Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00027
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: May 7, 1972
Frequency: completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00027

Full Text



TR LE P and commands a feasible vision of the
future. And we know that to deal with
the IRA in the way that we have to it is
A L T not sufficient to call for its withdrawal
or the removal of certain provisions.


Augustus Ramrekersingh
THE Government has published
the draft Industrial Relations Act
for public comment. Like all the
legislation with which it has been
seeking to arm itself against an in-
creasingly restive population, the
IRA has a stark political content
and intention. That is, to maintain
the regime in power without any
attempt to deal with the structural
reasons for the discontent and

belligerency now endemic in the
national disposition.
Since 1970 we have seen the growing
anxiety of the regime to fortify itself
with the passage of laws that bit by bit
aim to retrieve those objectives that were
denied them through the rejection of the
Public Order Act. It is instructive to re-
member this in considering how to deal
with the IRA, for the regime has learnt
to expect and to get around isolated acts
of resistance and to survive those occa-

sions increasing though they have
been when the population takes ad-
vantage of an open season, so to speak,
to get in a lash.

We are now seeing however the limi-
tations of sporadic resistance and over-
night radicalism that is not tied to any
sustained and systematic movement to

rid ourselves of the regime and
in its place a thoroughly new
that expresses our historical as

- .-- .- -- _-_--
B: '

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The Tapia House Group


an Assembly of members on Sun-
day 9th April, 1972.
Deliberation focused on the Draft
Proposals for a new constitution, Pros-
pects for a Printing Shop, and the elec-
tion of the new National Executive.
Other items on the agenda, including
plans for the Tapia Sou Sou Investment
Trust were postponed for the meeting
of Sunday 7th May, 1972.
The revision of the constitution was the
subject of much discussion. Members insisted
that local Tapia Groups should have sufficient
independence to ensure the sovereignty of the
Movement over its National Executive. After
the discussions Denis Solomon, and Baldwin
Mootoo were appointed to prepare a final
draft for ratification by the meeting in early
The new Tapia National Executive is as.
Chairman ................... Syl Lowhar
Deputy Chairman .......... .Arthur Atwell
Volney Pierre
Secretary ................... Lloyd Best
Assistant Sec............... Lloyd Taylor
Community R nations Sec. Ivan Laughlin
Director Tapia Ent. .......... Clyde Payne
Education Secretary ........Denis Solomon
Research Secretary Augustus Ramrekersingh
Secretary, The Executive .. Sheilah Solomon
Editor .................... Lennox Grant
Amenities Secretary ...... Ruthven Baptiste
Public Relations Sec .......... Pat Downes
Cultural Director ............to be elected
Field Organisers ............. Gerry Pierre
Arthur Frederick
Christian Maingot
Regional Reps ............... Louis Vilain
Brinsley Samaroo
Samuel Roderick
Hamlet Joseph
Denzil Grant
Warden............................ Esther Le Gendre


Lenno\ Grant

STRONG ARM techniques
are coming increasingly into
use by employers facing indus-
trial disputes with workers.
Taking advantage of a chaotic
situation in industrial relations,
aided by the State of Emer-
gency which prevents the kind
of industrial action aimed at
winning public opinion, some
employers are learning they
can use barbarous, big-stick
techniques to get their own
The example of Badger
when the government shame-
lessly took the side of the
employers a foreign corpora-
tion, against Trinidadian
workers has strengthened the
hands of the Employers Con-
sultative Association the real
hawks in industrial relations to-
day. It is clear that they have
been counselling a policy of
no-quarter aggression against
agitating workers.
The result of this, of course,
is to further befoul the climate
of industrial relations, to pro-
mote bitterness, resentment
and increasing misery.
This has been precisely the
case in Laventille, where over
the last month or so two firms
simmarily dismissed workers
for taking part in industrial
action. Around the end of
March Top Fashion Ltd., gar-
ment manufacturers at the cor-
ner of Mc Allister Street and
Eastern Main Road, handed
dismissal notices to about 99
employees, mainly women.
That was the climax of an
industrial dispute within the
firm during which the workers
went on a go-slow. Refusing to
recognize the workers' action
as being in the pursuit of legiti-

male industry. ainms and n.,r-.
mal as things go, the manage-
ment issued two warning notes
to the workers. Both of the
notes referred to a drop in pro-
duction and threatened dismis-
sal if improvement was not
The next step was to pay
off the workers and simply
shut its doors. No further com-
ment. No questions asked.
But the Coconut Growers
Association case must rank as a
classic in the history of reckless
and unprincipledindustrial rela-
tions practices. After a long
struggle to win recognition the
Transport and Industrial Work-
ers Union were granted it in
January this year.
TIWU won recognition for
hourly, daily, weekly and
monthly paid workers. In par-
ticular, CGA insisted that the
monthly staff must be part of
the bargaining unit.
Then when negotiations for
wages salaries etc. Were to be-
gin in April, CGA refused to
hold negotiations for the
monthly staff, revealing a back-
dated agreement for workers of
the category with another
This bare-faced zig-zag
naturally brought reaction
from the workers who were im-
patient for the settlement of
longstanding grievances. They
began go-slow and protest ac-
Then, claiming the workers
had withdrawn their labour "Il-
legally", CGA fired 200 of
Incredulity and consterna-
tion were the responses in
Cont'd. on Page 16

What we must call for instead is the
repeal of the regime which cannot be
trusted and lacks the competence to ad-
minister even the most progressive legis-
For more than a decade the PNM
Government has been in conflict with
organised labour. In the first place the
PNM had no formal base in the trade
union movement. And after the turn-
about on Chaguaramas and the commit-
ment to an economic policy of creating
a welcoming society for foreign in-
vestors, the PNM found itself in-
creasingly alienated from the popular

Institute So, rather than seeking to transform
v system thenatur e of the economy, the govern-
pirations ment opted for control of organised
labour, for "stabilization," for the dis-
creditation of the more militant unions.
The Mbanefo Commission into Sub-
versive Activities was the first step in
this direction. It was a deliberate ploy
to blackball those unionists who had
come intuition that the country was
heading backwards.

However, as industrial relations de-
teriorated and loss of confidence in the
government increased, it became vitally
necessary to control labour more
directly and firmly. A. N. R. Robinson,
at that time Minister of Finance, argued
in his 1964 Budget Speech that labour
militancy was harmful to the economic
policy of the government and that
something would have to be done.
What Robinson and the PNM did not
understand, or chose to ignore, was that
trade union militancy was inevitable in a
situation in which -

0 economic control was in the
hands of foreign corpora tions, and

9 the unions were the only or-
ganised groups in the country not under
the control of government or under
foreign control.

As long as the trades union perceive
that the government is not genuinely
representing popular -interests there
cannot be industrial peace. (The
Queen's Canary would need to perform
some more of his inimitable intellectual
acrobatics to avoid the inexorable logic
of this position which he articulated
some years ago).

This has been the case, as we have
pointed out, since the early sixties. And
in keeping with the desire for "tran-
quillity" -that ANR Robinson so ar-
dently advocated, against the back-
ground of a partial State of Emergency
and the "red peril" of CLR James, the
ISA was imposed on the country.

The failure of the ISA over the years
particularly since the Bus Strike of
1969 has been one of the more out-
standing signs of our time. Iridustrial re-
olations reached an all time low with the
ISA aggravating those very conditions it
was established to deal with.
Public opinion cried out against the
situation for which the government was
responsible, and wh i ch in its incom-
petence, was helpless to correct. (See
'Tapia No. 2'2 "Williams Deaf To
Appeals").. But the lesson we must draw
is that no such legislation like the ISA
or the IRA can succeed when the
government lacks popular support. And
when the government has such support
and confidence it would hardly find the
need for such legislation.

~;*jgdYI 8~

.; .,..



Page 2 TAPIA





IN ALL spheres of the national life our people are being denied
fulfilment. In sport, in politics, in the day-to-day business of making
a living the story is the same. It must be ominous indeed that not
even the annual Carnival can provide a relief from the normal reality
that encompasses misgovernment, incompetence and the encroaching

development of a military state
thought and free expression.
Dissatisfied and frustrated calypso,
steelband and masquerade competitors
have their counterparts everywhere in
the society among those who have seen
clearly that the regime which cannot be
trusted to dispense law with fairness and
competence cannot either establish stan-
dards by which to reward local initiative
and creativity. Carnival this year, post-
poned to the rains of May through
polio, came as an imposition upon the
complex of evils, pressures and hard-
ships which call not merely for cor-
rection but for a fundamental re-
ordering of the kind of society which
makes them possible.

Rewards in this society the pro-
duct of our human and other resources
have always been reserved for the
foreigners, whether tourists or investors.
Despite whatever self-deceiving advice
the government has been taking, it is we
who have always been picking up the
cheque for the entertainment and en-
richment of foreigners.
To appease the offended sensibilities
of Badger and Texaco the government
last year declared a State of Emergency
as well to retain the welcome mat un-
tarnished. for American capital. It
meant the jailing of some of the more
outstanding dissidents and the humilia-
tion of Badger workers in making them
get police clearance before returning to
The threat which the government
faced was not to "law and order, econo-
mic stability peace of mind and
security of job tenure to the average law
abiding citizen," but rather to the conti-
nuation of the government's policy of
accommodation to foreign capital at all
costs. Ever since 1970 the regime has
been able to see that its economic
policy stands discredited and that the
new movement, so far from being
crushed underfoot, is moving ahead to
establish itself in the trade union move-

It is an even guess that the new
leadership now ratooning in the trade
union movement is now responsible for
the anxieties being generated in the
government. The belligerent attitude of
Crichlow and the curious strike in the
PNM Telephone Company are perhaps
more than anything else responses to
more impatient stirring within those
unions generally regarded as pro-
Establishment. The repudiation of the
established union in WASA in April
1970 and the movement on the part of
workers in Tugs & Lighters in 1971 also
seem to reinforce the impression that
among the rank and file of trade union
membership there is the feeling that
more "militancy" is demanded by the
The situation is indeed desperate
for the survival of Williams and the PNM
regime. They have sought to bolster a
precarious position with the passage of
the Sedition Amendment Act and the
Summary Offences Amendment Act --
both of which to take effect, in the now
familiar way, notwithstanding Sections
1 & 2 of the constitution.
True enough these pieces of legisla-
tion have sharpened the risks involved in
political opposition on the one hand by
intimidating the publishers and printers

with all its restrictions on free

of political material, and on the other
hand by inhibiting the concretisation of
political communication into political
organisation, particularly in times of
national crisis.
But it is now clear that they cannot
contain those same "ordinary law
abiding citizens" rankling each day in
the face of rising prices, food shortages,
confusion on the roads, and the ubiqui-
tous evidence of corruption and govern-
mental ineptitude.
Nor would they stop those workers
from seeking to ensure that a larger
share of the profits made in the foreign
sector would in fact accrue to nationals
through wages, or from seeking better
representation of their interests through
their own or another union.


So a piece of legislation specifically
designed to fit this requirement has had
to be brought up. Now, more than six
months after Williams promised in de-
claring the Emergency that Parliament
would sit "continuously" until all the
legislation had been completed, the In-
dustrial Relations Act is before us. In
the interim the government has seen the
industrial relations situation deteriorate
even further. The military had to be
sent to WASA and to the Telephone
Company. The daily press had to call
time and again for the quick intro-
duction and enforcement of the "pro-
rmised IRA".
And like an eerie countdown to the
judgment day successive Cabinet
meetings to consider the draft were duly
reported to the nation, listing who were
present and who were excused etc.


The grim fact is that the government
feels it can ram the legislation through
without any great protest on the part of
the population. Williams and Hudson-
Phillips no doubt estimate that the
population has been psychologically
prepared for "drastic measures" to deal
with a critical situation. They will urge
haste in the implication that the IRA is
all that is required now before the
Emergency can be lifted.
Accepting a few minor amendments
to appease the naive, they will go on to
pass the IRA "offering neither defence
excuse nor apology" as Basil Pitt imper-
tinently bragged in introducing the
Summary Offences Amendment Act last
December. For the government des-
perately needs this legislation which
again sets aside Sections 1 & 2 of the
Constitution for its own political sur-

After inevitably failing to resolve the
problem of labour through a congenital
incapacity to come to grips with the
problem fundamentally, the regime is
concerned now only with resolving
labour disputes. Through the Minister of
Labour and the Attorney General the
regime will reserve the right to influence
solutions that are in its own political
The Labour Congress has been re-
duced to meaninglessness. It was indeed
the last body to make proposals for the
problems of labour. And what the IRA
seeks to do is to condemn it to further

insignificance by effectively ensuring
that its constituent units cannot act in
concert. So that there can be no threat
of the kind Spencer made to Williams
before the Emergency in 1970 and
Glean and Crichlow made against the
alleged poaching of the OWTU in 1971.

The spirit of the Public Order Act is
still evident in everything the govern-
ment seeks to do now precisely because
it is in the same position now as it was
in 1970. Only more desperate. And as
such Williams could be thinking of two
other things to complete the counter-
offensive against the new movement and
call a stalemate in the present political
One possibility is to accede to
Jamadar's call for the introduction of
Proportional Representation. By
reinstituting the historic cleavage based
on race, PR would further undercut the
gains made by NJAC in demolishing the
basis of that kind of politics. It would
also provide the PNM with a readymade
Parliamentary opposition, suitably inane
and ineffective to give the stamp of
legitimacy to fraud.


The other ploy would be to call an
election which only the DLP in one or
other of its versions would have reason
to contest. The result would be the
same to get a semblance of Parlia-
mentary opposition.
Which is why we must be united in
our perception of this as the ultimate in
reckless cynicism. We have to resist such
partial and self-seeking solutions like the
plagues of polio and typhoid. It is the
measure of the regime's utter political
bankruptcy that such devices could even
be entertained. But we know they
cannot even if they want change
their policy tomorrow, and oil, as we
have pointed out, cannot help anymore
than the laws they are now passing.

Tapia Book

The Tapia Book-Club is now
ready to circulate
memeographed statements of
"Tapia's Proposals for National
Reconstruction." Individuals
or Groups wishing to be placed
on the mailing list are
requested to forward $1. to
join the Club.
Club Members will also receive
lists of Caribbean reference
material books, journals,
memeographed articles.
Wherever possible, cheap
purchase will be arranged by
the Tapia Research Secretary.
Now on sale are :- Readings in
Government and Politics of the
West Indies at $7.50 and
Readings in the Political

Economy of

the Caribbean at


Offers are invited from Tapia
Associates for 100 attractively
bound sets of Tapia literature.
Volumes include papers,
special bulletins, pamphlets,
handbills and posters. Bidding
begins at $100 and proceeds
are to go towards the financing
of a Tapia House Print Shop.
Write to The Tapia House
Publishing Company Limited,
91, Tunapuna Road,

Thursday Meetings
The National Executive has
decided to resume our weekly
Thursday night meetings at the
Tapia House starting from
Thursday May 4th. These
meetings have been
discontinued to make way for
more intensive field work but
field work has served only to
increase the demand for them.
Topics for discussion and
speakers will be announced in
the daily press.



15 Henr t. P.O.S.



Other Caribbean

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Return to the Tapia House Publishing Co. Ltd.,
91, Tunapuna Road, Tunapuna, Trinidad and Tobago.


I_ __


Dr. Bill Riviere, lecturer in History at
U.W.I., St. Augustine, has recently.written a
contribution to the University of Pittsburgh's
Annual Seminar on "The Black Man in the
Caribbean." The paper is entitled "Black
Power, NJAC and the 1970 confrontation in
the Caribbean: an Historical Interpretation."
The as yet unpublished statement is in four parts.
Riviere first seeks to define what he calls "The
Ideology of Black Power," concluding that Black
Power represents a "Doctrine about black people, for
black people, preached by place people."(Walter
Rodney Groundings with my Brothers). But its
global implications are not over-looked. Thus it is
being increasingly interpreted not as an end in itself
but, rather, as a means to an end a means to the
liberation of the Black Man and so his preparation for
participation in the common task of liberating
Humanity. As Jacob Bynoe puts it:
"Man has the problem of being. The Black Man has
the problem of being Black. So the Black Man has two
kinds of problems When the Black Man has
achieved satisfaction in his blackness he has the
common problem of Humanity That of achieving
satisfaction as a man..."


In the second section the historical context of the
1970 "Confrontation" is set. Riviere sees it as one of
perpetual resistance and struggle. Slave revolts in the
period before emancipation. Peasant riots and na-
tional upheavals in the period after emancipation
leading to concessions by the colonial power and
compromised on the part of the local leadership.
Then Independence ushering in the era of neo-
colonialism and so ultimately disillusionment on the
part of the population. This culminated in the con-
frontation of 1970. In this context he gives his inter-
pretation of the significance of "A group of university
thinkers calling themselves the New World Group."
He then discusses the events between February 26
and April 21, 1970 and concludes with his analysis on
the nature of the events of that period.

1970 was probably the most significant year in the
political life of this country. The events of the period
called the "February Revolution" lifted the political
consciousness of the population and to a large extent
made people's mind clear about what they are
against; about the political, economic and social fac-
tors that continue to keep the West Indian peoples in
a state of continual impotence.

We achieved therefore in 1970 the negative phase
of the revolution. We are now engaged in the positive
and final phase, the phase that must commit people
on the basis of ideology. Thus we need not only cool
and dedicated commitment but also clear and
critical analysis of our recent and past history as well
as a perspective of the type of world we wish to build


It is in this regard that the study is really an ob-
stacle to the way forward. The paper suffers from
factual as well as from dubious theorizing on the con-
cepts of Black Power, unconventional politics and the
-meaning of revolution.

There is a clear tendency on the part of the author
to telescope and manipulate historical matter in order
to achieve some predetermined view of his own and
at times, only to dramatise a story. We find, for
example, that Andrew Camacho died in "somewhat
strange circumstances." Which is just sensationalism,
for Camacho simply died in a motor car mishap.

Or in setting his historical context for the
February Revolution, Riviere orchestrates "The
music of Resistance" in the Caribbean to have
Padmore and C.L.R. James thundering ideology in
Trinidad and Marcus Garvey doing likewise in
Jamaica. That to me is music off key because though
James became politicised in the Trinidad of the
1920's and early 1930's, his ideological "thun-
derings" (if James ever Thundered) took place mainly
in Britain while Padmore's field of action certainly
was Britain and to a lesser extent the U.S.A.
Moreover the thrust of Garvey's movement was
centered in the U.S. though of course he did take part
in Jamaican politics before his self imposed exile to
Britain in the late 1930's. That is not to say that
these men did not influence the politics of the Carib-
bean. They certainly did, but the significance of their
work manifested itself both in Africa and the Carib-
bean mainly after World War II. The point is that
their "thunderings" took place largely in the metro-
politan arena, not at home.


But it is treatment of the New World Group that is.
really way out of tune. Let me quote him:-
"The decay of colonialism had heralded the dawn of
neo-colonialism. A group of University thinkers,
calling themselves the New World Group understood






this well. In Trinidad and Tobago Lloyd Best and
James Millette, in Guyana Clive Thomas and Maurice
Odle, in Jamaica Elsa Goveia, George Beckford,
Norman Girvan, Orlando Patterson and Trevor Monroe
to name only a few these intellectuals influenced
in one way or other byh the writings ol C.L.R. James,
that grand old man of Caribbean radicalism, in-
creasingly brought Caribbean society, polity and
economy l' /deri the microscope of critical analysis.
While political scientists like Monroe
'ex',lninicd thie irclations/lip bctweeni ico-coloniialisxn
and political impotence and sociologists like Patterson
provided new insights into the peculiarities and irrele-
vancies of the Caribbean system of social values, his-
torians like Goveia investigated 'the historical ex-
perience of the region from the point of view of the
West Indian peoples rather than that of our imperial
'Masters. '
But the economy w'as deservedly the area of greatest
attention, economists presenting radical alternatives to
the regional strategy of industrialisation by invitation.


He goes on to look at the economic work of New
World as being divided into neat compartments.
Thomas on Sugar, Beckford bananas, Best oil
and Girvan Bauxite. Riviere recognizes that the
New World Group has given "intellectual guidance;"
but his statement is factually distorted. What is more
important, he obviously fails to grasp the full signifi-
cance of New World. This is critical to the arguments
as a whole, for it is because of his failure to under-
stand the contribution of the New World movement
that such spuriousattacks on Tapia are made. More-
over it seems to me that this also accounts for his not
drawing what seem to be the logical conclusions
from the events of 1970.
It is important therefore that we attempt to esta-
blish the contribution made by New World to the
regional movement for change.

Hardly a year after its inauguration the West In-
dian federation was foundering on the rocks of poli-
tical mismanagement. It was in response to the
federal crisis that New World emerged. As the New
World Quarterly put it in 1968 "young men in the
University were, like the rest of the nation, simply
dissatisfied with the general complexion of regional
affairs and were moving to intervent." Its initial ex-
pression was at U.W.I., Mona, Jamaica as the West
Indian Society for the study of Social Issues. Then in
March, 1963, in Georgetown, Guyana the first New
World Quarterly journal was published. So that it was
in Guyana that the nameNewWorld came into being.


From then on the Group took root in Jamaica and
eventually, mainly through the initiative of Lloyd
Best, groups and/or associates developed among West
Indians in Washington, New York and Montreal as
well as in the Caribbean particularly in Trinidad, St.
Kitts, and Puerto Rico.
The full story of New World is still to be told. But
,it was not "Best and Millette in Trinidad" and "Clive
Thomas in Guyana" or any thing of that sort. Best
did not co- -;" -1oa for eood until Sep-

TAPIA Page 3

: i '-i.

i "'"^

timber, 1968, while Thomas only went back home
to Guyana late in 1969 after being banned from
As a matter of fact the leading figures in New
World, Guyana while the group was functioning there
were Miles fitzpatrick and David de Caires, not Clive
Caribbean Society has always been renowned-for
authoritarian politics, for insularity and total de-
pendence on the metropole. So that we hae gone
along for years without an indigenous intellectual
framework, and with little or not genuine political
participation on the part of the population.


In this context, recognizing that change cannot
take place simply by going to the hustings, but that
what is necessary is a change of consciousness, New
World deliberately sought to develop independent
thought as the road to Caribbean freedom. It rejected
"uncritical acceptance of dogmas and ideologies im-
ported from outside" and based its ideas for the
future of the area "on an unfettered analysis of the
experience and existing conditions of the region." It
sought to provide an arena of democratic discussion
and dissent where men cold find and express them-
selves. It sought to develop resources throughout the

New World, therefore, has tried to equip its mem-
bers with the all important intellectual base so abso-
lutely necessary for forging the change. From this has
arisen a set of related concepts such as plantation
economy, afro-saxon culture, doctor politics, indus-
trialization by invitation, unconventional politics and
national reconstruction. These form a single coherent
statement which can be seen to be the basis of Tapia's
politics today.
Both in philosophy, method and style of organ-
isation, Tapia has developed organically from New
World. Tapia therefore, like New World before, is one
of the planks of a long-term political organisation
with the capacity to survive crisis and to outlive its
founders, an organisation with its own ideological and
intellectual base, an organisation that we have been
building since 196).


Riviere's misunderstanding of the New World
movement therefore leads him into all kinds of du-
bious theorizing and analysis. He is committed to the
"ideology of Black Power" as a means of achieving
the "liquidation of the exploitation of man by man."
Initially he postulates a movement incorporating all
non-white peoples, ("Black then must at a certain
level means non-white".), the peoples of the Third
World, and at some stage removing racial considera-
tions to achieve the end of liberating mankind.
Thus he is at odds with Tapia. In Tapia we do
not see the world in terms of black and white. As
Riviere himself points out, we have warned against
"racism in reverse." He says that Tapia "thus com-
pletes a black struggle membership card for those
over privileged whites who, many of them, seek self-
atonement on the basis of liberal posturing. In doing
this it does considerable injustice to the fact of
NJAC's coming to terms with the fundamental rela-
tionship between racism and economic exploitation."
Further, "Tapia's position betrays a profound
misunderstanding of the developmental nature of the
colonial revolution, assuming as it does that whites
and blacks can struggle together in the absence of a
common point of departure."


It is by adopting Black Power as an ideology
that all types of confusion arise. In the first place is
Black Power really an ideology? To me it is really a
political banner that has enormous emotional appeal
particularly tothe men from the Middle Passage,

* Continued On Page 7

Page 4 TAPIA



C. V. GOCKING... humaniseded men

AiddCss delivered ,at Qcen s RI''t
Achtcveinc;:, D1y ,. 1.., 16h I/ 19 2.

"i'bi p'SI is p/ ?:' f/ r' '. .taid .', is
it f hIbis ilstt'utio)v.

Brothers, and Sisters,
1 am honoured io be able lo
take my theme from the Principal.
I borrow his clue because it seems
apt for the occasion. We are, I
agree entirely, in a season of
"mixed fortunes."
At such moments men of wit and
compassion necessarily iake refuge ia
dainty understatement. in times of
trouble excess becomes the norm; large
frustrations demand larger fulfilment
'still; and if we are nol careful, we tend
to lose proportion. i; such a situation
of crisis nothing is more salutary than a
long historical perspective.
Wherever 1 am called upon to speak
these days. and presumably my role is
to talk about the future --- I take the
opportunity to repeat that the only
crystal-ball I know is the looking glass of
long tradition. Mr. Van Stewart has put
it more conciscel: "the past is part of
me." You might say th-Ii speculation on
hte ffu -r- n.' n': v r--~'nos"cs upon ils


Thie career of lth Qtueen's CollegiJte
School or the Qi!een's Ro} al College,
take your pick --- is central to the career
of all education in the country. Educa-
tion in turn hlis been central to the
hopes aTid aspiratiois t) the Caribbean
people, patiiculirly here in Trinidad. In
the days gone by, we hid little land or
business when coimpacCd with say. our
brothers in Grena.da or Jamaica. We had
no laborur orgamns'tioin either, when
compared wilh say. our neighbours in
Barbados or Antigua Here we were too
many little fragment:, drawn from lto
many different places. 1t has been hard
to settle down and orgoanise.


In Trinidad oui t twciiers in seaici
ofi freedom had to take their triumphs
in the townships in A -ima and Tuna-
puna and Tacarigoa and in the schools
Nelson St. Boys R.C. San Fernaliidc
Gov't., Tranquility i itcrmediate. It is
no accident at all tlihat in its final stage,
the national miovemeIi found its driver :
force in teachers and .,choolmnasters ,;
every klid. They say ve have produce~
no enterprise but thei are wrong. Black.
people's investment \was in educatioit.
our business was the school. The ty-
coons of industry in ihis country hase
been the Primary HI-ad Teachers: i',e
Grandersons and Scotts; the Noels un.i





Lloyd Best -

thei Mar'ks the Theodores aaci the
M:ivnads. These were the men who
.i,'!d that piecious ladder which let our
':fl i is, oti tie hulclh I first though the
C, ii.: .. Exhibitioii, then next through
eie House Scholarship and finally the
island Scholarship supreme. It has been
ca led an education for young colonials
and that is exactly what it was.
ORC, CLR James has written, was a
very good school." It was secular, lib- The
eral, rational and humanitarian in its theiefor
ideals and methods and that was good. we wer
It was good but unfortunately that was the prol
not all. The school, James reminds us in technical
Beyond a Boundary, was also a school men of
in a colony ruled autocratically by where v
Englishmen. It was a school. Williams re- self-resp
minds us, in the History of the People And th
of Trinidad & Tobago, where the bulk somewh
of the property was English and Protes-
tant while the bulk of the people were
foreign not only in language and religion
but also in race. So there are many
necessary contradictions to be noticed. So
not to
The first a'nd most obvious contradic- results.
tion was that this brand of education GCE es
was an attempt to save the many by iso- scandal;
rating the few. There they were, the ing sign
Burslems and the Cambridges and the country

mirror, mirror on the wall could
e write tomorrow's plan if only
e courageous enough to see that
blem which we face is not at all a
al but a humai one. There are
f technical competence every-
ve turn; but spirit and vision and
iect are literally something else.
ese are what we have to find


the challenge which Mr. Van
is said to have is real; though it
he one that some imagine, li is
save the school for better GCE
The continuing existence of the
xam is itself nothing short of
and perhaps the most encourag-
n in QRC today and in the
is a whole is the determina-

ABt ;


^^ f.. :si : -
Georges And Q.R.C. Jazz ClubiT
Georges And Q. R.C. Jazz Club

Lows, our English Headmasters of olden
days, promoting liberal values in an
autocratic sugar colony where planters
war.ted mainly labourers and clcrks.
There we were, colonials, black and dis-
possessed, yet pinning our hopes for lib-
eration on a few becoming Englishmen
Through an English education fashioned
in the mould of the two celebrated
Thomases Thomas IHuges and Thomas
Arnold. It is within the bounairry ol
these conllt-ldictions ihat was reared lie
Afro-Saxon pIerson, though iit is aI
boundary let us note which some
have clearly pone beyond.
CLRI James, as so ollten. percclves tie
ioblem whole. I must thank C.V.
rocking g for reminding ine of the 1i1l-
lowiig iniportant piece:

"I* was oui y l/lung vear's after that I
iundersto/d the- icililalioln ( .iof spirit,
risio/ ,illd se/lj-'respct which was im- -
/nis.d ul/poii us by til' jt icthal it 'a r
iih/sre'rs, oir cLcllriiclllllll, ourll codi(' nj
miorils.everything began fi/,n //uI
basis thal Britain nWas Ih// si-c () of/l
/ll light and leading, anld ior btlsmievs
was to admire, wonder, imlitltc,
learn; our criterion of sn'Iucccss was in/
ilave succeeded in approuachling thati
disland ideal to aHllin it was, of
course, imossiIble." p. 3S-3.9, i'e-
yond a Boundary.

The limitation of spirit. vision and sell-
iespect; that is what the looking glass of
yesterdayy reveals as one essential tradi-
tion of education in this our land.

tion of the newer geinerationi of on
students to see examinations in t eir
right perspective. In imy opinion let
me say it loud and clear the exnmiinia-
tions should have no impotat ice what-
soever. By their nature they demand too
crippling a concern with fornmulae and
they would not be veryI useful if we
abandoned the idea of select ini a gited
few as the only means of saving 'ie de-
graded many.
The onlv ihing fthatl is i // ; :'/:,, is.
honest self.expresslion.. Ani to ackno -
ledge this is iot the same as gitin
licence for thle la/.y life ol 'weed IId
lime. Not at all. If intylhiing, iOi ." '
expression demands a castle\ -'
which is even iore difficult to '.. ii ',
than the comllnianld of techciilin' i
quired by even lihe best examilii .'oili
There are inaui y Ihopeful signl> in ili'
drama and tlte itiusi anid the spoil fiI
our school. iln lie joiiurnals nlow be'm
produced an.ld tle lleial o ,lt ill ol ith
place. They atlg/r well loi co(iuiinl gen- t ii-
lions; they deserve utM col llnlltendatti
anid eilcotiragenieniil I congratulate the
school on being itself; I urge if It ca;li'.
on because it is this stiiving for a het ie
culture which in the end will i;iltic
It is perhaps outr re.slt.i le Ii Il
ini line in order to secure nic t .ci .
successes which hals b/,,1thlll e 1 A1C i, l
mixi g ol' o r ou tol liic:ne b ltil I sCee oit
gioiun.id hete for being less tlic, i optimis-
tic. The mutation niu jy he sli:h r noiiit v
but the pi)ceCss of ad u.tinlg the ledu-
cation to a dilTeient kind ol \vild i
one which has been taking place or lihe

longest while. I:know because my own
experience tells me so.
Some things stand very prominently
out in my mind .... like the very first
time in the very first week when I scen-
ted the perfume of freshly cut savannah
grass on the lawn out front of the Main
Block of the school. It has haunted me
ever since like a sort of Proustiar
"petite madeleine."


Perhaps it was the unfamiliar techno-
logy of the scythe that fired my imagin-
ation. Mine had been a world of grass-
knives and brushing cutlasses and it was
a source of great wonder to me that so
languid an instrument as a scythe could
succeed somehow in mowing grass. I
suppose I was just a country boy and in
the country we had neither lawns, nor
scythes, nor a special breed of mowing
men. Indeed all our men were mowing
With the help of hindsight I have
since concluded that the country boys
in school must well have looked at
things through special eyes because they
somehow did not quite belong. I cer-
tainly noticed the beginnings of the
clash between Vidia Naipaul and Afro-
Saxon Woodbrook. If you were bold
enough to break the rule you could
sometime sneak upstairs from Third to
Sixth at lunch. I remember Naipaul
once holding Court amidst an impos-
sible din of animated conversation and
argument. 1 imagine he had even then
been sketching out his concept of the
Third World of the Third World.
Oddly enough, 1 remember most
Things in relation to 1948 and the Third
Form. I Keep wondering whether age 14
had any particular significance for me.
Or was the significant thing the move
from the North Block to the Main Block
beneath the tower and the clock. For
me the Third Form was the time when 1
abandoned religion and adopted a
wholly secular interpretation of the
'vorld. It seems now to have been a very
curious time though neither because of
the mystifications of sine and cosine
ihcta which, I admit, were much too
nuch for me; nor because of the abla-
,ve absolute with Achilles Daunt ad-
vancing to the blackboard in those jink-
Ing angled runs worthy of the nimblest
ugby half-back.

It was a serious time because ii
settled certain fundamentals there and
I hen. William Demas, 1 remember,
taught us French and it was absolutely a
romance. After an eternity in Forms 1
and 1I of conjugating avoir and etre,
mechanistically, pointlessly and ove,
and over again, language suddenly be-
came a living thing, an instrument of
culture, a clue to civilized existence.
The result was not, as some mav
\\ allt to think, that I therefore became a
Fieiichman, not at all. The man that 1
became was black'-I began to think how
beautiful a man this Demas was. And
ilat was the incident which in my parti-
cular experience settled the issue that
black is beautiful and good.

Cont'd. on Page 13

O.R.C's TOWER receiving face lift.

~j--`i~ ~-~

TAPIA Page 5


Though the February Revolution exposed the emptiness of the
old order and condemned political charlatans to the deepest confines
of political limbo, the political stage has not been completely cleared
of them. There aire those who refuse to accept their sentence and
occasionally make their unwanted, measly presence felt in an effort
to obscure the basic issues and the real alternatives in the politics of
this country. The call for Proportional .Representation is one of the
latest brain (Less) storms on the parts of some of the charlatans.
Proportional Representation is a
device which aims at ensuring that the AUGUSTUS
popular support of a political party or
group is reflected in the number of seats RAMREKERSINGH
which it wins in an election. Generally,
it has been the refuge of minority 0 the strengthening of racial politics.
groups which have no real chance of This has been the most pathetic
winning political power but are desirous consequence of proportional repre-
of having representation in proportion sensation in nearby Guyana,
to their voting strength, especially on the part of the
The simplest form of proportional Peoples' National Congress.
representation, and the one with which
we shall concern outselves, is the list
system. This was first used in Germany. The Democratic Labour Party or
Under this system : what remains of it -hopes to salvage
o uahl id 1 1nn t tt (,i l i

the country becomes a single
constituency and the gerrymander-
ing of boundaries is eliminated.

0 the voter by his one vote supports
the party's entire list of candidates
as against the other party's list.

a quota is decided upon, i.e. the
number of votes cast is divided by
the number of seats plus one. Each
time a party fulfills its quota one of
its members is elected, depending
on his position of the party's list.
The higher one's position on the list
the better one's chance of being
elected. The party with the largest
remainder wins the final seat.

Sthe number of seats which each
party wins quite accurately
expresses the number of votes
which it obtains.

Clearly, then, Proportional Represen-
tation ensures fair numerical representa-
tion and obviates the evil of gerryman-
dering. But it incurs costs which are too
high and to a large extent unnecessary.
Moreover, there may be other means of
doing the same without the evils of pro-
portional representation.
The major costs of proportional rep-
resentation seem to be as follows:

* the destruction of the idea of a con-
stituency representative.

* discrimination against the emer-
gence of local community leader-
Under proportional representa-
tion political parties tend to
become highly centralized. Already in
Trinidad and Tobago political parties
are almost completely dependent on the
will of a single individual and the politi-
cal system is based on the stifling of
local community and village leadership,
initiative and opinion as well as the ig-
noring of local needs. The real political
task is to emancipate the local commun-
ities and to facilitate the development
of strong, authentic leadership in all
communities. Proportional Representa-
tion would mean the further concentra-
tion c' central power and the final sup-
pression of the local communities.

that favoured sons of the political
leadership would win seats by vir-
tue of their high position of the
.party's electoral list. Men of inde-
pendent spirit, critical of the party
leadership or not in great favour
with the leadership would at best
find their names very low down on
the list so that their chances of be-
ing elected would be very slim, even

0 non-existent. If a party expects to
win fifty per cent of the vote,
hence fifty per cent of the seats,
such persons might be placed on
the lower part of the list, minimis-
ing or totally removing their
chances of election.

the entrenchment of dictatorial or
doctor politics as well as a wholly
subservient, fawning, boot-licking
party membership. The more in fa-
vour with the leadership one isthe
better one's chance of being elec-
ted. A clique of flatterers and op-
portunists develops around the

.ou l L l 11 i U 1llpl / l l I 1o 1 M a i3 lll-
number of seats, though not a majority.
If this happens, then, the Indians in the
country would be resigning themselves
to continued political opposition. We
would, in fact, be opting out of the con-
test for political power. Why should the
Indians accept a condition of permanent
political opposition? They probably
constitute the largest single ethnic group
in the country, though not in voting
strength. Assuming the continuance of
the racial pattern of politics, the Indians
might win a majority around the end of
this century (i.e. if they keep up their
birth rate) .


It is patently unfair that a group
which has made such an enormous con-
tribution to the country in addition to
being such a large part of the population
should be deprived of meaningful politi-


If the elections were under the system of Proportional Representation.
Year Votes Cast PNM DLP Liberals WFP ANC Quota

1961 333,512 190,003 138,910 -- 1634 10,758

Seats 17 13

1966 302,548 158,573 102,792 26,870 10,484 8,177

Seats 19 13 3 1 -

Two further consequence of proper -
tional representation need only be

* the possibility of curious marriages
of convenience in efforts to form
governments resultant instability.

* the probability of a mania for form-
ing political 'parties' PLENTY

An examination of the electoral
statistics for 1961 and 1966 is quite
If the elections were held under the
P.R. system the results would have been
as follows: for the year 1961, PNM -
17 seats, DLP -- 13 seats, others 0 seats;
for the year 1966, PNM 19 seats, DLP
- 13 seats, Liberals 3 and WFP I.

Instead the results were; 1961 PNM
20 seats, DLP 10, others 0. 1966: PNM
24 seats DLP 12 seats, others 0.
Under proportional representation
-the PNM would still have won the
elections of 1961 and 1966 but

, The D.L.P. has abandoned the contest for political power at a time
when the country is in dire need of new direction. This is an explicit
acceptance of the present state of things. It is useless to the country.

JAMADAR, D.L.P calling for P.R.

cal participation or worse still be sad-
dled with an electoral system which
shuts out that possibility permanently.
And this is precisely what proportional
representation would do to the Indians
here. It is sheer impertinence and oppor-
tunism on the part of the DLP. Is this
the reward for their faithful support of
the party in years gone by?
In the period from the Wood Com-
mission (1921) to the advent of respon-
sible government those Indians who
argued for proportional representation
were quite justified in so doing because
political power was not at stake power
was effectively in the hands of the
Colonial Office and the arch bureaucrat,
the colonial Governor. What was at
stake was merely representation on the
Legislative Council. Since Independence
the prize is no longer representation but
political participation. And it would be
an unmitigated catastrophe for the
Indian community to compete in a
game already completed (the representa-
tion contest) The Indians must reject
any system which places them in perma-
nent opposition. Further we must
reject those who wish to foist upon
them such an inquitous system. It is
obvious, too, that alignment with the
DLP will never win political power for

BURNHAM,... accepted P.R.

with a smaller majority of seats.

* the DLP, at its strongest, (1961)
only polled 41.55% of the votes

* in 1966 the DLP could only poll
33.98% of the votes cast.

* the DLP now is much weaker than
it was in 1966. How many votes
can it now muster?

Even if it made an open and success
s ful racial appeal it would not win
political power. Clearly, the DLP is
neither interested in nor capable of
winning political power. It has re-
signed itself to political opposition,
settling for a few seats in Parlia-
the main aim of a political party is
to win power. Since the DLP is
neither willing nor able to do so it
is irrelevant.

the DLP is willing to sell the Indian
community for a few seats. Of
course, one must understand the
preoccupation of the DLP with
seats none of its personnel has
any political significance unless he
has a seat and forum in Parliament.

JAGAN, accepted P.R.

* the DLP has eschewed the contest
for political power at a time when
the country is in dire need of new
direction. This is an explicit accept-
ance of the present state of things.
it is useless to the country.
The call for proportional representa-
tion is, therefore, not a serious contribu-
tion to the wider issue of constitutional
reform nor even the narrower issue of
electoral reform Besides worsening the
national politics it ignores the funda-
inentals of constitutional reform -- the
existing organisation of the machinery
of state and the key factor in elect-
oral reform the control which the
Prime Minister has over the administra-
tion of the elections through his power
to appoint the Elections and Boundaries


Tapia's proposals for sweeping con-
stitutional reforms, especially those rela-
ted to electoral reform, the Senate, local
government and the control of execu-
tive power, afford the best opportunity
for us to have a coherent government
and fair, meaningful representation at
all levels, while avoiding the tremendous
evils of proportional representation. It
guarantees political power to all genuine
coalitions of interests regardless of race.
It is of far greater value to the politically
deprived Indians than any wishy-washy
proportional representation.


No one racial group should enjoy
either a monopoly of dominance of
political power in the country. The first
thing which we must do to lift ourselves
out of the political morass is to under-
take serious discussion and clear defini-
tion of the real national issues. Once we
start this type of activity we are on the
way to transforming the basis of our
politics from race and personality,into
issues and principle. And in serious poli-
tics non-issues such as proportional rep-
resentation would be recoguised as
phony and dismissed to their rightful in-



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San Fernando 652-3104


Page 6 TAPIA



Lennox Grant

Despite what com-
mentators have been
quick to label their
"new moderate image",
the US Black Panthers
are still committed to
"setting the prairie
This came out in a re-
cent interview with two
Black Panther Party offi-
cials, founder Huey
Newton and Bobby
Seale, published in the
American magazine
Reuter reports in the
Trinidad daily press earl-
ier this month noted there
Panthers' evident disa-
vowal of what had ap-
peared a suicidal strategy
of armed confrontation
with the police. The re-
ports saw the Panthers as
"promoting a new image
as a moderate organisa-
tion devoted to com-
munal health services,
give-away chicken din-
ners and the power of
the ballot box to bring
about change"

But Newton and Seale
have been insisting again-
st the assertions of critics
both of the left and-the
right that the unconven-
tional politics of emphas-
ising "survival program-
mes" in the black com-
munities is a revolution-
ary one.
And Newton observes
in the Ramparts inter-
view: "the super-revolu-
tionaries have been talk-
ing about building an
army but before you can
build an army, you've
got to get the people to-
gether. You have to have
some sort of spark to set
the prairie afire. The pro-
grammes are the spark.
The people are the fire."
If the "burn baby
burn" rhetoric is no
more it is because the
Panthers are now preoc-
cupied with rethinking
their position and with
building a base in the
black communities. It
has involved on the one
hand getting away from
the rigid "either/or posi-
tions" (either you're part
of the solution or part of
the problem) and on the
other hand organising the
communities on the basis
of attacking the real
needs of people for
food, for health services,
for clothing and shoes
and for education.


So that the Panthers
have been able to acti-
vate organizations which
have been traditionally
conservative, like black
businessmen and
churches and increasing
numbers of just ordinary
'community people" to
do voluntary work in sur-
vival programmes. Most
of the food and supplies
given away come from
black businessmen, and
the approach enunciated




in a paper by Huey New-
ton "Black Capitalism
Reanalysed' is aimed at
"driving (the black
businessman) farther into
the people's corner."
It was early last year,
according to Ramparts,
that Huey Newton was
able to persuade the
Black Panther Party's
Central Committee to-
wards the adoption of
the survival prograrmnes
as a basis for mobiliza-
tion in the black com-
munities. Now the
Panthers sponsor free ser-
vices in health clinics,
bus transport to prisons,
ambulances, pest control
and liberation schools
where the emphasis is on
black history and cul-

The Party calculates it
has given away 20,000
bags of groceries through
its 38 chapters in the JS;
20,000 people have alrea-
dy been tested for sickle
cell anemia, a lethal dis-
ease in the black ghettoes
for the prevention of
which the Panthers have
established a research
foundation. There are
plans to set up more shoe
factories and clothing
factories with the target
of providing 50C '. lies
every moni,. *,"'ith a
whole range of footwear.


Newton had previous-
ly failed to get the Panth-
ers to move in this direc-
tion and now he descri-
bes the phase when
armed confrontation was
emphasised as "a very
reactionary period.' He
told the Ramparts inter-
viewer, however, that he
"publicly supported this
wrong position, because
we have always been gui-
ded by democratic cen-
But the party had to
be able to see the inadvis-
ability of its position.
True enough, the 10-
point platform and pro-
gramme announced at its
foundation in 1966 did
embrace the kind of acti-

,vity being undertaken
now. It stressed the need
for '-land, bread, hous-
ing, education, clothing,
justice and peace', and
full employment for
black people.


Point Seven of the
1900 progiraune't, how--
ever called for an end
to police brutality and
murder of black people.
Citing the Second Am-
endment to the US Con'-
stitution, it asserted the
right of all black people
to arm themselves for
self-defense, and it advo-
cated "black self-defence
groups that are dedicated
to defending our black
community from racist
police oppression and
After May 1967 when
25 armed Black Panthers
invaded the California
State Legislature, the vio-
lent image of the Party
was established. It was
left to mass media induc-
ed hysteria and a series
of gun-battles with the
police, raids, crack-
downs, searches and ar-
rest of Party leaders to
identify the Panthers as
an urban guerilla organis-
ation for which the pro-
gramme was just a front.


The conventional poli-
tics of rage, rhetoric and
violence attracted the
bandwaggoners from the
myriad fragments of the
US radical movement.
But not the black com-
munity to any extent.
And by 1970 the Panth-
ers were able to see they
had lost their base in the
black community and
gained the dubious sup-
port of the white radicals
who themselves had lio
base in the white com-
munity. The Panthers
had gained too the even
more dubious accredita-
tion as 'vanguard of the
revolutionary st uggle".
The turning point has
come, however. Newton
has gone on record as ad-
mitting that the guntalk

and gunplay of the earl-
ier period was wrong,
and that Point Seven of
the original platform and
programme had been
stressed "too much and
for too long."

And it has cost them
the support of those radi-
cals who, like the famous
Panther former Minister
of Information Eldridge
Cleaver, argue that the
role of the party -
should be to takethe lead
in armed struggle now by
example and exhorta-
tion. They write off the
"survival programmes"
by which poor black
children are fed, clothed
and medically attended
as "reformist and revis-

ionist". The Panthers are
now denounced for hav-
ing given up their com-
mitment to armed strug-
Newton and Seale
consider they are well rid
of such support as can be
derived from the legion
of professional activists
and "revolutionaries"
who can be expected to
come running to the
now-for-now platforms
of movements which
hope to conquer Babylon
in a day. They choose ra-
ther to form a people's
army of real community
people who can see what
they have to fight for -
food, clothing, medicine,
education, a community
uplifted in body and

The work for this in-
deed excites few headline
writers. As Ramparts in-
terviewer observes, not
even the underground,
anti-Establishment press
is moved by the patient,
unspectacular, day-to-
day work routine.
So far from demand-
ing as they did in the
1966 programme the
payment of black people
of "the overdue debt of
40 acres and two mules
as restitution for slave
labour", the Panthers are
now seeking to acquire
the resources for econo-
mic betterment from the
black community itself.
As they go about
slowly tending the fires
they hope will set the
prairie ablaze, the Black
Panthers confound all
those critics and obser-
vers who arc so caught
up with the dogmatic ca-
tegories that they cannot
understand what is act-
ually happening. Some
observers like Williams
last year make much of
Huey Newton's express-
ed decision to work with-
in the system.
But Newton told
Ramparts "Don't judge
us by what we say. Judge



us by what we do." And
certainly what the Panth-
ers are doing denies the
existence of such rigid
categories as within and
without the system.

The dichotomy about
working inside/outside
the system has ham-
strung the 'discussion
about revolutionary
work, fostering a distor-
ted perception of the real
possibility Neat distinc-
tions are drawn and a
hundred and one super-
militants are always rea-
dy to dismiss this or that
proposal on the ground
that it is "reformist",
that it means working
within the system, or
that it is (the supremely
pejorative) "bourgeois".
To be sure, revolu-
tionary rhetoric has crea-
ted a romantic world of
its own. In a sense the lot
of the "revolutionary' is
a constant concern with
finding the situation to
fit the language rather
than the language to fit
the situation.
The Panthers have dis-
covered that they just
have to continue the
work of organising the
communities on the basis
of real interests. If they
have learnt anything it
should be the danger in-
herent in approaching a
situation with a priori
formulations of what it
should be ignoring the
cold facts about what it
And it is this which
gives the Black Panthers
story a very pointed rele-
vance to us here.

_ .w,. Wpst Indians formed

Clico, a compa ity,-Y pe

for the people
fo.,e ^ rc rrown from humble

ofthe region.lc \u a t anca

ginningsto one ofthe largest finance
institutions inthe Southern Caribbean

through YOUR TRUST

Assets for the security of policy
holders total over $54,000,000.00

outstanding record of



*Security j

~BriI' K
- -i
,.-E ~ -
-; -~~

29 St. Vincent St.. Port-or-Spin, T ;. 31421 7 -..luich Offices and I riendci\ ,curi .
Represcenlatives Ithroiighouti l rinidad & Tobago. ithie (.)lbean and London.

_ _____1___1_________~____



TAPIA Page 7




From Page 3

Moreover I think it simplistic to talk about Black
Power as being relevant to all Third World countries.
Where is the evidence to show that Black Power has
appeal outside the areas where we find African des-
cendants I can find none. Carmichael and Nkrumah
then may be correct for seeing Black Power as being
for Africans and peoples of African d escent.
The point is that Black Power does not commit
people to anything tangible, it racially motivates
'people. In the case of NJAC the message of Black
Power was translated in straight terms of black and
white. Granger, like Riviere, sees the movement here
as being for anybody who is not white and this posi-
tion did evoke fantastic emotional responses in 1970.
But the lesson we must draw from that period is that
emotional motivation will not really commit people
to revolutionary struggle. When the state of emer-
gency was declared Granger was outside for nearly
three days; where were the twenty thousand to con-
front Williams? For that matter where were they after
the State of Emergency was lifted and NJAC resumed
its marches? And where are they now?


Instead of showing up the shortcomings of the
NJAC leadership in defining the struggle so rigidly in
terms of black and white, the study seems to lay the
blame on the followers. He says that the leadership
went to great lengths to make the distinction between
defining the enemy more in terms of a system of
relationships and less of skin Colour.

"It is probable though that this distinction was lost
on rank and file demonstrators who, operating at a
level of political consciousness lower than that of the
leadership, might have understandably conceived of
the enemy in tens less of an intangible system of
relationships than of visible white personnel".

The NJAC leadership did of course talk about
the idea of "white hearted blacks" but it did define
"the enemy" mainly in terms of skin colour and
continues to do so.

It is instructive to hear Fanon on this point. in
Black Skin, White Masks he says:

"To us, the man who adores the Negro is sick as
the man who abominates him.
Conversely, the black man who wants to turn his
race white is as miserable as he who preaches hatred
for the whites.
In the absolute, the black is no more to be loved
than the Czech, and trndy what is to be done is to set
man free.
This book should have been written three years ago
...... But these truths were a fire in me then. Now I can
tell them without being burned. These truths do not
have to be hurled in men's faces. They are not in-
tended to ignite fervour. Ido not trust fervor.
Every time It has burst out somewhere, It has
brought fire, famine, misery .... And contempt for
Fervour is the weapon of choice of the impotent.
Of those who heat the iron in order to shape it at
once. I should prefer to warm man's body and leave
him. We miight reach this result: mankind retaining
this fire through self-combustion."


That is why in Tapia we are committed to per-
suasion as a means of mobilizing the cadres. Per-
suasion based on our analysis of our society and our
projections for the new world. So that we do not
categorize people either in tens of colour or even
simply in terms of "white-hearted". Our position is,
in fact, similar to Rodney's. Rodney does define the
movement in terms of Black Power but he says:-

"It seems to me, therefore, that it is not for the
Black Power movement to determine the posi-
tion of the browns, reds and so-called West In-
dian whites the movement can only keep the
door open and leave it to those groups to make
their choice".

I am not making a case for whites, let me make
that quite clear. What 1 am saying is that we cannot
afford to bow to the racist differentiation imposed by
western civilization. Colonialism has created a society
structured along racist lines. The civilization built a
world that made whiteness synonymous with privi-
lege and goodness and which relegated blackness to
slavery, impotence and degradation. In short it divi-
ded the world into black and white; it created, in
fact, the Third World.


We must offer the country a comprehensive
programme of what our world could be and let
people make decisions on that basis. In the Algerian
Revolution, in discussing the European minority,
Fanon points out that:

"For the F.L.N. (National Liberation Front) in the
new society that is being built, there are only
Algerians. From the outset, therefore, every individual
living in Algeria is an Algerian. In tomorrow's inde-
pendent Algeria it will be up to every Algerian to

assume Algerian citizenship or to reject it in favour of
That is the unconventional way to proceed.
This society has always been beset by racial politics
aLnd if you intend to liberate mankind you cannot
.start by mobilizing in terms of skin colour. This has
its own dynamic and can lead only to racism in re-
verse. Unconventional politics then is the Tapia way;
it is the revolutionary way and we must be clear what
it is about.


Riviere sees revolution as a total rejection of
the system and this accounts for his calling Tapia
"reformist" because of its outlines for National Re-
construction. We recognize that men do not change
their habits overnight and so all we could do is set
ourselves along the road to change. Furthermore,
when you reject a system totally what you put in its
place will really only be the property of a few men
because the country will have had no experience of it.
That is the surest route to totalitarianism. We must
guard against rejecting a Tsar and ending up with a
Stalin or, for that matter, a Duvalier

Tapia's proposals, therefore, have taken these
factors into account. Our view then is to blend the
experiences of the past with the direction of the


For Riviere conventional politics is about poli-
tical parties and general elections:-
"The new order, it was quite rightly felt, cannot be
forged through conventional constitutional channels -
political party and general elections because politi-
cians, for reasons best know to them, tend to align
themselves with economic groups whose interests, are
most securely served by a perpetuation of the status
quo. "

If that means anything at all, it is that uncon-
ventional politics is not about political parties and
general electioQn J3ut unconventional politics does in-
volve political parties (a genuine political party we
have never had in Trinidad and Tobago) and general
elections. What makes it unconventional is that it in-
sists on genuine participation and involvement and
departs from looking for a messiah.
It is really a conventional mind which tends to
underplay the importance of genuine democracy, the
importance of the majority will.
For example, Riviere says in reference to the
first demonstration of February 26, that NJAC "was
at last indicating a recognition of the Bismarckian
dictum that great questions bf the day derive settle-
ment from 'Blood and Iron' and not from speeches
and majority votes."
In Tapia we hold the view that we must
mobilise the country for a political settlement. If the
mobilisation is successful and the Government refuses
to meet the jus, demands of the population then,
bearing in mind that the people have made their voice
heard, we are prepared to carry the fight to the bitter
end, whatever it means.

you can be

sure if its


'-I (A)

will entertain you for I
a long time. So
be as troublefree as
can be. Choose
Westinghouse. With
Westinghouse you get
famous Stephens Service.
No better terms anywhere. Stephen


The National Executive has
decided to resume our weekly
Thursday night meetings at the

Tapia House starting from
Thursday" May 4th. These
meetings have been
discontinued to make way for
more intensive field work but
field work has served only to
increase the demand for them.
Topics for discussion and
speakers will be announced in
the daily press.


Bound volumes of Selected
Tapia Back-Numbers arc
shortly to become available for
sale. Rates would allow all
Tapia Associates and
well-wishers to make modest
contributions to our Printing
Fund. Details will be published
in Tapia No. 27. Or, write The
Tapia House Publishing
Company Limited, 91,
Tunapuna Road, Tunapuna.

' i ,




Page 8 TAPIA


Huthven Baptiste

f .. .' "-. "..

,- ..

.. n ..


If a reasonable estimate of WI
cricket is to be made one has to
start at least with the WI tour of
England in 1957 and C. L. R.
James' comment on their overall
performance. He said :
"The WI team of that year seemed
to have betrayed me. I was not discou-
raged being convinced that the game
they were playing was unnatural to
The question that arises here is,
what is the natural game of WI cricket-
ers. The answer to that is given by none
other than Roy Gilchrist in his book
"Hit A' For Six" he says: "It is possible
tb win, ? you attack, attack, attack."
As every one knows WI cricketers
are famous for their exuberance, flam-
buoyancy,aggressiveness, ad nauseam.
The failure of 1957 was that those
qualities were unwittingly suppressed by
the incompetence of the captaincy.
Goddard, the captain, did not enjoy the
confidence of his men who knew his
only qualification was his social back-
ground. But, most of all he failed to
adopt an approach relevant to the WI
Then Worrell came unto the scene
in 1960 after Alexander. Worrell was to-
Irise above the failures of the past (on
the field) and to usher in a new era.
Paternal as he was, Worrell was able to
command the confidence of the rest of
the team and to adopt an approach that
has now come to be identified as 'bright
cricket'. Worrell's bright approach liber-
ated the players from the restraints of
the past and we witnessed an erosion of
the barriers that divided WI teams on
the field. By healing the divisions in the
team Worrell laid a foundation from
which Sobers was to launch an attack
on the pattern of over defensive cricket
which was literally killing the game.
In an article in Tapia No. 23 I had
this to say about Sobers: "Sobers is a
revolutionary of the highest order. To
understand Sobers' revolutionary role
one must understand what he is trying
to -change, and for that let's turn to C.
L. R. James' "Beyond a Boundary"
where he deals with the 'Welfare State
of Mind' and the analysis he makes of
the rigor mortis that has set in, on
modern cricket. He says in part:
"The prevailing attitude of the
players of 1890-1914 was daring
adventure creation. The prevailing atti-
tude of 1957 can be summed up in one

word-security. Bowlers and batsmen
are dominated by it. The long forward
defensive push, the negative bowling are
the techniques of specialized performers
in a security minded age. "
Yet on the other .hand bright:
cricket is not simply a question of
attacking bowling or batting. It is also a
matter of drama and tension. As is the
experience of all spectators, the occa-
sions which made us excited were occa-
sions full of flashy play .... .last pair,
last over on the last day etc. C. L. R.
also overlooks the role of the captain in
bright cricket. Sobers does not.
For example, Sobers's policy of
even declaration-runs to make in even
time-succeeds in keeping a game alive
Right up to the last ball. He manages,
artificially, to introduce drama and ten-
j sion when those things are absent in the
natural sequence of a game.


In the WI a tradition of attacking
cricket has persisted throughout our
cricket history-a tradition which never
came clear in the past partly because of

possible to keep the game alive right to
the end.
We saw less dead cricket last year. I
think the players enjoyed it more too."
There is more. All the qualities that
Sobers brings into his batting, bowling,
and fielding, he brings it into his
captaincy and more. As captain he can
play his hunches to the hilt. His keen
perception and uncanny intuition is un-
matched by any captain I have seen or
read of. What could have inspired
Sobers to use Basil Butcher in 1968
against the English at the Queen's Park
Oval? Basil never bowled for the WI be-
fore that occasion or after, yet in that
unique spell Butcher took five wickets.
Sobers use of the unrecognised bowler is
as amusing as it is effective. Joey Carew
and Charlie Davis are virtual all round-
ers. Joe Solomon, Maurice Foster, and
Clive Lloyd have broken vital partner-
ships in their time.
The fact is Sobers taps under:
utilised resources in the men with him.
When Sobers used Butcher in that uni-
que spell he must have been either in-
spired in the manner of Joan of Arc or
he must have seen somewhere in But-
cher's zany length and clumsy action
some quality that could have defeated


Nevertheless, Constantine, Headley, the
three W's and others have established a
tradition which found its fullest expres-
sion in the 1963 team when Worrell and
Sobers were in command.
-ine conclusion from all this is that
the spirit of the golden era (the era of
W. G. Grace) never died in the WI and
its finest individual expression is Sobers.
His major contribution is not only his
amazing performances on the field but
also the formula he has provided to
keep a game alive. It may yet be too
early to measure his captaincy and the
effect of W! cricket as a whole on the
rest of the world. Yet, we can see the
introduction of 40 over matches, 20
overs in the last hour and very signifi-
cant is that captains of the Bill Lawry,
and Brian Close cast are forever dis-
graced. Let Sobers have the last say. In
an article in the Guardian Sobers wrote:
There is no doubt in my mind
this has been a good year for cricket
(Last Year) I think the crowds have
been bigger because they would see
more interesting cricket.
Captains cottoned onto the fact
that by declaring at the right time it was

the batting technique of the English
players on that occasion.
There are many other aspects of
Sobers' captaincy that underscore his
genius. But one important characteristic
about his approach is that his tactics is
never determined by precedents but by
the prevailing conditions. Commenta-
tors are alarmed that he uses nine bowl-
ers on the first day of a test match,
simply because it is unheard of. A better
example was his decision in the second
test against the Kiwis recently. Tradit-
ionally, the oval pitch is unfavourable to
batsmen on the last day, but, on that
occasion the pitch offered unexpected
help for the fast bowlers on the first day
and he capitalised on it by sending them
in to bat. The departure his leadership
makes from the conventional is note-

JohnArlott the eminent British
commentator on the game passes a
judgement that is becoming an ortho-
doxy with the local Press. In the preface
to a book "CRICKET-The Great



Captains", he says, "Others might have
been included but Warwick Armstrong,
Trevor Bailey as well as the less consis-
tent but absorbing Gary Sobers". It is
alarming to see a commentator of
Arlott's reputation failing to observe
Sober's admirable consistency in spite
of all the misfortunes, the backfired
declaration, the dropped catches, hostile
Press and public remarks and incompet-
ent administration.
His captaincy has covered three dis-
tinct phases; a) when the team was in its
prime, 1965-66; b) when it aged, 1968;
c) in its transitory phase from 1969-72.
During each phase he has played bright
cricket consistently. It is even possible
to quantify his consistency in terms of
the even declaration he has made in the
periods, declaration which is the ulti-
mate in strategic bright cricket so far.
It is quite clear therefore that
Sobers has been consistent in his philo-
sophical approach to the game. Then
Arlott is taking a simplistic view of con-
sistency in terms of mere wins and
losses. What is more important is the
way in which one wins or loses. If that
view is naive and idealistic then we must
remember that the WI lost to Australia
in the 1960-61 series. Yet the manner in
which we lost, the quality of our cricket
will never be forgotten as long as cricket
is played.
Let us return to the central theme.
The revolution which Worrell and later
Sobers has led, has remained incom-
plete. The cricketers performed their
role admirably but the wider West
Indian community beyond the boun-
dary failed to come to terms with the
colonial attitudes of the West Indies
Board of Control and the neo-colonial
governments of the WI territories. So
that while in the forefront we had
bright cricket; dull administration and
unimaginative government prevailed in
the background. As early as 1965
Woodville Marshall in the Dead Season
issue of New World Quarterly supports
the claims 1 am making. He says:
'One must note the limited nature
of ibe local revolution. Cricket needs
further democratization in the West
Indies. Players (and spectators) may feel
more filly identified with what happens
on the field but the game off the field is
still largely dominated by the old
narrow oligarchies. If West Indian
cricket is to realize its full potential the
administration of the game must be re-
formed so as to ensure that the wisest
cricket heads share in the administration



1 9 -~i*p~- r

I I r I I




of the game and that all sectors of the
community receive the material aind
psY,'clological encouragement to put
their ,iullest into the game. Our 0 adminis-i
traction has never served West Indian
cricket well. The errors, committed in
selection of tr'eams and captains, have
been compounded by a refusal to ensure
that the best possible facilities for the
development in rural areas and in the
smaller cricketing territories. The

than two weeks before the date of the
meeting. No addition, alteration or
amendment to the constitution shall be
made unless the same at a duly constitu-
ted meeting of the council and carried
by a vote of at least two thirds of the
members present and voting::.
Moreover, the TCC inspire of its
name, is not national neither geographi-
cally nor philosophically. It is a Port of'
Spain/San Fernando operation. The eas-

are directing, with a vengeance,all kinds
of invective at the players, and the
captain. All the administrative planning
is eloquent testimony to the incompe-
tence of the WICBC (West Indian
Cricket Board of Control).
Today, many are complaining that
the WI team lacks team spirit, but the
West Indian team only came together
two or three days before the first test.
The Brazilians prepare for the world cup

administration has shown an embaras-
sing tendency to put accumulation of
cash before general improvement of the
gaine. Most recently the West Indian
Board of Control's criminal shortsight-
edness almost jeopardized the chances
of our teams' success against Australia.
4No provision was made for a series )of
team practices before the arrival of the
Australians even though members of the
West Indian team had not played toget-
her for eighteen months; it is clear,
therefore,.,tbat until the power of the.
oligarchical group in the administration
of West Indian cricket is completely
broken the revolution cannot be con-
sidered as complete."


Marshall refers to oligarchies and I
think that needs some expansion. In
Tapia No. 21 I had this to say about
Trinidad's local oligarchy, Queen's Park.
I said:
The paradox that now arises is why
minority siueceds in doCminating a
squeamish majority. It is a paradox that
is easy to explain. There are two main
pillars on which the oligarchy rests.
They are constttitutionalism and a "res-
pect" for law nurtured by a subversive
educational system. That is oppressive
law which is screwing all of us.
Within Queen's Park 'doctor
politics' finds complete expression. The
leadership of Queen's Park has been un-
changed for thirty seven years and
Queen's Park dominates the Trinidad
Cricket Council. The Council, is in the
most part composed of the following
a) The president of Queen's Park
cricket club is ex officio president of
the TCC.
b) Eight members of Queen's Park
nominated annually by the management
committee of the club, four of whom
shall represent the north and four to
represent the south.
c) Two persons who are not ment-
beis of the club nominated by the
president after consultation with other
members of the council.
d) The secretary of Queen's Park is'
ex officio secretary of the Trinidad
Cricket Council.
To crown it off clause (25) of the
constitution reads:
"Any member having any addition
or alteration or amendment to propose
to the constitution and rules of the
Council must forward the same in
writing to the secretary at least one
month prior to the meeting at which he
proposes to move such addition, altera-
tion. The secretary shall give due notice
to the members which shall not be less

Year Opponents
1966 England
1968 England

1969 England

Queen's Park

and'), and especial' lbthe centrall areas
where cricket is very intensive are unre-
presented. "


By 1968 the incompleteness of the
revolution began to tell. Reaction and
parochialism revitalised on the instance
of Sobers' backfired declaration. The
series of misfortunes that has haunted
WI cricket since, is now warping our
judgment on the validity of bright
cricket itself. The attack is taking all
sorts of insidious forms. The negative re-

action to Sobers' captaincy. "Stroke-
play killing West Indies cricket" pines
one fan. "Charlie Davis is the best bat in
the WI", declares another.
The latter statement is extremely
important. Davis is definitely invaluable
to the side. His style provides a needed
contrast to the rest of the batsmen. He
fulfills the gap left by Joe Solomon. Yet
Charlie Davis is at best a match saver.
He does not belong to the matchwinner
class of batsmanship as Sobers, Kanhai,
Butcher, Rowe Lloyd, Kalliecharan.
Many praise his "dedication," But, they
don't admit that it requires talent and
dedication to develop a wide range of
strokes and that it takes courage and in-
telligent assessment to employ them.

Instead of acknowledging our own
failure to deal with Queen's Park, Pick-
wick-Wanderers, Kingston Cricket Club
and Georgetown Cricket Club, oligar-
chies incorporated in the WICBC., We

Runs to Make Time Result
390 min. W.I. Victory

165 215 min. England Victory
332 300 min
and 20 overs Thrilling
340r 0inmin Dra
and 20 overs.'Thrilling Draw

series immediately after the last one.
Plus, in the last few months before the
world cup starts the final twenty six is
assembled in a training camp to live and
plan together. WI teams only come
together two or three days before a test
match. No wonder Findlay misread Ali's
action consistently and missed a vital
stump out. Admittedly Findlay was
rising too early to Ali's deliveries. Rowe
and Ali are virtual strangers to one
another and to their globetrotting
captain. There is no WI league to keep
him here so we can not hold his globe-
trotting against him. One may cite the

Shell series as providing such a facility.
But, the Shell Shield is inadequate.

The West Indies is the only major
cricketing country that does not have
the equivalent of national league after
all these donkey years. Also, the present
system of selection is the Board's way
of sustaining insularity. Gary Sobers is
the only constant selector and in each
territory two local selectors are added.
That system has been modified for the'
present series against New Zealand,
nevertheless, the substantial pattern re-
mains the same.


* the establishment of a West Indian

* the establishment of a team of full
time porfessional selectors with the per-
ception, for example, to' remove Joey
Carew from the middle order to opening
position. Moreover, there is no one in
the West Indies who is intimate with all
the players and first class competitions
in each territory. At present, the selec-
tors can only see WI cricket from a
parochial view.

& the serious study is necessary to
determine why some pitches are lively
and others are not and to develop the
technology necessary to lay lively
pitches consistently.

0 a benefit for Rohan Kanhal, and
other players who have played their
hearts out for West Indians.
These proposals are based on the
assumptions that the ingredients neces-
sary for the future success of WI cricket
are 'bright' cricket, good pitches, and
competent administration.

L- *-c -'' jf t^


In the light of these problems the
solutions suggest themselves :-

* in, order that all possible W1 players
are assembled in one place when a tour
is imminent the shell series ought to be
played in the territory where the
tourists are visiting first and it will also
alow the tourists to play more matches
before the first test.

0 the commission of inquiry be set up
to investigate the finances of WI cricket
with the purpose of ascertaining the
feasibility of professionalism.


TAPIA Page 9




II 9 L I I


1972 New Zealand Sabina



Page 10






Camping tents





Page 11 TAPIA




Most everywhere one turns, there exists a glaring need to
give to people in the localities sufficient power to manage their
own problems. Instead one finds criminal neglect, startling in-
competence; and n, acute stifling of initiative which, locked
as it is in the degradations of the past, remains unable to
spread forth, and flower in positive directions.
These are consequences of a centre-dominated system of
government which has to go lock, stock and barrel. For where
it prevails rural planning is sub-ordinated to political necessi-
ties, and almost every social amenity becomes the subject of

political blackmail.
About eight miles
from San Fernando, and
about four miles from
Couva lies a village border-
ing the Gulf of Paria. Its
population of Africans,
Indians, Chinese and ex-
patriates young and old
number soie 10,000 to
There is a cement factory,
a deep-water harbour complete
with off-shore loading facilities
(indeed very modern), and a
sugar factory (Forrcs Park).
Texaco Trinidad Incorporated
and Federation Chemicals Ltd.,
are in close proximity .... the
sea abounds in fish, the man-
grove swamp in crabs and other
species of edible fish . the
chimneys smoke and the
people move . yes, in fact,
they exist.
Yet one finds that over the
years, Claxton Bay has not
progressed as one would have


Situated as it is, on the
borders of County Caroni to
the North, and County Victor-
ia to the South it finds itself in
the not too fortunate position
of being in a 'no man's land' as
far as this relates to the woeful-
ly inadequate administrative
Of course it can be argued
that the village's position does
not necessitate priority over
less unfortunate areas, but this
failure, to be correctly placed,
seems to be inherent in our
system of government.
Neighbouring areas can
boast of increased amenities,
participation in programmes
designed to uplift the standard
of the respective communities;
regular sanitation activity;
Community Centres and the


Here the recent polio
epidemic came as a blessing in
disguise, in that some emphasis
was given to environmental
sanitation if only for a short
period. Residents are concern-
ed about the meaning and pur-
pose of the Prime Minister's
Better Village Projects; about
whether the state as such is
creating the necessary condit-
ions for the exercise of popular
and national participation.


For some time now few
efforts have been made to-
wards finding solutions to the
various problems which affect
the area lack of social
amenities; the growth of unem-
ployment; poor health facili-
ties; improper rural sanitation;
(and here one questions the
role of our Health Inspectors);
bad roads; improper drainage
which has increased the preva-

lence of mosquitoes; and
Heaven knows what else.

ty centre in the area. I'he
major set-back to this becom-
ing a reality was the long
drawn out feud between the
two neighboring Counties.
The matter was placed in the
hands of the Community
Development Department. It
was some time, after a number
of meetings with various
groups and officers before the
question was settled and
Victoria earned the right to ser-
vice the area.

response has raised questions
about the sincerity of Govern-
ment's pronouncements on


A survey (population-wise)
too, has revealed that the pro-
portion of the villagers employ-
ed full-time or part-time, or on
a seasonal basis (contract
work) at the cement plant is
minimal. This constitutes a real


Claxton Bay's position,
too, has created a unique p:-;-
blem. The two Councils con-
cerned are unable to resolve
the issue as to which should
service and maintain the area.
Residents in the meantime re-
main dutifully a community
deprived of social, economic
and cultural freedoms. They
have earnestly listened to the
promises of the Nation's lead-
ers, exhausting and enumera-
ting the principles of the in-
alienable moral and political
rights and freedoms. Residents
have waited patiently for the
realisation of these promises.
These, however, have acquired
legal significance in legislation
enacted by the State affording
individuals to take advantage
of the material and other goods
of the society and enjoy the
protection of the State. Let
this be as it may, the needs re-
main unfulfilled.

While we, as members of
the community would like to
be appreciative of the efforts
of Government in its overall
policy for national reconstruc-
tion and the effectiveness of
guarantees of human rights
which naturally depend on the

social and political nature of
the State, we cannot be satis-
fied with what has been a flag-
rant and systematic violation
of the principles outlined in
the policy statements of the
These 'fair' promises
appear to be part of govern-
ment's official policy, and as
such constitutes government's
neglect of its obligation to
respect and observe its duty as
'Representatives of the
People," and not a section of
the Community. In doing so it
has created doubts about its in-
tegrity, its honesty, compe-
tence and above all its legiti-


Willing to share in promot-
ing harmonious community re-
lations, over the years we have
attempted to erect a communi-

grievances. Residents hopefully
await the day when these
matters 'would be looked into.
Toilet facilities in the
schools are in an utterly shame-
ful condition. Protests and
complaints have all been disre-
garded. Yet great strides in
Education are voiced in every
quarter. How can one resolve a
situation where a school built
in 1950, and equipped with
toilets and used over the years,,
is in 1972 expected to function
,d ,' '" ,, '" '

r "


And yet another battle
followed enquiring into the
criteria used to determine
'priority' Claxton Bay has
never been so listed. But the
obedient servants accepted the
building and site of the old
Police Station (jail et al), more
recently the residence of a
Sanitary (Health) Inspector, as
a temporary Community
Centre. Renovation of the
building had to be sanctioned
by the Government Building
Inspectorate, and thus the fate
of the Centre swung between
the Ministry of Works, the
Community Development

Department and The Prime
Minister's Office. That was in
1966. Since then priorities
have shifted to all and sundry
accept this area.

One of the means of
employment is the sea; and
here endless 'talks' with repre-
sentatives or those directly
concerned with fishing seem
unable to initiate moves for de-
veloping the Bay into a fishing
village and providing the neces-
sary amenities for storage,
jetty, etc., More promises.


Villagers residing west of
the cement factory have suffer-
ed greatly as a result of the
dust and smoke which emerge
from the chimney. Complaints
and protests have been lodged,
but the resulting indifferent

problem, and leaves a sour
taste in the mouth when resi-
dents are denied the opportuni-
ty to employment while prefer-
ence is given to workers from
the outside. The construction
of the deep-water harbour is
further testimony to this fact.
There are skilled workers in the
Community, but the manner of
contracting and sub-contract-
ing has been partly responsible
for the situation.


There is need for better
health facilities a properly-
equipped ante-natal Clinic; for
the present building at Sum
Sum hill is totally inadequate
to meet the needs of a growing
community. The Health
Centre, too, is unsuited for its
intended purpose and could be
deemed a possible contributor
for a number of ills of the
Community. It is a terribly
frightening experience for
people on the days that the
building is used .. poor seat-
ing, insanitary toilet facilities,
improper accommodation for
female patients, and a number
of attendant needs.

Roads and bridges are in a
terrible state of disrepair; not
to mention traces and drains.
Conditions are so bad that at
the first sight of a thunder-
storm parents go rushing off to
the schools to avoid their child-
ren being marooned some-
where. This also affects work-
men. And one question the
necessity of electing represen-
tatives both to Parliament and
the County Councils. Narrow
roads and the increase in the
volume of vehicular traffic dur-
ing the 'crop season' make it
extremely hazadous for school
children. There is a definite
need for a footpath (this may
also create a few jobs). A
memorandum submitted dur-
ing the Meet The People Tour
outlined the number of urgent

as it did in the 50's? In the
meantime the school's popula-
tion has grown.


To whom can the Princi-
pals concerned turn for
redress? No one of course.
Since the name of the game
here is 'Pass The Buck'-no
person, or body of persons
accepts responsibility. The
Polio epidemic is over and so
too died the emphasis on
environmental sanitation ...
the Victoria County Council
noised its proposed sanitation
campaign with such vigour at
the outset, that residents saw
relief in one source at least. At
the moment the source has
reverted to the period before
the outbreak . garbage re-
mains not collected. The
administration appears to be
able to exist in times pf crisis.
Then total disorder follows.


The social problems, apart
from economic and cultural de-
privations, have magnified as a
result of the paucity or total
absence of some form of
economic self-sufficiency.
And so it is, the crisis in
human affairs that confronts
every area is never more alarm-
ing than it is now. Countless
youths find themselves, like
wolves baying before a silent
moon, confused. They look to-
wards the old and appeal for
deliverance. They receive
nothing. They see only an
apparent disintegration of
established codes and tradit-
ions, and they sense too that
their elders are bewildered and
perplexed. They are 'cut-up'
over what has brought about
the present state of things, for
they feel that they have the
'itch' for activity that would
make the future brighter. It is
possible that they could, some
years to come, refer to these

0 Continued On Page 14

SAnd so it is, the crisis in human affairs that
confronts every area, is never more alarming than it it
is now. Countless youths find themselves, like wolves
baying before a silent moon, confused. They look
towards the old and appeal for deliverance. They
receive nothing. They see only an apparent
disintegration of established codes and traditions, and
they sense too that their elders are bewildered and
perplexed. They are 'cut-up over what has brought
about the present state of things, for they feel that
they have the 'itch' for activity that would make the
future brighter.

ILocal Goverment I

TAPIA Page 12

Now Petroleum



Prensa Latina.
The one million seven hundred
thousand inhabitants of the Peruvian
jungle are looking forward to the visit of
President Juan Alvarado, which he him-
self has announced for the current year.
The expectation aroused among the
people is very understandable since they
hope that with the coming of their
president to this region the project for
developing the jungle, which has so of-
ten been promised by politicians during
electoral campaigns, may finally ma-
So at last the government has set its
signts at the vast region which includes
about half of Peru and contains unlimi-
ted natural resources, which if exploited
in the past, was only with outworn
economic structures and without any
scientific expertise. Farming livestock
raising, trade and the beginnings of min-
ing are the principle resources of live-
lihood in the Peruvian jungle. But re-
cently another has made its appearance .
. oil. The State oil company can al-
ready boast of two wells .....the
"Corrientes", and "Capirona" which are
producing satisfactorily. At the moment
a third well, the "Pavayac-u," is about
to start and a scheduled production of
100,000 barrels per day is expected,
which will justify the construction of a
pipeline across the Andes to carry the
oil from the jungle to the coast.

.' 4k ,.I





However the Peruvian Revolutionary
Government had started to take steps
towards the economic development of
the jungle, especially in those regions
bodering on Brazil, Columbia and
Equador, all neighboring countries
which started to do the same long be-
fore Peru.
For example in November last the
Minister of Agriculture announced the
aim of the new eastward rush, which is
to expand livestock-raising. Following
this the plan to settle 5,000 hectares in
Trapecio bodering on Brazil and
Columbia was initiated with the settle-
ment of fifty families. Nine thousand
hectares of land was withdrawn from a
French company and handed over to
the Agrarian Reform Programme. Beside


this, government has also purchased
2,000 heifers for the jungle-region's live-
stock development. In addition to all
this provisions are being made for erect-
ing functionally adequate boarding
schools. This \woul lie to discourage the
exodus of Peruvian students to Brazil-
lian and Columbian schools.
Plans are afoot to supply Iquitos
the largest town in the region) with en-
ough electrical power to go ahead with
the industrial development it already en-
Meanwhile the Health Minister Gen-
eral Fernando Miro Quesada said that

they are looking into constructing a new
regional hospital in Loreto.
The Government is in fact attempt-
ing to "Peruvianise" the jungle region.
radio stations and TV, and consumes
impoIrli products. What is morefur-
ther inside Brazil just beyond the
Andes a Summer School of Linguis-
tics which began as a'U.S. enterprise
supposed to carry out literacy activities
as well as scientific investigations, is do-
ing something else. What it does is to
convert the jungle natives into "boys'
who chew gum, speak pidgin English
and spend much of their time begging

dollars from the tourists who want to
photograph them.
Isolated attempts to solve the pro-
blem of nationalising the jungle zone
which are marked by the waving aloft of
the Peruvian flag are by no means suf-
ficient to cope with the problem. The
solution the government favours is the
economic development of the entire re-
Although the oil finds have opened
up smiling prospects to many, the Agri-
culture Minister already refers to
difficulties arising from this new source
of wealth. Apparently the food supply
of the town of Iquitos has been badly
affected by the large numbers of far-
mers who have abandoned their land to
go 'in search of oil. The Minister has
stressed that the subsoil riches are not
sufficient for the economy unless they
form part of a general plan of develop-
The task is a difficult one. For the
time being the general outlook is pretty
dismal: in the field of industry there are
only saw mills; in agriculture only 13
percent of the land is arable; in livestock
there is just the beginning; and in min-
ing, only a bit of gold prospecting here
and there. As for trade, which is vitally
important for supplying the jungle
towns, it is in the hands of a few
business men who form the upper strata
of the jungle population together with
the owners of sawmills, farmers, cattle
ranchers and dealers in hides.
Those are the people who practically
hold power in the jungle, and with the
conivance of the bureaucracy and the
missionaries of various creeds keep the
tribunal communities on the lowest so-
cial level of the population.
All these factors would have to be
studied when the law for developing the
jungle is finally drawn up. In Iquitos,
Tarapoto, Pucalla and other isolated
towns surrounded by the green jungle
on all sides, people are desperately
awaiting the implementation of this law,
which according to the general policy of
the present Peruvian Government is to
be paradoxically the very opposite of
the "law of the jungle."


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TAPIA Page 13


From Page 4

The experience treed me, I imagine
I hope from that lingering self-
contempt. that devil with which Blact
Power today is still trying once and for
all to do away. I suspect that this parti-
cular experience also settled another
choice: I decided to become an econo-
mist as well.
The other fundamental that was
settled in Form Three was the matter of
political ideology and orientation. We
were taught only European and English
History then. But Vernon Cking
taught it in a way that was so com-
pletely indifferent to the requirements
of the examinations that we had few
tests and followed no orthodox inter-
pretation at all.


We simply talked about people,
people who had been thrown by the
exigencies of the industrial revolution
into the most inhuman postures you
could conceive. We got a view a
Dickensian view, you might say of
poor laws and child labour. During
those torrid afternoons under the clock,
we acquired a passion for equity and
justice, a sense of the complexity of
social and political change. Some say
that experience has since created
Owenites and Fabians; it certainly trans-
formed some college-exhibitioners into
That was pretty nearly 25 years ago
when French not English or Spanish
- was our first foreign language; when
West Indian History was still a matter
for the B.and C Forms only; and when
neither Achilles Daunt nor Arthur
Farrel not black men as black men are
defined in this country could become
the Principal of QRC. It was a school,
which, to draw on James again, would
have been more suitable to Portsmouth
than to Port of Spain.


Yet there was room to find oneself
within it even then. So if nowadays
when we have Laltoos and Garcias and
Van Stewarts, there remains any notice-
able limitation of spirit, the fault is deci-
dedly not in our stars.
The challenge is that if we are to
have a new conception of the society,
we must also have new conceptions of
education and the school. I envisage a
programme of secondary education
which would embrace not 25-30% of
the age cohort 11-17 but 90-100%. Such
a programme would be feasible if we
regarded the school as a social centre
and if we appreciated that meaningful
technical and professional training has
to be undertaken in a practical and real
life way.


I have in mind three kinds of school-
ing for everybody on a work and study
basis. Schoolinmg in the "humanities at
comprehensive centres; schooling in ihe
technical arts at professional teaching
centres; apprenticeship in industry un-
der a programme of national service and
practical training. We would need:

* Schools which are large social centres
equipped with libraries, TV, radio
and reading rooms; facilities for
drama, sport, music, dancing, art.
etc. These would provide a base lor a
new kind of community life for the
youth. The main teaching would be
in civics: basic social science.

* Specialized Technical Institutes
covering a whole range of profes-
sional training: language labs; natural
science labs; geography centres; eraft
and technology centres for training
artisans and technicians of all kinds
in basic skills; mathematics centies;

*A National Service and
Apprenticeship -scheme to
students in industry and
proper accreditation.



In other words, we must have the
confidence to abandon old methods and
to see how we could for example, inte-
grate our programmes for sport, youth,
small business and vocational training in
a way that would cut costs and bring
results. Above all, we must have the
democratic urge to establish new and
smaller units of decision-making. No-
thing can be done unless we create
municipal authorities small enough to
make people see the potentials that we
have. I think it can be shown that the
resources for this programme already
exist in money and in manpower. But
this is not the time and place to dwell
on these new conceptions that we may
have; it would suffice to focus on one
precondition for their emergence. The
particular precondition that must con-
cern us here there are others belong-
ing properly to another field of dis-
course involves action on the part of
all of us here today.

crisis which threatens
to further intensify
the oppression of the
poor, black masses. A
crisis which is far
deeper than one can
Corruption, mis-
government, mal-admin-
istration, extravagance,
individualism and ignor-
ance have permeated
almost every aspect of
our national life. We are
confronted with a serious
state of inflation in o.r
economy, a terribly high
cost of living, poor
health facilities and other
degrading social services,
an outdated educational
system, unemployment
and underemployment, a
widening gap between
die rich and the poor and
numerous other pro-

The effects of such a
situation can be easily
observed: To the North
in Chantimelle, Samari-
tan. Hermitage, River
Sallee, Snellhall. Union;
in the East, Victoria,
Maran, Gouvave, Grand
Roy, Concord; in the
West, Grenville, Mt.
Camel, Dumfcrmline,
Lafillette, Marquis and
Soubise; in St. Patrick's
St. Davids, Beaulieu,
River Road, Fonteno\,
New HIampshire, 1B;l
m ont a nd numcrou
other areas. In these
'places, w\c see people
fighting to survive, depi
ved of the right to live\ u;
dignified human bcing-,
by a system Xwhich enc
courage the wanlro
waste and destruction of
human resources, ill
order that a few mnay
accumulate wealth.

Political power to the
people is the key to the
solution of our nation! I
problems, so that it is
necessary and urgent to
deal with the Govern-
ment and the Govern-
mental system.

We all have to think hard about what
kind of school we need. We have then to
stand up and work to see that it comes
into being. We cannot do this work
without organisation and research and
The time has come, it seems to me,
when we must insist on establishing a
Board to run this school and to set the
example for other public schools. The
Board must be responsible to some
organisation which would embrace the
Old Boys, the Parents, the Teachers and
the Students. It must be an organisation
which would collaborate with the Central
and the Municipal Government to raise
more money for education and to spend

it wisely; to administer the school more
efficiently than we can manage now;
and ko open up an informed and syste-
matic conversation on the content and
the methods of Secondary education in
this country.
My own proposals as to how we
might proceed, I intend to make to the
Old Boys Association. I have simply
thrown the ball into ile court of the
Brothers and Sisters here today. You
may or may not take it seriously. But
then, when I was a boy at this school,
there used to be a saying that he who
laughs last laughs at Best. Personally I
prefer the other formulation about the
one who laughs last.







Today in Grenada,
there is government for
the people, but there is
no government of the
people by the people.
The government is said
to be based on democra-
tic principles. What
democratic principles?
The mere act of spending
five minutes in a polling
station, once every five
years is not an indication
of genuine democracy.
Democracy is an every-
day activity, which
requires real popular
participation by the
people, everybody.
The people must say
what they want when
they want and how they
want. If we are prevented
from doing these things,
then there is no demo-
cracy. Government must
mean the control of poli-
tical power by the
people, in their own

The governmental
system we have been
trying to operate was im-
posed on us by the
British in the first in-
stance, and more recent-
ly by our own political
gangsters. It is a system
take in wholesale from
Britain and dumped on
the black masses of this
country. We have seen
iliat it cannot work in
the interest of the
The Westminister
model of parliamentary
democracy (on which
our party politics is
asked ) produced a false
conception of party in
this country, because of
ihe confusion of govern-
menit with politics. The
political parties are ob-
sessed with gaining office
and are only active
around election time. At
the same time, we have

been conditioned to
think that politics is only
for the politicians and
the politicians a special
class above the people.
This is the way the
system wants us to see
things and conventional
politicians have been per-
petuating that belief.
Conventional politics is
ie c as.pec c otf th i
system. It makes people
see things and act the
way they have been con-

A new form of
government to replace
the present obsolete
governmental system and
to satisfy the needs of
the masses must place
the responsibility of
government on the
people themselves, organ-
ised both locally and
nationally. The new form
of government must in-
volve the people in the
processes of governmen-
tal decision-making and
administration, not only
on community affairs
but also on national
issues. In other words,
government must begin
and end with the people.
A new form of govern-
ment can only come out
of the experiences of the
people themselves in
their everyday social life.
Any form of government
that does not come out
of the social experiences
of the people, that is not
based on the experiences
of the people, cannot be
popular. It will be an im-
posed form of govern-
The new leadership
must not desire or
attempt to lead the
people in the traditional
way. Leadership today
must mean assisting the
people to lead themselves
in all aspects of life.

To achieve such a
government, new forms
of revolutionary organis-
ations and processes
must evolve. To bring
this form of government
into being the people
must be free to discuss
and organise. To deter-
mine what they want the
people must be free to
discuss and organise.
Only then can the
Government be popular
and workable; only then
we can form a Govern-
ment that will be sensi-
tive to the needs of the
We realise that the re-
sult of the existing party
political conflict can pro-
duce measurable differ-
ences in its effect on the
development of the
revolutionary conscious-
ness of the oppressed
However, we of THE
remain firm in our decis-
ion to work for a com-
plete overthrow of this
oppressive, capitalist
system, by the mobiliza-
tion and organisation of
the whole people to
achieve total liberation.
We hold this position,
knowing the long list of
traitors who have aban-
doned the masses once
they get into prominent
positions within the
system or when the
pressure is great.
The repressive
machinery of this bour-
geois society is trying to
demoralize, corrupt,
terrorize and destroy any
attempt to disseminate
systematically the con-
ception of a new society.
But, our efforts to assist
the people to achieve
genuine liberation and to
construct a new society
will go on regardless.
We must see our
struggle as part of the
struggles of a Caribbean
people against Imperial-
ism and its puppets.
Wherever we are and
by any means necessary,
we must engage in a con-
stant struggle.



Page 14 TAPIA

THE absence of a policy to deal with
the urgent problems of road transport
has left us with what is a veritable jungle
of confusion. The danger and sheer
madness on the roads have increased to
the point where some drastic action is
required if our means of overland com-
munication are not to become al-
together impassable.
Already what prevails is a jungle law
of survival of the strongest and the
boldest. Prowling taxis tear about re-
gardless, and elephantine trucks and
buses get through by means of sheer
force. For pedestrians, ordinary
motorists, cyclists and commuters of all
kinds, the bottle-necks and pile-ups on
the major roads and highways constitute
a nightmare of frustration and peril.

Most of the blame for the existing
state of affairs must be placed squarely
on the shoulders of the Government
who have evolved no adequate transport
The sheer physical nature of the
problem seems to have escaped them.
The number of vehicles of all kinds on
the roads at the moment is over
100,000. This means that thee is one
vehicle for about every 12 persons in
the country. The total number of miles
of main roads in the country is approxi-
mately 1,400 giving a ratio of one
vehicle to 1/71 mile or 25 yds. of main
road. The congestion and inconvenience
which these statisics imply is further
aggravated by the narrow width and
poor surface of most of our roads.
Mercifully, some improveici is
being planned and carried out but the
benefits are marginal and totally in-
adequate. The highway from Chaguanas
to San Fernando will help to ease the
congestion between these two points
but unfortunately this has been reduced
to a single section with two-way traffic.
The likelihood of serious accidents is, as
a result of higher speeds, multiplied.
But this highway would do nothing
to ease the situation between Chaguanas
and Port of Spain where the bottle-
necks will now increasingly occur. On
the existing roads the rate at which im-
provement is being implemented could
be guaged by the "hives" of activity on
the various road projects all over the
country most of which will come to an
abrupt end as soon as the "allocation
for bobol" has run out.

There is a crying need for bold new
approach to transport and for some
original thinking involving air and water
transport facilities. Let us, however,
begin with some suggestions for road
The first priority here must be repair
and resurfacing of those sections of
main roads. Secondly, the Churchill-
Roosevelt Highway must be widened at
least from its junction with the Princess
Margaret Highway to the Beetham High-
way to accommodate four lanes of
traffic. Thirdly, an additional lane could
easily be added on each shoulder of the
Beetham Highway to make it three lanes
in each direction. The lighthouse at the
City end of the Highway should be re-
moved to enable easier access into
South Quay.
On a longer term basis plans should
be laid to strengthen the network bet-
ween existing and projected centres of
population. Included in this longer term
planning should be construction of a
road parallel to the Princess-Margaret
Highway to connect up with that
section of the Southern Highway com-
mencing at Chaguanas used by south-
bound traffic. The existing Princess-
Margaret Highway will then be used
only for north-bound trattic. The
highway from Chaguanas to San Fer-
nando now under construction should
consist of two separate sections one for
north-bound and the other for south-

bound traffic.
The existing Southern Main Road
should be diverted to the right at
Pointe-a-Pierre Hill to by-pass that hill
and thus prevent innumerable break-
downs and accidents. It is envisaged that
the galloping increase in the volume of
traffic over the next eight years would
fully justify these road developments.
However, in order to relicvc im-
mediately the congestion on the roads
between San Fernando and Port-of-
Spain, the sea should be used to trans-
port bulky items. Needless to say this
ought to be a cheaper form of transport
and would immediately remove from
the road a number of trucks and other
smaller vehicles. Four sizeable barges
plying between San Fernando and Port-
o-Spain could easily handle almost the
total volume of cement, lumber and
other hardware materials, gasolene, agri-
cultural products, and bulky imported
goods etc. The total cost of the barges,
their running expenses and berthing
facilities should be less than the cost of
constructing two miles of road; and of
course the cost will be recouped over
time from the charges made to hirers.

In terms of urgent transport both for
passenger and freight, two helicopters
could be purchased to ply between
points as the need arises but primarily
to connect Port of Spain with San
Fernando and Tobago. Again this form
of transport would take some traffic off
the road and the cost of providing this
service would be negligible when com-
pared to the cost of providing road tran-
sport to meet the same demand.

times as 'the good old days'?
The ruling party has never
before been able to make
inroads into this community
for one reason or another. In
1971, it gained that right (per-
haps by default). Residents of
the area are now beginning to
see the politics of the situation.
Previously it was merely 'polit-
ical victimisation' .. you
reject us, we neglect you. Even
now it is the 'best and worst of
times'. Conditions have not
improved, although on Victory
Night May 24, 1971 novel
reassurances were made in the
light of the Party's 'total'
victory, but conditions remain
. and grow worse because
of the present state of the


The young people who
leave our schools are unable to
fit into society because of the
backward and inadequate curri-
culum. Unemployment among
the youth . delinquency ...
. a high incidence of 'grass'...
. a Police Horticultural Service.
It is astonishing that a
community like Claxton Bay
exists when one considers that
it is encircled by modern multi-
million dollar industrial con-
cerns, and is soon to be part of
a major ifndusLrial coumplxc.







which stretch from Goodrige
Bay (Couva) to Texaco, Pointe-
The area's future is largely
dependent on the possible solu-
tion of the problems outlined,
added to the need for a
community involvement. The
problems are indeed real.
Villagers are 'cut-up' over these
real life situations. They do not
see the area continuing to exist
in a vacuum since any measur-
able degree of cohesiveness
(national awareness) must
necessarily involve the smooth,
free and true exercise of demo-
The population has had
time to reflect and form
opinions and they may soon
p.ss judgicmcnt.




TAPIA Page 15






The reign of a
racist inspired vio-
lence against
London's black
community continues
Reports reaching us
from the 'swinging' city,
indicated that four
young Brothers, of the
Fasimbos Group, have
been the latest victims of
this pattern of brutalisa-
tion. The incident occur-
red on March 16 last,

when the men were arres-
ted and charged by
Special Branch Police for
allegdely robbing a white
woman. After their arrest
they were detained at a
near by Police Station
where they underwent
intense 'interrogation',
during which, one of the
Brothers' eyes were near-
ly knocked out of its
socket. Appearing in
court the next morning
the men were granted
bail atf 200 each.

On the night in ques-
tion, the young Brothers
were held soon after a
meeting, organised in
support of Tony Sinaris
of The Black Liberation
Front. A young white
woman was also implica-
ted in the incident after
refusing under threats to
support an allegation
that the Brothers had
robbed her. She too was
beaten up and taken

Sinaris is himself im-
prisoned at Brixton's
Prison awaiting trial for
charges of inciting read-
ers of the newspaper
'Grassroots' to contra-
vene in specific instances
the Firearms Act 1968,
and the Explosive Sub-
stances Act 1953. His
arrest follows a number
of raids on the head-
quarters of 'Grassroots'
by a party of Special
Branch Police led by
Inspector H ovell. He was
picked up on March 9,
1972 soon after register-
ing at the Hammersmith
Employment Exchange.
London W.
In a letter written to
a friend in London,
Sinaris claims that he is
in danger of being sent
down for a long time, He
"I am held here with-
)lt bail. Th7e Police and
the Magistrate are behav-
)jg as tougiil' 'vi alreai dy
,,,;; /nll! guilty. T/he
only thing I plead guilty
to is a determination to
light, wherever I am and
using a;Iy' meanns neces-
sary for the freedom of
our people. "

It has also been
reported that sometime
ago the home of a black
family was fire-bombed
by a gang of white school
boys. A young black
child died as a conse-
quence. Yet no one has
been brought before the
Courts. Sometime
before, white youths
appearing on TV admit-
ted that they kicked
Pakis (Pakistanis) for
'kicks'. Police were pres-
sured to investigate the
matter; but nothing has
since come of it. Around
the same time, an Indian



Tapia Selections
Available for free distribution
are :- Our Strategy for Change;
Our Problems, Their Causes
and Some Solutions; What We
are Proposing for Economic
Reorganisation; -low Would
We Deal with the Foreign
Sector; How Would We
Liberate National Enterprise;
Our Case for Constitutional
lReform; and, The Civilization
of the Police.
Address correspondence to
Tapia Book-Club, 91,
Tunapuna Road, Tunapuna.


Brother was murdered by
a gang of whites shouting
"Enoch, Enoch". As
usual nothing has been
done about it... evi-
dence has not been suffi-
cient to convict, it is
There's also the well-
known case of the Niger-
ian vagrant, Oluwai,
whose life was the object
of constant harassment
by two Police Officers in
Leeds? In a trial (made
possible by pressure
brought to bear on The
Leeds Police Dept.), it
was learnt that the
Inspector and Sargeant,
wherever possible, per-
sonally made Oluwai's
life a miserable hell. The
last time he was seen
alive was running away
from the Officers
towards a river where his
body was later fished
And you know what
they got? Half-way
through the trial the
Judge thive out the
murder charge. They
were however found
guilty of assault. The
Inspector imprisoned for
3 years and the Sargeant
for 18 months.

111 Frederick St., & Campus St. Augustine

PRICE $10.80


The city householders
recent uprising against higher
property rates is a signal
reminder of the historical rela-
tions between Port of Spain
and the central governments.
Indeed the city has been a vir-
tual war-zone where many
pitched battles have been
fought against the always
encroaching monster of central
Control of this monster
has passed in successive phases
from the Spaniards who waged
war on the native Indian
encampment, to the British
who came" up against a rebel-
lious citizenry of French and
Spanish blood, and finally to
the neo-colonial PNM regime
who dominated all people,
black is white.
All have in turn sought to
put in grip the Indian encamp-
ment called Conquterabia,, the
Illustrious Cabildo and its
succeeding institutions. And all
'have had to crush the resis-
tance that began with the ori-
ginal peoples.


Conquerabia has long since
been defeated. The ruins of
local government in the muni-
cipality litter two centuries of
history; the flag is now a tatter-
ed rag. The clearest sign of this
is the stark impotence of the
city's ratepayers and their
Councillors, in their inability to
find money to meet mounting
The City Council's present
financial straits are in part of
recent origin. It has found it-
self ineluctably trapped in this
mess, through the guile of
party politics and the ever
imminent threat of party disci-


Five short years after the
PNM's rise to power, on the
eve of national political inde-
pendence, the Municipality had
begun to feel the encroach-
ments of central authority.
Electricity, water and sewer-
age, the major enterprises run
by the city corporation were
incorporated into single nation-
al supply units which were
designated Statutory Boards.
Granted this was done in
pursuit of the justifiable
objectives of efficiency and
sounder economic management
derivable from economies of
large-scale operations. But the
least the City Corporation
could have expected was com-
pensation for its hard-won
enterprises. Not a cent.
Take the case of the Port-
of-Spain Corporation Electri-
city Board which was acquired
in 1935 after years of tough
battling against foreign enter-
prise led by the late Capt. A.
A. Cipriani. At that time the
Corporation paid about $1.6


million tor it. By 1961 when it
was incorporated into T&TEC
it was worth $60 million.
Not only was no compen-
sation paid, but the Council
was called upon to pay for the
lighting of the city's streets a
figure estimated at $210,000
for 1970.
Or the Waterworks and the
Sewerage Works. These two
enterprises used to be the
major sources of the Corpora-
tion's revenue. In fact, right up
till the mid-60's, the surplus
balances built up over the years
from them had been used to
finance the Council's overall
deficit on current account.
But the takeover of water
and sewerage had a subsidiary
effect, and that is to make the
Mucurapo Workshop providing
ancillary services for training
and repairs redundant. When in
1967 expenditure had out-
stripped revenue in the ratio of
15 to 1, the Corporation
simply had to get rid of it.
The effect was also felt in
the Cocorite wells and the
Cocorite Farm as a whole from
which revenue dropped from
$39,811 in 1957 to $5,047 in
The string of distressing
abuses that characterized the
Municipality's experience of
"co-operation" with the
CentralGovernment include the
take-overs and dishonoured
promises of compensation for
the following:
The Cocorite Swamp
for housing and road improve-
The old Transport
Building corner Park and
Frederick Streets for the Minis-
try of Petroleum and mines
(not even rent);
The Wrightson Road'
lands for which compensation
equalling the difference in
value of the Mucurapo lands
taken in exchange should have
been paid;
The Mucurapo lands
earmarked by former Mayors
for a sports stadium.
Added to this, the central
government has blocked at
least one significant initiative
of the City to create new
sources of revenue. Soon after
the electricity take-over a plan
for housing flats was submitted
for Central Government's
approval. Despite the fact that
assurance were previously given
that T&TEC would help
finance the scheme, nothing
ever came of it.
But how can the Govern-
ment explain these and other
abuses that surely exist and are
yet to come to light? How can
they justify taking advantage
of the City Council in this

Unlike the colonial
authorities, they have made
money available in the form of
grants rather than loans. By
this means they have purchased
the right of arbitrary meddling
with the Corporation's proper-
Perhaps to justify the old
familiar policy of 'anything
goes' they have been able to
argue that it is merely a case of
two levels of government con-
trolled by the same political
party. So that City Councillors
who complained could be
accused of disloyalty to the
Party and attempting to frus-
trate its national policies and

;4I 1

But these blood-trans-
fusion money grants have in
fact been the key reason for
the demise of the City Council
as an effective local govern-
ment body. The Corporation
has been discouraged from
striking out on its own initia-
tive, from embarking on enter-
prise to develop its own self-
sufficiency. The grants have
promoted inefficiency and
helpless hand-to-mouth living,
depending on the Central
Government for assistance all
the time.
Now, after budgeting for a
deficit for the past 15 years
and unable to tap or create a
ready flow of revenues, the
Council's present office holders
have begun to act as if the Cor-
poration has suddenly become
bankrupt. But the perennial
deficits used at one time to be
met by surplus balances from
the Water and Sewerage Works.


Time was when there even
used to be a "free surplus"
balance, after taking out alloca-
tions for working balance. Now
all free paper bun. The
Council's reliance on Central
Government grants has become
progressively stronger.
Clearly now, the deficits
are running into proportions
that the Central Government is
no longer willing or able to
meet. The so-called free grants
have reached their upper limit.
For 1969 the net deficit


Ratepayers Up In Arms

was $1.3 million; central
Government grant rose by half
a million dollars over the pre-
vious year. For 1970 the net
deficit rose to $3.1 million; the
central government grant rose
from $1.6 million of the pre-
vious year to just over $2
These are some of the
naked facts behind the present
ratepayers' issue. They repre-
sent what any self-respecting
body of men, possessing a
sense of their own history
would have used to make a
devastating case against PNM

Such men would have told
their constituents in no uncer-
tain terms: the issue at stake is
local government. The bur-
gesses would have learnt that
the present financial problems
of the Corporation are partly
the result of the iniquities of
authoritarian rule. And the
city's rank and file would have
been called upon for moral
backing to withstand for once
and for all the siege of Conque-
But no. The present bunch
of councillors have instead
chosen to serve as the willing
tools of the Central Govern-
ment. Opting for the solution
that previous administrators
have resisted like gall, they
have called upon the ratepayers
not to defend, but to surrender
and pay the tribute.
They have had the
temerity to ask for exorbitant
rates based on unashamedly
Lop-of-the-head assessment.
What a shame! Cipriani must
be turning in his grave.
Instead of offering better
representation the present City
Councillors are demanding
greater taxation. Far from
being the defenders of city-
dwellers' interests they have
justifiably earned their wrath.
And they could find no other
time for this display of folly
and high-handedness than now
when the tolerance level of the
population is at its abysmal
In the face of rising prices
for this that and the other
every living day, who would
not reject such enormous
rates? The City Councillors
have forgotten that frustrations
of every kind are having a fi :Id
This is without doubt a
grand display of political inept-
itude. For what has emerged
from the recent chain of events
is the City Councillors' inabili-

ty to perceive of any distinct-
ion between their allegiance to
Williams (that is to say, the
Party), and their responsibility
to the city dwellers and the


Municipality as a whole. The
reasons seem to lie in the fact
that they have had too much
party discipline and too little
party democracy.
In fact both these features
have been promised in past
PNM manifestoes as sole
palliatives for the disorder,
corruption and ineptitude
which characterized
government in the localities.
But authoritarian as the regime
now in power is, it could
deliver only discipline. That is
what local government got
witl a vengance. Thc supr-leme
testimony of this is the fact
that all the city's Mayors who
made any positive response to
the needs of the burgesses, and
identified with local
government soon found
themselves beyond the pale of
the party.
To be sure it is time the
siege be lifted. But first we
need to release the lock-neck
on the City Council, so that
together with the burgesses
they can direct their fire at the
real enemy.


From Page 1

Laventille where this develop-
ment significantly worsened
the already bad unemployment
situation. Prevented from stag-
ing protests or even from
peaceful picketing of the plant,
the workers have been forced
to wait around helplessly as
their union attempted to settle
the matter by seeking the inter-
vention of the Ministry of La-
Employment in CGA has
meant a lot in Laventille which
has few industries that employ
unskilled labour. Many of the
workers at the CGA plant
where copra is processed into
cooking oil and margarine, and
soap is made under franchise,
have been there for over 20
The Association on Carnival
Tuesday put an advertisement
in the newspapers announcing
vacancies and has since procee-
ded to hire new employees
before the unbelieving eyes of
the dismissed 200.
The situation is getting in-
creasingly explosive as the days
go by. The kind of provocation
that CGA is causing in this
highly charged situation will
have major repercussions in the
district and beyond.

San Fernando for the TAP/A HOUSE Publishing Co., Ltd., Tunapuna.

Printed by the Vanguard Publishing Company,