Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00023
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: November 7, 1971
Frequency: completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00023

Full Text
FOR THl ;:,, "-7.4 NDAY N OV E M B EDR 7. 1971


THE CAMOUFLAGE has finally lifted. Now
the view is clear. Williams, Hudson-Phillips
and the PNM stand revealed for what they are
- a bunch of bullies intent on herding our
people back down the dirt-track of
colonialism and bondage.
The Sedition Bill has proved it; in 1971
they have taken their stand beside the
Colonial Office of 1920. The same Colonial
Office which sought to suppress Cipriani, the
_____________________________ .--z-.1. -

unless some djinny arrives on the scene like in '56
- to sweep the people into power.
In Tapia we must have our feet more firmly on the
ground. We have to deal in what is real. We know
from hard involvement in the struggle that the new
movement is now ready. It is comprehensively
equipped to govern, to govern soon and wisely. The
men are here, ,the plans are ready and we have the
elements of solid organisation. We have the support
of the large majority, too. The dedication to work
and the national machinery to harness it will in time

S.- ..- ......- Ae Vtl -L- C~ -~LilWI-

country free.


These mendicants, who, hat in hand, have allowed
foreigners to dictate the pace here, now want the
country to grovel before the hawks of foreign capital.
The Americans have been allowed to say on what
terms they would take part in our economy. Now, in
an episode that ranks as the greatest shame on the
name of Trinidad and Tobago, workers must get
police clearance before they can exercise their
constitutional right to work. All to appease the
offended sensibility of one of the corporations that
have been sucking this country and so many other
Third World countries dry for years now.


From Chaguaramas in 1960 it is slavery in 1971
for sure. It is the helpless backpedalling of an
administration that reeks of the morgue, that is, in
fact, a living dead. Every time the Right Honourable
Dead Horse makes another of his "live" appearances,
doddering before the eyes of the population on the
television stage, it becomes more obvious that he is
mechanically acting out the rituals, no, the final rites
of a system long since doomed to the hell-fires of
history. And neither the meretricious trinketry nor
the charnel-house costumery of Hudson-Phillips, that
blundering Oxbridgian fop, can conceal the patent
onset of rigor mortis.


The country now sees that the Government has
become one colossal, transparent pappyshow. One
thing alone remains a source of mystery, a cause of
unending rumour and speculation. And that is, what
is propping up this rotten structure? Who is actually
pulling the string?
Among the "revolutionaries" the persistent story
is that Williams is now under virtual house arrest; the
Queen's Canary, the King's Chief of Espionage and
the Brigadier, they claim, have moved into the breach
- the troika behind the party trinity.
The "conservatives" take a line that is even more
fanciful still. Impressed by the sham political
exercises of the Independence Games and wedded to
the colonial and false notion that the
Government must either be removed by force or be
permitted to zig-zag through another five long years
of mounting repression, these oracles of gloom keep
intoning that the PNM's King Cobo survives because
there exists no better vision in the country, and no
alternative organisation. Williams, they insist, and his
empty-headed gravy-trainers, will go on forever -


Meanwhile we must alert the people as to who the
enemy is. The bridge that floats on troubled waters is
not so much Brother Willie as Uncle Sam! The State
of Emergency is not about our labour unrest but
American capitalists' uneasiness. And the clues lie not
with Tesoro-Trinidad but with Texaco International.
The story behind this crisis, in other words, is not
black power but black gold!

Like every ordinary other law-abiding citizen,
Martin Sampath found the reasons advanced by the
Prime Minister for the Declaration of his fifth State
of Emergency"....unconvincing, even as excuses
...." Nobody but nobody in Trinidad and Tobago
believes that "the industrial unrest and the poaching,
the threat to economic stability and the upsurge of
racial abuse and violence "in any way warranted the
escalation of repression on which Hudson-Phillips,
Williams and the PNM Government have embarked
since October 19th 1971.


Sampath is well known as a sniffer and a careful
researcher and he is one of the Directors-designate of
the never-never National Petroleum Company. But
not even he quite caught on to this fishy game of
petroleum and pappyshow politics. Yet, he stumbled
on the main clue, all right. His article in The Express
of October 26th bemoaned "the shocking volte face"
of the Government from the position which Williams
had earlier in conversation affirmed to him.

Only yesterday, so to speak, all new discoveries
were to be exploited by the NPC. Today, the NPC is
to be a glorified sales outfit mainly running gas
stations. The running of the oilfields and therefore of
thy economy of Trinidad and Tobago is to be left as
usual to Uncle Sam's Consortia of multinational
corporations. And to make these expatriate
companies and their metropolitan staff as comfy as
possible we need what ANR Robinson, when he was
still the most zealous advocate of the ISA, used to
describe euphemistically as "tranquility in our
indBtiatl ela, taions n"- -------- ... -.--. .
Needless to say, a Government which secured only
28% of the vote and which has about three-quarters
of the population virtually up-in-arms against it can
procure such tranquility only by programmes of
industrial and political "stabilization", that is to say,
bribery, intimidation and terror. From Whitehall in
Port of Spain, this spells continuing, Franco-type
States of Emergency backed by draconian legislation
for "public order". From the White House in
Washington, it means a Caribbean CIA programme for
"Public Safety".


Right up to his Convention Speech in late
September this year, Williams was still talking fat. He
dismissed Tapia's call for localization of oil as a mere
"intellectual fetish". Meanwhile he was busy trying to
implement localization in his own inimitable
neo-colonial way:..he would get another little end
from the giant multinational corporations. My
government is seeking the maximum utilisation of
crude oil and natural gas for industrialisation and
refining in Trinidad as against further exports to the
rest of the world.
"Our principle instrument is the Petroleum Act
which has modified the policy of leases, which
provides for surrender of acreage leased, which
increases the rate of royalty, and which gives a
legal basis for government participation. The
participation policy has been enforced in respect
of the bids for the North Coast Area. We are
actively working on the question of the acreage on
the South Coast."


STR. Strike S/D
G/S Go-Slow W/S
L/O Lock-Out W/O

L/O T'dad Lake Asphalt v C & GWTU

W/S Telephone Co. (T'go) v C.WU
W/S Charles McEnearney v UCIW
W/O George Wimpey v NUGFW
W/S T&TEC (Arima) v OWTU
W/S Caroni (Brechin Castle) v All T'dad Sugar
W/S T'dad Textile Mfg. (Arima) vs Workers
W/S Horsford & Mitchell v NUGFW

Walk Out

Apr. W/S
Apr. STR
Aug. S/D

Stop Production
Suspension of Operations

Texaco (Forest Pk) v OWTU
Caroni v All Trinidad Suqar
Furness-Smiths v SWWTU
Furness-Smiths vs SWWTU
T'dad Lake Asphalt vs C & GWTU


W/S & WASA v Workers Apr.
W/S Stylerite Garment Factory v Workers Aug.
W/S Tesoro v OWTU Aug.
D/S & W/S Hospitals v Nurses (PSA) Aug.
W/S Zoological Society v NUGFW Sept,




Page 11


* From Page 2
and assumptions he has been using.
These matters to borrow his own
terminology have not been examined in
,their own right, that is to say, within
the deepest, innermost experiences of
all the modes of knowledge, of wisdom
and understanding native to our own


Even at an intellectualist- level,
Mervyn Alleyne is nearer to the heart of
the problems we have been exploring
when he noted that it is our inability to
see beyond or behind words and verbal
constructs that limits our capacity for
understanding in depth, for attaining to
quality of judgement and learning. In
Communication between the Elite and
Masses Alleyne observed:
"Perhaps the whole process of
education is to be blamed. For educated
people, verbal constructs appear before
experience. The educated person then
has a, tendency to begin with verbal
constructs such as state planning or
free enterprise and then apply them
properly or improperly to situation
which he meets.


When a situation is encountered,
quick conceptualization demands a
grasp of the general outlines in an
already established frame of reference
which does usually carry a verbal tag.
Ideally the final step should be a proper
re-examination of the situation or
phenomenon to see whether its total
characteristics, as a part from its general
outlines, can be accomodated by the
pre-established verbal tag, which may by
now have become a slogan or may have
acquired certain connections."
Now in so far as Alleyne has directed
the problems of learning and judgement
to the modes of thinking peculiar to
certain types of formally educated
persons in out West Indian communities
to a particular kind of formal education
and to the whole education process, as
distinct from a segment of it, to this
extent he has approximated to the
central sources of the problems.


What apparently Alleyne has not
considered is that the mode of
conceptualization, which is
intellectualist and verbal in the sense of
being literal or concerned with surface
meanings, surface tensions if you like,
deprives us of a potential for perceiving
and relating what he describes correctly
as "the total characteristics of the
situation or phenomenon."
In other words, the part, the intellect
or intellectual centre cannot see itself,
cannot become conscious of the total
relations between it (the intellect) and
the person in whom it functions merely
as a single constituent of a more
complete mechanism of learning.


"Sense make before book" is one of
our instinctive ways of indicating
certain limitations of a purely
intellectual approach to the phenomenal
or situational world. What then is
involved here is a deepening assessment
of our thought patterns, a sustained
re-evaluation of our habits of thought.


Gordon Lewis seemed to sense
something of this need for looking
critically at the internal working of our
thought habits when he wrote in "The
Growth of the Modern West Indies":
"The truth is that even today very little
is known of the thought patterns of the
Caribbean Negro during his centuries of
bondage, with the exception, perhaps,
of the hints contained in the nancy
Stories and the Maroon legends."
In reality, of course, we have to
examine our own thought patterns as
persons not as Caribbean Negroes -
whose affinities inborn or otherwise
with all the racial cells of our world
make our Caribbean environment
distinctive as a human community, a
community with its own special

Now it is this psychological
understanding of our own effective
modes of thinking and discovering
ourselves that may shift the ground of
academic or conditioned responses to
our world. What I am suggesting here is
that the instinctive yearning for
knowledge among West Indian people
has been overwhelmingly in the
direction of self, in the path of
perfecting the interior life of the person,
of the life of emotions, beliefs, of the
powers of understanding and vision.


C. L. R. James sought to explain this
pre-occupation with knowledge of how
we know as distinct from what we know
as a scale of difference between
knowledge of everyday existence and a
knowledge of "daseim", of being there,
being at-one-inconsciousness With our
total environment.
Significantly, this personal striving
for consciousness and a knowledge of
the unity of all and everything has been
a recurring theme in the quest literature
of certain West Indian writers. George
Lamming has attempted to underline
this instinctive need for a knowledge of
vision which unites the human person to
his total environment as basic to a West
Indian tradition of depth: to a tradition
which seeks to fulfil an instinctive need
for wisdom in the human person.
In Shaping the Future of the West
Indies, Lamming speaks of this life of
consciousness, this other dimension of

knowing and perceiving as follows:
"If it is one purpose of this conference to
speak in the name of a generation that is on
the verge of assuming its task; let us state
clearly to all concerned that whatever
political disasters continue to promote
division, the continuity.of the West Indian
consciousness remains for us intact. However
vulnerable to the pressures of reaction, it is
the cradle from which all that is best in our
thinking will emerge; it is the essential spirit
which informs our sense of possibility. Born
of the past, it is also a voice from the future
which summons us here. We regard this
consciousness as a powerhouse too precious
to be left entirely to the decisions of sales
management and professional politics. But we
ask them generously to accept that we do not
speak with rancour or from positions of
dogma, but of a need which we are also daring
enough to regard as certain: the certainty of
It is this area of commitment to a life
of consciousness that the academic
community has, in my view, neglected
so that the University lacks a genuine
organic base in the deep cultural
traditions of the inarticulate and
instinctive communities of West Indian


A pre-occupation with '0' and 'A'
level requirements of British
Universities, with themes like the
transition from secondary to university
education are in this connexion flights
from the crucial task of re-examining in
depth and continually the scholarly
practice of the University and the
assumptions which govern its practice.
For instance, is the University really
the apex, the summit of excellence of
the informal and native traditions of
thought and culture of the massive
inarticulate communities of the West
Indies? Or is it the insubstantial top soil
of institutions and values which grew
directly out of the values and

assumptions of a colonial world of
subservience and dehumanisation?


Lamming is profoundly correct when
he proclaims the need to found a
kingdom of education which renews and
has 'as its centre the growth of human
consciousness. He asserts:
"For Imperialism, therefore, you can read:
doctrine of exploitation. The system which
emerges from this enterprise cannot attain to
a realm of values beyond its function. That
function is to annihilate the human person in
each man, so that his source of energy may be
converted into a commodity for profit.
The West Indies, whether French or
British, did not evolve out of this system; nor
did they degenerate into this system. It was
actually created by it. And upon the basis of
this creation, a structure of education and a
whole kingdom of values was founded. It is
not enough to know this as a fact of history;
it must be imaginatively grasped, and
creatively mastered at the deepest levels of
our reflective self-consciousness."


Where then does all of this leave us
since it is clear that the University
community has not moved to a creative
mastery of values and frames of
reference distinct from those of the
intellectual culture of Britain and
Europe,in general? The answer to this
question depends in a substantial way
on the kind of responses we, as a Guild
of Graduates, make to this exercise in
critical self-consciousness we are now

engaged in and as persons whose
vocation is the extension and
refinement of ideas and values.
For instance, do we intend, as our
official statements seem to suggest, to
complete the work of this seminar for
the purpose of merely documenting our
presence and reputation as a Guild? Are
we concerned as a Guild to' launch
sustained programmes of critical studies
of value to our growth in creative
consciousness and to the whole range of
formal and informal institutions which
affect our capacity to learn and to do?


If we are prepared to escape from the
habit of merely reacting to external
pressures, if we are to shift the ground
of dependence and inauthenticity the
insubstantial top soil of university and
secondary education then we have to
decide and work on bases and
assumptions that we have established
independently, as graduates in our own
right, on perspectives and values
grounded in the organic and deepest
experiences of the whole of our past
and present.


The most urgent and practical task
before us now is a total re-examination
of our work as a Guild and the
reshaping of the structure and values of
the Guild in relation o our growth in
consciousness and creativity. Whatever
our choices in this direction, it is clear
that we have to make permanent the
work of critical self-evaluation we have
begun here today. We have to strive to
link in a permanent and creative union,
in '1n authentic university all the
traditions and achievements which have

made us as a people uniquely conscious
of our own capacities for self-elevation
and self-liberation.


In other words, we have to begin the
work of creating a university all over
again. That in my view is the crucial
responsibility which the Guild has to
face at this juncture in our educational
crisis and in the general crisis of
consciousness at work throughout the
I wish to close with a consideration
which Wilson Harris makes through one
of his characters and which I have
drawn for our purposes here from
Lamming's Shaping the Future of the
West Indies. It reads pertinently:


"All the restless wayward spirits of all the
aeons (who it was thought has. been
embalmed for good) are returning to roost in
our blood. And we have to start all over again
where they begun to explore, We've got to
pick up the seeds again where they left off.
It's no use worshipping the rottonest tacouba
and the tree trunk in the historic top soil.
There's a whole lot of branches and sensations
we've missed and we've got to start again
from the roots up even if they look like
Blood, sap, flesh, veins, arteries, lungs,
heart, the Heart land. We are the first
,potential parents who can contain the
ancestral house. Too young? I don't know.
Too much responsibility? Time will tell.
We've got to face it. Or else it will be too late
to stop everything and everyone from running
away and tumbling down. And then all the
King's horses and all the King's men won't be
able to put us together -again. Like all the
bananas, and the plantains and the coffee
trees near' Charity. Not far from here, you
know. A small wind comes and everything
comes out of the ground. Because the soil is
unstable, just pegasse. Looks rich on top but
that's about all.
What do you think they say when it
happens, when the crops run away? They
shrug and say they're expendable crops. They
can't.,begin to see that it's us, our blood
running away, all the time, in the river and in
the sea4 everywhere, staining the bush. Now is
the time to make a newborn stand you and
me; it's up to us, even if we fall on our knees
and creep to anchor ourselves before we get


For us as a Guild this means in part
that we have to stop running to
Councils Meetings of the University
without deep knowledge of who we are
and without long preparation of what
we are about.
We have to stop running merely to
please a government, to please the
university administration, to please
those who look rich on top.
Above all we have to stop running
away from ourselves, our deepest selves,
from what is our own, from those things
we have inherited as distinct from these
things we have acquired.


We have to strive to return to this
essence in ourselves, to this inborn
heritage within and among our fellow
West Indians. If we decide to make a
newborn stand now, even to fall on our
knees and creep to anchor ourselves, we
may create rather re-create an authentic
university. That is to say, we may yet
unite all our modes of becoming, of
growing to personhood, to an enduring
and creative individuality in and of the
West Indies.
Our University, our institutional
university, is clinically alive but
perceptibly dead; let us work to recreate
a university, a union of the essential
strivings for excellence within and
among the peoples of the West Indies
and our relations in the community of




"The nation in danger. That was to be the theme of a Tapia handbill a
few weeks ago. That handbill, however, never saw the light of day as we
could get no printer to take the job. The Sedition Bill had not yet been
passed, but the intimidation was already effective with the State
of Emergency and the general tenor of the Government's attitude to
political opposition.
And indeed the feeling that the make revolutionaries out of peace-loving
nation was in the acutest peril was the men".
one that pervaded the assembly of Trade unionist Joe Young took up
ci,-tizn a th Tnh t-ia Hnse on *I .+ _- ;_ -

the groups, he argued that this did not
prevent them from agreeing to a
common programme to deal with the
particular situation. "It is time to find a
common denominator for unified
political opposition in this country."
Millette felt also that "the deification
of violence was one of the things which
landed us here.., it provided the
Government with a kind of legitimation

_______-~ .5- ----- --~.l+---r~; l,.~.. _I ,a -W &AL4 IAi 4. -tLhe f t-h,-no-n,, I I ati, -I-1'-,,--n-

lnursoay, Novemoer 4.
The meeting, called by a number of
opposition political groups, community
groups and individuals to discuss the
Sedition Bill, nearly miscarried when it
was discovered, late, that the Legion
Hall, the announced venue, was not
available. However a subsequent
announcement about change of venue
proved sufficient to bring one of the
largest crowds ever to the Tapia House.
Among the groups represented were
the Vigilantes of Success Village, the
National Organisation of Revolutionary
Students, the United National
Independence Party, the Union of
Revolutionary Organisations, the
Transport & Industrial Workers Union
and of course, Tapia.


With Denis Solomon in the chair (the
non-affiliated chairman did not turn up)
the meeting first settled procedural
matters, and after a short address by the
chairman, the discussion got underway.
As it turned out, the meeting was
more concerned with the larger political
implications of the Sedition Bill than
with the provisions which were
generally known and understood for
what they meant. One "independent"
speaker summed up the general feeling
in this way: "We know our rights will
go; the question is what will we do after
it's passed".


The view prevailed that "there is no
time for partisan politicians and
self-seeking men." The meeting was
unanimous that the Sedition Bill was
intended to take away freedoms, and
one after the other speakers registered
the strongest condemnation of the
measure and posed the question -
what's to be done?
The Sedition Amendment Bill was
seen in the context of the Government's
clear intention to deal with dissent by
legislating to take away people's
freedoms. As Syl Lowhar put it, "It is
dangerous that people are going about
their normal business while the threat of
the Bill is here. That Bill will drive
freedom-loving people underground and

he observed that his listeners were in
conditions of relative comfort while
"serious, dedicated and honest people
whose only crime was to speak out
giving their views about how the society
should be ordered were locked up in
Young lamented the fact that many
articulate people who should take a
stand at a time like this were keeping
silent. The Government had declared a
State of Emergency blaming industrial
unrest when there had been no unrest,
he said. He considered it extremely
dangerous that people could come to
regard the Emergency as a normal
"They are going to lock up hundreds
of people. They are prepared to back
'magnum est PNM' with guns. They are
going to kill," Young warned. "It is a
case of a political party seeking to
enslave a nation."
He called for the repeal of both the
Sedition Bill and the Sedition Act it was
seeking to amend on the ground that
sedition is a political matter a party
in power defining what is seditious".
What was needed was men of courage,
Young said.


"How do you put a government in its
place? People never get freedom by
passing resolutions, but when they stand
up and fight."
Dr. James Millette speaking for UNIP
also expressed the opinion that the
Government had to be put back in its
place, and he felt that this had to "begin
with the positive assertion that the
Government is an illegal one."
The PNM, Millette said, would never
have reached this point and we would
never have come to this pass if there had
been a strong opposition in the country.
He preferred to see the meeting that
night as a stage in the development of
unified political opposition.


"The task to be done is larger than
the capacity of a single political
opposition group. "Acknowledging that
there were genuine differences between

.l. l.iv vJv-r p -t111ul1 L ..c /11. l II-. Ul I -
the meeting to commit itself to see the
Government in its proper light as
illegal, and to the proposition that the
Government could only be dealt with
by the creation of unified and strong
opposition country.

Lloyd Best recalled for the meeting
Williams' promise during the 1969 bus
strike of a "fight to the finish". The

Friday, November 5, 1971.
AN ASSEMBLY of Citizens comprising
representatives of the Union of
Revolutionary organizations, the United
National Independence Party, Tapia, the
National Organisation of Revolutionary
Students, the Vigilantes, the Transport
& Industrial Workers' Union, as well as
individuals from several walks of life
including clergymen, housewives,
journalists, trade unionists and lawyers
and members of various community
organizations met at the Tapia House,
Tunapuna, on Thursday, November 4,
and resolved:
1. To constitute themselves into a
permanent political assembly of free
citizens and groups opposed to the
policies of the existing regime;
2. To pool resources, to face the
population regularly and systematically,
and specifically to produce a joint

Page 1

Emergency is not new; we have always
been living in a State of Emergency.
And Best traced from 1963 with the
establishment of the Commission of
Enquiry into Subversive Activities the
Government's commitment to oppress
the population.
At every stage, he pointed out, the
population had resisted the
Government. Recounting the series of
confrontations with the regime dating
from the ISA and the unions' resistance;
the Rodney crisis when students took to
the streets; the bus strike; the Camacho
affair; the February Revolution leading
through the elections of May 1971 and
the present situation. At every point in
that pattern of oppression and
resistance fresh tributaries had joined
the stream.


The movement was ready, Best said,
to sweep the Caesar away; it was rather
a time for optimism. He was confident
that the game was going to finish soon.
"Why are we so downcast? Let us
take the other view. See how the
movement has been mounting against
the Ceasar. We have the vision,the ideas,
the men, the support. What we don't
have is the organization. We cannot
fault the country. It has stood up. What
is the ground for pessimism? All we
need is organization."
Best charged that the Government
had not only introduced neo-colonial
legislation but was now reviving imperial
legislation. That. is what the Sedition
Amendment Bill meant. Sedition was
feudal legislation, and its introduction
at this time proved beyond doubt that
Williams and the PNM are not one of us.
"He always speaks about 'THEY'."


He then offered some proposals for
action which were discussed
by the meeting and finally adopted. In
the course of the discussion one speaker
suggested that the leaders of all the
groups present hold a public meeting

li.eLw t uing ay ImluiL, r JI 1i.
Emergency Regulations. Another
proposal was that Independent Senators
should be approached with a view to
getting them to oppose the Bill.
The meeting went on to discuss the
formation and the organization of the
Permanent Assembly of Free Citizens. It
was felt that that meeting should not
elect the steering committee as many
representatives would like to discuss the
matter further with their organizations.

3. To make the following concrete
demands on behalf of the people:
a) the Amendment to the Sedition
Bill be withdrawn and that the parent
Bill of 1920 also be withdrawn;
b) the State of Emergency be lifted
c) all detainees be freed forthwith;
d) the Prime Minister and the
Attorney General and the rest of the
Government must resign;
e) The regime which they have
maintained and fortified must be
The meeting also agreed that it was
imperative that the illegality of the
government be asserted and that an
united opposition must emerge to deal
with the situation.
It was also agreed that the assembly
of free citizens would be convened in
Port of Spain next week at a place and
time to be announced.




186 EASTERN MAINRD., 638-3223.

--thp--firinvvin-dnv-iirrul ~nri -navf--m


-. ... I. -.. .. A -. .- I

-- I







From Page 1
The "party", incompetent as it is, also took
position. ItsComprehensive Report on Activities at all
levels of Government. August 1969-June 1971, spoke
of "plans for extending the participation already
undertaken in the oil industry." On September 17,
there had also been a Guardian report to the effect
that the Government had sought international advice
"on the whole question of national participation in
oil". On the 15th of October, Chambers, Minister of
Finance, revealed that an additional $206,000 was
being budgeted for the experts whom the government
had commissioned "in preparation for the discussions
with the oil companies... .The oil companies have
already been notified of the Government's intention
to determine prices in accordance with the Petroleum
Something was up; the government was carrying
for tough negotiations. But how much of this
impertinent David nonsense would the Goliath
corporations stand? Had there not been enough of
this fastness already, from these insufferable Arabs in
the Middle East?


FORTUNE magazine of August 1971 has reported
on the "traumatic confrontations" and the
"drama-laden negotiations" which have "thoroughly
demolished the historic balance of power between big
oil corporations and the developing nations..." The
oil countries (OPEC), among which colonial Trinidad
and Tobago is predictably without any representation
at all, had spit all the brimstone and fire they-could
command at 23 petroleum companies accounting for
a full four-fifths of the oil production of the
capitalist-corporate world. The bargaining took place
at Teheran and then at Tripoli and the US
Government considered the negotiations so
important that it even waived the sacred anti-trust
laws to allow the freest possible collusion between
the 17 American companies involved.
The companies ended up by paying $15 billion in
higher taxes "in return for a- promised five years of
economic peace..." A peace which, according
toFortune again, they are not very likely to get.
"Oilmen have lost effective control over an
indispensable portion of civilization's basic sinew."
Peru has now taken over her oil for nothing more
than promised compensation, Algeria has seized 51%
and Venezuela is on the verge of a virtual
nationalization. In the countries of the Middle East,
nationalization is now only a matter of time. The
timing no longer depends upon policy but upon "how
fast each producing country can learn to manage an
oil enterprise."


"A hurricane of change", runs the reports from
the world of oil. It is a hurricane heading straight for
the fuel-hungry pipe-lines of North Atlantic industry.
The US expects to be importing 60% of its oil by
1985. Already, according to FORTUNE the trade
has been speculating about the possibility of
exploiting the extensive oil-shale deposits of the
American Rocky Mountains, even at the high price of
$8 per barrel. In the Guardian of 17th September,
J.S. Barker from London, confirmed talk of a
possible crash programme in this direction.
This is an exciting picture for countries with
oil-bearing sands... .and with governments with the
strength to bargain. For Trinidad and Tobago
certainly, oil has assumed a fresh importance, if only
because we are west of the unopened and strife-torn
Suez Canal. If peace does not hold in the Middle East.
at leastVenezuela, Canada and Trinidad,remain.
Delusions of grandeur? Not at all; and certainly
not if what we hear about the prospecting is true.
Only a few days ago, and quite by the strangest
co-incidence, it came to our knowledge in Tapia that
the companies have been running more specific
seismic tests covering the entire area from off Tobago
right out to Little England. There is more than usual
optimism about the sands nowv being touched by
Tesoro, Amoco and the notorious Consortium of
Three. But who is going to risk the capital in a place
where the regime is tottering and in an island where
the government is gambling from day to day?


The natural clamour is for stability better still,
stability of a regime too weak in popular support to
bargain. Since 1960 or thereabouts, the PNM has
been the ideal pwatique. By no stretch of the popular
imagination can they be said to have been alive to the
possibilities of the petroleum sector. For all this
entire period Texaco has been consistently digging
out we eye. The Red Star boys have been able to
climb into the Top Seven from a lucrative base in
Pointe-a-Pierre. Half-blind as well as deaf, Williams
has been focussing on the taxation of crude while the
refinery has been spinning the real money. Our

estimate in Tapia is that, for this year's operations
alone, there is an extra $60m, to be won if we Itake
into account realistic prices and if we look at the oil
operation as one whole.


The big question that all this debates is whether
the illegal PNM government has any strength left to
fight. In the 1971 Budget, Chambers was taking an
optimistic view:

"It is clear that Trinidad and Tobago's oil industry

1 ui
IW rt

Express, 14.3.69. Editorial:
"Open to Question: Labour movement placed at a
definite disadvantage especially in the question of
the strike weapon.
Express, 15.3.69
Senator Spencer renews call for ISA repeat.
Sen. Spencer: "The entire concept of the4ISA has
interfered with the normal process of economic
growth in the sense of trade union representation.
Express, 1.4.69
Strikes were outlawed with the birth of the ISA.
Express, 19.5.69 Weekes:". ..this notorious ISA which to many
means 'In Slavery Again'."
Express, 4.7.69 Earl Augustus (in a letter).
"Indeed, one of the real questions we must now
raise is this: Was the ISA genuinely intended as an
Industrial Law? or was the Act passed to
discriminate against specific elements in the society
on political and other partisan grounds?"
Guardian, 13.8.69,
Cyril Gonsalves (at ICFTU meeting): "The ISA
provides for an industrial court and in itself has
virtually denied the workers of the right to strike."
Guardian, 27.8.69,
Speaking at a Labour Management Seminar, Dr.
Williams also admitted that the ISA was not now
the ideal and neither had it achieved the ideal.
Guardian, 20.9.69. Editorial
P.M. confessed the need for amendment "for the
purpose of removing anomalies and obscurities.
Guardian, 23.9.69.
Mr. Burnham on proposed industrial relations
legislation in Guyana:
"Ws a trade unionist, I will not superintend a
Government which outlaws the workers' right, to
Guardian, 26.9.69. Report from Georgetown, Guyana:
"The ISA of Trinidad. .. .described as "outdated
and repressive", The report said trade unions
should not surrender the right to strike without a

must be influenced by the changes taking place. In
particular, the role of Trinidad and Tobago as a
refining centre in the western Hemisphere now
requires international recognition, and
developments in our industry, particularly in the
field of prices cannot be allowed, to be such as
would put this country out of line with the
position obtaining, especially in the Western
Such are the illusions of an ignorant hand-maiden
Minister. Chambers seems not to know at all, that
Williams has 'placed this country firmly in the
American Mediterranean. It is as good a bet as any

Guardian1.10.69 Congress demands ISA repeal.
Guardian, 4.10.69
OWTU General Council decided to call for
complete repeat of the ISA.
Guardian 5.10.69Big Three meet on ISA today.
Guardian, 9.10.69
Senator Clive Spencer calls for codification of all
labour laws ....and the preparation of a law to
replace the ISA.
Guardian, 14.10.69
The Industrial Court has condemned certain
provisions of the ISA as constituting "a real source
of dissatisfaction and frustration".
Guardian, 25.10.69 Editorial
Yet, the ISA has not functioned to the satisfaction
of employees or employers and even the Industrial
Court has had to point up its most glaring defects.
Guardian, 13.1.70,
Senator Clive Spencer challenged A.G. to ISA
debate to defend Government's thinking that the
ISA should not be criticised. Guardian, 28.2.70,
Guardian, 13.1.70,
(at 10th Annual Seminar of the ECA.)
Nevertheless, Mr. Nunez said the act was subject to
three main criticisms:
The delay in selling disputes, the restrictions on the
freedom to withdraw labour, the abuse of the law
by employers who use the Act "as a sword and
Guardian, 24.3.70,
ISA amendment expected soon.

Guardian, 22.5.70,ISA blamed for state of unrest.
Guardian, 26.6.70,
"We1 are satisfied", Mr. Stanford said, "that for the
purpose of proper industrial relations, the ISA has
proved to be a complete failure and a bad piece of
legislation over the years, and there is no other
alternative than to repeal it as quickly as possible".


LI cl]NlfAv NOVEMFBER 14.1971.


that he does not know that, during the February
Revolution, the oil sector bouffed-up Williams when
he asked for the same kind of national participation
as Tate & Lyle, in a dying industry, was only too glad
to "surrender". Tapia's intelligence from Wall Street
reports that Texaco and Company told the Doctor
that if he thought he had the political backing, he
could do a Burnham and take all.
Williams duly put his tongue between his
teeth...for a while. But by Christmas, he was thinking
that he had once more beaten the country into
Then, by his Convention Speech this year, he had

Public Safety is "co-ordinated
in the field by the American Embassy"

uardian, 5.7.70,Spencer pours fire on ISA.
uardian, 14.7.70,Industrial Court calls for rethinking on ISA.
uardian, 1.10.70,Letter to Editor: "ISA gone to the Cleaners".
uardian, 25.11.70,UFHIWU called on PM to repeal ISA. It
>ycotted the Industrial Court.
guardian, 28.11.70,New Labour laws next month. (IRA).
guardian, 9.1.71OWTU to resist new act "with blood". (IRA).
Lardian, 15.5.71.
(Case of OWTU and Port Contractors). Justice
Hyatali expressed "apprehension over the fact that
the judicial machinery established by the Act
seems totally inadequate and perhaps helpless to
cope with a dispute such as the instant one since it
is beset by formidable legal problems which it may
not be easy to resolve".
Jardian, 30.6.71,
In the face of "alarming signs of increasing
industrial unrest". Senator Gatcliffe said
Government must accept a great deal of the blame
for failing to provide a legal framework to enforce
existing laws.
jardian, 30.6.71,
In 11 months during 1970 there were 55 strikes.
Up to mid June 1971 there were 22 work
stoppages, 17 go-slows involving about 10,000
iardian, 3.7.71,
(On General Strike: Dunlop, Fedchem, and
OWTU). Weekes said that the whole background to
the present upheaval was the failure of the ISA.
ardian, 16.7.71,
Trinidad Transport Enterprise v TIWU refused to
carry out Industrial Court order; no action was
Joe Young regarded this as another manifestation
that the so-called ISA is against the workers, and
all in the benefit of the employers.

had his Woodstock, the Carnival tents and a landslide
election victory behind him. He could jar up for oil
again. Not a sno-cone's chance in hell to win real
control, but he would settle for a little of the lolly
and for the mirage of "participation by the nation".


The Americans and the oil boys, however, do not
yield that easy. They are not going to concede one
red cent unless they have to. They know that
Williams needs the money to fulfil his boast of
"roaring seventies". They know that the PNM

* From Page 1
G/S & L/O Queen's Park Hotel v NUFHAW Sept.
G/S & C/D Crown Point Hotel v NUFHAW Sept.
G/S & C/D Dunlop v OWTU Oct.
G/S GPO v Employees (PSA) Oct.
W/S Sanders & Fosters v UCIW Nov.
W/S Gov't. Special Works v NUGFW Dec.
W/S Texaco (Guayaguayare) v OWTU Dec.
Boycott & W/S T&TEC (P-o-S) v OWTU Dec.
G/S & W/S Aviation Services Ltd. vCATTU Dec.


W/S Caroni Ltd. (Gov't controlled) v All T'dad Jan.
L/O & STR T'dad Ltd. (Marabella) v TIWU Jan.
G/S Texaco (F/R, Compressor Dept.) v OWTU Jan.
W/S PoS City Council v AWU (cleaners etc.) Jan.
G/S Caribbean Development Co. Ltd. v NUGFW Jan.
W/S Ash & Watson v NUGFW Feb.
G/S & W/S Bescrete Ltd. v TIWU Feb.
W/S T'dad Grains Terminal v UFHIW Feb.
G/S Amamgamated Ind. Ltd. v UFHIW Feb-Mar.
W/S Elegant Sportswear Ltd. v UCIW Mar.
G/S Henry Pain v TIWU Mar.
W/S Penne Elastic Co. v OWTU Mar.
Boycott Gov't. Customs & Excise v PSA Mar.
G/S Texaco F/R Electrical Dept. v OWTU Mar.
W/S & STR T'dad Transport Enterprises v TIWU Mar.
G/S & W/S Gov't (M/H) v Public Health Insp. Mar.-Apr.

W/S PoS Docks v SWWTU Apr.
S/O PoS City Council v Works Supervisors Apr.
Rampage Swan Hunter & SWWTU Apr.
G/S Horsford & Mitchell v BC & CWU Apr.
W/S Wimpey (Goodridge Bldg. v Workers Apr.
G/S St. And/David CC v NUGFW Apr.
G/S San F'do Hospital v Cooks Apr.
W/O Texaco (F/R) v OWTU May
W/S Palmiste Estate v NUGFW May
W/S Dunlop v OWTU May-July.
G/S PoS.CC v AWU May.
G/S Alstons Mkg. Co. v NUGFW May
W/S Texaco (PaP) v OWTU May
W/S Texaco (PaP) v OWTU May
W/S Texaco (PaP) v OWTU June.
STR Texaco (F/R, Elec. Dept.) v OWTU June
G/S & S/D Fedchem v OWTU June
W/S Halliburton Tucker v OWTU June
W/S & STR Mayaro Planters As. v OWTU June
G/S WingHing Grocery v OWTU June
W/S Alyce-Glen Garment Factory v UCIW June
W/S Horsford & Mitchell v Workers June
STR Crown Bakeries (St. James) June
STR Fedchem v OWTU July
STR Dunlop v OWTU July
G/S Hospitals v PSA July
STR Horsford & Mitchell v BC & CWU July
STR Horsford & Mitchell v BC & CWU July
G/S General Hospital (S/F'do) v Workers July
W/S T&T Blind Welfare As. v Blind Workers Aug.
S/D&STR Badger v OWTU Aug,

gravy-trainers have already been mortgaging their oil
bonanza. They must have noticed that when Williams
appointed his Commissar for Chaguaramas he
explicitly stated that he had selected "someone who
is intimately familiar with... .who knows personally
about the operations of Government financing."
Better than anybody else Texaco and the
corporations also know that the stakes are high. Even
before we've established exactly what lies beneath the
ocean, Tesoro is moving up to offshore production of
20,000 barrels per day. AMOCO is committed to
100,000 and the Consortium is talking about bonuses
for up to 200,000 all within a short horizon, that is
to say, before the next election, certainly. Since we
are now producing just about 140,000 barrels, the
Financial Times was dead right when it hinted that oil
promises to make Trinidad real rich.
According to the figures which Padmore gave in
the Guardian of October 23, present production is
bringing in about $71m. So the increase in
production involves another $150m cool not

SIndeed, the main clue to the present
situation is to be found not in Dr.
Williams's transparent absurdities of the
12-page NATION interview, but in the
sinisterly clownish interview that Karl
Hudson-Phillips gave to the daily Press at
the New Year...
That interview, we recognize, was the
dagger in the silk stocking of the
Establishment's "new left" stance. It has
reference to the new outspoken mood of
the country, and it means blood along with
the soft words.
Let no one mistake it.

TAPIA No. 6 March 8, 1970.

counting the price increases and the better terms we
are about to bargain for.
By Tapia's calculations, the yield we're getting at
present is only $1.42 per barrel, if Padmore's figures
are solid. The new deal which Libya has just been
able to clinch, was closed off at $4.02. There is
plenty of room for play.


The difference between Libya and Trinidad is not
simply that Libya enjoys lower production costs or
that their product is lighter, has less sulphur and is
therefore easier to refine. More important is the
political difference. They have recently installed an
unconventional-thinking government. "We lived
5,000 years without oil," they warned during the
negotiations, "and we can continue to live without
oil." When the companies refused their "absurd"
demand for an increase of the posted price from
$2.40 to $7.50, they threatened instant
nationalization and reminded the negotiators that it
"was a battle for the Libyan soul."
Ranked on the wrong side of the rising new
movement, Williams and Hudson are in no position
whatever to talk soul; they must be content to talk
straight money. Still, there is plenty money to talk -
money for crash programmes and money for the
military, money for bribery and corruption, too. And
the gap between $1.42 and $4.02 is wide enough for
them to fit. Trinidad can certainly claim a premium
for low freight costs and we can claini thebonusifor
inflation, too. There is no reason why we should not
be aiming at the 77/33 arrangement which the
negotiations in Iran brought into being with
appropriate deductions, of course, for the difference
in our cost of production.


The Americans and the companies know only too
well that this is how the next government here is
going to be thinking...if we think that way at all.
They also know that it is we who control the
technical experts who have been languishing unused
all over the West Indies. So, they figure: Better
tighten the screw on Williams and entrench a weak
totalitarian regime.
They wanted to do exactly the same with the
Libyans. One oilman brazenly said that they
did not mind investing a few million to corrupt the
unconventional regime. And if the price was too low
to hold, they would consider methods more direct.
Here in Trinidad, they have already "considered"
such methods.
The tangle that Williams has gotten himself into
since the 1963 Subversive Commission has given them
just the opening they need. In April 1970, the
American Ambassador was holding the Doctor's



~;4*~U, S"'*".~~.~."~i~~
F,1 : ~r
1*- r-T~
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I~ :51
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Rockefeller, the Czar of Standard Oil, on tour of the provinces.



From Page 3
hand. We have it from no less a person than Spencer
that Williams had implored the Yanks for help. This
totally incompetent chest-beater, it seems d id not
even have the poise to specify what exactly it was he
By the end of 1970, a new chief of CIA operations
had been sent out to Queens Park West. With a record
in Saudi Arabia, he is known to be a trouble-shooter
specially equipped for dealing in oil. His job? the
programme of "Public Safety". His opportunity? -
the complete breakdown of the Industrial
Stabilization Act, the Government's obvious inability
to curb the general restlessness of labour and their
incredible delay in introducing more reasonable
legislation. His instruments? the establishment
labour leadership and an ingenuous seer-man. His
-"enthusiari "'-it llab ilr.-"1 -in:mr.c d parties in
By September 1971, it was ready, steady, go.
Labour had already been getting "advice" in the
normal course of things. Now the seer-man
would make his entry, well-briefed in the metropole.
"Another blood-bath was coming soon.Police'against
police, minister versus minister! But the Doctor
would crush it for sure." The country had had its
directives; we would play fatalistically towards the
unravelling of the plot. The tension would build up


In October, the Labour Congress begins to
threaten the Oilfields workers Union. On October 12,
Badger reports a beating-up of Company Staff. Two
days later Badger and Wimpey announce that they
would discontinue their operations. On October 16,
the Seamen's Union initiates the first phase of its
"squeeze" on oil. Next day, October 17, the AMOCO

President warns that any squeeze which would delay
the flow of oil would be very unfortunate. Meanwhile
Badger states the terms of corporate participation:
expatriate employees should be welcome, reasonable
productivity should be assured without interruption,
and relevant industrial agreements, must be observed.

Sunday October 18th, Texaco, significant
shareholder in Badger, presents its credentials to the
nation. Supplements in the weekend Press proclaim
that they have made a "dramatic contribution to the
economy and way of life of Trinidad and Tobago."
Never truer words.. .sugar was king once upon a
time, and cocoa was king in turn. Now oil is on the
throne, the PNM Government is courtier. The
"convergence of interest" is perfect. An idyllic
example of "joint-venture."

On The Tuesday night following, Tuesday 19th,
Williams provoked Confrontation No. 4. Trembling
like a leaf, he invented a State Of Emergency. He had
gotten the message loud and clear to stabilize or else!
Badger, he knew very well, is quite accustomed to
work-disruption in the rough-house world of oil. But
Badget spells oil and oil means money, and it's the oil
boys who were really on the line.

Somehow the country could not understand it
then. Tension ... .strikes. lost
jobs. .jurisdictional disputes. ..
revenues. .. .had all been intolerable to us for years
and a "State of Emergency" was history. The news
was the last little bit: the Government had
concluded its transactions with the Consortium.
Williams has made his peace with Oil and we can
understand now what that means, because the price
of that deal is terror.

S.. .when malaise is general, widespread and
continuing; when the large majority of the
people welcomes any incident which
embarrasses an unwanted government.
When large and diverse sections of the
community blacks, youth, students,
intellectuals, businessmen, sugar workers,
utility workers are all up in arms and
spoiling for a fight, when the government
has desperately to be dousing bushfires in
thy dry season, it spells a crisis with which
no Emergency can possibly cope.
TAPIA NO. 8 August 9,1970.

2 I


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r. I

Page 4


SUNDAY, NOVEMBER 7, 1971 Page 3


ONCE AGAIN sugar is in the news and it may be an appropriate time to undertake a brief
assessment of this relic of colonialism and the prospects which the industry offers to those who
are dependent, on it for a livelihood.
Without delving into the recent history of sugar two significant, things should be noted. The
first is that, with the outright Government acquisition of Trinidad Sugar Estates Ltd in 1968 and
the purchase of majority shareholding in Caroni Ltd in 1970, the industry is now, to all intents,
locally owned and controlled.
The passing of ownership and management into local hands, however, has not heralded any departure from
past policy except in the area of personnel recruitment where a large number of party hacks have been installed in
senior positions. Nor has there been worked out a long term policy for the sugar industry itself or for the

resources employed by that industry.
The second fact of significance is
that, apart from the services sector of
Government, the sugar industry
continues to be the largest single
employer of labour in the country. The
social implications of the facility with
which an.industry that pays the lowest
average wages in the country continues
to provide itself with labour are both
depressing and ominous. Ths situation
reflects most tragically both the dearth
of employment opportunities created as
well as the vastness of the reservoir of
the unskilled factors which have
enabled the continued existence of
inherited employer-employee relations
reminiscent of the 19th century.


To talk about the sugar industry is to
invoke a feeling of timelessness. The
problem of viability which the sugar
companies have advertised since the
inception of the industry is still with us
today. Cheap labour is still being sought
and obtained. Alarm is still being
expressed at increases in the cost of
production. Virtually total dependence
on the metropolitan market has
remained the pivot of the industry's
survival. All in all, it is the stuff of
which miracles are made that, for well
over a century, an industry which
almost every year produced depressing
accounts and teetered on the brink of


Nevertheless the present economics
of the industry gives cause for concern
especially as it relates to the fate of the
1.5,000 employees of the sugar
companies as well as the 10,000 cane
farmers dependent on the industry. In
1963 the sugar companies.stated that
the overall cost of producing one ton of
sugar in the West Indies was $192
whereas for the rest of the
Commonwealth it was $158. If the
figure for the West Indies is accepted we
msut assume that cost per ton has
increased since then and would, in all
likelihood, be over $200 today.
Against this the minimum negotiated
price we receive under the
Commonwealth Sugar Agreement is
$208 which leaves a small margin for
manoeuvre. The price obtainable on the
world free market which is the ultimate
outlet for disposal fluctuates
considerably and is well below the
negotiated price.
Since roughly 70% of our production
(average annual over the last five years
being about 200,000 tons) is sold at the
U.K. negotiated price, this price is of
crucial importance and merely
highlights our dependent status as far as
sugar is concerned. We are constantly
reminded that the negotiated price as
well as the free market price are
variables over which we have precious
little control. The home market in
which the price is controllable merely
absorbs about 39,000 tons or 18% of
total production and therefore not large
enough to support the industry at its
present level of operations.


The problems of the sugar industry
acquire even a greater urgency as we
take into account the expiration date of
the Commonwealth Sugar Agreement
(31st December 1974) and the
impending entry of the United Kingdom
into the European Common
Market.Despite bland and pious
assurances from the U.K. Government it
is hardly likely that, should the U.K.
finally accept admission into the


Common Market, the Commonwealth
Sugar Agreement will be renewed or
renewed in its present form. The
Common Market Sugar lobby will
certainly prove formidable whereas
there will be no pressing need for the
U.K. to be insistent on protecting an
industry relieved from metropolitan
ownership and control. The demise of
the Commonwealth Sugar Agreement
and its negotiated price apparatus will
certainly withdraw from the industry
the respite it has thus far enjoyed and
must inevitably hasten the day of
, j dezisi .n .. r

A prerequisite to discussing fully
some solutions to the sugar quandary is
to determine, not only the nature of the
prob\iem but the extent of it. This can
only be done by eliciting more detailed
and accurate information from the sugar
companies themselves about their
operations. There is the obvious
tendency of the companies to'
exaggerate their predicament. The
accounts they are required to present
are literally 'white papers' if one is in
search of data on details. There is the
creeping suspicion that only the
revenues from the sale of sugar are
taken into account in appraising
viability and more so in justifying
incapacity to pay higher wages.

What for example are the proceeds
from the sale of by-products and what
percentage of total revenues do they
account for? At what prices are the
basic ingredients which go to form
by-products transferred between
departments and subsidiaries? How are
the proceeds from real estate
transactions brought to account and
what is the extent of such trading?
These are some of the questions which
must be answered if we are to get a
clearer and more accurate picture of the
position of sugar. In short, what is
required is an enquiry into the whole
sugar economy before final remedial
action is embarked upon.
However despite the secretive
attitude of the sugar companies the
basic problems of sugar, if not
established in quantified aggregates, are
fairly well known in general terms. Thus
alternative solutions of a general nature
can be discussed and the obstacles to
implementation of such ideas hinge not
so much on their novelty as on the lack
of will on the part of the powers that be
and an indifference to the assessment of
their practicality.

The first solution which naturally
comes to mind is the search for
alternative export markets where
negotiated prices above present levels
can be obtained. And the U.S. and


Canadian markets offer such prospects
if only an adequate quota can be
allocated to us. Average negotiated
prices on these markets are anything
like one and a half times those obtained
under the Commonwealth Sugar
But on closer examination it is clear
that this is not a long term solution. It is
merely a transfer of dependence from
the British market and Government to
the American or Canadian market and

Even if an adequate quota can be
obtained in the latter markets (and the
prospects for this are unencouraging at
the moment) the political problems
attendant on servicing such markets are
formidable. It is common knowledge
that the American Sugar Quota is a
highly political instrument of the State
Department as the Cuban and Latin
American experience has demonstrated.
If Trinidad's internal politics happen to
prove irksome to the State Department,
the Sugar Quota allocated may well be
one of the first casualties with





disastrous consequences to the industry
here. Additionally with the general
upsurge of nationalist sentiment in the
Caribbean, the momentum towards local
ownership may well involve the
nationalisation or transfer of substantial
Canadian-owned assets (among others)
thereby placing any Canadian quota in

An alternative solution involves an
assault on the reputed high cost of
production. And here the solution
would seem to lie in transforming the
industry to a highly mechanised state.
The objective of mechanisation must be
a substantial increase in productivity
and lowering of production costs to the
point where the sugar produced can be
profitably sold at world free markets
prices and thus obviating the
dependence on negotiated prices.
Whether such cost of productionfigures
can be achieved at the current level of,
production here cannot be determined
without close investigation.
But there are two important
preliminaries to the implementation of
any mechanisation scheme. The first
requirement is to establish the
availability of adequate finance capital
to carry out the scheme and the second,
and by far moremportant consideration,
is the alternative employment of the
displaced labour either within or outside
the industry. In the present
employment situation in the country,
this latter problem might prove to be
most intractable but the question of
mechanisation cannot even be broached
without a satisfactory answer to the
question of resulting redundancy.


A final solution looks at the problem
in terms of diversification and general
resource utilization in which may lie the
answer in the long term. Needless to

the most detailed study and planning at
all levels and the need for incorporation
of any scheme worked out in a national
development programme. Whether there
is the will and resolution to do this in
the appropriate quarters is another
matter nor should the magnitude of the
task be underestimated.To advocate the
phasing out of sugar production to a
level consistent with local needs begs
the question to what alternative uses

Cont'd on Page 10


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Page 4 SUNDAY, NOVEMBER 7, 1971


WRITING about Grenada today, especially about its politics, seems to.
require something more than the basic journalistic qualities of keen
observation and accurate, "lively" reporting. It seems to demand a
special kind of imagination, a quality of the bizarre, if one is to try to
bring some kind of comprehension to all the bullshit that passes for
government and politics there.
The catalogue of ills should by now
be familiar: extraordinary official MICHAEL BEAUREGARD
corruption, a civil service that is at once
venal, demoralised, and underemployed,
an empty public treasury, an emptier .
opposition party, the virtual absence of- '' -
public discussion media, spiralling youth .
unemployment, and incipient
ideological discontent, and so on and on Lo8i,

So what? In the midst of all this,
almost everyone predicts the re-election
of Eric Gaiyu's Grenada United Labour
Party at the next general elections due
September next year. This prediction is
not as absurd as it sounds. Under
Gairy's leadership GULP has won four
of the six general elections held in
Grenada since adult suffrage came in
Gairy's defeats in the elections of
1957 and 1962 showed, of course, that
the electorate is not blindly loyal to him
andis prepared to make strategic shifts
in allegiance in certain circumstances.
For example, the 1962 election was
won by the Grenada National Party
which sold to the people the PNM's line
about accepting Grenada in a unitary
framework with Trinidad and Tobago.

Most of Grenada's voting populace
are the landless and smallholding rural
classes outside the capital, St. George. It
is in these rural areas in 1950-51 that
Gairy as trade union negotiator
developed his charisma and established
his claim to leadership of the "broad
--masses", as he is fone- of reeifig 'tr i 'lis
followers in Grenada. His movement at

Since 1951 Gairy has been able to
convert the social conflicts involved
here into political power of a kind. The
quasi-guerrilla activity practiced by his
supporters during the general strike of
that year convinced the St. George's
middle class that he and his movement
were the incarnation of evil. But it was
not until 1955 that they, along with the


that time, and to some extent even now,
represented more than a demand for
"better wages and working conditions
for the workers". It was also a challenge
to the traditional distribution of status
and power, if not of wealth, in
'Grenadian society.
The hierarchies of wealth, status and
power had been long dominated by the
colonial representatives, the planters,
merchants and the developing St.
George's educated middle class. Gairy,
notwithstanding his essentially urban
life-style, stood for the black estate
workers long crushed by a cruel
conspiracy of economics, colour and
urban culture.

estate bourgeoisie, were able to put
together the GNP, to save Grenada from
"Gairyism". The GNP adopted word for
word the PNM's 1956 chatter,
constitution, "morality in public
affairs", "political education," this, that
and the other.


The GNP's leader, Herbert Blaize, is
said to be a man of the utmost
incorruptibility, and some of this
reputation has rubbed off on the party.
Indeed the biggest propaganda ploy of
GNP pushers is its supposed honesty
and integrity. Of course, this is simply

nonsense. It is only that, compared with
the Gairy outfit, the GNP cultivates its
corruptions more discreetly. Gairy is a
man of style, of flamboyance no
matter what he's doing.
Today, in fact, corruption is not
really a "serious issue", if it ever really
was. In 1961 the GULP government was
removed from office by the British
government following official charges of
corruption. Among other things, Gairy
was accused of furnishing his official
residence too lavishly. The majority
popular view was that if a white,
colonial governor could enjoy luxurious
living at Government House, why
could'nt the people's black, elected
leader do the same?
The point here is that in a society
where "Government" and the treasury
are almost the only source of the good
life open to the people, "corruption" is
really a means of providing popular
gratifications. The tragedy is that under
Gairy's regime the people's
gratifications are more vicarious than
real. There is a genuine and widespread
pride in the fact that he rides in the
longest, most expensive car in Grenada.
Mr. Gairy's political skill has been his
ability to present his own personal gains
in status, wealth or power as the
triumphs of the people.


In fact, his politics has almost always
been the politics of personal status. In
the past he was always irked by the
Governor's failure 'to invite him to play
tennis at the Richmond Hill Tennis
Club, the closest Grenada could have
come to Trinidad's infamous Country
Club. Earlier, in 1951, one of his biggest
boasts was that he slept. on the
Governor's bed while being held in
detention.in Carriacou.
Thus he never developed a wider,
serious perspective for the government
of the territory. Always suspicious of
the highly educated, the Premier keeps
them far from the centres of power or
effectiveness. Graduates have been
appointed in greater numbers to the
Civil Service, but their positions can
easily be filled by O or A level holders
foe all the work they are called upon to
The Civil Service is more a source ot
regular financing for the ruling party,
and incidentally, probably contains the
largest concentration of near-alcoholics
in G.enada: In conversation with almost
any civil servant one notices either a
profound, despairing resignation, or an
absurd, childish frivolousness. Never is
there even a suspicion of purpose,
direction, development.


The island is almost literally being
run as a circus. At every excuse a public
holiday is declared and an orgy of
rum-drinking graced by appearances of
the "Honourable Premier" occurs. Gairy
is now said to discourage the title
"Uncle Gairy" by which he was
affectionately known since 1951.
In all seriousness the major official
activity is the holding of cocktail
parties. These, however, are not held
soley for their entertainment value. The
invitation list is the critical indicator of
the political loyalties of Grenadians
"from all walks of life". According to
its own policy statement the most
serious project on which the
government is now embarked is the
construction of a $2 million theatre for
the holding of annual Miss Western
Hemisphere Beauty Contests.


This cocktail party culture evidences
the highly personalist style of
"government" that Gairy has developed.
In a small society with hardly any
institutionalized checks against official
whim, with hardly even a sense of
personal privacy, this can be a very
intimidating style indeed. Everyone has
to stand up, or is stood up, to be
counted. He who is not with me .....

25 & 87 E.M. Rd., T'pura.
Suitings, Clothing, Footwear.
Tel- 662-4909, 4873.

SUNDAY, NOVEMBER 7, 1971 Page 5

If you are an East Indian
And you want to be an African
Just shave yuh head just like me
And nobody would guess your nationality

Independence calypso King, in his
winning calypso, suggests a very
simple and convenient way for
Indians to become Africans. He
suggests that we simply shave our
heads as bald as his, and no one
would be able to guess our
Though most unsatisfactory and
naive, this is one solution to the
problem of identityinour society. And,
in spite of its superficiality, this is in no
way contradictory to the belief
commonly shared by many in this
society. There are those who harbour
the hope, the expectation and the
foregone conclusive belief that Indians
are the ones who must strip themselves
clean of all traces of their identity -
cultural, social, religious and otherwise
- and submerge themselves
unhesitatingly, in a social order that
refuses to recognize and is openly
hostile towards patterns of thought and
behaviour, not in keeping with those
patterns established during the colonial
Since the Africans, for historical
reasons too well known, are the direct
inheritors of this colonial order,
Brynner's solution is understandable.
But this does not make it acceptable to
the vast majority of Indians. For no
solution to so noble a quest that comes
so easily can be trusted to stand the
ravages of time. Because identity, in the
broadest sense, has to do more with
how a people think than how they look.
It has to do not with masquerading as
someone else but discovering and
revealing the true self. Especially, it has
to do with how a people regard
themselves in their society and the
world; the particular way in which they
asses *their relationship s individually
and collectively, in the cosmos.

To boast of a national identity here,

1S LU Ivt: 111 d WUolU J1 IllldUM-IJtf-;V;Ve. IU
claim that we are all one is to ignore the
stark realities of the present. To ignore
the presence of any one group is to sow
the seeds of future conflict, discord and
chaos. And the future society can afford
none of these. This is why the quest
must go on relentlessly. Even more so,
this is why we must.channel and direct
our energies along such lines so that the
total result of all our efforts would
reflect the unified consciousness of all
our peoples.
Even though we realise the
inevitability of human groups learning
from each other, and the necessity for
this to be so, our intention is not to
"Indianize" anyone. Far from it!
Likewise, we will not tolerate any
attempt to "ize" us in any form or
fashion not in harmony with our
"native selves". We will resist
everlastingly, any attempts by others to
deny us this sacred right of self-assertion
by attempting to force us to the point
of "self-denial".
Our out-moded politicians, hunting
for votes through deceit and deception,
trying hard but in vain to impress the
hungry masses, are in the habit of
speaking of the "new national identity
of Trinidad and Tobago". But what
national identity can we, Indians, be
proud of when the culture of 40% of
our people is denied its rightful place
and recognition it deserves; when the
vast majority of our people exist on the
fringes of society and are considered as
possessing nothing more than nuisance


The established order in this society
belongs to a dying era; an era during
which Indians were pushed in the
background of our social life and were
recognized only when it was convenient
and advantageous for others to do so.
Even then it was, and still is, more in
the form of tokenism than genuine
regard. But this never worried the
Indian to any great extent. In the
meantime he has been working hard and
building silently but steadily from the
crude earth with his bare hands. He
knows overnight solutions will never
work, this quality has been imbued in

him by his culture. Sacrifice,
self-sacrifice, is a cornerstone of
Hinduism. And he is still building in
spite of the odds deliberately placed in
his way.
The entire, social system was geared,
and still is, so as to keep the Indian out,
unless of course he was prepared to strip
himself of his name, his religion, his
culture, his language, his history and
become what the system demanded -
that is, Christianized, Westernized,
colonized, dehumanized. Many fell,
unsuspecting victims of circumstance.
Many, many more stood firm, prepared
to fight in their own inimitable way, the
tensions and strains created by the
established order.

ioaay, mts struggie- sn-gres0-o
among the mass of the Indian
population. Out of this struggle will
emerge a new order in this land. Those
who think the the Governmental,
official and administrative response to
the upsurge of black (African)
consciousness is the making of a new
social order, are sadly and tragically
mistaken. No new order will ever
emerge so long as the society fails to
come to terms with the fact of the
Indians and so long as it refuses to deal
them equally the rights as citizens of
this country. The new society will only
come when Indians are recognized and
accepted for what they are rather than
for what others would want to make of

Every group has a part to play in
forging this new, identity and every
group must be recognized for the part it
plays. This is the level at which we must
begin. However, countless occurrences
every day, on an-individual and national
plane provoke doubts as to whether we
have started at this level.
Merle Hodge (writing in Tapia of
August 15) strikes a vital note when she
comments upon the "gross disrespect
and bad manners" openly displayed by
members present at the recent
Chaguaramas Conference on Education
when "an intrepid Indian Trinidadian
thought fit to preface his contribution
with a prayer of his religion". According
to Miss Hodge, the grand majority of
those very people who felt justified in
parading their prejudices in the public
but who, "when the various Christian
clergy prayed on our behalf, bowed
their heads and made their signs of the
Cross, were registering their allegiance
to more than religion".
But she goes still further and sounds
the heart of the matter: "Officially, the
society still recognizes only the norms
of the White Western "Christian" world,
that is the norms overlaid on the society
by its colonizers. Those who do not
necessarily subscribe in toto, that is, at
least 40% of the society at a modest
estimate are here on sufferance, or at
best occasional, condescending


This truth is so obvious that any
deviation from the set pattern is
considered abnormal and out of place.
When Indians stand up and demand
their rights they are branded "racists".
For fifteen years they have been totally
neglected by the government, yet,
whenever an attempt is made by Indians
to help alleviate the sufferings of
Indians we are branded "separatists".
But anyone can speak about bettering
the lot of the "black man" meaning
African, ask Wooding, not any of those
advocates of "blackness" who find it
convenient and expedient to say that
Indians are included without being a
racist. But the moment one speaks in
favour of the Indian he is confronted

-. 2 a ir I' Sr77- pI Jr

wi 1Ia I 11"---w indifference, contempt, hostility,
antagonism and open, brass-faced racism
and discrimination.

So much so that there are Indians in
this society who are possessed by the
erroneous conviction that being as little
Indian as possible and being as much
Afro-Saxon, Afro-American or any
other thing is being truly "Trinidadian".
But this blatant denial of self is what
creates the "mimic-man". Too often we
think that to discard, condemn and
ridicule unthinkingly and
indiscriminately, every characteristic of
our "native selves" is a sure sign of
progress. This is not a quality of the
mind that is "free and articulate". On
the contrary it is an unmistakable sign
of self-delusion and cultural onanism.
But let us not be disheartened and
fall easy prey to the ever-present and
provoking temptations that conspire
against us every day, to lure us on
unsuspectingly and to make us strangers
unto ourselves. Let us not be too quick
to discard, condemn and consider
irrelevant, the religion and culture of
our foreparents. Let us be sure that we
do not discard the good along with the
bad in exchange for something worse.
Let us instead give the culture of our
parents an equal chance in our lives, let
us begin to study the religion of the
Hindus before we feel qualified to pass
judgement upon it. Let us not be fooled
by the immediacy of the West that
leaves us hollow inside.


No one is advocating that we return
to India. But it is necessary that we, the
Indians of the West West Indians in
the truest sense should come to terms
with what we have here, not discard it.
We must dig deep into the farthest
recesses of our consciousness as a people
and discover our true selves, tapping if
necessary the limitless reserve at the
source of our culture. We cannot and
must not deny the future social order,
this, our most lasting and significant
contribution in the creation of the new


old". We in this land are the inheritors
of this culture, we are the transporters
of this way of life to these parts. We
must not fail to nurse this land with
nourishment that our infant nation
hungers for.
Indians, especially the young, must
take up the urgent task of re-defining
their positions in this society on all
fronts. For too long have we had our
positions defined for us, always to our
disadvantage. With the quickening of
time, if this task is not pursued with
purpose and dedication, tomorrow will
be worse than today. Traditional areas
of involvement have to be critically
re-examined and strengthened and new
areas have to be explored with purpose.
No aspect of our lives, collective and
individual, must be spared the rigour of
criticism and examination. We are
extremely fortunate in that we have an
unbroken and continuous flood of
culture from the earliest up to the
present time, from which we can draw
our inspiration and strength.


If this society must be a more
humane one, the colonial and
materialistic systems of thought and
values of decaying and decadent West
must be re-adjusted. Christianity has
been the religion of the colonizers and
has stained it hands with the blood of
our peoples. It identified itself with,
shut its eyes to, upheld and propagated
many of the very values that we are now
striving to shed. The Christian Church in
these parts can change its garb but not
its history. More and more the West is
awakening to the universality,
profoundity and relevance of Indian
religion, philosophy and culture. We are
fortunate to have here the largest single
group of Indians in the West. This
makes our responsibility even greater
yet and so also must be our influence.
To fail in this task is not simply to
fail ourselves, but to fail the future West
Indian peoples. We cannot fail; we must
not fail, if the future society is to be
strengthened not weakened by our

Cont'd on Page 8





In spite of the innumerable obstacles
that will baulk our progress; in spite of
the open and unofficial state-sanctioned
racism practised against us, this fair land
will feel and respond favourably to the
full impact of Indian culture and
civilization For its own good and
future progress. Time-tested virtues and
ideals that have shaped the lives of so
many of the greatest souls that have
walked this earth, through countless
ages, will sink their roots deep into our
soil and fill the air with the fragrance of
beautiful flowers. Christians will learn
from us, Hindus, the much needed
tolerance that they do not show to
others who do not worship God as they


There is the belief among some
Indians that we must protect what we
have while we are unsure of what we
will "get". While it is necessary and vital
that we preserve and protect what we
have it is no less important that our
actions are the results of positive, not
negatives motives. Indians must no
longer be satisfied merely to accept
what others throw at us. We must
discard the idea of "getting". Our task
must be to set out and create here a
culture that we can identify with in
some meaningful way. It is only when
we fail to take up the challenge and
refuse to face up to this vital task that
we can speak in terms of what we are
going to "get".
We must make of this land and its
still unformed culture something that
our children will be able to identify
with without pawning their souls in the
process. To wait submissively on what
we will "get" is a defeatist position to
assume. Then we will have no one but
ourselves to blame if what we "get" is
not what we desire. The weak are
always the vanquished and Indian
culture forbids us to be weak. The
culture of our fathers has outlived the
stresses and strains of thousands of
years. Whereas other ancient cultures
have disappeared under the weight of
time (in Egypt only the Pyramids
stand), Indian culture lives on and as



Tri IMP In I wnrl m ommp. I*M,





- I

Page 6

t There is recognition, I
believe, of the necessity
for hard work. This phrase
is appearing more and
May I give credit here

to Lloyd Best who has
been espousing the
necessity for everyone to
work hard and work
together for quite
sometime and to get

involved in a practical
development at the
grassroots village and small
town level.
I am not yet satisfied
that TAPIA has begun to

practise what it preaches.
But they haven't done so
yet as far as I am
concerned. But they are
building a certain amount
of information in a very

analytical way but I would
certainly like to see from
them as well a little more
commitment to
development in a physical

GERALD MONTES DE OCA, Chairman and Managing Director of Lever Brothlrs, in an Express interview October 10. 1971

WHEN Gerald Montes de Oca remarks that he is not satisfied
that Tapia has begun in a physical sense to practice what
it preaches about hard work and grass roots development, we
are led to wonder what he means. And what is the evidence
which has brought him to so cavalier a conclusion?
We sincerely hope that he is not being carried by the standards of
chest-beating incompetence which have become so firmly established
here since 1956. These standards are woefully slipshod with facts and in
their worst expression at the top they go so far as to-allow all kinds
Sof catalogues of irrelevancy and to permit the most fanciful inventions
of statistics to substitute for hard data.
Is this not a country in which lawyers who have made absolutely no
contribution to law in 15 years of public life can still have their
sometime cronies tout them as "6 by 6?" Is this not a place where men
can spend years at the heart of a corrupt administration and yet dare to
offer themselves as new political leaders without first giving an account
of their stewardship? Have we not had. civil service and party
reorganisationss" and schemes of national reconstruction many times
over? Like giving up smoking every week. And these brambles go on
and on because the manipulators "understand" the people, we are told.
In point of fact, it is equally because responsible people do not
always insist on evidence before they commit themselves to opinion
and to judgement. That is why in Tapia we are wedded to other
standards. We are not calling any shots we cannot play. We are human
and therefore fallible and we may not always score; but if we call the
shot you can bet we're going to play it even if it is not "politic" so to
do. That is what unconventional politics is about.

The New World dispute which
precipitated The Tapia House Group
into existence was caused by certain
concrete proposals which we made.
They were rejected by those who
wanted to sidestep the hard-work of
building and to rig up a Doctor-party
quick-quick-quick. But those who came
to Tapia backed these proposals to the
hilt so we re-published them in Tapia
No 2. All that Mr. Montes de Oca needs
now to do is to go back and check what
we have done against what we
undertook to do. The value of writing
things down as against sounding off in
the public square is that you can be held
to account for the promises you've
In Tapia we commired ourselves to five
projects in 1968:

*A Cultural Centre to serve as a
restaurant, theatre, dance hall,
clubhouse and workshop all in one.
*An Economic Development
Company charged in the first instance
to consider a Consumer Co-operative
and a Shoemaking Factory.
*A Fortnightly or Monthly Review
and a Publishing House.
*Rehabilitation Committees in
Housing, Health, Education and Sport
all through the communities.
*Political clubs in the constituencies,
"small enough to permit individual
participation and to enjoy a climate of
equality where genuine conversation and
exchange are possible."

We did not then offer ourselves as a
political party, we said the elections
would have no meaning and we
advocated work to build all these
"intermediate political institutions"
Our perspective was that:

"When this work has proceeded
systematically for some time, we will
thrash out broad areas of consensus, and
we will have an expanded number of
confident and competent people (not one
Doctor) willing to collaborate in a larger
political organisation for the purpose of
dealing in State power. At that point we
will be.ready to found a political party."
(Tapia No. 2, p4.)

Now that the country is approaching
the point where the people will rally to
found the party which will get rid of
Williams, what in fact has been Tapia's
Well, our Monthly Review, Tapia, has
been described as a public utility on
par with electricity, telephone, lights
and water. Williams claims that he does
not read the press but when the mask
slipped at his last Convention, it
revealed that he does not miss his Tapia
at all. And to make up the three Ws -
Wooding and Weekes also read it, if you
Ministries 'subscribe to it, the
Embassies abroad pay for it, libraries all


over the world send for it. One
Department of Political Science in a
Kenya University pays enormous
amounts to get airmail copies for a
Course on the Caribbean they're doing
there. The paper is sold in Kingston and
Georgetown and Bridgetown; in London
and New York; it is ordered in Puerto
Rico and, San Domingo, in Martinique
and Guadeloupe. Rodney Webb insists
on receiving his copy in far away Manila
in the Pacific Islands. But the backbone
of our readership is to be found right
here on the streets of Mayaro and
Manzanilla, Couva and Chaguanas,
Princess Town and Pointe-a-Pierre. And
not even Awake is more vigilant than we
are on the streets of Port of Spain and
San Fernando. '
If the paper is elegantly conceived
and tastefully presented it is because
that is the kind of new world we're
aiming at. If it is consistent, it is because
we hold a definite position. We do not
believe in opportunist zig-zagging to win
a cheap support. We attacked the
alphabet merger as reactionary from the
word go, even when it appeared to some
to be a winning horse. We disagreed
with friends in NJAC and we said so in
the face of charges that we were rocking
the boat at the wrong time.


If Tapia has a tracted copy from
Gordon Rohleah and Merle Hodge and
Derek Walcott, it is not because any of
them has declared for our politics but
because we do not think that "politics"
is the only thing that's necessary for
political change. Art and literature may
be more important ..... especially if
they are not harnessed to political ends
and purposes.
I think Mr. Montes de Oca must
admit that here we've established a
grass-roots project "in a physical sense."
We've certainly, done it without a cent
from the CIA or from any angel
whatsoever. We've had some small
donations but the paper pays its way
and pays its staff. The duty of
revolutionaries is to make revolution:
the first duty of the intellectuals in the
revolution is to make intellectual
revolution, not to stir the crowd.
Grass-roots politics is building from
what you have, starting from wherever
you are and advancing. It is not
whipping up large numbers for a while.
So fingers crossed, the Publishing House
is next.
On the Economic Development
Company we have to emphasise failure.
Tapia did become involved with a
Co-operative Project in Arima and for a
time we actually had a parlour
struggling fitfully along. But we lacked


the political skill to persuade our
collaborators to learn to walk before
trying to run. So the Co-op collapsed.
And when the election was called we
even lost some of the members to the
PNM and the ACDC. We wanted quick
success in business and quick success in
politics too. That's always been the
problem with co-operatives as with
political parties. But the failure may yet
be profitable if we are flexible enough
to learn something from the experience.


The Shoemaking Factory, we are
pleased to say, required no initiative
from Tapia. Before the February events
we did feel the sandal revolution coming
as part of the cultural resurgence and
the shift in national consciousness. What
we did not anticipate was that the
brothers on the drag would deliver the
goods so expeditiously. But they did in
an altogether spontaneous flowering of
leather and suede craft. All to the good
and there are lessons for us here too.
Our Sou-Sou for which we have held
high hopes has fallen behind our early
expectations. We have run a restricted
sou-sou among the hard-core members
of Tapia where mutual trust poses no
problem; and we've been able to save in
this way and to help ourselves to
finance the costs of the larger
movement. But we have deliberately
refrained from launching the national
sou-sou until our lawyers came up with
a legal form which would provide
adequate protection for participants in
general. After long delay, the legal work
has now been done and are awaiting a
suitable moment to strike out on a
national scale. The delay has helped to
commit some lawyers to the grass-roots


The most important of the projects
we had in mind were the Rehabilitation
Committees because these were
primarily to involve initiatives by other
groups in the communities. We thought
that here and there we could lend
limited technical assistance and moral
support. When the vigilantes of Success
Village, Laventille approached us, we
urged them to build on self-help. Apart
from lending a hand with one of the
Sunday-morning Gayaps and providing a
few hours of teaching in their education
programme, all we offered was
encouragement. But encouragement is
plenty because our country is clearly
ready to liberate itself from the shackles
of the past. We've certainly found this
everywhere and particularly with the
steelbands of the East which have now

formed their own Regional Association
and have been markedly sceptical of the
assistance and sponsorship which the
Government has suddenly been trying
to force on them.
Education was the only field of
rehabilitation where Tapia can expect to
take a lead because we have started with
a heavy -concentration of teaching skills.
So far we've made a number of efforts
to organise courses and we have been
leading up to some kind of
Experimental School. We had hoped to
try out the School last August but we
found that we needed more basic work
in planning curricula and teaching
methods. That work is in progress and
we expect to call a Conference of
interested parties early in 1972 and
perhaps to start a permanent school in
Tunapuna thereafter.


And then there is the project to
establish a Cultural Centre. Here, our
progress has been quite considerable by
any standard.... we've actually built
the Tapia House. Architecturally, the
place is very distinguished and is finely
finished in off white, buff and green
lepay with panelling in hardwood and
bamboo. In addition to the auditorium,
there is a kitchen and an office. Outside,
there is an open-air Moonlight Theatre
with a raised stage and covered space for
dressing rooms and other amenities.


The Centre is not merely habitable
but congenial, we find .... although it is
not yet quite complete. It is fast
becoming a natural community-centre
for lower Tunapuna. A.glance at the
newspapers would show how many
dances and parties have already beefi
held there. Tapia itself has held quite a
number of cultural evenings of
poetry-reading, drumming, etc., and last
months we had four evenings of theatre,
involving three different companies of
players. Besides, the House is a meeting
place for the local steelband, the local
football club and the local Sisters' Club.
There are creative dancing classes and
handicraft classes. And of course, the
Centre is the headquarters for Tapia's
own work.
The last of our projects envisaged the
formation of political clubs all over the
island. At the very first meeting of
Tapia the question was heatedly
debated as to whether or not we should
aim to establish Tapia clubs and control
them from Tunapuna. Nearly all the
people who stayed with us after the first
a Cont'd on Page 8

Page 7

We Demand To Be Tried by Black Jurors

AS COURT was called to order, nine little nigger boys
stood militant and unbending in the dock. Predictably,
they were challenging the racist civilization at its roots -
on the assumptions of its own imperial jurisprudence.
Around the corner, in the City of London, capitalism,
equally predictably, continued to jingle its coins and to
wrangle over the dollar price of gold.
It was October 4th, 1971 and a cold and frosty
morning. But the west Indian community could hardly
afford to be so cool and indifferent. We assembled to
form our own grand jury in the Public Gallery. You
could make out John La Rose, Louis Marriot, Wally
Look Lai. They, too, had come to the Old Bailey to see
Imperial justice tried.
"Of law, I know nothing," remarked Althea
Jones-Lecointe. "I'm dealing in justice." She had opted
to defend herself.
"If there are no precedents", entered Radford Howe,
also his own eloquent advocate, "let us establish some
here and now."
The dispute was over the jury. Argued the defence:.
justice demands that it be uncompromisingly black.

A Challenge To

Imperial Justice

Retorted tne juage: Established procedure warranted no
such thing. Counsel, a mild-mannered Scot, a committed
white defender of blacks, put the case at length in two
full sessions.

Imperial Courts should know only too well that in the
metropole are men from Chittagong and Capetown too,
from Bridgetown as from Bangalore; men of widely
varying colour, culture and conviction. Rome is by its
nature a plural place, a congeries of diverse communities,
and groups. Equality before the law by way of drawing
juries anonymous from a hat could here be a vote for
racial prejudice in fact. Procedure must thus, in paradox,
discriminate to sustain the principle of justice.


The Case for the

Mangrove 9

place of work with little explanation
On October 4th 1971, nine black people (seven brothers and two sisters) app- place of work With little e planation
eared at the Old Bailey jointly charged with RIOT, AFFRAY and ASSAULT- in their purpose. Black people present
ING POLICE. These charges arise out of a demonstration in the Notting Hill ing place and Cuthbert Pierre and
area of London on August 9th last year Yvonne Yeubah were arrested and
he demonstration was called to pro- ff iv wpns Ten were sub- charged with obstruction and assaul-
test the police harassment of the sequently found guilty and fined, ting police. They were both acquitted
Mangrove, Restaurant in particular an seven were acquitted Bro. Kentish was also charged with
and the black community in general. seven were attempted murder of an epileptic po-
On the 14th October, 1970, (two lice officer.
-. wo ice officer.

The demonstrators gathered outside
the Mangrove Restaurant at 2.15 pm.
and were addressed by Althea Lecointe
.-and-Radford Howe before leaving on a,
route that would embrace all three
police stations in the area.
Some two and a half hours later
as the demonstrators were marching
along Portnall Road, a sharp conflict
between demonstrators and police de-
veloped out of which seventeen bro-
thers and sisters were arrested and
physically assaulted by hysterical po-
lice officers. Supt. Donelley, the
Officer in charge of the operation
was forced to admit that, "It was
every man for himself".
The charges against the seventeen
ranged from assaulting police to carry-

months later) Bro. Frank Critchlow
owner of the Mangrove Restaurant,
was arrested outside Lambeth Magis-
trates Court and taken to Harrow
Road -Police-Station.,-There .he-.jva
charged with incitement to riot, in-
citing members of the public to as-
sault police, and affray.

Meanwhile, in Netting Hill, the police
mounted a massive operation in order
to arrest Rhoden Gordon and Roddy
Kentish on similar charges. Scores of
policemen, some armed, patrolled the
area surrounding the Restaurant for
hours after the arrest of the three
They pounced on Bro. Kentish at his

Incitement charges were also pre-
Sfoe d--- amail.---A.l-Oh. x.O.,t-in -

Barbara Beese and Radford Howe.
These charges were heard before
David Wacher at the Marylebone Ma-
gistrates Court. On the fifth day of
the proceedings, the 24th prosecution
witness, a 67 year old retired post-
man, said in evidence that, "The
marchers thought the police were
going to interfere with them so they
told the ones behind to ease off.
It caused a movement backward in
which people got knocked over. It
was a misunderstanding on both
Chief Supt. Donnelly let slip the fact

that the melee was, "quite spon-
The Prosecution case collapsed be-
cause their own witnesses admitted
that there was no evidence of in-
citement. After overnight talks with
the Director of Public Prosecutions,
the prosecution lawyer returned to
withdraw the charges of incitement,
and substitute the charge of riot.
Magistrate David Wacher refused to
have it and rejected the riot char-
ges. A central point in the police
on riot charges was that the demos-

. .. .i r r (. ... ....

: rar. uru> --ucgeuircny--srerract.rr -w.t.-
pigs", but the Magistrate ruled that
to say "Kill the pigs" was not evi-
dence of violence. The following dia-
logue sorted out the issue:
Magistrate: Where is the evidence
of force?
Prosecution: They were shouting
"Kill the Pigs".
Magistrate: It is highly provocative
but forgive m'y language if they
had shouted, "Fuck the pigs", or
"Bugger the pigs", the police would
not have taken that literally would
Prosecution: No, but the word "Kill"
embodies some sort of violence.
Magistrate: o do the other two.
Prosecution: One man said, "We are
going to smash up the Pig House".
Magistrate: But they passed at least
one Pig House and nothing happened.

Subsequently all the defendants were
committed to the OLD BAILEY on
the charge of affray.
In a remarkable decision, the Director
of Public Prosecutions re-imposed tie
charge of riot, despite the fact that
the Magistrate had rejected it.
And one year later, another Brother
Godfrey Millette, was arrested after
giving evidence in a case at the OLD
BAILEY, and charged with riot and
affray in the name of Roy Caboo,
a name he had never heard before.

Barbara Beese
Rupert Boyce
Frank Critchlow
Rhodan Gordon
Radford Howe
Anthony Innis
Rothwell Kentish
Althea Jones-Lecointe
Godfrey Millette



It seemed a radical attack on imperial jurisprudence
and a radical attack it was. Predictably, it sent the Court
a-scurrying back to the Magna Carta. There it found
Clause 39, still on the books, entrenching the right of
trial before juries of peers drawn from the appropriate


Jews, it appears, had in the Middle Ages, established
the right to be tried by. Jewish juries. They were then
clearly a separate cultural community. The question
therefore is whether or not the Commonwealth
Immigration Bill does not accept that the West Indians
and the Pakistanis and the rest as certainly non-British
cultural communities. If they cannot fit into the normal
pattern of British life and are to be restricted under the
Bill, are they not entitled to special juries of their peers?
In the Trial of the "Mangrove 9" the Judge has
already set his face hard against this challenge from the
West Indians. But the challenge will certainly recur and
there is a nice point here to which imperialism must one
day answer.

,--- --- i., _-~-~-- .,. CIM.




Page 8 SUNDAY, NOVEMBER 7, 1971


Cont'd from Page 5
presence in these parts. We have a sacred
obligation towards the future soceity.
To abscond is to commit a grave
injustice which posterity will find it
difficult to forgive.
It is customary, I know, to refer to'
this society as a Christian one. But

The Tapia


From Page 6
flush and did not go to the centre of the
political stage in 1970 were those who
espoused that we should not try for
control of other community groups. In
1969, Pivot, which was later to become
one of the main tributaries to NJAC,
voted 13-12 to draw closer to us and to
join us in publishing a single paper. We
decided not to proceed with the
collaboration. A mere electoral victory
does not secure consensus, we felt.


That Pivot decision has set the tone
for Tapia's relations with Groups across
the country. We do go around to sell
our paper, trade ideas and explain our
programmes and our political
philosophy. But for the most part we
trust our hosts to organise themselves.
Tapia has a lot of practised talkers and
no doubt we could easily appoint Area
Reps, collect subscription fees and
describe the result as national
organisation. But that might only force
our sympathisers and associates to lose
their identity before they are really
ready to become genuinely dedicated
This method is thought by the cynics
brought up on PNM's Crown Colony
culture to be idealistic or even Utopian.
--.We-demur; we are confident that this
way will soon throw up authentic
community leaders and set the stage for
permanent constituency organisation.
When people are stirring from within
themselves, their progress cannot ever
be subverted not by the Caesar's
security forces, not by his ox, nor by his
ass, nor by anything that is his.


We've learnt from the experience of
the last 15 years that Doctor Politics
can promise political organisation but
can never come near to delivering it.
C.L.R. James warned us as early as
1960 that Doctor Politics would
destroy party politics. Now after the
fiasco of UNIP and ACDC-DLP and the
recent damnation of the PNM by the
Doctor himself, the entire country is
clear on the point. In Tapia No. 1, we
were therefore only articulating what
the country knew deep down: "there
exists no political party in this country
now." (p2. September 1969).
Soon however, the situation is going
to change. The country is moving
rapidly towards lasting political
organisation as we learn from the
February Revolution and its aftermath.
We are becoming clear on ideology and
clear on programmes too. It is becoming
easier to see what kind of society we
need to build and what must support it
in the way of economic reorganisation
and constitutional reform.


Besides, we are developing
revolutionary men, men of spirit, men
of dedication and competence, men of
democratic culture. We are giving
substance to the slogans of the
movement People's Parliaments are
becoming a way of life, of living and
relating to the nation. Free discussion is
not a mere political ritual but an
imperative of culture. Come to the
Tapia House on any Thursday night to
see just one example. The same is
happening in many, many corners of the
So this is how we've played our cards
to date. It leaves Mr. Montes de Oca not
quite satisfied. But then, we've never
contrived to have ourselves proclaimed
the master builders of our time.

this is understandable since the
establishment has always been Christian
and the Church always identified with
the establishment. But this is as much as
untruth as the dogmatic belief
commonly held by those who like to
consider themselves Christian, that all
non-Christians are heathens, pagans and
what you like and are therefore doomed
to everlasting hell.
This flagrant lack of tolerance, this
narrow-mindedness and even this open
contempt shown by professed
Christians, is reflected not only in the
sphere of religion but also, more
importantly, by those who administer
the business of the State. But this makes
the task even more urgent. Our society
is not a Christian one and non-Christians
have a significant role to play in ironing
out the gross inconsistencies that hinder
the evolution of a more humane order.
In a wider perspective ours is the
struggle of the entire society. The
struggle of the Indians is against an
already deeply entrenched bacchanlian
culture. What we must ensure is tha we
are not lost in it beyond recognition but
that we contribute fully and
fundamentally in the creation of
something new, relevant and


We must not deny the future order,
the grace, the strength, the elasticity,
the depth, the humility and tolerance,
the wisdom, spirituality and
timelessness of the culture our parents
transported to these distant shores.
Neither must we preserve and foster
Indian culture for ourselves alone. Then
it becomes useless, for one lifetime is
short and fleeting and another might
take us to some other shore. But society
continues even after we have lived this
life and man will still live on and will
always seek the light.
We light our deyas not only in our
homes but also in the public squares. So
-when -we illumine our lives with the
culture of our fathers, the society is

illunined too. And with just one lighted
deya we can light a million more. So to
deprive ourselves of this light is to
deprive our society of that extra light
that it needs to illumine the difficult
paths at night.
I have often heard it said that Indian

\ vs

culture bears little relevance to this
society. But this statement comes more
out of the depth of ignorance than
unbiased conviction. I can understand if
such a statement is made in terms of our
education system, our economics, our
politics, etc., but definitely and
emphatically not when referring to
Indian culture; not when more than
40% of our population are of Indian
origin and relate meaningfully and
unwaveringly to the basics of Indian
Our religion and culture must be the
supreme revolutionary force in our lives.

Ours is a revolution that must begin
from within our minds based on firm
convictions and clear insights. From
there it will make manifest in the wider
society. Nothing, not even guns, can
stall our peoples' march to liberation, if
first our minds are liberated through a
deep and purposeful understanding of
self and an elevation of consciounsess.
This must be our aim
The quick, now-for-now attempts at
liberation that we see around are
dangerous, not because of the violence,
but because it instills in the minds of
the masses, false values. It makes us
believe that the change of the Head of
State, the change of external structures
and formulas is the answer for a better
world. It tends to remove the emphasis
from within ourselves and makes the
external, material tools the prime
movers for change and progress. Or, it
throws too heavy a burden, too
suddenly upon our unaccustomed
shoulders, a burden which we are unable
to bear comfortablyfor too long.


This is why such attempts at instant
liberation invariably replace the order
that it sought to expel by an order that
is equally vicious if not more so.
Liberate the mind, and external
liberation follows as inevitably as the
day follows the night. Liberate the
externals first, and the enslaved mind
will continue to apply old patterns of
responses to new stimuli and the rot
remains, no less stink than it ever was.
The role of the Indian is not to deny
the future society the innumerable
virtues of Indian culture but to ensure
that it carries unmistakable traits of the
Indian character.
Africans in the West are engaged in
the frantic but the vitally necessary
quest for their forgotten roots. Who
among us can justly and sincerely
suggest that the Indian should cut his
roots or be the sacrificial lamb in this
quest for a highly elusive national
identity? Who can rightly demand of us
what they would' not demand of

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SUNDAY, NOVEMBER 7, 1971 Page 9


ON MONDAY October 4, 1971, about 8.30 a.m., Joshua Ramsammy
was gunned down outside the National Co-Operative Bank in
Georgetown. 'At least two shots were fired at him, the first missing his
head and shattering the window of his car, the second entering his hip
as he flung himself to the floor of the car, passing through his body and
lodging near his lung.
He was rushed to hospital and a three-hour emergency operation was
performed on him. Seven pints of blood were required as a result of
severe internal bleeding and his post-operation condition was described
as critical. A week later, his condition was still weak and serious, but

gradually improving.
Joshua describe mte car from which
the shots were fired at him as a green
American-type vehicle. He said that the
night before the shooting he received a
telephone call from a man, speaking
with a Southern American accent who
enquired, on the pretext that he wanted
to discuss his son entering the
University of Guyana, when Ramsammy
would be leaving home for the
University the following day.


Next morning in a conversation with
Clive Thomas, another university
lecturer, over the telephone (which is
almost certainly tapped), Ramsammy
gave his movements prior to picking up
Thomas. He proceeded to the
Electricity Corporation on business and
noticed the same car from which the
shooting was subsequently done, park
suddenly near to him. He went straight
from there to the Co-operative Bank
where the shooting took place.
The driver of the car-in question has
been described by him as a black man
with an American-style haircut. The
information at our disposal leads to the
grave suspicion that the shooting was
the immediate responsibility of a group
of American strong-arm men working
under the cover of various "technical"
jobs in the Government service.
The incident is part of a pattern of
events which indicate that the situation
in Guyana has reached a desperate stage.
In June this year two attempts were
made to kidnap Clive Thomas. It is
quite possible that both attempts in
-thefivs't-,,ease,.virolvi n'g-a,,ear-'whose-
number identified it as being at the
disposal of top P.N.C. officials, in the
second case involving a police car -
were unsuccessful murder attempts.


Three events of late have highlighted
and intensified the Government's
growing unpopularity with its
traditional supporters. Firstly the strike
and other signs of discontent amongst
the bauxite workers, arising out of the
side effects of the bauxite
nationalisation. A Workers' Committee
has been formed to counter the
pressures of the Government and
official Mine Workers Union
(Government controlled) and
commands wide support in the mining
Secondly, there have been the
blatant corruption amongst Government
and Party officials, the collapse of most
of the co-operatives, and the clear
emergence of a new black elite amongst
conditions of increasing poverty and
unemploymdng amongst the masses.
These developments have in turn led to
a serious split between the PNC and
Government elite and ASCRIA led by
Eusi Kwayana. ASCRIA has accused the
emerging political elite of the
destruction and corruption of the
Socialist and co-operative principles on
which they came to power. As a result
the PNC has promised to destroy
ASCRIA and has launched a brutal
attack on its members who have been
dismissed from Government positions
and hounded out of the party.
With its back against the wall,
ASCRIA which commands widespread
support and respect amongst young
Africans has been forced to define its
Socialist ideology and to distinguish its
position from the superficial black
nationalism of the PNC.
Thirdly, the Movement Against
Oppression (MAO) has been formed in
Tiger Bay, the poorest and oldest
section of Georgetown behind the main
business section of the City. The
immediate cause of the formation of
MAO was the shooting of a young
unarmed African by the Police, who was
wanted by them on a criminal charge.
The basis of MAO was the link

between University radicals such as
Joshua Ramsammy, Clive Thomas,
Compton Bourne, Omowale and
Maurice Odle and Miles Fitzpatrick with
unemployed brothers and hustlers who
were politically conscious in the Bay. A
free kindergarten and medical clinic
were established in the Bay and various
social protest activities were carried out.
The Government has been moving in
a most brutal fashion to reverse these
developments. It has created a special
American-style Police Squad whose
"security" duties seem to consist almost
exclusively of harassing and beating
MAO and other activists. The
Government has taken complete control
of the University of Guyana by stuffing
the Board of Governors with its Party
officials and its supporters and has given


He has been outspokenly
critical of the Burnham regime,
protesting Government
interference in University of
Guyana affairs, and giving
support to striking secondary
school students.
He has come out in
support of Mrs. Hazel Dasent
who has launched a one-woman

the Board of Governors toial control
over University affairs.
Kathleen Drayton, a Leftist lecturer
has been dismissed (contract not
-rene-wed-)-,ad-t4be-Minister .o., EducajtiQn.
has seized control of the admission of
students to all service courses at the
As a result of these and other
developments the atmosphere at the
University has to be seen to be believed.
Board of Governors meetings are
dominated Fascist-style by the chief
exponent of the new tough stance,
Hamilton Green, the Minister of Works
and Hydraulics; abuse and threats are
the new methods used to carry
Government policy on the Board.

The feeling has been growing for
some time that Guyana is plunging into
gangster rule as those who have won
their stars in the conflicts involving the
deposition of the Jagan government
take over the Party and Government
apparatus and gird themselves to
eliminate the new radical leadership that
has begun to make contact with the
increasingly dissatisfied mass ot the
population. Many incidents bear this
out. The homes of radical dissidents
have been deliberately vandalised, the
latest being Clive Thomas, just before
his return from Barbados and Trinidad a
short while ago. It is clear that this has
been the work of an organised gang
operating under the protection of the
People's National Congress, and above
and beyond the reach of the normal
Counter influences on the
Government have been weak and almost
non-existent. The attempted murder of
Ramsammy has brought the entire
situation to a head. A remarkable
number of leading citizens, including




Ill Frederick St. Tel: 38767.



senior Police officers have realized that
the situation has reached a desperate
stage with the rough guys in the Cabinet
and the Party, together with the
security police and its American allies,
about to take complete and open
control of the country.
The internal response to the
Ramsammy shooting has been galvanic.
MAO (hitherto under attack in the Press
as a front for petty criminals) issued an
invitation to a wide list of organizations
to discuss what to do about the
situation. The response was tremendous
and public positions corresponding to
MAO's were taken by many delegates
including those from ASCRIA and the
TUC. A committee has been established
by the meeting to intensify pressure on
the authorities to curb the activities and

protest against her arbitrary
dismissal by the Ministry of
He has been one of the
most hardworking University
members of MAO, particular
in the formation and
maintenance of the free medical
The Editor and moving
force of Ratoon, a radical
monthly paper.

dissolve this terror conspiracy.
It is interesting to note that in spite
of the most widespread expressions of
horror and outrage at what has been
hannenine. not a single C vernmnent

Minister has yet issued any stattemifient-fi
the Ramsammy incident. It is almost as
if the Government wants it to be known
internally that radicals will be
eliminated by them. However the depth
of the public response so far has clearly
surprised some elements in the
Government who still have a toehold on

sanity, and the terror gang has reacted
by further threats on the lives of
Ramsammy's brother Herman, his wife
Ruby, and on the lives of Clive Thomas,
Omowale and Mohammed Insanally
(U.G. lecturers) have been made.
The Minister of Works and
Hydraulics drove up in his big American
car to the Administration building on
the U.G. campus, accompanied by a
gang of toughs, in what has been
interpreted as a further show of
strength. Clive Thomas has been forced
to leave his home and with his wife: and
child to seek the protection of other
University lecturers' homes.
If the depth of the internal response
can be sustained it may not be too late.
However the Government has turned a
brutal face to internal criticism and
may, by virtue of its professed
Caribbean position be much more open
to strong protest and pressure from the
region, particularly from Trinidad and

EDITOR'S NOTE:- Later news from
Guyana is that Dr. Ramsammy has
recovered and is due to leave the
country for further medical treatment.
The Citizen's Committee met Prime
Minister Burnham who agreed to release
a joint .communique condemning
This however came after he had
received a letter from UWI academics
Norman Girvan and George Beckford
condmning the Government's attitude
to the Ramsammy shooting and the
attacks on university personnel in
general, and suspending their services to

unnPIL~FI .sayx~---- aua 5-sv~.Lhhuiact

Although many rumours are
circulating in Guyana about the identity
of the culprits and the registration
number of the assassin's car had been
noted, police investigations so far have
been fruitless and apparently have been
called off.




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Page 10 SUNDAY, NOVEMBER 7, 1971

THE BATTLE for freedom continues
on the labour front as workers line up
with those trade unions which are
determined to resist Government
One clear effect of the State of
Emergency is to block that growing
movement of workers towards the
unions they feel can best represent their
interests. The Emergency and Williams'
expressed intention to rush through
legislation to curb the rebellious spirit
of workers, have exposed the
camouflage of "consultation" thrown
up by the Government when first
proposing the Industrial Relations Act.
The Government has given up all
pretence of considering dissentient
opinion. However, as the ISA has
shown, nothing could be a better
formula for continuing labour "unrest"

than forcing through legislation that the
unions themselves have rejected.

Both the OWTU and the Council of
Progressive Trade Unions have
condemned the IRA proposals. The
Vangard on October 2 published a
memorandum commissioned by the
OWTU from J.B. Kelshall & Co., which
described the IRA as "worse than the
ISA which it will repeal". The
clause-by-clause analysis revealed the
clear desire of the Government to
provide the Minister of Labour with
wide powers of discretion in according
recognition to unions.

The OWTU memorandum and the
CPTU statement (OWTU is a member of
CPTU) both raise the key issue about
the legislation, that is, granting
discretionary powers in industrial
disputes to a Government which
nobody trusts and which has time and
again demonstrated its attitude to the
defiant ones in the trade union
Meanwhile the CPTU October 24
passed a resolution "deploring and
condemning the repetition of States of
Emergency on the pretext of dealing
with relatively minor crises". The

Unions battle for freedom


From Page 3
can the resources be put mainly the
resources of labour and land?
It is not intended to outline here the
intricacies of any plan but merely to
point out that the answer would seem
to lie in the direction of the food
import substitution policy. It need
hardly be emphasized that with a
foreign exchange outlay in the region of
$100m. annually there is wide scope to
offset a loss of foreign 'earnings of
roughly $36m. if sugar production for
export is curtailed.
The need for a phased programme is
essential not only to minimize the
consequences of dislocation but to deal
effectively and comprehensively with
the problem of alternative employment
for the displaced labour. Whether such a
diversification and phasing-out
programme can be implemented within
the present structure of the industry is a
question which again needs incisive
investigation. But it should be noted
that there does exist, as a starting point,
agricultural expertise of varying degrees
both in the labour force and
management personnel.
If in the discussion of solutions I
have inclined in favour of the phasing
out of the sugar industry as we know it
today, this has been done primarily with
the welfare of the workers in mind -
both their economic and social welfare.
The economic and social position of
sugar workers therefore needs some
elaboration. Economically, the sugar
worker stands at the bottom of the
income scale, his only subordinate being
the totally unemployed.
And while he finds himself in this
circumstance, his weak bargaining
position is exposed by the call for a
wage freeze in sugar when increases in


of Pat

THERE has been no response from the
Minister of National Security to the case
made out to him for the restoration of
the work permit of Pat Emmanuel.
The re-issue of a work permit for
Emmanuel to continue his job of
Politics lecturer at UWI, St. Augustine
was sought in a document forwarded to
the Minister by a group of lecturers last
The lecturers "urged" the minister

(1)To accept the principle of automatic
granting of work permits for West
Indians selected to work in regional
institutions and specifically to
restore Mr. Emmanuel's work permit.
(2)To settle in conjunction with the
University criteria, the actions for
judging what constitutes legitimate
activity on the part of non-national
university staff.
(3)Promptly to establish appropriate
machinery for judicial enquiry.
(4)1 immediately thereafter to submit
any case it may have against Mr.
Emmanuel to the process of judicial

other sectors of the economy range
from 20-40%. If this recommendation
by a sugar company is accepted then the
already wide gap between the wages in
sugar and those elsewhere will expand
into a chasm perhaps an unbridgeable
It is superfluous to add that many of
the social evils afflicting the sugar
worker can be traced directly or
indirectly to his weak economic
position. And his condition will remain
the same so long as he is employed in an
industry which itself faces a perilous
international future.
Those dependent on the sugar
industry therefore comprise a
submerged one-tenth of the population.
As a result the sugar worker or cane
farmer is able to provide for himself and
his family only a minimum of the basic
necessities of life such as food, shelter,
and clothing. His diet is unbalanced
with an excess of cereal and a shortage
of meat; his home an overcrowded
bedroom with the minimum of
conveniences. Having himself little
formal education and an accompanying
inability to question traditional
attitudes and beliefs, he is indifferent,
indeed nonchalant, to the burdens of
having too many children. He is very
likely to have a large family and this will
certainly worsen an already depressing

The seasonal nature of his
employment means steady work for the
first four or five months of the year and
then unemployment or
under-unemployment for the rest of the
year sitting and waiting for next year's
crop to pay for the credit he has taken
this year, hoping that his limbs may still
carry strength or that his children may
come of age to help him. By the force
of habit he seeks momemtary oblivion
in hard drinking, and rum-drinking has
become as much a physical necessity as
a social pastime in the sugar areas.
Slowly but surely that deadening of
mind and decaying of will that
accompanies long periods of physical
and mental inactivity creeps in. The
sugar worker becomes inevitably a
creature of limited horizons.
Proper education of his children is a
luxury the sugar worker can little afford
since, after a few years of primary
education his daughter will be needed to
help to look after the home, his son will
be needed in the field or farm to
supplement a meagre income. For the
children of the sugar worker the future
is indeed bleak. With parents themselves
possessing little education, the value of
the discipline and the sacrifices entailed
in obtaining it would not be readily
impressed on the minds of the young
generation who become indifferent to
their lot and their future and the despair
of social workers. Frustration sets in
which, coupled with recklessness, very
often expresses itself in criminal
behaviour for the sugar worker has very
little indeed to lose.
With luck a few escape to obtain
employment in other fields and for
them there will be no looking back; for
the majority, however, the vicious circle
envelops them in a tenacious grasp and

the children of the sugar worker of
today become the unskilled labour force
of tomorrow.
Harbouring strong prejudices and an
out-dated outlook on life, the sugar
worker has become the plaything of
unscrupulous priests and politicians and
responds to the challenge of reform
with an apathy born of disillusion.
It is difficult at this day to determine
a precise apportionment of blame for
this state of affairs. We may blame our
history but since we cannot alter our
history, we should more fruitfully
endeavour to alter our circumstances.
Suffice it to say that the sugar worker
was destined to be the relic of a colonial
past longer than was necessary.
Nowhere in Trinidad does the spectre of
colonialism spread its wings more visibly
than on the sugar estate; nowhere is the

colonial heritage more abiding. In short
the sugar worker and cane farmer have
become two of the major casualties of
our mixed capitalistic society.
It is a pressing necessity therefore
that the cause of the sugar workers
needs to be championed. A fine
evaluation of where his interest and
welfare lies in a dynamic situation must
be made. One would naturally look to
his representative organisation to give
guidance and assistance and even to
develop his consciousness about his role
in industry and society. However he is
represented by an organisation so inept
and decrepit that his weakness is
compounded. And if a herculean effort
is not made to stretch a strong helping
hand to him he and his problem may
well be consigned to the limbo of

resolution blamed the Labour Congress,
the Employers Consultative Association
and "a bankrupt government" for
causing the alleged threat to industrial
Noting the intensified policy of
harassment and brutality against certain
trade union leaders, the Council's
resolution denounced the Government's
action as "anti-democratic, anti-trade
union, unconstitutional and in breach of
the ILO Conventions Nos. 87 and 98.
And it called upon the Government to
immediately lift the State of
Emergency, release detainees and rule
in accordance with the principles of
law, justice and fairplay as entrenched
in the existing laws of our country and
the international obligations they have
assumed under the United Nations
Charter OR RESIGN."








the I


with 096!




.. .1.


Fir IfI r~

Page 2

I -1 ,o

PERHAPS the most crucial question underlying the transition from
secondary levels to university levels of education at this phase of our
post-colonial crises in the West Indies is this: Do the assumptions and
standards which govern our post-colonial institutions effectively enable
us to think and act with an excellence and creativity grounded in our
most authentic, native so to speak, experiences and perspectives?
Put in terms of academic standards and levels of entry to the
University of the West Indies the question may be applied this way: Are
* *Xminat-ion-sueeesses-based on British,-American-and Canadian-school
systems necessary and sufficient criteria for determining quality of
scholarship at a University of the
Professor Roy Marshall seems to have
recognized something of the phoniness has indicated, the O. and A levels c
in the issue about academic standards entry do not necessarily determine th
and levels of entry which are grounded quality and standard of the graduate
in a different and even alien matrix produced then what does?
when he wrote in his press release of What systematic work has th
March 26, 1971: University and its administrator
Firstly, it should be recognized that the conducted or caused to be conduct,
level of entry does not necessarily determine on modes of scholarship, on the quality
ihe quality and standard of the graduate of learning, teaching and research with.
produced. Secondly, it should be remembered ,
that the entry requirements of the University its own walls, and among th
have been altered from time to time. communities of West Indian graduate
"Ever since the University of the West and peoples whom it purports to serv
Indies became independent, .it has had and advance?
two levels of entry. The higher level is based
on the attainment of'A' level in at least two What genuine experimentation has it
subjects in the General Certificate of own Institute of Education conduct,
Education, and students with these in the realm of ideas, on quality o
qualifications can obtain direct admission to scholarship, on methods of evaluation
the degree courses of three years' duration in
Arts, Science, Engineering, Agriculture, Law, methods and content of schooling in th
Social Sciences and General Studies and of West Indies?
five years in Medicine.
"Students, who do not satisfy these 'A'
level requirements may be admitted to the 'O' AND 'A' LEVELS
University at the lower level which is based on
the attainment of 'O' level in a minimum of
five subjects, some of which are specified. On what scholarly basis is Professc
"This two-tier system of entry, ispractised Marshall making a distinction between
by maiy reputable Universities in Canada, the A and O levels? Are intellectuals
United States of America and Australia, and
one United Kingdom University-Sussex after approaches to learning necessarily
an initial period of experimentation, has superior to other modes of learning? I
adopted a scheme whereby it will admit the intellectual or externalist approach
students who do not have 'A' levels." to learning the most effective, the onl
ENTRY REQUIREMENTS effective mode of learning? In wha
S: sense is the University of the Wes
Marshall, j is obvious,, has avpided Indies independent? What are its owi
certain key questions'which may be criteria for entry, for graduate an
formulated as follows: If, as Marshall post-graduate excellence?








Now the transformation of the
marked intellectual and cultural
dependence of the University and West
Indian school systems in general was as
Lloyd Brathwaite saw, one of the
principal tasks of the University
academic community. In The Role of
the University In the Developing
Society of the West Indies which
appeared in Social and Economic
Studies of March 1965, Vol. 14, No. 1,
Brathwaite wrote:
"The University of the West Indies,
although in a sense it has replaced the
British University as the apex of the
educational system, has not yet reached

down sufficiently into it, to transform it
to its purpose. The educational system
on the lower levels still is examined by
British examination authorities and the
establishment of an Institute of
Education at the University of the West
Indies concerned with the problems is a
recent development. Similarly, the
problem of establishing a purely local
school examination council, or of one
more responsive to local conditions is
only now being tackled."


In this context, Braithwaite urged
that the functions of the University
should be widened to include
responsibility for the quality and
direction of cultural traditions of the
society. He argued: "Traditionally, the
functions of the University have been
covered by the terms teaching and
research and much of the debate over
Universities in developing societies has
proceeded within these terms of
reference. But for our discussion, he
noted, a more differentiated listing of
functions is needed. Besides (a)
Teaching and (b) Research, we may list
as important functions of the
University: (c) The maintenance of
cultural traditions on the higher level
(d) The development of national
cultural patterns (e) An advisory and
leadership role in modern society."
In fact, Brathwaite has pointed to a
need for an integrated approach a
unitive method of teaching and
researching the world of West Indian
experiences. Brathwaite was not, as he
claimed, prescribing a different range of
functions for the University. It is only
by taking a fragmented and
conventional view of teaching and
research that matters like the
maintenance of cultural traditions on
the national and super-national levels,
and leadership and advisory roles inr
modern society seem to be non-teaching
and non-research functions.


What Brathwaite did not do was to
re-examine the particular teaching and
research functions practised at the
University of the West Indies and relate
the assumptions and effects of the
practice under observation to his
understanding of the cultural traditions
of West Indian peoples in order to make
clear his own claims for an integrated
approach to a science of scholarship
indigenous to our West Indian
experiences and consonant with the
scientific and scholarly traditions of
non-West Indian communities.
Brathwaite avoids responsibility for
such a task by making the conventional
disclaimer that "It would clearly be
impossible in the limited space at our
disposal to give an outline of West
Inaian society and culture, and through
this to relate meaningfully the
contribution which an adequately
conceived university could contribute."
But it is this recurring failure or
unwillingness on the part of West
Indians to work at a sustained and total
evaluation of their own life-problems
and experiences that has effectively
hindered the flowering of an indigenous
tradition of scholarly excellence, of an
elevating culture of ideas.


Brathwaite himself observed in the
paper already referred to : ...we
have to examine some of the problems
involved in the establishment and
development of a University."
Among these are: (a) the marked
inability (my italics) of a dependent
Community with a dependent culture to
examine its problems meaningfully in
their own right without reference to
some extraneous "model'"
But the considerations which
Braithwaite and Marshall have been
making about the role and functions of
the University and scholarship in general
have themselves been made with
reference to an extraneous model, that
is, with reference to given external, to
be precise conceptions of science,

Paper delivered at UWI Guild

of Graduates Seminar

September 11, 1971.

education and higher learning.
For Marshall as well as Brathwaite
scholarly excellence is excellence
consonant with the intellectualist
traditions of distinguished Universities
of Europe, particularly of Western
Europe. Excellence then emerges in
their vision as a kind of cult of the
intellect as distinct from a marked (that
is to say, effective) capacity to deal in
universals, a capacity for integrated
knowledge, a knowledge of innumerable


And this partial or fragmented
intellectualist approach to knowledge
and understanding is; it would appear,
representative of the broad community
of academics at the University of the


West Indies. Brathwaite has given
perhaps a representative expression of
the conventional minded academic at
the University when he observed: "The
threat to standards is, of course, a cause
for real concern. One of the chief tasks
of the University is that of establishing
itself as part of the universal scholarly
community. (My emphases).
It is not, he asserts, the title .of
university, but its scholarly function
that is important. The issue, Brathwaite
writes, is somewhat confused here
because the international standing of
the university depends primarily on the
reputation for scholarly activity on the
part of the staff, rather than on the
standard of its degree. With a staff of
adequate calibre, Brathwaite notes
curiously, a temporary reduction in
degree standards is a small price to pay
for expansion.


In other words, Brathwaite does not
see the teaching activities of the staff as
organically related to its capacities for
scholarly, that is intellectualist work,
work done primarily by the intellect.
The assumption here being that the
intellect or trained intellect is
intrinsically superior to non-intellectual
modes of reasoning and learning like
teaching, as it is conceived by
implication in Brathwaite's view.
It is as if the mere organization of
rigidly observed phenomena through the
work of the intellect and according to
conventional intellectualist methods of
observation and transmission together
and in themselves give always and
necessarily a higher quality of
It is as if quality of perception and
judgenjent equals academic, that is,
conventional intellectualist methods
derived from European university
In this context we might ask: what is
the quality or modes of scholarship
which constitute what Brathwaite calls
"the scholarly community"? What
degree or scale of perception, and
understanding distinguishes what
Brathwaite calls "the international
standing of the University"? On what
criteria of knowledge, of unviersals, of
unitive knowledge, does Brathwaite
select or conceive what he describes as a
"staff of adequate calibre"?
Here again it would seem Brathwaite
avoids an inward revision of concepts

4@ Cont'd on Page 11

.fildwommommuk-I lk'-


US AID programmes
represent only two sides of
a triangular penetration of
the CARIFTA economy by
the A_ ericans. The Third
side" the "organized
Americahization of the
Caribbean trade union
movement's role in
Caribbean politics... .the
more receptive Caribbean
labour is to the presence of
American investment and
management patterns, the
more will be the regional
The person speaking Frank
McDonald, ubiquitous
journalist-investigator whose
job it is to report on the
Caribbean to the institute of
Current world Affairs in New


McDonald's statement has
been made in one of the essays
in a very curious book. The
United States in the Caribbean,
published this year by
Prentice-Hall. The book is seen
by its publishers as background
for restructuring US foreign
policies in the Caribbean.
"The" rise of independent
Caribbean nations has
created a new force to be
reckoned with . The
Caribbean can no longer be
regarded merely as a tropical
playground paradise or as a
source of cheap material and
labour for the markets of
Europe and America." So writes
the Editor.

Yet, from what McDonald
reveals, it looks very much as if
the whole purpose of re-shaping
US policy in the Caribbean is to
fashion new ways of denying us
the independent status we've
been fighting for so long to win.
The grip which the US firms
have been tightening on the West
Indian economy since the 1950's
is part of the harrowing
experience of our time. In Tapia
No. 20 we reported on the facts



SWWTUnionist looks pleased with award of'US Fellowship-June 1970

of foreign investment in
Trinidad & Tobago and on the
colossal build-up of
metropolitan ownership out of
locally-made money. But on,that
hangs a tale.
The most intriguing thing is
this American journalist s open
admission that
"the result of AID
programmes ... has been to
make the need for more aid
inevitable.... it has not been
the Caribbean peoples who
have chiefly benefitted from
the millions of dollars AID
has channelled into the
Caribbean, but the American
corporations ....


AID actually insures investors
against losses "arising from
inconvertibility, expropriation,
war, revolution or insurrection."
About 40 large companies in the
Caribbean are covered for
$440m. U.S. out of a world total
of $7.3 billion. So when they are
talking to governments with this
kind of cover, the corporations
can talk fat.

But Uncle AID does not leave
anything to chance. The Agency
conducts -a "stabilization"
programme designed to see that
companies "operate within a'
stable political climate". This is
the notorious programme for
"Public.'Safety". It is
"coordinated in the field by the
American Embassy". Its aim is
to "develop the local police
forces" so that they could detect
"subversive individuals,"
neutralize their activities and
control militant behaviour if
necessary by organizing
"small-scale guerilla operations."

According to McDonald,
Public Safety in the Caribbean is
represented by three technicians
in a programme which spends up
to $1.75m. U.S. It is now well
known that Burnham's rise to
power in Georgetown was
heavily serviced by this
Until recently, the main
thrust of US penetration in
Trinidad & Tobago has been
made with less than the fullest

armour. So long as the world and
Washington could continue to
entertain the grand illusion that
the Williams braggadocio could
stabilize our country "for
another 20 years or so" until
Jean-Claude or Jeanne-Claude
grows up Public Safety
remained at the lowest premium.
But presumably, since October
1968, when the February
Revolution first warmed up, the
scene has changed and changed
drastically. The corporations and
the Unions now see the need
for exactly that kind of back-up.


But not much; not much
because the strategy of
subverting our militant Unions
has long since been 'heavily,
heavily mounted. This time the
Agency involved has been the
American Institute for Free
Labour Developmeht located in
Washington and once said to
have been funded by the Central
Intelligence Agency. AIFLD
now gets 90% of its funds

through AID. McDonald does
not report who puts up the
other 10% but the backers
include the US Government, the
AFL-CIO, and the ever-present
corporations. And the Chairman
of the Board is none other than
Peter Grace of W.R. Grace and
Co., ultimate massas of our own-
dear Fed. Chem. by-the-sea.


Five thousand Caribbean
Union-leaders have participated
in AIFLD seminars held in
Jamaica, Guyana and Trinidad
and aimed to strengthen "free
trade-unionism". A core-group,
the current leadership of the
Caribbean Congress of Labour
have attended the labour college
at Fount Royal (in Washington)
and been supported for a year
on their return to the Caribbean.


The expressed intention of
operations in Trinidad has been
to discredit some of the militant
trade-union leadership. In May
1968, the General Secretary of
anr AIFLD affiliate, the
Petroleum and Chemical
Workers (IFPWC), put it this
"...most of our activities
have been concentrated in
Trinidad ... we have a
full-time office established in
Trinidad and its purpose is to
preserve the OWTU for the
democratic trade-union
movement .Its present
leadership is being challenged
by a group of leaders who are
dedicated to the free
t r a d e u n i on
movement... The petroleum
industry is one of the most
vital industries in the
Caribbean and Central

By 1969 the IFPWC was
smugly reporting "steady
progress" in this grand design at

THE Tapia House Group associates
itself wholeheartedly with the call made
by the Press and by groups in the nation
for the abandonment of the
Government's attempt to introduce the
amendment to the Sedition Ordinance.
1.(a)The Sedition Ordinance amend-
ment is iniquitous because it
severely limits freedom of
thought and expression as re-
presented by speech, writing,
publication, broadcasting, tel-
ephone conversations; i.e. com-
munication of any conceivable
kind. In fact, it could mean the
death of the Press in Trinidad
and Tobago.
(b) It is therefore an abridgement
of our Constitutional rights as
set down in Sections 1 & 2 of
the Constitution.
(c) Section 5 of the Constitution,
under which the Government is
claiming to introduce the Bill,
is not applicable since it allows
Sections 1 & 2 to be waived

Sedition Bill Press Release

only where the society does not
have a "proper respect for the
rights and freedoms of the
individual". This society does
not lack such a respect
for individual rights and
freedoms. It is in fact the
Government which is lacking in
this respect, as their attempt to
pass the Public Order Bill in
1970 proves. Or that occasion,
public respect for individual
rights prevented the
Government from passing the
(d) The provisions of the Bill are
particularly dangerous in that
they cast doubt not only on
what can be said and published
but on what can be read,
watched or listened to. For
example, no one will know
what books, papers or
magazines he may have in his
possession without being liable
to severe fines and

(e) In a society where satirt and
picong play such a large prt in
the national culture, it is almost
certain that this Bill attacks
such popular institutions as
calypsoes and ol' mas basds*
which frequently bring .the'
Government into ridicule by
signs and gestures.
But -ne most iniquitous aspect
of the Bill is not its contents
but the political circumstances
in which it is being introduced,
and the intentions of the
Government that are so clearly
indicated thereby.
2. (a) The Government is abridging
the Constitution at a time when
the Constitutional Review
Commission is sitting.
(b) It is introducing a Bill reducing
freedoms permanently at a time
when a State of Emergency is
in effect.

(c) It is introducing the Bill
without public consultation, in
spite of all the talk about
National Dialogue.
It is therefore obvious that the
intentions of the Government are to use
the State of Emergency to pass a bill
which will give them the powers of a
State of Emergency even after the end
of the official State of Emergency. They
have learned from the experience of the
rejection of the Public Order Bill of
1970 and are therefore hurrying to do
this without public consultation.
Their objectives are: to arm
themselves with power to persecute
political opponents; to reduce the
publication and dissemination of
opposition ideas; and to use fear to
reduce public response to such ideas.
The Tapia House Group therefore
reserves the right to take any action
which it considers reasonable in defence
of the fundamental rights of freedom of
thought and expression and freedom of
the Press. The Group is prepared to
co-operate with all other groups or
individuals which share this object.

Vanguard Publishing Company, San Fernando for the TAPIA HOUSE Publishing Co., Ltd., Tunapuna.

Printed by the