Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00034
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: October 22, 1972
Frequency: completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00034

Full Text

Price: 15\

Vol. 2 No. 4

NOWADAYS as soon as you land in the Eastern Coun-
ties. you can smell that something is brewing. Whether it
is Grande. Mayaro, Rio Claro or Guayaguayare, they are
talking about the AMOCO gas finds and the Government's
decision to put the liquefaction plant in Point Lisas, far
away in the Gulf to the West.
At bottom what people are really talking is bread,
which is to say they are counting the chances of wuk.
From all reports the project involves an investment of
$1,200 million. It is estimated that construction and
installation at the plant-site could employ about 2,000
people for a period of three years or so.

After that, the permanent staff will probably not exceed
100 but it is expected that a wide variety of other uses will be
found for gas leading to a giant industrial complex. Sponge-iron,
chlorine, caustic soda, and even aluminium in collaboration with
Jamaica and Guyana, are among the projects being mooted as pos-
The big issue has been where best to site the plant. Apparent-
ly the AMOCO management
split and those who have been
plumping for Point Galeota or D isc nn' nt
somewhere else in the east have content
been leaking information to
workers. It is a good ploy
against a government that is '-
transparently opportunistic and i

It is also a real tempta-
tion for the neglected people
of the East. The latest reliable
figures we have for employment
in that particular region put the
figure at about 2,700 1,900
male and 800 female, 700 in
Nariva-Mayaro and 2,000 in St.
Andrew-St. David.
That was in 1968. Since
then a tremendous amount of
confusion has been caused by
the escalation of crash pro-
grammes in response to the
February Revolution. Labour
has been literally fleeing coco-
nut and other agriculture in
search of better conditions.

The strange thing is that
the East is not an area where
unemployment is all that high
by the admittedly conventional
standards of a sadly outmoded
Out of every hundred
unemployed, there are 45 in
the County of St. George but
only five in the Eastern Coun-
ties. In Sangre Grande the un-
employment rate is 4/5 of the
national average. Down Mayaro
way it is only half.
So you would not ex-
pect the East to be anything
like the kind of powder-keg
that say, Laventille or Tunapuna
turned out to be at the height
of the February Revolution. In
fact, Mayaro, Sangre Grande
and Tobago have the lowest
unemployment rates and could
easily be mistaken for placid
backwater country.

Surprisingly, these areas
are more uptight at this mo-
ment than practically anywhere
else you can think about. The
reason is that the radicalization
of 1970 is now taking hold of
the entire country. You could
guess that fromfollowing up
on the meetings of the Con-
stitutional Commission.
The people who missed
out from 1968 to 1970 have
been definitely having their
say. In the towns Wooding's
free-for-all was no big thing
except to a handful of interested
citizens and some quacks. But
in Tobago and the East the re-
sponse confirmed a mood of
incipient rebellion.
The restlessness caused
by the recent frenzy to beat
unemployment with no-work-
and-lugh-pay crash programmes
has obviously dislocated the
country side a great deal more
than the already disorderly






Let our trained and experienced staf

TAPIA HOUSE Publishing Co., Ltd.,

East Coast



over AMOCO $1200m project

towns. Unemployment in the
East is probably still consider-
ably lower but it is almost cer-
tainly growing faster. The
malaise at the moment is de-
cidedly more pronounced as
Matelot has only recently
On top of all that,
localization and localgovern-
ment have at long last become a
major issue. Wooding got the
message clear when he visited
Sangre Grande and Tobago.

People realize that now is the
time to take -control of their
lives and to do away with the
habitual neglect.
The Cabinet and the
media have been taking locali-
zation to mean additional
power to Whitehall and to the
government in Port-of-Spain.
The siting of the AMOCO plant
is merely one more example of
this apparently irresistible cen-
tralizing trend.
The Government, we

have been told in the White
Paper recently published, is to
have 50% participation in the
$200m Pipeline Company and
51% in the $481m Lique-
faction Company. There is also
a further option to take a
minority share in the $480m.
Tanker Company which is to
ship the liquefied gas abroad.
But all of these arrange-
ments are being negotiated be-
hind the scenes without any
popular involvement at all.
There is not even any coherent
technical discussion in the
mediaamong the more informed
citizens of the country.
Perhaps the government is
correct to opt for locating the
liquefaction plant at Point
Lisas; it probably makes sense
to rescue PLIPDECO from
being just another of our dis-
tinguished white elephants.
Whatever the gravy for
the San Fernando party boys,
the hard facts would probably
tell against any East Coast
siting of the plant. For one
thing, the harbour in the Gulf
-Cont'd on back page

LLOYD BEST, Tapia Secretary, has been re-instated
at UWI, St. Augustine, following his suspension by the
Vice-Chancellor last July.
On September 23. the Finance and General
Purposes Committee (F&GP) of the University
Council lifted the suspension after it had considered a
Report by the Professional Committee and listened to
a statement presented by Dr. George Beckford on
behalf of Lloyd Best.
F&GP also agreed that
Senate should a) widen the
USE range of penalties that should
USE Vfall within the competence of
the Professional Committee and
b) consider the circum-
IPUBLISH NG CO stances under which Best
PUBLISHING CO should be appointed as an
O EDITING SERVICE In his statement to
F&GP Best had recommended
that the Council relieve him of
5 PREPARATION OF examination responsibilities if
it couM! not accept his attitude
MANUSCR I PTS to examination rules.
Commenting on the
f relieve you of all worries council decision Best said "it
augurs well for a society in
which central power is being
91, Tunapuna Road, Tunapuna, Trinidad and Tobago. Cont'd on back page

I- II- -






4Y THE middle of this
week Grenada will begin
independence talks in Lon-
don; another flag on
another island. The related
significance of the recently
concluded Heads of Go-
vernment Conference is
that political independence
of individual territories is
not necessarily inconsistent
with participating in moves
towards regional integra-
That needs to be con-
ceded at once. Equally, it
is indisputable that deci-
sions taken at the meeting
seem to represent real
Economic Community
by January 1974; joint-
approach bargaining with
the EEC; solemn declara-
tions of intent on Cuba;
.accommodating attitudes
towards the needs of the
"LDCs". Nothing really
wrong with the music;
nothing much wrong with
the words.
It is, however, the per-
formance that has to measure
up. And as the curtain rose
in the end we recognized for
certain the same old-stagers of
the old regime from Kingston
to Georgetown. Despite the
shirt-jacs and the dashikis, the
same khaki pants.
We know them too
well. We have no illusions
about their incapacity to grasp
the aspirations of the Carib-
bean people, nor to command
our historical experience.
Grenada's move now to
independence illustrates the
extent of fragmentation and
disorder that exists which a
moribund generation of Carib-
bean leaders are simply in-
capable of correcting. Frag-
mentation and disorder that
they characteristically help to
Republics, "independent'
monarchies of a foreign queen,
associated states and colonies.
The gamut of varying con-
stitutional stages. Now we are
encouraged to see the Caribbean
as the sum of LDCs plus MDCs.
But the revolution in the
Caribbean today is precisely
that we prefer to emphasise
what we have in common rather
than what makes us seem
different from each other and
keeps the territories apart. As
the old regime gathered down
Chaguaramas to hold hands and
toast Jolly Good Fellows, the
new movement in these lands

began by assuming the Carib-
bean to be one.
They indeed could sing
the song of "regionalism" while
clutching tightly to their breasts
lists of West Indians who are
banned from this island or that
island, or who rate only a
seven-day stay. No Head of
Government could morally
raise the Bill Riviere case at the
conference because all are mor-
tally afraid of any attempt to
encourage free opinion.
One suspects that Wil-
liams' most recent nervousness
about "foreign interference" is
in part a smokescreen to cover
the exercise of chuck-out
powers on any West Indian who
would want to live like a man
wherever he might be.
Until the Ministerial Com-
mittee set up by the conference
does something about it, a
Canadian tourist, for example,
could walk in and out the islands
with just a driving licence. But
a West Indian is obliged one
technocrat put it "to go
through the whole passport and
documentation rigmarole".
That the conference came
off at all and Caribbean Heads
of Government came to Trini-
dad would have been enough of
a straw for the PNM to clutch.
Fresh from his rehearsals at
party and "national" consulta-
tions, the Doctor was in form
for the chairmanship that came
to him by convention.
Thus facilitated to pull
the "elder-statesman" one on
Michael Manley, Williams used
the conference to aid in the
creation of his messiah-image.
For the strategy that has
emerged more clearly since the
convention speech is to call a
quick election, possibly some-
time after the Constitution Com-

". .when PNM comes marching home."

mission Report has been pre-
It is the PNM and not any
particular minister which will be
hatcheted. Already Williams is
stating quite clearly that neither
party members in the local areas
nor leaders and high officials
can be trusted to use power
with due judgment, discern-
ment and political sense.
The one act of faith re-
quired now is in the All-Wisdom
andAll-Knowing of the Doctor.
After 15 years things have gone
full circle: the "party" is once
again a machine for providing
platforms for the Political Leader
How can the PNM con-
ceive of any proposal which
contemplates limiting the power
of the Executive?
The Man, however, is
what the PNM hopes to sell to
the electorate. And the retouch-
ing of the product has already
begun. The familiar package of
bribes, circuses and robber talk
is being put together.
As usual, it will have to
include something that pretends
radicalism a move on oil, or
more likely, on the sugar estates.
But getting on terms with Cuba
will provide neither the re-

New World Quarterly

Special Offer
AS TAPIA moves to establish a weekly paper, a Publishing
Company, and a fully-equipped print shop, friends and
supporters are reminded that their contributions to the
Special Fund will go a long way in assisting us to meet our
For those who missed out on back issues of the New
World Quarterly, we are pleased to advise that selected
numbers, including the Guyana and Barbados Independence
issues, are available on request at special premium prices. In
addition, there are still a few of the premium-priced
bound volumes of TAPIA on hand. Requests for further
information, or even lump-sum donations, may be forwarded
to The Treasurer, Tapia House Special Fund, 91 Tunapuna
Road, Tunapuna.
There has been an encouraging response to the
special subscription offer for TAPIA. We invite readers to
take advantage of this offer before it expires. Also, why not
send a (Xmas) gift subscription to a friend or relative
abroad?Rates for the special offer and for foreign readers
are included in the subscription forms on Page 9 of this issue

sources of expertise nor the
political support necessary to
tackle the corporations. Cen-
tralized localisationn" from
Whitehall if it means any-
thing at all means simply
spinning more top in mud.

Editorial writers in the
daily papers are already sweeten-
ing the population's chops
about "the new oil boom" and
the prospects for "renewed
economic growth that bids fair
to exceed the highest levels of
the past". But the corporations
know that too. They know the
stakes are high all round, and
the really critical "foreign in-
terference" may well be the one
that the purblind Doctor is over-
looking all the while.
Besides as we have said
before, if even the regime suc-
ceeds in winning for the coun-
try the gains realisable from the
oil and gas finds, the boom may
still backfire nastily into their
faces. Our experience has shown
that when income and national
self-confidence are on the in-
crease, it is then that the popu-
lation, with utmost impunity,
resolves to remove an intoler-
able regime.

Bribes are also shaping up
in the form of the proposal to
increase income tax allowances.
When as will most certainly
happen rising prices consume
the gains in a flash, it is the fires
smouldering below all the while
which will leap up and consume
the edifice of ineptitude and
Now all of this is under-
stood by population who have
tried hard to make out the
patterns of progress over so
many years of false starts and
zig-zagging and helpless stumbl-

We know that the PNM's
impertinent assumption about
its own fitness to rule based on
the unavailability of an opposi-
tion really indicates a funda-
mental contempt for the popu-
All about the region the
old regime teeters on the brink
of perdition awaiting the in-
evitable nudge into history.
Such conviviality as marked the
proceedings and socializing con-
nected with the Chaguaramas
Convention came from men
with a gnawing sense that it
could well be THEIR last


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---II------~---~-~~` -I --------



"BILL RIVIERE was here."
Less than a week
after he got his "armed
farewell" at Piarco, the
chalked inscription on the
wall of the Students Union
bitterly recalled the "Bill
Riviere issue". The campus
was back to first-term
That was how many
pundits at. St. Augustine
had predicted the outcome.
But, this time round, there
is a clear difference for
those who have the eyes
to see it.
The situation had built
up quickly. In June this year,
The U.W.I. Administration ap-
'plied to the Government for
a work permit for Dr. Riviere,
lecturer in West Indian History,
who had just been granted a
3-year contract by the Univer-
sity. In the middle of Septem-
ber, less than three weeks be-
fore the start of the new
academic year, the Govern-
ment turned down the appli-
cation for the work permit.
With term about to open, the
University was left without a
lecturer for. the 150-odd stu-
dents doing West Indian His-
tory although Dr. Riviere had
been contracted to teach the
course. No reason was given
for not renewing Dr. Riviere's
work permit.


On Tuesday, October 3,
Bill arrives in Trinidad on a
seven-day visa with a deadline
4:to leave the country midnight
the following Tuesday. The day
before he is due to leave, the
Students Guild at St. Augus-
tine holds a meeting to discuss
the issue.
Several students and a
few lecturers speak at this
meeting. The general feeling is
one of frustration at the con-
tinued interference by the
government in U.W.I. Many
speakers recount the other per-
sons who have been banned or
who have not been granted
work permits.
The general feeling is, as
one speaker put it: '"Is time we
organisee to stop this shit."
More than 200 students
attend this meeting and the
majority endorse several propo-
One is to stop classes
from Monday afternoon to be
continued on Tuesday with all-
night vigils in the newly-
renovated Guild Hall. Another
decision is to presentresolutions
to the Trinidad and Tobago
Government and to the dele-
gations attending the Heads of
Governments Conference, then
taking place at the Chaguara-
mas Convention Centre.
The resolutions call on
the Trinidad and Tobago Go-
vernment to issue a work permit
to Dr. Riviere to enable him to
carry out his contractual obli-

gations to U.W.I. The other
resolutions calls on the West
Indian Governments to take a
regional decision on the ques-
tion of work permits since
this is affecting the regional
institution of U.W.I.
Several persons express
hope in the possible success of
this measure. They point out
that the Prime Minister of
Jamaica; Mr. Michael Manley,
had recently spoken out against
work permits for U.W.I. per-

Monday afternoon, a
Teach-In begins at the Old
Guild Hall. Dr. Riviere, repeat-
ing what he had said at the
Students' Union, says that he
does not intend to leave Trini-
dad unless he is put out by the
Government or is ordered to
take up another assignment by
the University.


At the Teach-In the issues
range far and wide from go-
vernmental interference to non-
involvement of students from
other islands. During the after-
noon news is, received that the

the resolutions. Only the Presi-
dent and Vice:President are al-
lowed by nervous police officers
to approach the entrance to
the "Grand Hall." Carifta
Secretary-General William De-
mas, comes out after a short
while and receives the resolu-
tions from President Keith
The Heads of Govern-
ment and their advisers are
nowhere to be seen. On cam-
pus, Lloyd Best is speaking at
the Teach-In on the topic:

Faculties of Social Science,Arts,
and General Studies, meeting in
joint session, have agreed to
support the strike for the 48-
hour period.
The Guild puts out a
statement calling for student
support on the issue. About
150 students are actually pre-
sent at the Guild Hall. An all-
night vigil takes place that
Dr. Riviere outlines the
way in which he teaches West
Indian History. He argues that
in a period of de-colonialization
a new approach is needed to
West Indian History. He points
out the need for research on
the struggle by the Caribbean

peoples against the colonial
On Tuesday October 10,
members of the Guild Council
journey to Chaguaramas with
"Intellectuals, Academics and
About 11.30 on the same
morning, wuord comes that
Prime Minister Manley has,
cancelled a visit to campus.
The cancellation is for "security"
The decision of the con-
ference on the resolutions is
clear. The Caribbean regimes
will stand by Williams. So much
for Manley and his liberal
Actually conference sources







reveal afterwards that the reso-
lutions were copied to all the
delegations but the issue was
not discussed. The right
honourable chairman did not
raise it, and neither Manley,
Burnhannor any of these other
so-called Caribbean leaders
raised the matter. Maybe the
students went to Chaguaramas
too peacefully. Maybe we
should have demonstrated and
caused a rumpus.
The Teach-in continues
at the Guild Hall and the
question is now whether to
continue the strike.
Those present agree gene-
rally that there isn't much sense
in continuing a boycott of lec-
tures. Itkis agreed that the only
way the issue of work permits
and other issues facing the Uni-
versity and the society can be
settled, by organisation and
hard work.
It is then decided to form
a permanent committee which
will be responsible for the
issues facing the University and
the Society.

By those who have been
around campus for the last
four years or so, a noticeable
change can be discerned to be
taking place in campus radi-
calism. No longer are people
speaking of spontaneous action
as a crisis develops. Instead
people are speaking of the need
for permanent organisation deal.
Sing with issues and problems
from in front.
The committee will be
open to staff and students; it
should proceed to-.organise a
series of discussions in the first
The action planned in
the last week had not been
able to succeed in getting Bill
Riviere a work permit. How-
ever, it has brought serious
people face to face with the
stark reality of Caribbean re-
gimes that are unsympathetic
to change anywhere, including
the University. And it has made
these persons convinced finally
that change is not an easything
but only comes about by hard
work, serious study and or-


Durban (AWA) Top executives of the Mobil Oil Com-
pany travelled to South Africa last week to reassure the
government that Mobil intends to carry on "business as
usual" in that country. Rawleigh Warner, chairman of the
company, said that recent pressure from the World Council
of Churches, would not alter Mobil's involvement in South
Africa. He said that an important affiliate of the company
is based in South Africa, which holds a 24 per cent share of
the market. He also noted that Mobil would continue pro-
specting for oil off the East Coast.

In his address to the General Assembly, the foreign
minister of Zaire, Karl-i-Bond Nguza, made an interesting
assessment of the significance of increased industrialization
for the West and for Africa:
"We know that in your super industrialized societies,
you have works of art constituted by your monuments,
your cathedrals, your castles. We say that we have our own
monuments, which are masterpieces of nature. These.are our
rivers, our mountains, our volcanoes, our lakes, our plains,
our animals. We say that in view of the degree of pollution
of industrial societies, we might one day become the last
refuge of natural nature.


E.M. Road, Sangre Grande,


Sangre Grande

.Phone: 668-2583


.~.., .


MY MOTHER died. Albert Gomes was the big man in
politics;and in pan it was still Spree. That was in
1954. Before that year, I had tried to tune my first
pan. It was a pan brought from the John-John yard
by a friend, Ken Fortune, but the fire we lit got out
of control and we nearly burned the house down. I
can't remember the pain, but I certainly can remem-
ber the moment of that cut-ass.
So until my mother's death in '54, pan was out for me.
Before her death, she remained about two months in-the hos-
pital, and during this period I joined my first pan side.
It was under Charlie Mondesir's house on the Furness-
Withy Private Road that still runs in a dirty squiggle round the
back of Erica Street. Practising as we were next to a dirty,
stinking canal, we were naturally called "Canal Zone" by the
people around, 'Canal Zone did not last long a few months
- then it shifted its headquarters to Belmont. But back in
Laventille some of the boys got together to form a band of
their own 'Metronomes!
Me, Beresford Peters, Vernon St. Cyr,'Gift Richards,
Kelvin Richards, Carl Greenidge. Carl had belonged to a band
that used to practise next to Rio theatre up the Old St.
Joseph Road. It was said that because 'of his intrigues the
band Unics mash up and I remember when he came to
join our band, we received whispered warnings fromformer
Unics' members that Carl would eventually mash up our band
as well.
The band did mash up, but not before Carl had started
me on the way by showing me most of what he knew about
pan.Pans were strapped around our neck, still. In '48, however,
Elie Manette had begun tuning pans inwards so by then the
pan was looking very much like the pan of today. Only looking,
mind you. They are in fact
very different.

'Metronomes' comprised
a ping-pong, bass, single se-
conds, single guitar and a high
strumming pan we used to call
the "cuatro" pan. When the
band broke up, the fellers
rushed for the galvanize and
wood that wehad used to
build the tent. I took some
pans to my house in Erica
Street, and with these started a
small band that by 1956 was to
be known as the PNM band.
I was already a tuner of
sorts. As a matter of fact, part
of the difficulty in Metronomes
was that. I was always timing
over the ,pans. Something was
sounding just not correct to
my ear, and I kept ,pounding

r Vo 2 dl



and pounding, my way oflook-
ing for the lost chord.
Before the band crashed,
however, Metronomes made
one Carnival appearance. "Back-
bay Shuffle" was the bomb
tune we played. Shortly after
this the band was no more and
there began at the corer of
Erica Street and Old St. Joseph
Road the steelband activity
that has brought me where I
am today.
Not far fromwhere we


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Margaret Myles

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practised was the PNM office
in Laventille. I remember those
times well. Donald Granado was
the big man; and I used to
carry chairs from our house -
the same chairs we had brought
from John-John with their criss-
crossing of cane to the office
whenever meetings were held.
We were called the
'PNM' band simply because we
played at everything the PNM
had in Laventille. By this time
'Pops' Harper and other good
panmen were in the side.
Anthony Williams had put pans
on stands, so we were an "or-
chestra" wherever we played.
Granado used to compli-
ment the band whenever they
appeared, and one time at a
meeting he announced that he
was giving us a cheque to buy
a pair of cymbals which were
then a big thing in the steelband
world. I never got those cym-
bals as I have never gotten any
of the things promised me by
members of government over
the last 15 or 16 years. Still, we
played as the PNM band.

As the PNM band, we
made a pan/music band record-
ing with Cyril Diaz and the
following year joined up with
him for Carnival. We were
the first to attempt such a mix-
ture and we were given a special -
prize that time. That was the
year of "May-May."
By 1958 we had left the
PNM umbrella; and the Ameri-

cans at Chaguaramas became
our sponsors. Man, we used to
really play, then. Ten of us and
three times a week we would
be down in the Base playing
tunes such as "Mood Indigo,"
"Smoke Gets in Your Eyes".
"Oil and Sunshine Make the
Yankees Wine," "Brown Skin
We were such favourites
that there was a continuing dis-
pute as to whose band we really
were the sailors insisted that
we were the 'Marine Band,' the
pilots that we were. the 'Air-
force Band,' another group that
we were something else. The
big man on the Base settled it all
very diplomatically. He called
us the '"Armed Forces' steel-
The Base was our new
headquarters. Occasionally we
would practise at Laventille,
but our audience was the
Americans and their wives. For
our services we were paid
$80 for the first two hours and
$25 for every extra hour.
Plenty drink, plenty food, and
uniforms to boot. Sunday
would find us on the Base from
about ten in the morning, play-
ing in private, protected sur-
roundings, coming back, to
Laventille to swank off on
American money.
Not that our life-style
changed all that much. We still
used to skate down to Olympic
Cinema in Belmont and skate
back up when the picture
finish. I was still building little
radio sets and showing films
with a makeshift projector I
had made. But the Base gave us
a kind of security which was to
last until' Williams said we
wanted Chaguaramas.
Personnel at the Base was
cut down, so as the audience
diminished there was less and

less need for us. Forced out of
Chaguaramas, we had to go to
the streets. No more bingoes,
dances or beach parties on the
Base. Instead we began thinking
of Carnival.
All around this time, un-
known to me, in Laventille I
was getting a reputation for
eccentricity. I insist that I was
simply more curious than my
friends. True, I used to fly kites
in the night and I surprised my
friends by trying to see if it was
possible to put a light on a kite,
but I have always been willing
to try something.
That is why even from
the early days of 'Canal Zone'
and Metronomes pan was never
a static thing. Finishing one
pan merely meant that I had
learnt something new to be
brought into play when I was
doing another.
Pan was growing. Tokyo
was still.there. But men were
continually leaving and going
off to form sides of their own
- Fascinators, Torrid Zone,
Crusaders, Hill Stars, Cassa-
Funny, but the birth of
new steelbands has always fol-
lowed this pattern. There
would be a big, stable steel-
band. Then, a row between two
factions usually between the
younger and older heads and
one faction would go off and
form a completely new side. So
that within recent times we
have seen Starlift growing from
Invaders (and these days there
is talk that Starlift itself is now
split in two) "Solo" Harmonites
fromEbonites, B.W.I.A. SunjetS
from Pan Am North Stars and
so on.
Things change and yet rd-
main the same. Lord Kitchener
once sang a calypso years ago
in which he insisted:
"Nora, ah tired living in
London, ah want to go back to
hear the steelband beating in
I, for one, have always
been fascinated by the fact that
Tokyo has endured for all these
years and is still one of the top
sides in the country today. What
ever happens in pan, and much
has happened since Spree
loaned his pan to "Thick Lip",
it seemsthat the spirit of those
men in the abbatoir, keeping
rhythm in Plaisance Road still
roams the. John-John Hills;
It was so. in the 40's, the
50's and it was so in the 60's -
the decade during which I began
laying my own claim to the
hierarchy of the steelband

New Dorina



,' -soft, light

and delicious.



ISN'T a decision to live
by your own conscience
regardless of the rules a
dangerous kind of indi-
Not at all. "On the
contrary it is the most
positive and constructive
thing we can do now."
Thus did Lloyd Best
reply to the suggestion that
doing his own thing on the
question of the examination
marks was giving a reckless
example which, if followed,
would lead to chaos.
He explained:
"Not only is do-your-
own-thing a necessary revolt
against the liberal juggernaut
which crushes living men
under the dead weight of rules
and contracts in the name of

law and order.
It is also equally a cru-
cial rebellion that we must
make against that radical mind-
lessness which sees us simply
as faceless masses huffing and
puffing desperately to blow a
house down.
"We have to search for
that elusive third way which
serves the collectivity but yet
dignifies the individual by con-
ceding that we have the human
faculty of being able to exer-
cise discriminating judgment
even in a crisis situation. It is
this self-respect for which the
new generation has been search-
ing in sex and drugs and
eastern religion.
"When a whole genera-
tion goes off on a scene, we'
cannot be dismissed out of



hand as being 'individualistic'
and 'irresponsible'.
"What we are saying is
that man is not only born free
and rational, he is also born
responsible. And government
in all its forms must begin by
acknowledging that or else civil
society cannot last.
"What this means in
times of crisis is that politics
must always take precedence
over law. But politics must not
be confused with government;
it is not simply a matter of

exercising bureaucratic autho-
rity or military power but a
question at bottom of moral
authority, or if you prefer, of
natural law."
Best said that he felt
that the way in which the
issue had been resolved has
established the validity and
effectiveness of living by con-
science. Many friends hadfelt
that he would have been dis-
missed because, as one colleague
actually put it, "it was not a
philosophical debate about an


NOW THAT the issue of themarks has been wisely
determined. Lloyd Best says that we ought to be
able to expect far-reaching changes in the organisa-
tion and working of the University. In his statement
to Council he called for a Constituent Assembly of
UWI in order that we could have the investigation
which we had failed to bring about when the
Camacho incident of 1969 seemed to have been
demanding it.
Speaking at the Teach-In held in support of
Bill Riviere on Monday October 9 at the Old Guild
Hall, St. Augustine, Best proposed to a student
audience that a Constituent Assembly could imply
the following:
The Chancellor of the UWI setting out for the
scrutiny of the college his ideas of what the
University was about;
The Pro-Vice-Chancellors presenting their
views on the scope for decentralization of
authority in a regional system of higher

ideal university but strictly a
matter of sheer bureaucratic
It was thought that he
would either be silenced for
good or forced out of his job
because no one could see the
mass support with which he
could counter the University
Administration in the campus
But, concluded the Tapia
Secretary, "we have seen that
the individual can take a stand
against the bureaucracy and
"And that is extremely
important because the real rea-
son for the absence of or
ganized politics at all levels in
this nation is the terror of
bureaucratic victimisation in
whichiall our people live.
"Some 25% of the labour
force in Trinidad and Tobago
work for the government or
the public sector. The Execu-
tive has a tremendous power
of patronage. And of what is
left, the foreign companies
control the lion's share because
self-employment has been be-
coming less and less every year
since 1950.
"We do not, have the
economic independence to say
what we really feel. Political
participation therefore takes
the form not of sustained and
permanent organization but of
seeking messianic deliverance in
a few exciting months. It is
these conventions of old-time
politics which keep us in colo-
nial chains.
"Unconventional politics
means forging new conventions.
The individual must feel strong
enough to build and fight and

40-- -RH DA 3 PCE. LIVING ROOM SUITE Selected Bri-Nylon Fabric Upholstery

Thog otteN to

The Deans and Vice-Deans explaining the pro-
cesses by which decisions are currently made
in the University with reference to Depart-
ments, Faculties, the Senate, the Council and
other agencies;
The Professors speaking on the philosophical
relation between their own particular dis-
ciplines and the wider intellectual sphere;
The Heads of Departments appraising the
curricula in their own particular fields and
explaining why we are teaching what we are
teaching, what kind of graduate we hoped to
turn out and for what kind of society;
The entire college of students and faculty
engaging in an organised programme of
intellectual life...conceivably along the lines
of the background lectures of the late 1960's
and including seminars, reading sessions, panel
discussions, and sponsorship of new publica-

I __ __


LANGUISHING in one of the prisons of Port
au Prince is a small group of retired army
officers, who are accused of planning a coup
to remove from office the Minister of the
Interior Mr.Luckner Cambronne. They claimed
so it is said, that the spirit of the late Dr.
Francois Duvalier had appeared to them and
told them that he was fed up with Cambronne,
and that he should be removed.
The claim is significant, for it suggests a belief
that a revolution in Haiti today, to be successful,
should derive its legitimacy from Duvalier, and
should represent not the rejection of Duvalierism but
the appeal to a "genuine" Duvalierism which has
been betrayed by the new regime.
The popular picture of Haiti, derived from
some ill-informed newspaper articles, and from
fictional works such as Graham Greene's "The
Comedians", would suggest that Papa Doc was
nothing more than a ruthless dictator, hated by a
population whom he held down by means of a
gang of brutal thugs.
Certainly Duvalier was a dictator and he un-,
doubtedly employed terror; but this is nothing new
in Haiti. The vast mass of the population has rarely
regarded the government with anything but sus-
picion and fear from the earliest days.
The best they could hope for was to be left
alone. Perhaps one of the main differences between
Duvalier and lIS'predecessors was his willingness to
employ terror against the elite as well as against the
Yet Duvalier understood the customs and
beliefs of the Haitian peasant in a way which many
of his predecessors did not. He was able to. communi-
cate with them, either directly through speeches,
broadcasts etc. or through the medium of local
leaders of the "tonton macoute", who were fre-
quently called to the palace; these men were often
also "houngans" (voodoo priests) who were respected,
even feared in their local communities.
In these ways Duvalier, after years of intensive
propaganda, came to be respected and even to be
regarded with affection by large numbers of poor,
illiterate Haitians.
At the same time as cultivating a favourable
image among the masses, Duvalier was dealing
ruthless and effective blows against all those groups
in the country which were likely to provide centres
of opposition to his regime.
The arm\, the opposition political parties, the
Roman Catholic Church, the U.S. Embassy, the trade
unions, the business community, the university and
high schools, the Press, the intellectuals and even the
Parti Unite Nationale (his own party) had their wings
clipped. Aristotle's prescription for the preservation
of a tyranny was faithfully dispensed.
Duvalier was able to achieve power and to retain
it for a number of reasons; mass support, effective
action against potential centres of resistance, but also
because ofa wide spectrum of support from different
sections of the community, and particularly from the
rising black middle class and a sector of the urban
Most of the urban proletariat and sub-
proletariat, however, supported Duvalier's populist



rival Daniel Fignole, who was forced into exile before
the election of September 1957.
It is likely that many of his supporters voted
for Louis Dejoie who received more votes than did
Duvalier in the capital. The newly elected govern-
ment was supported by politicians from the "noiriste"
tradition (associated with the "Griots" group), by
parts of the "left" (the group associated with the
journal "Panorama") and by some former fascist
journalists like Jean Magloire and later Gerard de
Even some Marxist intellectuals...including
Rene Depestre gave qualified support to the govern-
ment. Most of the Marxists, however, coming from the
elite section of Haitian society, verified "Marxist"
theory by supporting the elite, Roman Catholic,
mulatto, businessman Louis Dejoie!
As is well known, Duvalier devoted much govern-
ment time, energy and money to the serious business
of staying alive and remaining in office. Much was
said about the "masses", but nothing concrete was
done for them; though they were, perhaps, able to
feel themselves as belonging to the nation in a way
which they had not felt before.
This was achieved through the mass rallies, and
through the countrywide organisation of the "Volon-
taires de la Securite Nationale" (VSN). This organisa-
tion was officially formed by a decree of November
1962, and crystalised the already active "malice",
popularly known as the "tonton macoute".
Under the Duvalier regime there was no wide-
spread redistribution of wealth; the elite lost its
political power, but most of the elite families retained
their economic position, as did most, of the Syrian
and Lebanese businessmen, so long as they were
prepared to make occasional "donations" to the
The decade of the sixties was a lean time for
almost all sectors of Haitian society. Political factors
were less responsible than the effect of falling prices
on the world market and of three successive hurri-
canes, also floods and droughts.
Political developments did, however, cause a
fall in the number of tourists, a decline in foreign
investment, and a cutting off of foreign aid.
Perhaps the most significant feature of the
Duvalier regime was the consolidation of the power
of the small black middle class, many of whom had
derived their wealth land,.houses, commercial
concessions from their political and gangster
In 1964 Duvalier had become president for
life, and later the constitution was further modified to
give him power to name his successor.
The institution of president for life goes back to
the 1807 constitution of Henri Christophe (Toussaint
and Dessalines had both been governors general for
life). In 1816 Petion took over the institution of life
presidency, and Bolivar was so impressed by the idea

that he introduced it into the Bolivian constitution of
Before his death in 1971, Duvalier had named
his teenage son Jean Claude as his successor. What
changes have taken place under the newgovernment,
and what are the prospects for the future?
In certain respects the changes which are evident
in Haiti today can be traced back to the late sixties.
By 1967 Duvalier had eliminated the likelihood of
effective resistance from groups within and from
outside the country.
He had survived the constitutional crisis of
19634, and the international crisis which went with
it. Bosch was in exile and Kennedy was dead. The
terror was gradually relaxed, tourism began to revive
and new legislation was passed encouraging foreign
The Rockefeller visit of 1969 resulted in a
resumption of U.S. aid. In the years 1968 to 1970
about 90 U.S. firms began operations in Haiti; the
trend has continued. Many foreign firms have in the
past been largely concerned with the export of
primary products from the country: bauxite (Rey-
nolds),copper (Sedren),sugar(HASCO),meat (HAMCO).
The recent trend has been towards light trans-
formation industries, relying upon cheap labour, tax
holidays and other financial incentives from the
government, and improved transport facilities, with
"Sea-Land" containers.
These small industries, exporting the whole of
their product to the USA are now second only to
coffee as earners of foreign currency. In 1970-71 the
figures were: coffee: $18,824,200; manufactured
goods: $8,067,000; bauxite: $6,544,000. Between
1967 and 1971 exports of manufactured goods rose
from 9% of Haitian exports to 30%.
A wide variety of goods are produced, from
baseballs, boots and brassieres to screwdrivers, soft-
balls and women's wigs.
The average factory employs about 170 workers
(mostly women) with an average weekly wage of about
$9; the average wage which these firms would have to
pav workers in Puerto Rico is about $54.
In many cases Haitian entrepreneurs provide
-the factory and the labour free, and the American
firm ,simply moves in with its equipment, raw


ON LANDING at the Port Au Prince Inter-
national Airport you are impressed by the
detachment of the Haitian army permanently
there. You are never far from either the
militia, the army, the marines, the city or
rural police while in the Republic.
At the airport you come face to face with
Haitian industry and Haitian courtesy. Your bags
are carried in front of you before you sought assist-
ance. Several shoe shine men are willing to shine your
shoes for 5c at the slightest indication. Then there are
numerous vendors with baskets of BON BONS,
fruits and other delicacies.
Outside the airport besides the normal airport
taxis, there are the TAP TAPS (public transport) on
which you can ride the six miles to downtown Port
Au Prince for five cents. However, visitors to the
Republic are not allowed to ride the TAP TAPS into
More than 80% of the Haitians are Roman Catholics,
ingrained the president himself. Deeply in gained in the
voodoo faith are many aspects of the Catholicism, the
saints, the prayers, the images,signs and symbols.
In rural Haiti the voodoo cult leaders are very
influential people and their resourcefulness could be utilised
in spreading useful information and/or mobilising the rural
community for collective actions.
On Sunday and other holy days (Feasts of Saints),
the important men in the community dress up in suits and go


to church sitting at the head of the pews. There are also man)
religious public holidays.
The music, culture and traditions of the people are
distinctly French with a touch of the Spanish features im-
ported from the neighboring Dominican Republic. In fact
many rural people who live in the hills not near to the
Dominican border can speak both Spanish and creole.
Many Haitians are bilingual, spme can manage three or
four languages. Everyone speaks creole, but French is the
official language. Porters at the airport, taxi drivers and
vendors and store clerks in Port Au Prince usually speak
English with varying degrees of fluency.,
Musical tastes vary from European contemporary
classical through Latin American merengue, samba castillian.
mambo etc. Dance music has a distinct Caribbean flavour.

Over 80% of the employment and 52% of the 1969
G.D.P. derived from Agriculture. Agriculture in Haiti is
dominated by small farmers farming from a portion of a Karo
to about three or four karos of land held by a variety of
tenancy arrangements. Share cropping is widespread. The
available cultivable land is very intensely cultivated (1 Karo =
3.2 acres).
A large proportion of the land on the hillsides is laid
bare to rocks due to erosion. Many dried up rivers can be
seen as one travels through the mountains. The soil in some
places is very porous and made up for the most part of
calcareous deposits.
Often water would suddenly disappear from a stream
and go underground only to surface many kilometres away in
very strange places such as the middle of the road or on
extremely rocky soil where cultivation is possible only after
tremendous rock excavations.
Most of the Agricultural production is influenced in
some way by Government Agencies which promote the
production and utilization of the respective products. Loans,
materials and technical advice are available to producers.

In the rural areas in the Republic marketing of
products is the major economic activity. For instance in the
Jacmel "arrondissement" there are'about 20 markets in which
different days are set aside for the various rural sections.
However, the main market in downtown Jacmel is
open everyday except Sunday and public holidays. In a few
places permanent buildings are set aside for markets. Always
the market is supplied with tax collectors and security agents.

There are several industries for processing agricultural
Other industrial concerns in the Republic include
bauxite mining,' cement manufacture; screwdriver indus-
tries" for production of soft balls, base balls and underwear,
textiles, soap, furniture, handicraft and rope, among others.
There are in addition numerous artisans and crafts-
people who make pots, pans, buckets,garden tools, suitcases,
beds, coal burners, shoes, clothing, belts, hats and many
other prod'acts on a small scale but very exquisitely designed.
It is interesting to note the extent to which the
entrepreneurship of the Haitian landless classes has
blossomed. Almost any item except refrigerators, imported
furniture, complete suits and motor vehicles, available in an
established dry goods store in Port Au Prince could also be
purchased on the pavement outside. Haggling is practised a
great deal.

Primary, secondary and university education are free to
Haitians. Attendance runs at about 80% for primary school
children in Port Au Prince. All university students receive an
allowance for tuition and books.
Public health facilities are free, but medicines are



materials and supervisory staff.
Many of the Haitian entrepreneurs concerned
come from the new black middle class whichhas been
closely associated with the Duvalier regime.
Although the level of Haitian exports to the
USA has arisen considerably in recent years,, the
United States share of the Haitian market has
dropped by 10%, owing partly to increased imports
from the Far East.
American economic penetration in recent years
has thus been accomplished in combination with the
growing middle class, who have by this means at-
tempted to reinforce their somewhat precarious and
recently acquired position.
The principal "ideological arm" of this American
penetration has been the protestant sect, manned
partly by Americans (some of them retired marine
officers from the days of the U.S. occupation) and
largely financed from North America. These groups
- Baptists, Church of God, Pentecostal have made
considerable inroads into the Haitian countryside,
and it is probable that well over 15% of the popula-
tion would claim to be protestant.
The "Eglise Episcopale" (Anglican) founded in
1861, whose present membership is about 45,000, is
manned entirely by Haitian clergy, but most of its
money comes from the USA. Tight control is main-
tained over the affairs of the church by the New
York office of the Episcopal Church, and the former
bishop Charles Voegeli (an American who was ex-
pelled by Duvalier in 1964) is said to exercise a con-
siderable influence on the affairs of the church.
As earlier mentioned, Francois Duvalier had
reduced the traditional groups to relative impotence
during his tenure of power. Haiti was one of the few
countries in Latin America,.for example, where the
military was firmly under civilian control.
Although in the economic field certain changes
took place in Haiti during the last years of Duvalier's
life, the president kept a firm grip on the political
situation; any likely opposition was swiftly dealt with.

' ii~~iSPfP ii'i '***'I'l'fcM~ii lHI -

expensive. There is a heavy burden placed on the health
services, since a lack of clean water and inadequate sanitary
facilities in many areas result in many children being afflicted
with internal parasites, malaria, diarrhoea and other debilitat-
ing diseases. Back yard cemeteries with impressive concrete
and whitewashed tombstones are common.
Wages and salaries are low for public sector employees.
For example, a doctor gets $250 to $300 U.S., a primary
school teacher with ten years' experience $100 U.S., an eco-
nomist $200 U.S. Unskilled labour fetches $1 per day.
Unemployment runs about 30% (officially) of the
economically active population. But even though people do
not find employment in established business or government
organizations, nonetheless, Haitians are very industrious and
skilful people and they generate their own employment in a
variety of ways, trading, buying and selling food items,
clothing, hardware, toiletries, agricultural produce, handi-
craft,bonbons, stationery, shoes, bread, cakes, etc.
Few people sit idle and unemployed unless they are
sick. Some would beg for a few cents, then buy some items
at a low or reduced price, immediately reselling at a small
profit. Often vendors are seenwith a tray full of items,total
value between ten and 20 cents.
The majority of Haitian are not involved in the day to.
day activities of keeping up with the Joneses. High school and
university students could be seen peddling handicraft and
knick-knacks about the streets of Port-Au-Prince. It is not
uncommon for people to make their own underwear. The
use of cosmetics is limited to the educated and the business"
One does not need much money to live in' Haiti. Food.
and transport are cheap.

The power structure, although based upon cer-
tain social and economic trends (particularly, as I
have suggested, upon the rising middle class), was in
its details a personal creation of Duvalier, and was
centred on him. The undoubtedly personal element
in the Duvalier political system led to a widespread
belief that, with the passing of Duvalier, the whole
structure would fall apart and that chaos would ensue.
Nevertheless there was, by the early seventies, a
fairly large group of Haitians who had a vested interest
in keeping things going. An uneasy alliance emerged
with continuity being symbolized by the young Jean
Claude, under the watchful eye of his mother. The
alliance includes representatives from the black middle
class, some of them leaders or former leaders of the
, "macoutes", like Luckner Cambronne, army leaders
including army chief Claude Raymond (whose
.brother is foreign minister), and head of the presi-
dential guard Garcia Jacques.

In order to present a respectable front to
potential foreign investors, to convince international
agencies that Haiti is deserving of aid, and to prevent
the administration of the country from falling into,
complete confusion, a number of technocrats have
been brought into the government.
Economist Edouard Francisque and more re-
cently Hubert de Ronceray at least know how to use
the jargon of the social sciences.
Probably the key figure, holding things together
is Madame Simone Ovide Duvalier widow of the late
president. She is a quiet but forceful person, who has
even been prepared in the past to disagree with her
late husband, who on one occasion publicly denounced
her before an astonished army parade.
Cambronne, Jacques and the Raymonds owe
her a personal loyalty which is not to be discounted.
Each group in the present government has an interest
in keeping things going, and there appears at the
moment to be a general consensus that too much
rocking of the boat might lead to its capsize and to
the total immersion of its occupants.
Excluded from the new regime, probably\ owing
to pressure from the United States embassy, is the
group associated with the journal "Panorama". This
group, including Tule' and Paul Blanchet, Herve
Boyer, Joseph Baguidy, Hemiann Louis Charles and
Jean Montes Lefranc were among the earliest sup-
porters of Duvalier's candid-:are in 1956,andremained
one of his principal supports during his fourteen
years in office.
Owing to its' belief in the fundamental im-
portance of economic factors, its nationalism and its
anti-clericalism, this group is mistakenly believed by
the Americans to be "communist-inspired" (an idea
propagated by Colonel Robert Heinl former head of
the U.S. Marine mission in Haiti.)


Nevertheless "Panorama" continues to appear
and to give general support to the regime, hoping for
better days. The journalistic enterprises of Jean
Magloire have, however, been terminated, though this
is probably due less to ideological factors than to a
family quarrel with his son-in-law, cabinet minister
Fritz Cineas.
The policy of the government has been to en-
courage, foreign investment, international aid and
tourism. The recently' issued-five year plan lays
emphasis upon the need to improve the infra-structure,
particularly transport and power supplies.
A divorce bill was 'recently passed, allowing
high-speed divorces which are recognized in a large
number of the states of the USA. Ibo Travel Company
(owned and controlled by Cambronne) provides
special package tours, which include air fare, hotel
accommodation for a long weekend, and legal fees.
He is at present constructing a new guesthouse
in Petionville (affectionately known as Fort Cam-
bronne) in order to accommodate.these loveless
birds. Perhaps the'most notorious enterprise of this
indefatigable entrepreneur is one which buys blood
from Haitians for about $3 and sells it in Miami for
more thanfive times the price.
On this issue even the Roman Catholic hierarchy
has stirred from its lethargy, and (tactfully encouraged
by a suave Indian ecclesiastical diplomat from the
Apostolic Nunciature, who has recently been trans-
ferred to Paris) has issued a pastoral letter on the sub-
Without absolutely condemning the Cambronne
enterprise the bishops insisted that the indiscriminate
buying and selling of blood, without maintaining
proper records of the donors is wrong, and represents
the unjustified exploitation of the poor people.
The letter was read in all churches, but not a
word of it appeared in the Press. No action, however,
wa taken against the hierarchy. It is possible that
Mad4 me Duvalier, who is a devout Roman Catholic
would have stood in the way of such an action. The
bl~dy business, however, continues to flourish.
The Roman. Catholic church has traditionally
been associated with the mulatto elite and vith the

French cultural influence in Haiti. When Duvalier
became president in 1957 all five diocesan bishops
were foreign. In the years 1960-66 Duvalier expelled
most of the foreign bishops and many clergy; he.was
himself excommunicated. An entente was arrived at
with the Vatican, and new Haitian bishops were
In spite of this, the traditional link with the elite
remains. Recently the church put pressure on the
government to expel a Canadian protestant missionary,
who called himself Jean de la Trinite. Also in recent
months a Belgian Roman Catholic priest has published
in the newspapers an article criticising the use of the
"creole" language by the protestant sects; and sees it
as undermining the French and catholic traditions of
SSuch an article could never have been published
during the regime of the late president. Dr. Rene
Piquion (who is something of a weather vane; in
political matters he usually ends up on the winning
side!) has joined the attack upon "creole", which is,
he claims a channel for communist propaganda.
Of course it is all these things, because it is the
language of the people of Haiti! Probably-only about
10% speak French, the official language, with ease.
Piquion is dean of the faculty of letters, and the
faculty buildings are soon to be enlarged through the
generosity of the French government, which is also
financing a new teachers' training college, the founda-
tion stone of which was recently laid.

It would therefore appear to be the case that the:
old francophile, Roman Catholic, predominantly
mulatto elite is cautiously raising its head once more.
The army has also once again become an independent
variable in the political arena. One of the first things
which happened after the death of Duvalier was a
vigorous and successful attempt by, the army to re-
establish its superiority over the VSN.
Unpopular "macoute" leaders were disarmed
and removed from their posts in Gonarves, Cap
Haitien and later in Les Cayes; in fact whole sections
of the VSN were temporarily closed down.
Peasants stoned the house of Zacharie Delva,
and Eloise Metre has returned to his bakery in the
Grand Rue, while the formidable Madame Max-
Adolphe(at one time commandant of Fort Dimanche,
where most: important political pnsoners were in-
carceratedor eliminated) has transferred her matronly
attentions, as 'Mayor of Port.au Prince, to the prob-'
lems of urban sewage disposal.
While the army would seem to be the most
powerful military force in the country, other groups
merit consideration. The VSN still exists with a wide-
spread organisation throughout the country. The
palace guard and the Port au Prince police force are
organised separately from the, army, as is the small
highly trained corps known as the "leopards", a group
of about 60 men only directly controlled by Cam-
It would be unwise to attempt a prediction
about how long the present somewhat uneasy alliance
will continue. At the moment there is no likelihood of
opposition groups from within or from outside the
country successfully challenging the government.
The various groups of exiles in New York,
Montreal, Paris, Puerto Rico and Cuba have lost
touch with developments within the country and tend
to live in a dream-world of peasant uprisings


They have no substantial following in Haiti.
Successive invading groups have discovered to their
costs that the'peasants are not prepared to rise up
against a bad government to install one which might
be even worse.
Any potential disturbance which may occur will
come from a split within the ruling clique. If Madame
Duvalier dies (she has not been in very good health
since her husband's death), and if some really crucial
difference arises todivide the regime,then a chance
might occur.
Otherwise the present trend will continue;
further American investment will lead to a superficial
prosperity among certain urban groups, to a rise in the
cost of living and to increasing migration from rural
areas into the capital. The basic structural problems
of the country will remainunsolved.
The spirit of Papa Doc may indeed have spoken
to the retired army officers, but it was not the spirit
of the ailing president who signed away the island of
La Tortue for ninety-nine years to Dupont Caribbean
Ltd. in 1971.
It might have been the spirit of the Duvalier of
the late fifties and early sixties who chased successive
U.S. ambassadors out of Haiti, or the spirit of the
young Duvalier who wrote, of the anti-colonial move-
ment in Africa: "A movement which consists in re-
moving methodically the great metropolitan firms and
replacing them by indigenous companies of com-
merce or industry, in order gradually to recover con-
trol over economic development in the industrial as
much as in the agriculturalfield."



Prensa Latina
WITH the short-term aim
of becoming the gendarme
of Latin America (and
beating their Argentine
neighbours-to it in the
process) Brazilian diplo-
macy is looking now for
a new and more whole-
some face for the mili-
tary dictatorship.
But Brazil is not active
only in Latin America; United
States policy on West Africa
has found a good ally in the
Rio de Janeiro military chiefs,
heavily disguised as "Third
World" leaders, with their
ethnic, cultural and linguistic
links which make penetration
Today relations between
Portugal and Brazil could
hardly be better. The days
when Brazilian rulers con-
demned Lisbon's colonialism
have passed into the history
In 1969 a Brazilian
economic mission visited the
SPortuguese colonies in Africa
with the aim of strengthening
Lisbon-Rio relations and at the
same time, sounding out the
possible markets.
Thus, after a quiet
beginning, the Brazilian rulers
began the development of their
economic links with South
Africa and the "African pro-
vinces" of Portugal.
Little more than a year
ago, in June, 1971, Brazil and
Portugal signed an agreement
*---o regular e customs facilities,
exports of Brazilian manu-
factured products and the
establishment of Brazilian de-
pots with tariff-free entry in
Lisbon,Luanda and Lourenco
Meanwhile, there are
plans for agreements between
Companies from both countries
to achieve better sea and air
transport and the possibility of



guese government recently
made the unprecedented dis-
closure of a successful FRELI-
MO (Mozambique Liberation
Front) strike. A military
communique, issued Sept. 22,
admitted that FRELIMO
machine-gunned a Portuguese
plane in northeastern Mozam-
bique, downing the plane and
killing the pilot.
Previously Portugal's war
Statistics haven't mentioned
such losses. About a year ago,
the Portuguese stopped count-
ing their dead, releasing only
the figures for total casualties.
Thus the liberation fighters
have been the only source of
reliable military information.
But the dynamics of "hit and
run" guerilla activities make
correct assessments difficult.
However, the intensified
struggle: of FRELIMO in Mo-
zambique is such that Portugal
can no longer hide her losses.
The new front recently opened
in the heart of the territory,
continued destruction and
harassment near the Cabora
Bassa dam site, raids from
bases in and near Zambia and
Tanzania, all point to a healthy,
thriving people's movement
which is bound to supplant
the Portuguese colonizers.


the Brazilian regime, which has
systematically abstained from
all United Nations resolutions
on the problems of apartheid
and the Portuguese colonies.
Their excuse is "diplomatic
In recent months contacts
and visits between Rio, Lisbon
and Johannesburg have con-
firmed the strengthening of
relations between the three
Recently the president of
the Bank of Brazil, Nestor Jost,
made a trip to South Africa. His
visit coincided with a visit to
Brazil by a South African com-
mercial mission. A reciprocal
mission from the Confederation
of Brazilian Industry visited
Johannesburg, Lourenco Mar-
ques and Luanda, where they
held anexhibition of agricultural
All these comings and-
goings have a clear objective,
which Foreign Minister Gibson
expressed: "West Africa con-
stitutes the broadcast potential
market for Brazilian manu-
factured goods."
The Brazilian state oil
company, Petrobras, is making

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joint investment in industrial
and commercial projects.
Brazil already has
weekly flights to SouthAfrica
and Johannesburg and Rio, the
economic capitals of the two
countries, have Brazilian-South
African chambers of commerce.
But Brazilian links with
South Africa and Portugal are
not restricted to financial and
commercial arrangements .There
is a secret military pact between
South Africa and Brazil for
"South Atlantic defence" and
the governments of Portugal
and Argentina appear to be
involved in it also.
In September the Bra-
zilians signed a series of agree-
ments with the Portuguese for
the repression of movements
of popular resistance in both
countries, which, by the Portu-
guese definition, includes
Portugal's African colonies.
Outstanding among these
deals is "the nationality con-

vention", which accords the
same rights and duties to
Portuguese citizens in Brazil
and Brazilian citizens in Portu-
gal.That means they are subject
to the same penal code. Political
outlaws from Portugal and her
colonies become outlawed also
in Brazil, and vice-versa.
In the strictly military
field, there are reports in Lisbon
and Rio of the existence of an
agreement through which the
Brazilian Armed Forces would
be able to operate in Portugal's
African colonies "in certain

This mutual understanding
can be better comprehended
from the statements of Bra-
zilian Foreign Minister Gibson
Barbosa, who says that "the
problem of Angola and Mozam-
bique falls exclusively within
the sovereign competence of
These declarations have
been backed by the policy of







heavy investments in the pro-
spection of petroleum deposits
and is about to open a banking
branch in Angola, while Bra-
zilian manufactured goods are
already making their presence
felt in Mozambique.
But now the objective
ranges further afield. In Sep-
tember the Brazilian Foreign
Minister is to visit Senegal,
Ivory Coast, Togo, Dahomey,
Cameroon, Zaire and Nigeria.
But even West and Cen-
tral Africa are not the limit of
Brazilian aspirations. East Africa
has the potential to absorb
vast amounts of Brazilian
The recent visit to Rio
by Kenyan Foreign Minister
Njeroge Mungai (en route for
the Guyana conference of non-
aligned nations) was seemingly
not entirely unrelated to
Brazilian pretensions.
Significantly, just 24
hours before meeting his
Brazilian counterpart, Mungai
said that "Brazil can help
Africa.It can influence Portugal
into granting independence to
its African colonies, with which
later it can form a community."

Book your test-drive today. at EAL & IASS


Report from the An-
THE Afro Caribbean Move-
ment and its Chairman
have been the centre of a
wave of repression. Hun-
dreds of peasantshave had
their canes unreaped, the
sugar factory has been
closed throwing hundreds
out of work and leaving
an equal number unem-
ployed and uncompensated,
Nearly 1,000 workers in
all sectors of the economy
have been laid off for political
reasons causing the unemploy-
ment to rise to the pheno-
menal figure of over 50%. Pea-
sants have been arrested for
picketing the Premier's office;
aged workers seeking compen-
sation when they were laid off
were beaten by hired agents of
the Government.
A group of thugs and
criminals have been recruited
by the Government called
"Special Police".
These officially armed
thugs and criminals have
pounced upon and beaten
several citizens; Civil Servants
have been maligned and
threatened by government
ministers on public platform.
In this mounting repressive
wave the A.C.M. has been the
centre of all attacks.


On June 14 the police
under the leadership of Deputy
Chief of Police James Roberts,
raided the Headquarters of the.
Afro Caribbean Movement tak-
ing away a typewriter, books,
personal letters and amemo-
randum from the Movement to
its members. Five days later
all were returned without any
explanation or charges laid.
The Facts
On June 21, Bro. Eller.
ton Jeffers active member of
the A.C.M. was callously dis-
missedfrom the government
services on the uncorroborated
and unsupported evidence of a
Minister of Government. The
charge itself was groundless..
Wednesday July 5, the
police headed by Assistant
Superintendent Thomas Jarvis
carried out a search at the home
of Bro. Tim Hector, while he
was away in Barbados managing
the successful Leeward-Wind-
ward combined Youth Cricket
Team. Bro. Hector is the
Chairman of the Afro Carib-
bean Movement.
The policemen were
allegedly searching for seditious
publications. Nothing was found
at Bro. Hector's home and no
charges were brought against
him. Just sheer harassment is
their purpose.



Saturday September 9,
Bro. Tim Hector, Chairman of
the Afro Caribbean Movement
was taken in by armed Special
Police ("Ton Ton Macoutes")
for questioning after a bomb
exploded tt the General Post
Office. Bro. Hector was held
for more than, two hours then
released unconditionally.
About 5.30 on Septem-
ber 13, Bro, H.. Baptiste, a
member of the A.C.M. was
arrested and remanded to
Her Majesty's Prison. Attempts
to bail Bro. Baptiste were at
first refused. His arrest was in
connection with an incident
which took place some three
months ago when an angry
crowd showed their disapproval
after a white Texas gunman
shot five black people killing
one Ickford Henry.
Bro. Tim Hector on the
September 13, received a letter
transferringhim to the Ministry


Accra(AWA)The All African Students Union, headquartered
here, has called on NATO countries to stop supplying arms
to colonial and miriority regimes in Africa. The call was part
of a statement supporting President Nixon's appeal for -
international action to end terrorism. The students asked
Nixon to demonstrate his sincerity by appealing'to NATO
Powers to end arms shipments foruse against Africans.
They are also for the withdrawal of foreign firms from
South Africa.

United Nations (AWA) The -Fourth Committee of the .,
- General Assembly is charged with the obligation of review- -
ing the conditions of colonial territories. Last week, discus-
sions here centered on the situation in the Portuguese ..s.-*.-'--
African colonies. -
Statements were made by Representatives of Den-
mark, Mexico Indonesia and Peru condemning Portuguese
colonialism. But it was the UN Representative from Nigeria, OF FIC
Mr. Olu Adeniji, who presented the "African position." 15 .Richmond ,
Mr. Adeniji observed that the situation in the colonies Tel. 62-51791,
of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau had worsened
since last year. He condemned Portugal's "wars of extermi-
nation" against the peoples of these regions. And he praised FACTOF
the efforts of African liberation forces who battled against Churchill/Roosev
the Portuguese for their freedom. na
Mr. Adeniji also laid down steps by which Portugal TunapL
might bring about a peaceful settlement of its African wars: Tel. 662-5112,
"It should immediately cease its campaign of destruc-
tion in Angola, Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau. Manufacture
S "It should withdraw its armed forcesfrom these QUALITY PRO
territories and allow the people to determine, in a free at- Terrazzo Con
mosphere, the political future of their countries.Terrazzo & Concr
"It should immediately comply with the resolutions of *Concrete Sewer &
the United Nations and enable the people to exercise their Cylinders & Drains
inalienable right to self-determination." Wash Sinks, Garder
The likelihood of Portuguese agreement with the and other Precas
Nigerian Representative proposal is small indeed. But until
such an agreement is found, the wars continue. TRINIDAD

of Education to do undisclosed
"Special Duties". This transfer
took effect as of the 14 Sep-
tember. He is the second per-
son over the last couple of
days to receive such letters.
Mr. Lloydston Jacobs,
sympathiser of the A.C.M. was
transferred to the Ministry of
Education after-teaching at the
Grammar School for some

twenty years..He is also to
perform "Special Duties" until
further notice. Such "Special
Duties" are no doubt menial
The Government hopes
to reach the ultimate in re-
pression by railroading a Public
Order Act through Parliament.
By this means they will detain
Bro. Hector and other members
of the Movement, workers,
farmers and youths, civil ser-
vants, opposition politicians
and any or everybody opposed
to the neo-colonial evils of the
Walter regime.
In spite of this" ever-
mounting wave of repression,
workers farmers, students in
school, Civil Servants have
separately protested in the
streets gaainst the Walter neo-
colonial regime the worst
and most repressive govern-
ment in the Eastern Caribbean.

Tapia House Publishing Company Limited,
91, Tunapuna Road, Tunapuna.

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- --

-~-1. --- ---


THE REGIME of Chile's
Salvador Allende, now fac-
ing some political pressure,
has nevertheless succeeded
in inspiring "the most im-
portant phenomenon of
Chilean artistic expression."
Art has taken to the
streets in Santiago and
other Chilean cities. And
the Popular Unity govern-
ment has organized exhibi-
tions and contests through-
out the provinces and in
trade umon 'halls of the
industrial areas.
Much as the walls of
Nelson and Duncan Streets in
East Port-of-Spain have been
colourfully done up, bespeak-
ing themes of love, peace and
Power, so too Chilean street
murals have shown a directly
political inspiration.
Many of the painters are
young people associated with
the youth Brigades of the
Communist and Socialist
parties. But the movement has
involved professional artists as
well who provide guidance for
the amateurs and are them-
selves producing work of
direct political relevance.
The internationally known
Chilean painter Roberto Matta,
for example, has worked with
youth brigades to transform
drab city walls into canvases
of artistic and political signifi-


Official sponsorship and
encouragement of artistic ex-
pression have resulted in an
outpouring of paintings and
sculptures with radicalizing
S A clear political direction
has been noted in this move-
ment,which blossomed in.1971,
by the director of the Institute
of Latin American Art of the
University of Chile. He said:
"For those artists, who
are developing their revolu-
tionary conscience, surfaces are
beginning to emerge as places
for writing messages. At first
the messages were obscure, but
they are becoming clearer and
more politically defined. What
we are seeing now is a photo-
graphic and journalistic realism
aimed at transmitting a political
So that there are themes
like: "Homage to the triumph
of the people": "America I do
not invoke your name in vain":
and "Now Chile is free of
yankee imperialism".
Another trend noted in
the arts since Allende, has been
towards more indigenous
themes and inspiration. This is
a break with the past in which
particularly abstract art has
tended to copy North Ameri-
can pop styles a. reflection
of cultural dependence.


Now that Chilean politi-
cal activity has taken the form
of mass "concentraciones" in


the streets, young Chilean
painters expressing support for
the Allende regime, have made

sure the reactionaries can see
the writing on the wall.
(Prensa Latina)




RESIDENTS of Kandahar Vil-
lage, in St. James, are deeply
worried over the activities of a
"drug pusher". .
Reports from the district
tell of an individual from lower
Mooneram St., who has been
attempting to get the youth
hooked onhard drugs mor-
phine, LSD and Mandrax.
People claim that the
police are aware of the menace,
but so far have taken no
action in fact, it is said that
the "pusher" lives next door to
a police sergeant.
According to the latest
unconfirmed reports, the
"pusher" responded to recent
pressure from the residents by
inducing the police to issue
warrants for the arrest of eight
men. As a result, the villagers
S are now demanding that the
S "pusher" cease his activities
in the area, that the police
cancel the warrants and arrest
the "pusher" instead, and that
the police sergeant who lives
next door to the "pusher" ex-
a plain his failure to act in the


RUMBLINGS of discontent are
once more being heard inthe
sugar belt. This time, however,
tle noises are coming from an
unsuspected source the Estate
Police at Caroni Ltd.
Seems that the troubles
go back to 1971 when a wage
dispute between the men and
the company was forwarded to
the Ministr; of Labour. Though
the security men went to the
point of issuing a Press release
on the matter at the time, it is
reported that the dispute still
remains unresolved.
And now the men are
complaining of ?avouritism in
the promotions system. What
they are calling for is a proper
training programme, and for
promotions based on com-
petitive examinations. The
Estate police say they would
like to see a return to the
system instituted under ex-
Supt. John Belfon.
These complaints come
in the wake of other reports
that Caroni has taken
away its security police from
two of their Estate dwelling
areas which now house locals
recently promoted to senior
staff positions, and has trans-
ferred the men to other Estate
areas where there is a high
concentration of expatriate
staff. Is Caroni expecting
trouble? If so, is it that the
locals are expected to fend for

Weekly Nov 5


Apply Tapia House, 91, Tunapuna Road, Tunapuna (back entrance) and 82-84, St. Vincent St., Tunapuna or call 662-5172.
'-. Tunapun or al 662-5172.



*'--. I

,;e c;
I ,-


''" 'I.; t~iP

,-.j .,c~-
.c- ..
r 3~e
i .
P; :r
cl: -'1



WAS IT NOT in the 1969
budget that we were pro-
mised the roaring 70's, on
the end of a glorious petro-
leum rainbow? When was
it, not October 1971, that
Padmore announced gran-
diose plans for so many
hundreds of thousands of
barrels of crude per day?
And Chambers, in the
1971 budget, talked about
how the oil industry in
Trinidad and Tobago must
now be influenced by
international develop-
ments "especially in the
field of prices".
Now after all that sonor-
ous grand-charge, the estab-
lishment has gone strangely
silent. Of late all we can hear
are rumours that Bunny-boy
is soon to be axed.
The pundits now know
that God is good but he will
help only those who are willing
and able to help themselves.
He may put the oil in the
ground but he is certainly not
going to create an oil bonanza
for a government which, after
fifteen years and more of office,
still has no Techretariat for
Petroleum, still has no Income
Tax Division equipped for the
intricacies of oil accounting
and finance, and still does not
and cannot ever understand
what really going on.
We still do not have the
high-powered technical diplo-
macy in the Middle East which
the oil game clearly demands.
We were talking Bundung in the
1950's but we never translated
it into representation in Cairo.
We were too impressed by the
"vote of confidence" which
Texaco had declared in us. It
is in the logic of this medicant
diplomacy that we have now


bungled our OPEC entry.
The irony of all this in-
competence is that, at this
particular moment, the ball is
still running for us. Just as we
hit the new finds, world de-
mand has been leaping like mad.
In the UK at 4-5%; in the US
6-7%; in Japan nearer 8-9%.
The world average, probably
Competition has been
almost non-existent. Coal has
more or less faded from the
scene because it has become
virtually impossible to get men
to exploit the mines. Atomic
energy is still prohibitively
high-cost for most countries
and in any case, has run into
an .anti-pollution movement
which has been taking before
before before take it. And then
hydro-electric energy is avail-
able only to a favoured few.
When the demand situa-
tion is good, prices inevitably
improve. At the top of the heap
is Libya, now earning over $4
per barrel not counting the
bonus for inflation. In fact the
horizon prices which the trade
has been discussing already
stands at $8-10 per barrel.
Demand good, prices
good, possibilities of-control
better than ever. Algeria and
Peru have gone the whole hog,
even Venezuela has gone at
least half. The Gulf States have
just negotiated for minimum
participation of 51% equity
The international climate
dictates that the time to strike
at oil is just now. But so long

as our Government is weak and
inept, there is little we are able
to do. The best we can hope for
it seems, is a slight revision of
the current price of a meagre
$1.40 per barrel.

The danger is that while
this paralysis lasts, certain ele-
ments of uncertainty are al-
ready apparent on the scene.
For one thing, AMOCO has
been dragging its feet probably


-.~-r-. -.

-- 2 .-. -- :--

meet some guys --

who'll giVe up Carnival,
NO&- 0E M

.or anywhere to bring the comforts of
across the length and breadth of modern living to all of
Trinidad & Tobago, day and night. Trinidad & Tobago.
They're a dedicated bunch, It's a big job even for
our men-and constantly aware the men in the yellow truck.
of the importance of Electricity. But we're working on it
Their objective, and ours day and night.



The men in the Yellow trucks -they're our people working for you.

because the company prefers
to tie up cash in the exciting
North Sea Bubble rather than
risk money on the survival of
the PNM. Only one-third of the
promised output is actually
coming from their wells at the
moment. The revenue bonanza
which Mr. Chambers has long
been mortgaging, seems like it
will never materialise.
A second element of un-
certainty lies in the murmur-
ings we are hearing from Saudi
Arabia. Not only are the Saudis
able to produce at about 1/6th
to 1/8th of our current cost,
but also they have the reserves
with which to flood the market
if they wish. The only thing
which has been restraining them
from raising their output is
their inability thus far to swing
a suitable financial agreement
with the US.
If that hurdle is cleared
by current diplomatic initia-
tives, Saudi production could
jump overnight to anything
like 20m. barrels per day, from
the current level of 6 1/4. And
with that flood on the market,
our opportunity to strike would
have gone.
Presumably Texaco and
Shell and Amoco are dragging
the negotiations out. They know
that the trend to increased par-
ticipation by governments is
going to reduce the flow of
available company cash, which
would make it much more diffi-
cult for high-cost producers like
Trinidad and Venezuela to at-
tract private money for ex-
ploration. Our bargaining
terms are getting worse and
worse. But without the sup-
port of the country, the go-
vernment dares not utter a word.
Fortunately the govern-
ment is not the country because
the country is quite competent
to speak on its own behalf.

6 ~~

u .


Specialize in Furniture
Dinette Sets

Cushion Covers
66 Eastern Main Road
St. Augustine


Allan Harris
AGRICULTURAL wholesalers throughout the coun-
try are up in arms over recent measures taken by the
Central Marketing Agency, at the Central Market in
Port-of-Spain. And retaliatory action contemplated
by farmers threatens yet another shortage of food-
stuffs for our nation's harassed housewives.

Late last week, a dele-
gation from the Nariva-
Mayaro Agricultural Pro-
ducersAssociation, pledged
to boycott the Central
Market, unless their mem-
bers were provided with
adequate facilities. Such a
move, if put into effect,
would mean a nation-wide
drop in supplies of dasheen
and callalloo bush, which
are produced mainly by
Association members from
the Rio Claro area.
These developments are
only the most recent in the
long line of problems which
have beset the "new" Central
Market in its short life. Market
vendors have always complained
about the unsuitable location
of the market, and they, too,
have been affected by the
recent activities of the C.M.A.
One of the chief targets
of criticism is the wall which
the C.M.A.has built, to separate
the wholesale section under its


From page 1
already has the required 40feet
of water and would be incom-
parably cheaper to make-ready
than would be the open road-
stead off Mayaro or Guaya-
guayare. It would also be pro-
bably quite some dollars nearer'
to the export markets we are
aiming at.
And then too, Point
Lisas has already incurred the
cost of the initial planning.
The time that we would save
could be crucial,,, if only because
Jamaica is said to be negotiat-
ing with Algeria for gas to go
into her projected aluminium
All this is well and good,
but who has investigated the
factors weighing in favour of
the East?What case is the Go-
vernment making? How canthe
Eastern Counties, or for that
matter, Tobago or any other
district in the country, partake
in decisions which may be a
matter of life and death?It is
for us to find the answer and
put it into Wooding's mouth.

control, from the retail sector
which is administered by the
Port-of-Spain City Council. In
addition, the C.M.A. has in-
stituted new hours for the open-
ing and closing of the gates
which provide access between
the two sections.
Wholesalers are complain-
ing that the opening hour has
been moved back to 5.30 a.m.,
from the former time of 1 an.,
cutting down on off-loading
and selling time. In addition,
closing time for the gates is
now 8 a.m., which affects not
only the wholesalers, but also
the vendors in the south-
eastern end of the market, who
claim that they arenowcut off
from their customers.


Much of the confusion
which exists arisesfrom the
dual control of the market. On
the one hand, it is claimed that
the C.M.A. has been bringing
pressure on the City Council to
prevent wholesalers from using
facilities in the retail section.
And C.M.A. action in forcing
retailers out of the wholesale
section is seen as part of this
City Council spokesmen
hint that what is motivating the
C.M.A. is jealously of the re-
venue collected from whole-
salers almost a third of City
Council market dues comes
from wholesalers such as the
members of the Nariva-Mayaro
Association, who have been
granted use of the dasheenn
shed" in the retail section.


More evidence of the lack
of co-ordination at adminis-
trative level came early last
week, following a protest move
by Aranguez vegetable farmers.
Finding the market gates
still closed after the customary
opening time of 1 a.m., these
producers are reported to have
driven their trucks to the San
Juan home of Minister of State
for Local Government, Sham
Mohammed. Awakened at that
hour, he promised prompt
And, indeed, when the
Nariva-Mayaro delegation visi-
ted the office of the City
Council Market Administrator,



mi~l l5 :-~ a ',I k

they were told that, on instruc-
tions of the Minister, all was
"back to normal", and they
could retain use of the dasheenn
However, the C.M.A.
remained adamant in its re-
fusal to open up the gates any
earlier than 5.30 a.m. In fact,
according to delegation leader,
Manson Quamina, the C.M.A. ,
seemed to be saying that if
the City Council was making
its shed available to the farmers,
then it was up to the City
Council to provide access for


Inevitably, questions are
raised about such a seemingly
shortsighted policy on the part
of the C.M.A. In fact, when it
is realized that the new market
was supposed to solve the
problems of cramped space and
inadequate facilities at the old
George St. market, it is nothing
less than shocking to hear both
wholesalers and vendors com-

plain that conditions are worse
than ever.
Little consideration seems
to be given to the fact that the
wholesalers and vendors, to-
gether with the customers, are
the pillars on which the
successful operation of the
market rests. Instead, delega-
tions, like that from the
Nariva-Mayaro Association are
treated with scant courtesy,
and the farmers from all over
the country, who are respon-
sible for filling the nation's
food-baskets,areforced towhole
sale their goods in unsheltered
places, which lack toilets or
even the most basic facilities.
In fact the problem goes
even deeper. The real reason
for the inadequacy of space
and facilities at the Central
Market, after so short a time,
is that day after day, more and
more farmers and retailers from
all over the island flock to this
one central point to transact
And in its train this over-
centralisation has brought in-
evitable administrative chaos,

not to mention hardships to
farmers and retailers, an in-
creasingly high number of heavy
vehicles on the road, and, of
course, spiralling prices for the
foodstuffs on which the nation


It is too much to expect
the C.M.A. to establish regional
wholesaling centres at con-
venient locations throughout
the country? Shouldn't the
C.M.A. be relieving farmers of
the worry and costs of trans-
porting their produce, by
establishing an efficient collec-
tion system?
Or is the sorry per-
formance of the C.M.A. only
another aspect of the callous
disregard which the present
Government has shown towards
the interests of one of the
most important sectors in the
country? Whichever way one
views it, a raw deal for farmers
now threatens a food shortage
for housewives.

Tapia Secretary reinstated

.From page 1

abused in almost every in-
"The Council has shown
itself flexible enough to use its
own discretion arid to disavow
rigid authoritarian rules in-
herited from a colonial past."
Best added that he had
all along treated the matter as
"a test case designed to open
a window on a system of ad-
ministration and a set of rules

which had become outmoded."
He had embarked on a pro-
gramme of "living by his own
conscience" in order to remind
the college of the organic
disorder which had been ex-
posed by the Camacho incident.

He had chosen the issue
of the marks as one way of
beginning to retrieve certain
inalienable rights which student

and faculty members of the
college had somehow surren-
dered to the Administration
over theyears.
The Camacho incident
had shown that, because of a
crisis of confidence in the work-
ing of the University, it had
become too costly to negotiate
rights and responsibilities by
the normal channels.
He had therefore deli-
berately side-stepped the cen-
tralised bureaucracy and had
announced his own programme.

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