied with increas-
ing vigor.
Measures are being
introduced to insure adequate
statistics on manpower use,
productivity, cost of produc-
tion, etc., as the first step in
establishing efficient planning.
efficient planning.
Efficiency experts are
being trained in large numbers
and are already active in work
centers, analyzing problems of
productivity and bottlenecks.
Popular initiative has
been tapped through the use
of volunteer workers in "micro-
brigades" which have been
building housing units. These
workers are regularly employed
in other sectors.
Early in 1972, President
Dorticos announced the econo-
mic goals for the year. They
were:
To sustain the living
standard with a moderate up-
ward trend.


To increase industrial
production (non-sugar).
To increase marketing
of farm products.
To increase general
agricultural production.
To increase construc-
tion.
To restore tobacco
production to its pre-drought
level.
The Cuban president did
not project a great leap forward
or prescribe panaceas. He said
that 1972 was a year of
"supreme tension" in the
economic field.
All the watermarkss set
by the Cuban government have
been successfully met. Statis-
tics for the first four months
of 1972 compared with the
same period in 1971 tell the
story:
Milk brought to market
- 28%.
Sowing of non-sugar
crops 53%.
Tobacco production -
60%.


lurgy

10%.


- Fishing catches 23%.
- Metal working and metal-
- 38%.
- Petroleum refining -
- Electric energy 10%.
- Textiles 14%.


picks


I WE'VE COOKED UP THE BEST VALUES
Sin WORK SAVING APPLIANCES


/-w


:GAS RANGES:
4-BURNER CONSUL
** GAS COOKER
$279.00
4-BURNER
AMBASSADOR
COOKER $269.00

y :. WAlING 4-BURNER
: WAS NEW HOME COOKER
MACHINES : $440.00


"SHARP" WASHING MACHINE ...........


$595.00


HOOVERR" WASHING MACHINE .......... $9.00
"FRIGIDAIRE" WASHING MACHINE ....... $850.00


0t
F/M
SMALI
LARGE

ELECTRIC
STEAM,
|


-"





RONING BOARD $29.00
L 1 948.00
;E ,, ,,

)NIC IRON"CETRON $25.00
DRY IRONC AJ
SpROCTOR--S'LEX" .00

We'1.,


w


: REFRIGERATORS :


10 cu. ft. ADMIRAL
12 cu. ft. ADMIRAL


12. cu. ft. FRIGIDAIRE $660.00

: PRESSURE COOKERS :


PRESTIGE 6055 ........
PRESTIGE 6075 ........


PRESTO 704 B
PRESTO 706 B


: BLENDERS :
"SHARP" BLENDER .... $99.00
"SHARP" JUICER/BLENDER
$175.00

: PROCTOR-SILEX BLENDERS :


2-SPEED
5-SPEED
7-SPEED
12-SPEED
"SHARP"
"SHARP"


...... $51.00
...... $65.00
...... $76.00
...... $88.00
ELECTRIC COOKER
TOASTER .......


A*BAERCROMBVl & PRINCE STREETS, P.O.S. ARIM^A SANCRE GRANDE
SANFERNANDO PRINCES TOWN -- FZABAD POINT FORTIN -
SCARBOROUGH, TOBAGO.


Cuban


$639.00
$699.00


$37.00
$47.00


. $46.00
.- ... $59.00


,E ,



Construction materials
43%.
Machinery construction
50%.
Building construction{
(housing, schools, dairies, etc.)
68%.
WOMEN
The gains, added to those
made in 1971, showed a definite
recuperation of the Cuban
overall economy. However, in
many areas the production
heights of 1968 have not been
reached; others have already
surpassed it.
Thereare still a great
many "developmental prob-
lems" in Cuba. Women have
still not been brought into the
work-force in sufficient num-
bers. Despite an ambitious
educational policy, there is still
a great lackof skilled manpower
Economic planning is still in its
incipient stages. Cubans are the
first to talk about the problems
they stillface.
The economic-policy
makers, however, are convinced
that they are on the road to the
development of a strong indus-
trial and agricultural infras-
-tructure that will bring a sub-
stantial rise in the standard of
living during the seventies.


TAPIA PAGE 9







PAGE 10 TAPIA




BALDWIN MOOTOO


SUNDAY, DECEMBER 3, 1972


THE FILM of Gary Sobers' splendid
double century for the Rest of the World
in Australia last year has now been shown
on local TV.
Bradman, who did the commentary, was so
enthused that he called it the best display of
batting he had ever witnessed.
The slow motion replays were quite revealing
of Gary's technique.
What comes out immediately is that Sobers is
not in the mould of the classical stylish English
batsman (like Peter May) absolutelystraight bat,
body always well behindthe ball, bat and pad
close together.

PLAYERS

In fact, throughout the innings, Gary seemed
to be contravening all these "basic laws".
Yet he provided an innings that was an
absolute gem, in which, at every stage, he
showed complete mastery of the situation.
When he did get out, it was almost as though
he had had enough and just gave way to the


other players.
Sobers' innings revealed how,
his batting has developed (as
all other great West Indian
batsmen) a man with good;
eyes, fantastic reflexes and
timing who had seen former
great players perform andwent
out there and adapted his play
to suit his abilities on the one
hand and his limitations on the
other.
Thus he is essentially a back-
foot player even when he
was driving thehalf-volley
with his right foot down the
line, at the last minute his
weight was transferredto the
backfoot and it was frdm there
that the power came. (Nurse
makes the same stroke.)
Often too, his drive through
extra cover was with a some-
what diagonal bat and some-
what away from his body -
not classical, but there was no


~1
vi
1~


Sobers


laws

doubt that it was, as far as
the man executing the shot
was concerned, a perfect shot
and every time you came
there, you would be hurried
to the boundary.
The use of the wrist also
came out quite clearly in the
film both his nalf-slash,
half-cut stroke in the region
between point and backward
point and his drive between


Mervina


mix uf

THE MATCH between
Tunapuna and a represen-
tative side from the
Mervina Football League
did notcome off-raising
once again the question
of community organisa-
tion.
More than two weeks ago
"Foots" the owner of the
Modniks Recreation Club in
the area, and the acknow-
ledged "sponsor" of the Tuna-
.puna League made the arrange-
ments with Mervina, organiser'
of the league of the same
name.
According to these arrange-
ments, Tunapuna was to re-
ceive half of the gate and
bar receipts. The match was
advertised in the newspapers
even though for two weeks
there was no further communi-
cation to "Foots" from
Mervina.
A meeting washeld at Mod-
niks by the Tunapuna team
and somesupporters at which
Vernon Bain announced new
financial arrangement accord-
ing to which Tunupuna was to
receive half ofthe gate receipts
with the entire bar going to
the Mervina League.


RUTHVENBAPTISTE

This new arrangement did
not find favour with the Tuna
puna team and a decision was
taken to boycott the match.
What concerns us here is not
where to apportion blame but
that fact that two different
arrangements should have been
made for the same match
within the same group.

MIX-UP

The troubling thing is that
Tunapuna, is a relatively or-
ganised community yet such
a mix-up was allowed to
happen. It would seem, there-
fore, that even with the best
will in the world, confusion
can result if arrangements are
left to personalities on a vikey-
vie basis.
Surely the Tunapuna -Mervi-
na fixture could have taken
place or at least the decision
not to participate could have
been made in good time if
there was one representative
community organisation to
weigh., the proposals of the
promoter against, the wishes
of themembers of the team
and the people in the com-
munity.


for

mid-wicket and squar
(Hunte used to make the
hand version of this s
beautifully) showed the
minute rolling of the b
beat the fieldsmen.
A And to show that he
man after all, we did
thick edge through slips
one ,of his attempted
The ball had moved a
late and because he wa
across enough, he got th
on the outer half of the
But the batsman must
made the calculation earl
that there was never a
movement involved of
pitch and the chances
real edge, once the stroke
executed boldly enough
minimal.
Perhaps the most ex
stroke on the film wa
hooking of the bouncer
one never imagined tha


hits





" six

e leg could hook' a fast bound
right- with such consummate e
stroke from such a position.
e last
)at to We had a good look at
stroke on the film it
is hu- shown several times and sev
see a times played back in si
luring motion. It is an absolul
cuts. amazing shot the first th
that strikes you is that
little feet are close together throl
s not out the stroke. He does
.e ball put that left foot well aci
Sbat. and he does not have to
have well inside theline.
ier on
lot of In fact, all he seems to (
ff the lift a bit from his stance, I
of a the ball from almost off
:e was nose, and pivot around w
i, were both feet still close together
a shot that must require
citing only tremendous timing,
as his muscle co-ordination, but
. I for tremendously powerful ai
it one Yet he did it often and \


Unconventional

stroke play...

the Gar\

Sobers %a\


^"fe^. -------------







relish.
Bradman thought that the
film was a must for all cricket
coaches. In fact, thisis exactly
the sort of thing we should
do in the West Indies: Expose
our youngsters to our great
players (whether live oron
film) and then put them in
the centre to face the music -
none of this pedestrian
straight-bat-down-the-1 i n e
thing. 0
[cer Let the chap develop his
;ase individual abilities and adapt
them accordingly. This is the
this way we have produced our
was great batsmen and this is the
eral way we will continue to pro-
low duce our great batsmen.
tely What we needto do more is
ling seek out and expose our
his youngsters to the big game.
ugh- It is really astounding the
not number of young people in
ross every nook and cranny
get throughout the Caribbean who
have mastered batting whe-
ther it. is on the beach in
do is Barbados, the sugar estates of
pick Berbice or back o' wall in
his Jamaica.
with I have no doubt that there
er are many more Sobers, Kan-
not hais and Collie Smiths around.
and But they must be brought out
also in the open. Can we forget
rms. what Walcott did. for Guyanese
with and West Indian Cricket!


-4 P.0 ni s


THE KNOCK-OUT DRAW
for the Laventille seven-a-
side competition took
place on Monday.
This knock-out competition
ensuresthat youths of Success
Village, Laventille will have a
football feast until Christmas.
The League competition is
nearing a successful end. Be-
sides drawing the participation
of some 150 players, it has
provided hundreds of Laven-
tillians with daily sport enter-
tainment.
As it draws to a close, three
teams are battling for victory.
Best placed are "Furness" and
"36 Blues" each of whom
have given away five points.


Next is "Smee International",
down six points but with an
outside chance of snatching
victory if the trend of upsets
continue.
Early in the season it had
appeared that the stylish "36
Blues" would make light work
of the opposition. But they
faltered and while they are
yet to lose a match, they have
drawn five times against teams,
less skilled than they are, but
who obviously were deter-
mined to give the big boys a
fight.
"Furness," after losing in
the early stages of the com-
petition hit a winning streak
and now are determined that
they will have first lien on the


League trophy. If they can
keep their side together, with
the minimum of acrimony,
they well might.
At the conclusion of the
League, there are plans for a
gala prize-giving ceremony at
which both players and people
in the area will participate.
But, undoubtedly, the most
deserving of prizes are the
young brothers who have not
only initiated the competition
but have kept it going inspite
of their financial limitations.
It is hoped that firms in the
area, conscious of the contri-
butionthe League is making tc
community life will give their
assistance when it is required
from timeto time.


_ ~~






SUNDAY DECEMBER 3 1972


IT HAS taken all of six
years to reach where I
have with the Bertfone.
No, much more. For my
affair .yith pan began
some 18 years ago. If,
then, I did not conceive
the 'Bertfone' I neverthe-
less was after something
better than the pan we
had then.
While I have made some
contributions, I feel that it
will take me another 18 years
to be satisfied. In my life I
have been many things -
welder, cinema operator, pro-
ject worker, all for brief
periods, all necessary diver-
sions, but diversions none the
less.

INVENTOR

As a panman, itself, I have
been many things beater,
arranger, tuner. But above all
I have seen myself as an inven-
tor, looking for inadequacies
and working to devise some-
thing that will fill the gap.
Much remains to be done
and I am disturbed over the
lack of steelbandsmen pre-
pared to experiment, of people
willing to strike out and estab-
lish rather than to follow and
conform. Take rhythm in steel-
band, for instance.
I am dead set against 'iron.'
But we have to stick to it
until somebody comes up with
some way of maintaining
rhythm that gets away from
the harsh unmusical soundof
old pieces of iron beaten with
a rod.
This idea will not find favour
with many. I have heard it
argued many times that we
bong to have iron in steelband
as if the two go together like
crab and callaloo. But if 18
years ago fellers were beating
iron to keep time merely be-


A NATIONAL ASSEM-
BLY of steelbandsmen is
to be held before Christ-
mas.
This decision was taken by
a meeting of representatives
from some 15 steelbands at
China Clipper Restaurant last
Saturday.
At the meeting chaired by
former Steelband Association
president, Mr. George God-
dard, representatives expres-
sed concernover the state of
the steelband in the country.

STAGNANT

Mr. Goddard said he had
called the meeting as a result
of requests made by a number
of steelbandsmen who felt
that the steelband movement
was stagnant.
He said that he thought
that what was needed was a
new approach to the pro-
blems of steelband.
In giving a short history of
the development of steelband
associations in the country,
Mr. Goddard said that no
association had concerned it-
self with the economic pro-
blems of the steelbandsmen.
This was no aspersion on
Pan Trinbago, he said, since


cause they worked in the
Slaughtery next to the railway
station where pieces of iron
were handy it doesn't follow
that the best thing for keeping
rhythm in steelband is "iron."
Indeed over theyears we
have had to supplement "iron"
with drums, scratchers and
lately with cowbells and even
bongo drums \in' some bands.
Clearly "iron" is inadequate.

PROBLEM

But it takes a special kind of
curiosity to invent. Simply to
amplify steelband was for me
a problem. When amplifiers
are built abroad, they certainly
are not built with steelbands
in mind. So it is not a simple
matter of plugging in.
I spent years experimenting
with different kinds of micro-
phones, before settling for con-
tact mikes which enabled me
to amplify sound without


it might well have been that if
the National Association of
Steelbandsmen was still func-
tion it would be pursuing the
same course now adopted by
Pan Trinbago.
He felt, however, that a new
thrust was needed-onethat
would make the case for
greater steelband participation
in the entertainment industry
here, as well as striving to
make breakthroughs that
would enable steelbands to
perform on a regular basis in
the outside world.
While arguing for a new
approach the meeting did not
exclude the possibility of that
new approach being made
within the framework of Pan
Trinbago.


BUT STILL...


picking up rattlings caused by
the vibrating of the metal.
And when it came to the
Bertfone, still an incomplete
instrument, I had to experi-
ment with all kinds of things
before reaching where I have
today. I had to find out what
kind of springs to use and
after finally opting for the
tautness of springs used in
body-building strands I had to
keep shifting them to get the
best effect.

BULK

And my work continues. I
have not yet achieved the
totally controlled-sound and
the instrument remains bulky.
Ideally, I suppose the thing
to do would be to keep it in
cold storage and then spring
it on the public when it is
complete.
But I have spent more than
$5,000 on the Bertfone al-
ready and to get the further
funds needed I have to pro-
ject what I have been doing
through the band. Or to put
it another way-to develop the
'Bertfone' I have to project
it undeveloped as it is.
Why worry? people ask me.
And some seem to think that
all this inventing on my part is
a kind of personal quirk that
has no bearing on the needs
of the steelband world.

DIFFICULTIES

But those who clamour that
there should be no changes
forget that changes are being
forced on steelband. In the
40's it was all right tohave a
few men beating pans strung
around their neck, but coming
into the 50's steelbands be-
came larger, so large that
today the very size presents
all sorts of difficulties.


CHAPTER 9
Unless the society changes
drastically, steelbands will have
to earn money to survive. No-
body, not even the most radi-
cal politician has proposed a
society where every steelband
will be paid by the govern-
ment-so steelband will have to
earn their keep in the normal
way-by beating for entertain-
ment.
Because of the size of the
average band this has been
limited to appearances on stage
and in large public fetes.
Surely we should be thinking
of smaller steelbands of say 10
to 12 men which could per-
form at small house parties,
weddings, christenings at an
economical fee and occupying
a much smaller floor area than
is the case at present.
To argue that amplification


is an invention of the outside
world and therefore should
not be applied to pan is to me
a kind of old-fashioned non-
sense. Electronics is part of the
twentieth century in the same
way that the motor-car is. Is
the argument, therefore, that
we should abandon motor-
cars?
I prefer to look at the scene
somewhat differently and to
argue that what our electronic
engineers should bedoing is
adapting the traditional ampli-
fiers to meet the needs of the
steelband here. What I cannot
understands is why.our univer-
sity engineers cannot come up
with an inter-connected set of
amplifiers that would amplify
not simply the tenorsbut
bass, cellos, double-guitars and
the rest.

CONSERVATIVE

The answer may well be that
engineers here are as conserva-
tive about pan as everybody
else. Sometimes I wonder
whether this conservatism is
not simply an attitude that
says 'steelband has reached as
far asit can, steelbandsmen
must now know their place.'
And about this I will have
a lot to say in my next and
concluding article. True, in a
sense we are no longer out-
casts but there is still a kind
of discrimination that seeks to
set limits on what we can do
in the country.


'- I

i .
",.'., .'.. .

.., .

Many times champion steelband North Stars in the days when they were sponsored.



NO LONGER OUTCASTS


Time to beat




a new tune


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TAPIA PAGF, I




















LLOYD BEST, Tapia Se-
cretary, has dismissed
attempts by the PNM Go-
vernment to implement
Tapia proposals on Local
Govenmlirt and Localisa-
tion.
Best was speaking at a Tapia
public meeting held at New
Lands, Guayaguayare when he
warned that the government
could steal the headlines but
were incapableof implement-
ing such policies because:
"Cobeau cyah eat sponge
cake."
The meeting was held last
week Thursday in the' small
village situated on the south-
eastern tip of Trinidad, 90
miles from Port-of-Spain.
POLICE

The meeting chaired by
Raymond Bebel, a brother
from the village was well
attended by the villagers -
and a van-load of police never
before seen in the village in
such numbers.
Many people, caught up in
the mould of conventional
politics were concerned that
Tapia should hold a public
meeting in Guayaguayare and
not in Port-of-Spain or even
San Fernando.
One person derisively des-
cribed Guaya as "so far behind
God back, it come back in
front."
We, in Tapia have never
been taken in by these conven-
tional rules of political be-
haviour, of now-for-now
parties, launched with a fan-
fare in the daily press and
running up and down the
urban areas holding meetings
to get their picture in the
papers.
Tapia making its own rules;
the rules of unconventional
politics.


COBO


S PNGE


And Ivan Laughlin, Com-
munity Relations Secretary,
emphasised this when he
pointed out that Guayaguay-
are was important to Tapia,
as was Matelot and Cedros,
and Couva.
In fact, we are concerned
with the entire country and
not only to gain support in
le urban.areas.
Tapia is concerned because
we understand the country,
not in the way in which
Williams is said tounderstand
the country, meaning the
weaknessesof the society, but
the frustrations and oppres-
sion of the people.
And this is why we keeping
saying that to give power to
the people, it is necessary to
give them.,power in the locali-
ties i.e. local governmentand
economic re-organisation plus
representation in the Central
Government through the Se-
nate.
The people of Guayaguay-
are are concerned about their
lives, about where they will
find jobs to feed their child-
ren, and send themto school,
about participation in decision-
making and about their dignity
as human beings.
At present all their frustra-
trations are concentrated on
the AMOCO gas finds off the
East Coast and on the Govern-
ment's decision to put the


CYAH EAT


liquefaction plant in Point
Lisas, far away in the Gulf to
the West.
This is an issue which we
highlighted in the lead story
in TAPIA October 22, "East,
Coast Rebellion brewing."
The issue of the gas plant,
as that story said, affects the
entire east coast.
No public statement has
been made on the issue but
the grape vine has it that the
plant will be set up at Point
Lisas.
The East Coast people are
naturally frustrated at this
turn of events.

AMOCO

At last, they see the chance.
Laughlin attacked this con-
cept of government by s(
crecy, whereby decisions were
made destroying the dreams
and expectations of the people
without even saying mash dog.
Our Community Relations
man pointed out that perma-
ment employment at the
liquefaction plant would pro-
bably not exceed 100.
Again a result of the capital-
intensive nature of oil produc-
tion.
The point is that any govern-
ment which is concerned
about the lives of the people
will not be making deals with
AMOCO without keeping the
East Coast and the country


Independentistas gather to hear Ruben Berrios


IT IS highly probable that Ruben Berrios, Chair-
man of the Puerto Rican Independence Party
will win a Senate seat in the election recount
now in progress. Spokesmen for the party have
calculated that split yotes could amount to any-
thing like 100-135,000 of which Berrios would
probably get 35-45%.
The dynamic young new leader of the Inde-
pendence Party ran in the November 6 election
as Senator-at-large. He was not eligible for the
Governorship for which a candidate must have


attained 35 years of age.
Under Berrios' inspired leadership the Inde-
pendence Party drew colossal crowds during the
campaign and made its biggest impact for over
25 years.
But in the election many independentistas
wisely voted for Munoz Marin's middle-of-the-
road Popular Party rather than allow a victory
for the PNP and its programme for making
Puerto Rico the latest state of the American
Union.
Its morale high, the Independence Party con-
tinues the struggle for Puerto Rican freedom
and looks to the radical movement in the
CARIFTA countries for encouragement and moral
support.


CAKI

aware of the current situation.
At a previous meeting in
Guaya, a resident had con-
ceded that there might be
advantages in locating the
plant at Point Lisas on the
West Coast.

CAPILDEO

He suggested that some form
of a sharing agreement could
be reached whereby the people
of the East Coast would re-
ceive some benefits, in the
form of employment, orother
projects in the area.
Laughlin agreed that there
was value in what the resident
had said.
However, only a system of
Local Government and Execu-
tive De-Centralisation could
ensure that the voice of the
people in the Localities will be
heard.
This point was emphasised
by Lloyd Best. He said that
the countryside was now join-
ing the towns to play an
active part in the struggle for
participation in the political
and economic process.
Best recalled that active
opposition against the PNM
regime first showed its fire
in 1961 with the Capildeo
meeting in the Savannah fol-
lowing the Chaguaramas agree-
ment.

NEW POLITICS

The people declined Capil-
deo's offer and beganto deve-
lop the political institutions o
new politics.
The labour unions have al-
ways played an independent
role in the politics of the
country. Seeing the develop-
ment of opposition forces, the
regime attempted to dull its
cutting edge.
Those unions which did not
play ball with the regime
began to feel the brunt of
governmental and employer
pressure.
The O-W-T-U and T-I-W-U
formed the front-guard of
political opposition at this
time.
Came 1970 and the Febru-
ary Revolution brought out
workers, students,intellectuals
and unemployed, young and
old, in another attempt to
"take" the government.
After that the country con-
tinued to resist: the State of
Emergency, the Public Order,
Act which was withdrawn by
the government, the second
State of Emergency, The In-
dustrial Relations Act.
At every turn, a new stream


DENNIS PANTING


A .
RAYMOND BEBEL of
Guayaguayare who chaired
the meeting.

has joined the battle.
Today the various streams
are poised to form a river
which will sweep the regime
hito the dust-bin of history.
And the countryside is not
been left out this time.
Instead of reacting to situa-
tions in the urban areas, the
countryside is fighting its own
battles, whether in Matelotor
Cedros or along,the East Coast
or in Tobago.



Dance of


the black


Jacobins

From Page 2
Adele Bynoe managed to
capture all the lively, evan-
gelical militancy, pointing a
warning finger at an audience
that laughed, and for a few
seconds she belied her own
seriousness.
Johnson's choreography is a
welcome change and a promis-
ing one. He must utter the
prayer that artists at his time
of their careers have uttered:
that time and experience will
melt the many necessary influ-
ences into his own individual
flavour.
Then there would be no
reason why a new schoolof
modern dance should not
emerge under the directorship
of Astor Johnson.


PRINTED BY THE TAPIA HOUSE PRINTING CO. LTD. FOR T-Fi TAPIA HOUSE PUBLISHING CO.LTD.. 91.TUNAPUNA RD.. TUNAPUNA.,


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