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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00006
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: April 19, 1970
Frequency: completely irregular
 Subjects
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
 Notes
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00006

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THE



AS I


MIXTURE


BEFORE


Williams' TV Address


LIBRARY
RESEARCH INSTITUTE
POR THE STUDY OF MAN
162 EAST 78 STREET
NEW YORK 21, N. Y.
MAY 21 '70


'For the period of platitudes is past and the time for rhetoric is
over'
'...deep-seated ailments do not respond to attempted overnight
cures.'
The Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago, in his
address to the Inter-American Economic and Social
Council meeting in Caracas on February 3rd, 1970.


* See Page 8


THE ORACLE has broken silence, and even the devoutest of worshippers agree
that the pronouncement was not worth the wait. The Doctor-shop has prescribed
the mixture as before--or, rather, this time
sugar-water instead of snake oil. D S SOOMON
After more than a month of marches DENS SOLOMON
and demonstrations by up to 20,000 citi- gt of b c
zens at a time, with the legislature of the government of beginnings-of crash pro-
country in session but not daring to grammes, exp loratory talks, stop-gap
discuss what was happening, the country measures, exploratory talks, preliminary
is favoured with a pronouncement it can tours, groundbreaking ceremonies .. nwe
only receive with a near-unanimous groan have had crash programmes before, in
of bordeom and cynicism.
The credibility gap between Eric 1961 and 1967, and this time the only
The credibility gap between Eris difference is that we are to have a special
Williams and his fellow-countrymen is tax in order to find the money. It is going
now shown to be unbridgeable, to take some time, of course, 'to identify
In the most serious crisis we have had appropriate projects and to design and
to face in our life as a nation, in the midst construct training facilities'. The very
of anger, bewilderment and apprehension, construct trainksg facilities'. The very
we are given a dose of the same old phraseology stinks of the bureaucratic
prescription, not even well shaken. Irrele- morgue. Who doubts that the 'immediate
vant history lectures perfunctorily mixed work' due to commence in 'three already
with superficial remedies, larded with ientilfed aras' of roads, drains a
'precise' statistics (1,523 small farmers. recreational facilities will also be thelast?
586 nurses...) and imprecise threats ('the That once more we will have a scheme
law must take its course'. .'no inter- which never seems to get integrated with
ference with the temples'. .'the Govern- the development effort as a whole, never
ment will set their house in order for gets channelled into real production or
them'...).. even real welfare. Does anyone believe
Yes, we have heard it all before. But that having waited fourteen years to take,
never has the history been less imposing, under pressure, the first step in national
the statistics more shopworn, the threats ,banking system, the Government can be
less bloodcurdling. Even the appeals and trusted to develop it into a rational sys-
excuses ('I am infuriated by the delays... tem of industrial, commercial and
the public must understand that there are mortgage financing to support a rational
certain basic difficulties. .') ring hollow system of local industry, agriculture,
after fourteen years of unchallenged rule. trade and housing development?
Never, above all, has the recital of the Yet these are the kinds of things that
dubious string of achievements been more we are once more being asked to believe.
easily refutable from the record of recent Hold strain and everything will be all
events, right. While we are 'identifying appro-
SAs for the proposals, never has the private projects', we shall start the fight
Government more closely resembled the for black dignity-the fight against the
kind of person who can never learn to idea that blacks are only good for road-
whistle more than the first line of any mending and ditch-digging-by mending
tune. For all of its life it has been a roads and digging ditches.



TAPIA House

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Caribbean Social Structure Caribbean History


* Language in the Caribbean
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* Caribbean Political Development
* Caribbean Economic Development


Resuming soon at Tapia House, Mondays, Wednesdays & Fridays.
6.00 7.30 p.m. 8.00 9.30 p.m.
REGISTRATION FORM: Cut out & return to
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any Tapia distributor

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Address..............................................

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"We have sought to provide further training for the youths in youth camps...


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"I get the feeling there is not sufficient awareness... of our deliberate policy..."


,c"
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Page 2 TAPIA


ITHE MORT HON. DEAD HORSE, C.H.

Filling the Political Vacuum


"IN TRINIDAD, he (Stokely Carmichael) said, the black man
held position.. As a student in Trinidad, his school teacher was
black, the Police and the civil servants were black 'and I could
aspire to these things.'
"But when he migrated to the U.S. everything was reversed,
and for the first time he became conscious of his blackness. It
was out of this consciousness that his black power philosophy
was born".
EVENING NEWS Report on a TV interview with
Carmichael, April 9, 1970.

The political situation in this country grows daily
more dangerous. The danger is not, of course, the one
identified by Caroni Ltd. as a pretext for threatening to
"reconsider its investment policies" here. (Indeed, the
sooner Caroni gets out, the better for us.) Nor is the
danger the pollution of the "favourable climate of
investment" or the breakdown of "law and order" so
feared by the reactionary elements. These things are in
fact healthy signs ( the healthiest since 1937); they
herald the necessary collapse of structures long since
tottering from rotting dry. When Mr. Kamaluddin
Mohammed babbles foolishly about Trinidad's "image"
being spoiled abroad, he is only displaying a profound
ignorance of the meaning of this country's past and
present. The "favourable climate" has always been a
gigantic hoax, a bait to the blood-sucking operations of
multinational finance. "Law and order" in the colonial
society has always meant the legalized exploitation and
bullying of the dispossessed, the systematic humiliation
of black people.
When Williams talks of "hooligans who have no
respect for Church or society", he does not even realize
that he is really pointing to the major failure of his own
administration, the failure to promote the growth of a
humane society informed by the spirit of social justice.
These objectives of good government he has sold out for
the petty endsof party manipulation. The worst scandals
of administration are "hushed-up", while the Police and
the Courts occupy themselves brutalizing minor
offenders.



So, respect for this "law and order" is inevitably
breaking down, and, in spite of what Williams or the
press might say, this collapse is a good thing; the people
are coming alive to the nature of their oppressions.
This is the significance of the massive crowds which
have been coming out behind the banner of black power.
In this respect last Thursday's funeral march for Basil
Davis, the young man shot dead by a policeman in broad
daylight, in the centre of the city, was decisive. Some
fifteen thousand people, young and old, wearing the
defiant symbol of red headbands, jammed into the street
as they carried Davis' body "in state". And they had one
message for this country and one only: the regime of
Doctor the Right Honourable Eric Eustace Williams,
C.H. has come to an absolute end.
That march was not only the funeral of Basil
Davis but also the death-knell of Williams. From
here on, no amount of turning, twisting,
dodging, squirming no miracles of pragmatism
- can bring him or his party back to life. A.N.R.
may proclaim his mod faith in what he calls
"youth"; Kamal may declare his faith in what he
calls "Cuba"; and Karl Hudson-Phillips, the
anglicized dandy advocate of wig and gown, may
drop cutaway and striped trousers for modified
Afro-jacks as he plays at his newest game of
being the great "Black Power" enthusiast of the
PNM. But none of it has the slightest change of
working. The Rt. Hon. Doctor, C.H. is now,
once and for all time, a Rt. Hon. Dead Horse.
The real danger that faces our country, then, is not
the collapse of the phony "image" we have so
obsequiously been peddling before the rich clients of
high finance, or of that "law and order" which has been
the means of a systematic brutalization, spoliation and
dehumanization of our people. It is the far more subtle
danger that the real issues are being obscured and
confused in the mad rush to fill the power-vacuum
created by the death of Williams and the PNM.
The issue of Stokely Carmichael is a prominent
symptom of this danger. Carmichael's recent television
interview provides a valuable clue to the intellectual and
political confusion involved. Stokely is reported as
having "spoken proudly" of his life in Trinidad, because
in Trinidad school teachers were black and the Police
were black. It was his confrontation with the North
American world of white-skinned power, which he says,
led him to "the philosophy of Black Power". But this
Trinidad of which Carmichael speaks with pride was
Trinidad the model colony the Trinidad of
self-violence and self-contempt. In this context, the
blackness of teachers and policemen should not have
been a matter of unequivocal pride, since these figures of
authority, in full complaisance to colonial policy, often
used their powers not to liberate our people, but to
maintain us in a condition of servility.
Carmichael's view of Trinidad, on this showing, is
incredibly naive, and it makes nonsense of black power
in the West Indies where we are revolting against a


black-skinned. Afro-Saxon administration. But what is
really alarming is that we appear to be missing the point
in a simple-minded search for "black" heroes or
rather, for black charismatic figures. In the true tradition
of colonialism, such "charisma" is always the product of
"success" at the metropolitan centres. It is an integral
part of the psychology of self-contempt that nothing at
home can be good until awarded the seal of
metropolitan publicity.
In the absence of confidence in its own judgement,
'the colonial mentality does not evaluate the quality of
the article; it is enough that the article has received
publicity "abroad", for in the dictionary of colonialism
such publicity is celebrity, and such celebrity is
goodness.
So, for many of us, Stokely Carmichael becomes, not
a real flesh and blood person, an individual with
particular ideas and political positions to be assessed, but
simply a pole on which we can uncritically drape our
slogans. So, failing to discriminate, failing to be true to
our purpose of decolonization, we conveniently miss the
point that Carmichael's position may really be in
conflict with ours; we expediently avoid the fact that
Carmichael is so out of touch with the political realities
of the West Indies that we should promptly disqualify
him from any claim on our attention at this crucial
revolutionary moment.
We have shown a similar lack of judgment over the
black singer, Mahalia Jackson, with our ingenuous
demand that this guest of Government House should
sing at the funeral of a brother shot down by the
Government's police. Perhaps the embarrassmentt of her
speech at the Savannah has since forced us to think again
and to see that we must be careful not to adopt a new
variety of colonial thinking.
There is no doubt that most of the citizens who have
been marching under the Black Power banner are
involved in a genuine search for good government and a
good society. Equally, there is no doubt that we are still
a long way from the kind of radical thinking which is
capable of making the necessary break with the colonial
past, that past of which Williams has been such a symbol
and an agent.
This failure to think is the real case against our
movement. It is the case which honest self-criticism must
acknowledge if we are to deny the old regime a
resurrection from the dead. On the other hand, we can
safely ignore the phony case which has been rigged up
by the advertisers' two daily papers.
The movement is to be called into question not
because of the occasional bomb hurled, deplorably, at
the house of the oppressor, but because we seem to be
fast engaging ourselves in a game almost identical with
the one played by Williams over the years. We have to be
careful not to dissipate our energies in merely changing
names, labels and slogans. We once upon a time
welcomed a University of Woodford Square, remember!
But then we settled for the tyranny of an Exhibition
Class.


Now we have created a People's Parliament. We had
better hasten to see that there is real community
representation and unfettered discussion of the affairs of
State. It is incredible, no preposterous, that the platform
of the revolution has not yet focused on specific claims
on the old regime: nothing definite about sugar and the
land; nothing precise about petroleum; nothing at all
about education and national insurance. Nothing about
the fundamental of the Constitution nor even about the
"accidental" of police outrages. No call for a new kind
of State, no call for an investigation into the death of
Davis. Are we content with the crumbs of victory on
higher pay for the army, on a fix-up for the steelband,
on the ludicrous purchase of a bank and such like? This
is as uncomfortable as it is incredible.
But there is a reason for our vagueness and we must
uncover it before it is tpo late. It is a reason which brings
us closest yet to Williams and the PNM: we too, are
being "pragmatic" before we have even started on the
way. Both Caesar and ourselves wait from day to day for
the emergence of the same issues. We jostle with each
other in making capital out of the return of the
Canadian students, out of the steelbands, out of Mahalia
Jackson; and now, since Burnham, arch-gamester of the
Caribbean, has set the pace, we are now preparing to
exploit the visit of Stokely.
From his end, the little king cherishes the secret hope
that one of these bright mornings we may, in
desperation or exhilaration, overplay our hand and
provoke violence on a scale that would drive the
population on the rebound back into the arms of
reaction. From the other end, our own spokesmen aspire
to the day when we will indeed make a grand-slam play
and sweep the regime away once and forever. And so we
both play hopefully on, hoping right now that Stokely's
visit would unveil the new dawn.
This strategy of hoping for an overthrow of the
regime is the fond darling of those fence-sitters who play
their politics in between long bouts of earning a
"secure" living and living it splendidly. Doing no
systematic work, they have a vested interest in the
apocalypse, the day of judgment which "the people"


will by some strange miracle contrive. Among these are
the opportunists and bandwaggoners who only yesterday
were singing loud the praises of the UNIP and who will
tomorrow doubtless be a-hitching fortunes to some new
and rising star.
Luckily, these dangerous attitudes do not appear to
be widespread among us. There is considerable eviderice
that the community groups which make up the
movement are becoming increasingly aware of its present
shortcomings. Especially in San Fernando, Tobago, and
outside the capital, there is a rising demand that we
abandon the opportunism of waiting for issues and strike
out on a path of constructive revolutionary work in the
localities.
The Revolution of February has been, above all, a
revolution in perception the revolution for which we
have long been working. The impact of the marches has
been to force people to see right through the transparent
regime and to appreciate the urgency of far-reaching
change. The citizens are still.resolved to support the
marching as the most effective means of waking up the
country; but we cannot delay much longer with our
programme for reconstruction.
We know too, that to draw large numbers into the
Square or into the street is vital for demonstrating
solidarity and for displaying the power of our numbers
in the face of the reactionaries who are lurking in the
shadows. But we must not harbour the illusion that
demonstration is the same as action, or as building from
the grass-roots. We know only too well, or we should
know, that there can be no participation in the Square
unless we organize the representation of groups and
adopt procedures for meaningful conversation.

For want of discussion we are at the moment heading
towards an escalation of the hysteria which has already
let to the grotesque distortions of the media, has evoked
confused ravings from the privileged "white"
community and induced the mad unreasoned nonsense
of Mr. Aldwin Primus.
Primus has already dealt with himself pretty
effectively. His rabid, foaming article in the EXPRESS
of April 9th is not only contradictory and foolish ("I
hate intellectuals but I admire scholarship") but provides
the most certain proof that he is in fact a retainer in the
stable of the Establishment. (It is symptomatic of the
little king's notorious lack of judgment that he should
have selected this dead jockey to ride his dead horse.)
Primus obviously understands nothing. He does not even
have a clue about the Black Panther Movement in the
U.S.A.; he has simply borrowed the name for purposes
of publicity.
Yet Primus' pointed ratings must be seen as part of
Operation Resurrection. The Doctor plan is clearly to
foment dissension in the movement; to eliminate
some of the community leaders (like Davis); to
bribe-off some of the community groups (like the
steelbands); to adopt radical postures (as in banking, and
soon in sugar and petroleum); and, to help "violence"
and "anarchy" discreetly along so as to frighten the
population into backing law, order, and the old regime.
Ultimately, the aim must be to isolate the leadership of
the movement and to embark on the kind of vindictive
and savage repression foreshadowed by the
get-to-hell-outa-here declaration of 1964. Already there
are signs of a military build-up; is a State of Emergency
around the comer?
Moral authority lost, the pussonal nonarch has now
no other choice but to pursue these iniquitous
stratagems. He does not even dare, as is strongly
rumoured, to risk an early election. There are simply no
replacements for the current brigands in the Cabinet of
Government. Besides, the PNM is split from top to
bottom over black power; and, to top it off. the boss
himself cannot be sure of winning a seat unless, of
course, he moves to Port of Spain (North). We have
computer data to suggest that in 1966, he saved himself
only by the ruse of the jerrymander. But with the
present revolt of the dispossessed,above all in the PNM
strongholds, what artifice can he now devise?
The work ahead of us then, is to establish an
organisation capable not merely of filling the power
vacuum but also of bringing fundamental social change.
Needless to say, this cannot be brought about by the
conventional politics of parties. We need instead to
convene a Constituent Assembly in order to pull the
country together and to establish an informal
government. The present government is irrelevant and
should be left behind its palace walls. Let the affairs of
the country be conducted in public and the issues of
state be subjected to discussion full and frank and free.
We have been delaying frank discussion and
self-criticism in the mistaken belief that we must not
rock the boat while the movement is "succeeding"; that
it would be disloyal to the revolution to call for
tightening up, for planning and thought, for democratic
organisation and for genuine community representation.
But we had better quickly disabuse ourselves of this
calamitous idiocy.
Nothing could be more revolutionary in this
country than planned advance, and nothing
more subversive of the revolution than the lack
of democratic discussion.





TAPIA Page 3

NATIONAL INSECURITY SHARP
Third of a Series Lloyd Best.
The National Insurance Scheme is to be universal and compulsory. Wherever or
whenever you work, you contribute. It covers all employers and employees
including domestic servants. After some time it is to cover self-employed people
Contributions are required for all employees between the ages of 15 and 65 or
to the age of retirement if that is after 65.
The employees are to pay one third of the contribution, employers are to pay
two-thirds.
Cards will be provided and employees are to buy stamps at the Post Office and
stick them on as with Gold Bond Stamps.
When a worker earns less than $6 per week, the whole contribution is to be
made by the employer.
The average rate of contribution is about 8 cents for every dollar earned.
Total contributions are expected to come to $25m of which $7m. will be put up
by the Government sector.
The less we earn, the less we pay in the dollar. There are to be five grades. SI ilI
Next issue: The facts about benefits from this Gov't Scheme. After that, our assessment.

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Page 4 TAPIA



STEAL BAND


A Pan Tuning Centre


Bertie Marshall instructing the Tapia House Hilltones

Report of the TAPIA HOUSE STEELBAND COMMITTEE on November 6, 1969.

If you have had any experience running a steelband, you will know that without a
tuner you are in real trouble.By a tuner is meant not just a man to keep your pans in
tune (to 'blend' them as they say in steelband circles) but someone who can take your
'raw' pans and put notes on to them.
It is not easy to get a steelband off the always have their pans well blended and
ground. The first job is to get the pans. in good shape. So too, Shell Invaders with
When acquired, they are of no use as Vernon 'Birdie' Manette, brother of the
musical instruments until a tuner has famous Ellie.
worked on them. In other words, you are There are, however, several bands,
not in business without a tuner. Hence, a sponsored and unsponsored, which are
band with a 'resident' tuner has an obvi- not in this fortunate position. These must
ous advantage over one without, e.g. Pan- depend either on tuners from other bands
Am North Stars with Tony Williams can or on unattached tuners who are


That $20,000 Despers Loan

The West Indian Tobacco Gay Desperadoes Steelband has been granted a Govern-
ment loan of $20,000.00 which will enable thirty-five of its members to take advan-
tage of a Scholarship Grant to study Music in the United States for a period of eight
weeks. It appears that Despers will be required, on their return from the United States,
to pass on what they have learnt to other steelbands and to perform in public concerts
throughout the country in repayment of the loan.
While on the surface this seems quite
commendable, the same sum of money
might have been more profitably invested ing of General Percussion. As it is their
for the benefit of local steelbandsmen are probably enough such persons her
and other musicians if it had been used to now who could draw up a course o
provided a School of Music or at least studies to cover all aspects of music rele
some of the basic amenities for upgrading vant to the Steelband and instruct other
the standard of musicianship in the local to work as tutors under their supervision
steelbands and combos. Another possibility would be for on
In the same way as WITCO is prepared or two music teachers from overseas, pre
to be responsible for the Group's expen- ferably from Universities or Musi
ses in the United States, it is quite likely Colleges which have percussion orches
that other sponsors would be prepared to tras, to be brought to Trinidad to world
supplement the cost of establishing such a with the more experienced musicians ii
School by substantial contributions. The the Steelbands and Dance bands o
Steelband Association would itself be a Combos many more would benefit ii
willing contributor to this worthy effort, this way new approaches to teaching
which would doubtless be supported by Music and arranging, and to set up thi
interested Groups and Organizations. kind of School necessary for the upgrad


As it now stands one steelband is
likely to get the full benefit of the
present arrangement, bound, certainly, by
a moral obligation which we hope they
will honour. If, on the other hand, those
persons in the steelband movement with a
fair knowledge of music and arranging
and some experience in the playing of
pans men like Tony Williams, Ray
Holman, Clive Bradley and Sgt. Jemmott
- were given the opportunity to study
new approaches to teaching music and
advanced techniques on arranging, these
persons could be used to train individuals
selected from the many bands, sponsored
and unsponsored, in the country. These
individuals would in their turn become
tutors with their own bands under the
supervision of the more experienced
tutors.
These experienced tutors need not go
to the United States; at any rate not all of
them. From a total of ten or twelve such
persons it should not be difficult to select
two or three whose knowledge and ex-
perience would make them obvious
choices for special courses. They could
each concentrate on particular aspects of
Music, e.g. Teaching of Notation, Arrang-


e
e
f
e-



-



r
ni
g
e
d-


ing of local musical standards.
The cost of bringing one or two music
teachers to Trinidad for six months or of
sending two or three musicians abroad for
three months would be about the same.
At any rate it would be infinitely less
than that of sending thirty-five men
(most of whom ar untrained musically) to
study Music in the United States for two
months. In terms of investment for the
future of Music in Trinidad and Tobago it
does not take special genius to see which
is the less profitable proposal.
Finally, it seems more than likely that
the Music School in New York and the
United States stand to gain much more
from the visit of the Desperadoes to that
country than the Desperadoes themselves
or Trinidad and Tobago. After they have
taped and video-taped the performances
of the Despers and observed and analysed
their techniques they will be in a position
to reproduce and improve upon them and
to prepare charts, courses and textbooks
on the subject not only for the benefit of
students and players in the United States,
but also for foreign markets which might
well include the Caribbean.
Tapia Steelband Committee


"Industry is about dirty hands in
backyards. It is about tinkering and
fiddling with the materials lying
around in order to satisfy urgent
needs which people have. The only
genuine breakthrough we have made
in industry has been the work of the
steelbands. Free from the
brain-washing of the eleven-plus,
these unbridled intelligence have
created instruments out of dustbins.
There are now jobs for tuner. and
pan-beaters as well as for ancidaries
at home and abroad. The thing even
earns foreign exchange as it travels all
over the world. In the bargain, it
makes music wherever it goes.
TAPIA No. 2, October, 1969

"Every year the steelbands are
progressively motorising their
operations. They have invented
stands for the pans and they have put
wheels under the entire outfit.
Notice what is going on. These
creative men are going to start
manufacturing those wheels, and
then the chassis. And before long, an
exceptionally bright fellow is going
to introduce internal combustion.
That spells motor industry,
appropriate to their needs and ours.
TAPIA No. 2, October, 1969


interested in the money they can make
from each job. Neither of these is likely
to put as much care into your pans as a
'resident' tuner would put into his own.
What is more you will probably have to
wait till they can find time to tune your
pans, even if you already have given them
an advance of payment.
The fact is that there are not nearly
enough reputable or competent tuners to
satisfy the demands of the steelbands in
Trinidad and Tobago today, far less to
cope with further demands, local or
foreign. The situation is further aggravated
by the fact that several of our top tuners
are now abroad where the money is, and
there is every likelihood that others will
join the 'brain drain'.
Also worthy to mention at this point
)s the fact that, whereas unattached
tuners may have experience of several
styles of tuning, the resident tuners are
usually the ones who have introduced
innovations in the field of pan-tuning.
Also to be considered is the specialist
tuner who is regarded as an expert on a
particular pan or set of pans.
Our main problems them would appear to
be as follows:

* To keep in Trinidad and Tobago a
supply of tuners to meet the demands
of our local steelbands.


"It is the innovative steelbandsmen
and their colleagues in the backyards
... who hold the key to an
independent technological breakaway
here..." Lloyd Best, EXPRESS, May
24th 1969.



* To ensure that all local steelbands get
the -best tuning available in the style of
tuning they prefer.

* To encourage experiment in the field
of pan-tuning by whatever means
possible to bring about further im-
provement in the art.

The ideal thing would be for each
steelband to have a resident tuner, but
this would be uneconomical unless each
band could find a sponsor in order to be
able to afford to retain a tuner. Again,
the number of skilled tuners is very small
and it would take years of experience by
trial and error, resulting in waste of time
and material, before a tuner acquired
such skill. Meanwhile, our top tuners are
being lured away by attractive contracts
they would be stupid to refuse.
It would seem more practical, how-
ever, to devise a system which would
keep our top tuners and innovators in the
land, allow them the time, facilities and
scientific assistance to experiment
further, encourage them to exchange
their ideas and pool their resources, and
train young apprentices in the techniques
of tuning to ensure continuity.
To set up such a system we would
need capital lots of money and the
cooperation of all persons and organisa-
tions (including the Government) whose
interests would be served by the system.
Of course we would expect the Steel-
bands' Association and all steelbands,
sponsored and unsponsored, and all
sponsors, active or prospective, to come
forward.
This system could take the form of a
giant Co-operative embracing:

* A Pan-Tuning Centre run as a business.

* A Pan-Making Research Centre fitted
up with labs, metal workshops, elec-
tronic equipment, etc.

* A Conservatory or Music-Centre.

A first Complex of these activities can
be established at a national level by the
Steelbands' Association in collaboration
with the Extra-Mural Department of the


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U.W.I. and some appropriate Government
Agency. Later we envisage the develop-
ment of a whole series of Pan Workshops
in the localities where the bands now
beat. The organisation, the management
and the entrepreneurship already exist in
the yards but they are now directed tow-
ards Carnival and other limited objectives.
The plan must be to use these resources
to establish the Workshops as centres of
community education in science and
technology and by extension, as spring-
boards for industrial transformation.
To get the project on the way, the first
priority must be the development of pan-
tuning into a viable business capable of
sustaining the research activities. To this
end, we need estimates of the potential
demand for pans in schools, by the
bands, abroad, etc. We also need some
estimates of what it costs to produce a
pan under different conditions, of reason-
able salaries for tuners, of overhead and
running costs of the Centre, and so on.
The Pan Tuning Centre could mean
jobs for at least fifty persons, not count-
ing the erection of buildings i.e. Store-
-rooms, Workshops, Laboratories and
Office.
Pans could be supplied by Van Leer,
ready cut and sunk according to specifica-
tions. These would be delivered to the
Workshop to be burnt in a special furnace
and grooved for tuning. This Workshop
could be a place where welding and metal
work are being done commercially and
could also supply on order stands of any
types for the pans.
The next stage would be the actual
tuning. Perhaps half a dozen skilled
tuners working with two or three assis-
tants or apprentices each would be suffi-
cient for a start. It would be good if sepa-
rate Workshops could be provided for the
various sections Tenors, Seconds,
Guitar, Cellos, Basses, and any other -
there the specialist tuner should come
into his own. If possible, all such Work-
shops should be in the same compound so
that the tuners can compare notes from
time to time.


All pans should be tuned to concert
pitch (A. 440) as checked by electornic
tuning equipment. A variety of standard
stylings should be used, but special tuning
could be supplied on order at extra
charge. The facilities of the Faculty of
Engineering at the University of the West
Indies, St. Augustine, should be made
available until such time as the industry
can afford its own labs and engineers.
Pan-tuning could now become an
established industry like drum-making or
the making of any other musical instru-
ment. The Cooperative could operate like
the Ludwig Drum Company or Selmer or
Boosey and Hawkes, providing brochures
on equipment available including, per-
haps, other instruments manufactured
locally cuatros, guitars, congo drums,
souvenirs of local craft, etc.
Pans and stands would be supplied on
demand or special order to Bands,
Schools, Clubs and individuals in Trinidad
and Tobago, or exported throughout the
Caribbean and to North America and
South America, to the United Kingdom
and Europe and to Asia, Africa and
Australia. The advertisement will already
have been done by the steelbands who
have been touring widely in recent years.
Without going into further details, a
Pan tuning Centre would seem to offer a
solution for many of our problems in the
field of steelband music. Not only would
we be able to keep a supply of skilled
tuners to meet local demands but, by
training others, we could supply external
markets as well. We might also encourage
top tuners abroad to return to work in
the industry. Steelbands without resident
tuners would no longer be at the mercy
of the unattached tuners and would be
able to select their pans according to the
styling of their choice. With top tuners
working side by side and pooling their
ideas and skills there should be rapid
improvement both in the design and tun-
ing of all the pans, thus bringing to
realisation the national motto of achieving
together.


TAPIA Page 5





COITUS INTERRUPTUS

A Merger Frustrated

The Steal Mill, largely due to Tapia, is dead. Unable to enlist the support of Trinidad-
ian investors in their projected rape of Trinidad and Tobago, and frustrated in their
half-hearted attempt to thrust their embraces on a local entrepreneur, Levinson's have
pulled out.
But there are still some facts to be stated, some points to be made, about the
abortive affair, particularly about the conduct of the Trinidad and Tobago Govern-
ment in it.
Elsewhere in this issue there appears a Emile Elias
letter from Mr. Lawrence D. Sugar, Visit- neur had not been granted tax conces-
ing Lecturer in Management Studies at sions and still considered it possible to
UWI, taking issue with certain points in make a profit on his operation-in com-
my article "STEAL MILL--ANY PRICE" petition, it may be added, with imported
in the last number of TAPIA. steel, and without benefit of Levinson's
Mr. Sugar disagrees with the con- artificially high prices.
tention that the creation of the Steal Mill
as envisaged by the Levinsons would have
been a vast drain on our foreign exchange Therefore the net outflow of funds in
and would have created a net outflow of six years is six million dollars.
funds. He says we would in fact have Mr. Sugar's next point is correct. If
saved $2.5 million a year by not import- Levinson were to exercise their option to
ing steel, and that this saving would have purchase an additional half million shares
been offset by lost exports of scrap and at par, their holding would increase from
the cost of importing scrap from the US 51% to 58% and not 68% as I stated in
to the value of $1 million yearly (Schott's the article. This would have reduced their
estimate), resulting in a net saving of $1.5 share of the profits from $8 million to $7
million per year on imports, million. And as Mr. Sugar justly points
WRONG ESTIMATE out, they might have increased their pro-
fits by exercising their option in year two
The fact is that Schott's estimated cost instead of year three.
of $1 million for scrap exports and
imports is wrong. Over the eight year INCOME OF WORKERS
period 1958-65 Trinidad and Tobago Finally, Mr. Sugar says that my calcu-
exported an average of 6000 tons per nation of the per capital income of
year of scrap. If even 8000 tons per year workers ($3,500.00 a year) is wrong, and
were generated and exported, at today's should be based on a total labour cost,
world prices the loss of this export and direct and indirect, of $530,000.00 in-
the cost of importing an additional 5000 stead of $242,000.00 for direct labour
tons from the US would be in excess of only
$1.5 million. This leaves a net saving of Now the Levinson prospectus nowhere
$1 million per year over present imports, gives a figure for the amount of labour to
or $6 million in six years, not $9 million be employed. The figure of 70 was taken
as Mr. Sugar contends, from a statement made by Mr. Levinson
When this net saving is set against the to the newspapers (in another statement
$7 million in profits Levinson would take made when my article was already in the
back to the US in dollars in the same per- press the figure was given as "about 80").
iod, there is a loss of $1 million, to which My article assumed that the figure related
must be added the $5 million in funds to direct labour only and that if the total
needed to pay for the equipment. cost figure were used, a larger divisor
'Therefore the net outflow of funds in would also operate. However, the total at
six years is six million dollars. $530,000,00 is still only half of what
But let us compare this with a situa- Trinidad and Tobago would lose in rev-
tion where the steel mill belongs to enue from steel imports, to say nothing
Trinidadians only. If the $7 million which of the employment that would be gene-
would be Levinson's share stayed in rated by re-investment if the total profits
Trinidad and Tobago the balance in this of the enterprise remained in this country.
country's favour would be $1 million in
foreign exchange after six years.
Sh re Soon after the publication of my
On the subject of revenue losses, Mr. article the Minister of Industry and Com-
Sugar states that the Government cannot mere was asked for his commentson it.
lose a tax it is not now collecting. This is His reply was not only an insult to parlia-
obvious, and of course the Government His repy gwa nmt on n its evident con-
has the option of granting pioneer status tempt for any principle ofMinisterial
to a local company; but my statement r
was based on what was in fact the actual
situation: namely, that the local entrepre- Cont'd on Page 6


Steel Mill


Allow me to make a few corrections to
Emile Elias's laudable article "Steel Mill
- Any Price" in the most recent issue of
TAPIA. The most important of these is
Elias's contention that "existence of this
mill (steel) will be a vast drain on our
foreign exchange and will create a net
outflow of funds". This contention is
faulty in that it ignores the net savings
that result from not importing steel
which amounts to $2,500,000 T&T by
Elias's own analysis (10,000 tons x
$250.00 T&T per ton). This savings is
then reduced by the lost export of scrap
and the new import of scrap from the
U.S. which will total roughly $1,000,000
(School's estimate). The net result over
the first six years is a savings of
$9,000,000 which is more than Levinson
could repatriate in the same period.
The second point is the subject of
revenue losses. The Government cannot
lose what it never had, i.e. it can not lose
a tax it is not currently collecting. It
would make no difference if the firm was
foreign or locally owned either one would
be able to enjoy pioneer status. It should
also be noted that if the Levinsons'
exercise their option on an additional
$5)00,000 worth of voting stock their
share holding increases by an additional


7% to 58% not by 17% to 68% as Elias's
figures show. Levinsons' shareholding
increases to $2,030,000 out of
$3,500,000 and not out of $3,000,000 as
suggested. This necessarily reduces the
amount of profits to which the Levinsons
would be entitled from $8 million to $7
million over the first six years. In defence
of the authdi I might add that the
Levinsons could increase the amounts of
their profits by exercising their option in
year two.
The last point is disillusionment of
labour and I would like to call attention
to Elias's miscalculation of the per capital
income workers would receive. The 70
workers would be hired for both direct
production employment and indirect
labor activities such as maintanence,
repair, and materials handling. The total
labor cost is $530,000 or $7,600 for each
of the 70 workers per year. I do not
believe that your readers would consider
these terms disadvantageous. One must
also remind your readers that the
fantastic profits accruing to the foreign
investors (paragraph 2) also accrue to the
local investors holding 49% of the stock.

Lawrence D. Sugar


BLACK POWER & CO-OP BUSINESS
TAPIA HOUSE Public Meeting
Diamond Vale
Monday April 20th 7.30 p.m.
























4-













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Page 6 TAPIA


REVIIEWST ANDNIOT[ iCS


APE AND ESSENCE


Derek Walcott's Dream on Monkey Mountain


INTROSPECTION IS paralysing, of no use in a revolutionary or post-revolutionary
situation. Abstraction is anathema to dictatorships of the proletariat, which cannot
have their activism sicklied o'er with the pale cast of thought. Yet what if the accom-
plishment of the outward revolution
demands an inward revolution, a struggle DENIS
for self-discovery, for spiritual self- D N LM N
definition to give political nationalism its
soul? suits in themselves alienate the artist fron
This is certainly the dilemma of all folk consciousness. Gordon Rohlehr, ii
black societies, the Catch-22 of third- his recent series in the 'Trinidac
world aspirations. More than that: we Guardian', dismisses another critic's viev
struggle to know ourselves, and to rebel; that social protest is the proper genre
yet in the images we construct of our- and external reality the proper subject
selves, in the ideals our rebellion pro- for a West Indian poet. He recognizes tha
claims, do we not simply ape our oppres- spiritual maturity requires self
sors? We look to Africa for discovery of examination; but he is disturbed b3
our origins; but who taught us the im- Walcott's 'dry, bleached stare', his obstin
portance of discovery? As long as we are ate tenancy of a region inside his owr
latecomers on the scene, to what can we mind, his lack of affirmation.
lay claim as genuinely ours?
The psychological revolution, in its If any act of poetic creation is itself
turn, demands political achievement to f i ion i
justify it; if the Zimbabwe ruins did not working out of the problems of identity
exist it would be necessary to invent of the poet and his society, a work tha
them. We have to discover a remote takes these problems as its theme is
mountain where, alone, we existed and especially important, especially courage
did not question ourselves. ous and especially complicated. Derek
Walcntt's nlav 'lreaPm On Monkey


In this context the black artist is con-
fronted with an especially refined form of
the dilemma. Alienation, says V.S.
Pritchett, is just a cant term for a natural
condition of the artist. But he was refer-
ring to the artist's outlook on one or
another subject, not to the fact of being
an artist. Lloyd King, in a recent TAPIA
review of Derek Walcott's poetry, points
out that in the West Indies artistic pur-


I
in


it


I


a

t
s

ky


Mountain', recently presented in a
television version, is not only an examina-
tion of the problems of black identity but
an elaborate antithetical structure of
ideas relating to man's inward and out-
ward existence--dream and reality,
essence and substance, passivity and
action, purity and corruption. The form
of the play itself participates in this
complexity-it hovers between fantasy
and realism in language, character and


COITUS INTERRUPTS


* Cont'd from Page 5
accountability for public decisions, but
was contradictory in itself.
As reported in the "Trinidad
Guardian" of March 18th, Mr.
O'Halloran's statement was in three parts:

Government's policy was that a
monopoly situation was not in the
best interests of the country .
The criticisms made of the Trini-
dad and Tobago Steel Company
(Levinsons) are 'substantially correct'.
If 'efforts now being made by the
IDC' to promote a merger between
Levinsons and the local company do
not succeed, 'Government will have no
alternative but to agree to the two
Companies'.
Now the concession to the Trinidad
and Tobago Steel Co. amounted in fact to
a monopoly, and the huge profits envi-
saged by the prospectus are postulated on
this fact. Therefore, by Mr. O'halloran's
own admission, the concession was
against Government policy. By the same
token, so are the meat packing plant, the
flour mill and all other monopolies gran-
ted in the past.
But, says Mr. O'Halloran, now that
this monopoly is threatened the IDC is
trying to create an even bigger one.

RESIGNATION OR DISMISSAL

Perhaps the most shocking thing about
Mr. O'Halloran's remarks was his claim
that the Government could do nothing to
correct its mistake. This is just not true.
Any government in the world can cancel
a concession outright if it has a mind to
do so; and this must certainly include
Trinidad and Tobago, since even the
granting of pioneer concessions is not
delegated to the IDC but reserved for the
decision of the Cabinet; nor is Cabinet's
decision purely automatic, for the IDC's
recommendations, ill-conceived as they
often are, are frequently rejected on even
more ill-conceived grounds by Cabinet.
In any country where representative
and responsible government prevails, the
situation so glibly acknowledged by our
Minister of Industry and Commerce
would require the resignation, if not dis-
missal, of the Minister and a thorough
official investigation of the affair.
So the Trinidad and Tobago Steel
Company began to run into difficulties.
The date originally fixed for closing of


the stock issue was March 13th. On 11th
March it was announced that the period
had been extended until April 10th, to
allow 'discussions' to take place between
the Company and the local concern,
Caribbean Steel Mills. One week later, Mr.
Leroy Walford, manager of the Trinidad
and Tobago 'Stock Exchange' (which is
of course not a stock exchange but a
brokerage firm with an arrogant title) was
asked what response there had been by
the public to the share offer. His reply
was that it had been 'fair'. It was also
known at that point that none of the
$1,000,000.00 worth of 10% Convertible
Ordinary Loan Stock designed to be
bought by institutions had been taken up
(nor indeed was any of it ever taken up).

CHAGUARAMAS SITE

As for the discussions which Levinsons
claimed, on March l1th, were already
taking place, they have consisted of an
informal approach by Levinson's to the
chief investor of Caribbean Steel an
approach not followed up by any formal
communication; and a single meeting,
called on 28th March by the IDC at
Levinson's request. At this meeting the
local industrialist pointed out that his
capital was subscribed and his equipment
in Trinidad, and that he was willing to
listen to any concrete proposals. None
were forthcoming, and the meeting was
brought to a close.
Caribbean Steel calculates that the
increase in price to them of their raw
materials as a result of siting their opera-
tion at Sea Lots instead of Chaguaramas,
where the Government was to install
Levinsons but refused to grant Caribbean
Steel a site, will be in the region of $14 a
ton. The Chaguaramas site would allow
ocean-going vessels to dock; the alterna-
tive site has shallow water. The loudest
objection to the siting of a steel mill at
Chaguaramas has come from Govern-
ment's favoured hotel concessionaire, Mr.
Stanley Jack, managing director of the
Chagacabana Hotel, who professed him-
self worried by the prospect of a steel
mill so close to his tourist paradise. The
hotel, however, is already close to the
Furness Smith dockyard and the Alcan
bauxite transshipment station, and the
steel mill site is between these two and
further from the hotel than the dockyard
is. There would be no effluent from the
mill, no smell and very little noise. The
same cannot be said for the hotel.


setting.
In these circumstances it would be
surprising if there were not echoes in it of
other works, and indeed there are more
than echoes-Cervantes and Ingemar
Bergman, Plato and the Gospels,
Shakespeare and Arthur C. Clarke jostle
in its imagery and characterisation. The
long scenes and declamatory speeches of
the original have been reduced by the
director, Hugh Roberston, to suit the
exigencies of television, so that the tragic
grandeur is less; but the impact is not
lessened by this transposition from myth
to fable; on the contrary, the cinematic
elements---landscape, close-ups,
sound-track and above all the dream
effects-are so well exploited that the
television version has considerable power
in its own right.

The central character is the
charcoal-burner Macaque, who lives alone
in a hut on Morne Macaque-Monkey
Mountain. He is old, black and ugly, and
his only friend, the cripple Moustique,
finds him one Saturday morning lying
dazed in his shack, and wakes him to
make him go to market. Macaque tells
Moustique of a vision he has had on the
path near the charcoal-pit, a vision of a
beautiful white woman, who has told him
of his greatness-that he is a king; not an
ape but a lion of Africa.
Moustique is derisive, and his derision
increases when he finds a mask of a white
female face in Macaque's hut. Macaque
asserts indignantly 'Is not a dream' and
taking his bamboo spear he strides off
over the mountain, Quixote-like, the
mask in his belt like Dulcinea's favour,
with Moustique hobbling behind, leading
their donkey.
In the village they encounter a group
of people helplessly watching a man
burning with fever from a snake bite, and
Moustique, for a fee which Macaque does
not know about, arranges for Macaque to
try his healing power on the sick man.
Macaque does so with no immediate
result. Taunted by the children of the
village, he flies into a rage, rushes into the
village shop, and roaring like a lion,
begins to smash everything in sight.

The village police corporal, Lestrade, is
a bitter mulatto, contemptuous of the
laziness, credulity and childish religion of
the black people. He arrests Macaque and
throws him in a cell next to two thieves.
Macaque, cowed, once more exerts his
healing power, and the sick man's fever
breaks. Moustique, outside, assumes a
beard and, impersonating Macaque,
begins to preach a robber-talk sermon to
the admiring crowd. He is about to pass
the hat when he is unmasked by the
coffin-maker, a black-frock-coated,
silk-hatted Bergmanesque death symbol
whose face is half white-the white of
leprosy-and half black.
Moustique is beaten by the indignant
crowd and Macaque, in jail, learns of the
betrayal of his healing dream. The barrier
between dream and reality now dissolves,
and Macaque's dream becomes more of a
nightmare, merging with the avaricious
dream of the two felons who share his
captivity. In their, and his, dream they
persuade him to feign illness and kill
Lestrade when the latter comes to
investigate. Roaring like a lion, Macaque
obeys. Lestrade falls dying and the
prisoners escape into the forest, the
thieves intent on the money they think
Macaque has on Monkey Mountain,
Macaque in increasing anguish at the
betrayal of his dream.

Lestrade meanwhile is confronted by
Basil the coffin-maker, who tells him he
has only a short time to repent and
change his outlook; he experiences a
facile conversion to black power and (for
it is all a dream) is healed of his wound
and follows Macaque to the forest, where
he seals his new allegiance by killing one
of the thieves. Soon he is the confident,
militant and materialistic chief of staff,
bossing and bulldozing the bewildered
Macaque. They arrive not at Monkey
Mountain but in Macaque's dream
kingdom in Africa, and there is a scene of


pomp and ritual in which we seem to see
the dignity of the black race vindicated,
save for the continuing anguish and
uncertainty of Macaque.
Macaque's prime minister, Lestrade,
urges him to complete the liberation of
his people by slaying the white woman of
his dream-the treacherous symbol of his
mental enslavement. Hesitantly, he does
so, and the dream dissolves. The three
prisoners awake in their cells. Lestrade,
subdued and no longer brutal or
contemptuous, wearing his white Sunday
tunic as a symbol of regeneration, releases
Macaque, and he and Moustique begin
their return journey to Monkey
Mountain.-'back to the green beginnings'.
'I have been washed from shore to
shore...and now I have found
ground...Macaque lives where he has
always lived-in the dream of his people'.
In a sense the optimism which for
Rohlehr is absent in Walcott's poetry is
present in this play, but it would be rash
to think of it as exceptionally affirmative
in any superficial sense. The intellectual
complexity of the play, the sense of being
in a metaphysical hall of mirrors, is by
itself enough to render it immune to any
politically dynamic interpretation. It is
no formula for psychological or political
emancipation. And it does seem to brand
all action as corrupt; in action, Macaque
is destructive, Lestrade is brutal and
Moustique is shabby.
Although it is a play about blacks,
from the very start 'Dream on Monkey
Mountain' elevates the problem of
assertion of identity from a racial to a
human plane-'In the beginning was the
ape' is the opening line-science-fiction
Darwinism complicated by the double
meaning of 'ape': an ape in one sense is a
mimic, a copy-cat, and what can an ape
copy if he is the first one there? There is
much religion of a revivalist sort depicted
in the play, but no overt mention of God;
but perhaps man is aping God; perhaps he
is the corrupt simulacrum of the perfect
Platonic ideal, or perhaps, in existentialist
terms, he exists by aping himself-making
himself up as he goes along. 'Now there
were various tribes of the ape; and each
left his apehood and began to dream.'
The duality of apehood and godhood is
made concrete in racial differentiation;
one tribe appropriates the dream, the
other is left in its apehood; and the ape's
dream is of whiteness. 'We are shadows in
the firelight of the white man's mind',
says Macaque, and he does not know
whether the white woman who tells him
of his greatness is real or false-whether
she is teaching or taunting him. Lestrade,
brutal and direct, tells him that she is his
creation and he must kill her-
'Remember your hatred!'-if he is to find
himself. It is a matter of will, whether
you are to dream or be dreamed. The
dream is seen by Lestrade, and
reluctantly by Macaque, as a prison, the
prison of self-hatred in which black men
have locked themselves, 'devouring their
own entrails like the hyena.' He must
burst out of his prison by violence-but is
this violence the violence of race war-the
physical killing of the white woman--or
the brutal self-awakening from hypnotic
illusions, including those of Africa?

Yet in the play the dream itself is seen
as a liberation, a cleansing, in which all
the protagonists participate. 'You are
free, old man', says Lestrade, dressed in
his white tunic; earlier he had said that all
blacks were prisoners of themselves,
'trapped between rum and religion'. And,
for the audience, of course, the play itself
is the dream, the self-realisation, the
liberation. Politically, the play is no
formula for revolution-Macaque comes
into his kingdom, but goes back to his
mountain. Spiritually, Walcott has
achieved, through his use of abstractions,
and unmistakably positive view of the
role of the artist in our society.
Lloyd King says that 'although not
unmindful of public and historical life,
Walcott is much more the sensitive
intrepreter of the private drama and the
intensities of individual consciousness'. In
'Monkey Mountain' the synthesis of
public and private suffering is achieved.
The artist, like Macaque, not only dreams
but 'lives...in the dream of his people'.








tAPIA Pqp 7


BLACK POWER & CO-OP BUSINESS
TAPIA HOUSE Public Meeting
Diamond Vale
Monday April 20th 7.30 p.m.


Serving San Fernando
PYRAMID DRUG STORE
2a Mucurapo Street
Tel: 652-2093


For Prompt and Reliable Service
EASTMAN SERVICE STATION
Monte Grande, Tunapuna
Tel: 662-3542


L.J. LATCHMAN'S & SONS
62 Frederick St., P.O.S.
Jewellers Brokers
Specialist in Trophies
Phone: 62-34738.


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SOCIAL


WELFARE


a TAPIA HOUSE Survey


SECTION I
The purpose of this Survey is to find out how our citizens are thinking about the welfare of the
country. You can help by filling this form and returning it to us. Use a pencil or ball point pen.

DO NOT PUT YOUR NAME AND ADDRESS ANYWHERE.


School or University leaving Age .

Age Last Birthday: ...........

Occupation: .................

Town or Village of Residence: ...


Voting Constituency: .........

Race: ......................

Sex: ......................

Employed or Unemployed: .....


SECTION II


A. UNEMPLOYMENT

Do you believe that unemployment is a serious problem?

Yes:.......... No:..........

What do you think are the main causes of unemployment?
(Indicate in order of importance 1st. 2nd. 3rd. etc.)


Mechanization
Laziness
Shortage of Jobs
High Wages
Bad state of business
Political victimization


Increased Local Ownership of business
More Active County Councils
Expulsion of Expatriates
Sending back Small Islanders
Paying lower wages
More Foreign Capital
CARIFTA
Establish a local banking system
Voting the Government out


B. INCOME DISTRIBUTION

Do you believe that income is fairly distributed in the country?

Yes.......... No.......... Don't know..........
Which of the following proposals you think would lead to a more just sharing of national
income?


Agree
Equal pay for women.....
Higher pensions.....
Reducing bobol in the country....
Increased taxation on salaries over
$500 per month; .....


(e) Higher taxes on business.
(f) Abolishing of taxation on individuals
earning less than $300 per month.
(g) Abolishing purchase tax.
(h) Family allowances by the Government.
(i) National Insurance Scheme.
() Put a new Party in power.
C. "BUY LOCAL"
What do you think of "BUY LOCAL" campaigns?


Disagree Dofi't know


Give reasons for your first choice. ............................................


Are you satisfied with the Government's attempts to deal with unemployment?
Satisfied:.......... Dissatisfied:.......... Don't know:..........

Are you satisfied with the proposals put forward by the Opposition Parties?
If Yes, which proposals satisfy you? ................. ....... ....... .
(a) (b) c)
Would you support or oppose the following measures to alleviate unemployment?


Support
More Technical educationSupport
More help to locally-owned business
Increased Government Crash Programmes


Would you support or oppose the following measures to help local producers and to keep
money in the country?


(a) Extend the Negative List to keep
out more foreign goods.
(b) SubsidiL more local Manufacturers.
(c) Establish a Bureau of Standards
(d) Start C'onsumer Associations.
(C) Shake up the L.D.C.


DOOK'ERAN'S DRUGSTORE
30, Cipero St. San Fernando
Tel: 65-78927



MOHAMMED'S TYRE SERVICE
11l, Eastern Main Road,
Tunapuna
Tel: 662-4240

786
For AD Your UPHOLSTERING NEEDS
con tac t

SHAKEER & SONS
Cor. La Clave St., & Main Rd., Aiontrose,
Chaguanas Phone 665-5715


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Oppose Don't know


*Cont'd on Page 8







Page 8 TAPIA


THE CLAIMS .. AND THE FACTS


"BETWEEN 1966 and 1969 we trained 696 nurses, but in the same period 586
nurses resigned and emigrated".
"... the existing medical service was the outcome of patching the structure which
we inherited from the colonial period. "We amended only one section of the service'
he stated 'and left the rest a prison house' ". (U.N. Brain Drain Study on Trinidad and
Tobago, quoting a "medical practitioner and politician".)
"... the brain drain steps in...".
"Although, therefore, the Government has recognized the overall problem created
by the brain drain ... the instruments of specific policy towards the problem have been
partial and conditional, and the present complex of measures contains elements
encouraging the brain drain as well as discouraging it". (U.N. Study of the Brain Drain
in Trinidad and Tobago.)
"I get a feeling ... that there is not sufficient awareness of our deliberate policy

In the last five years, the Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago has granted only
one interview to the local Press, and that was exclusive to his own party organ. Both
he and his Ministers have given many interviews to the foreign Press in the same
period.
"This lack of awareness by the people is a world problem".
"Black people everywhere have been outraged by the British treatment of the white
minority in Southern Rhodesia, by the sale of arms ... to maintain ... apartheid ... by
the support of the white developed countries of ... Portugal ...".
One wonders how they were able to find out about all this.



"I am myself frequently infuriated by the delays ... the most important is the
parliamentary system which we are trying to promote and maintain ... the
parliamentary system ... is at the best of times slow ...".
The 1969 Amendment to the Aliens Landholding Act took one day to become law;
the 1968 amendment to the citizenship provisions of the Constitution (to help
Burnham win the Guyana election) took two days; the ISA took forty-eight hours.
"'. Procedures ... such as the ... control of public expenditures by the Auditor
General -- are safeguards in the public interest".
The Auditor General does not control public expenditure; he audits the public
accounts after the expenditure has taken place. The question is,what action has the
Government ever taken in respect of the irregularities in accounting that have been
reported by the Auditor General?
"Administrative procedures are also slow and bureaucratic ...".
... and one of-the chief reasons is that Cabinet must see everything. In Britain,
seventy written submissions to Cabinet in a year are considered an unusually large
number. At the present moment in Trinidad and Tobago there are six thousand
outstanding Cabinet submissions.
"... many issues cannot be decided overnight. I refer to ... effective machinery for
dealing quickly with complaints and grievances of citizens...".
... in other words, an Ombudsman, which the Government proposed two years ago,
but.dare not institute because they want no one but a Party man to fill the post, and
the public wants anyone but.
"Immediate action is possible in certain areas".
... for example, the removal of Tapia members from technical missions to Cuba; but
not, apparently, the removal of an unhealthy garbage dump from the middle of a
residential area in South Oropouche, whose residents, five years after they had
complained to the Prime Minister during a "meet the people" tour, had to form a
human barrier to prevent the garbage trucks from coming in.
"The Government and every Statutory Board in the Country will be required to do
its banking business with the new National Bank".
.. first removing their business from the old Central Bank?
"... the Government remains ready to give serious and sympathetic consideration to
any concrete proposals ... and to encourage any approaches for dialogue".
... like the request from individuals and newspapers for public hearings on the
machinery of government and extension of the deadline for submission of memoranda,
both of which were refused; or like the request of Ashford Sinanan at the Queens' Hall
'Constitutional Conference' for a Steering Committee to determine an agenda, which
was answered by the remark that 'the exit was there' for anyone who didn't want to
do it the PNM way.
"We have received 57 applications for assistance in the construction of factories for
small businesses, in such fields as ... tyre recapping...".
The small tyre recapping businesses already in existence recently complained
bitterly to the Minister of Industry and Commerce that restrictions on their imports of


tyre moulds made it impossible for them to operate profitably. The Minister professed
himself surprised and shocked to hear this.
It is not known whether the restrictions are merely the result of bad coordination
between the IIDC and the Ministry of Finance, or whether they have the objective of
reducing the competition offered by the small local recapping firms to the large
foreign tyre manufacturing monopoly.
"Cabinet will take steps, through the Prices Commission, to prevent any
unscrupulous operator from passing on the levy to the consumer".
But the Prices Commission is now practically ineffective, since its chief executive
officer has been moved to the Inland Revenue department to help collect the levy.
"We have been encouraging exploration off our South-East coast. We must do
nothing to interfere with this exploratory effort".
The Trinidad and Tobago delegation to the U.N. has recently co-sponsored a
resolution calling for a halt to all such exploration.
... the Government had the greatest, difficulty in securing markets for the disposal
of the 44,000 barrels of crude oil a day ... produced by Trinidad Tesoro".
Why not force Texaco to buy it? They have the largest refinery in the
Commonwealth, right here in Trinidad.
"... a worldwide revolt against authority and traditional ... values. This has been
particularly noticeable ... in the obsession with sex...".
To combat this obsession we banned Playboy magazine but did not manage to
prevent a Cabinet Minister from being caught by a Coast Guard patrol indulging his
obsession in the open air at Chaguaramas.
"Those who have are required to make a greater contribution to those who have
not".
.. although in 1968 taxpayers in the higher income brackets were granted
substantial tax relief.
"Cabinet has therefore decided to impose ... a special levy ...".
... thereby usurping the prerogative of the Parliament which "we are trying to
promote and maintain".
"... as from January 1st, 1970...".
... thereby establishing a dangerous precedent of retroactive taxation.
"This sum will not go into the general revenues of the country".
"All revenues or other moneys raised or received by Trinidad and Tobago (not
being revenues or other moneys payable under this Constitution or any other law into
some other public fund established for a specific purpose) shall, unless Parliament
otherwise provides, be paid into and form one Consolidated Fund". (Section 85 (1))
of the Constitution of Trinidad and Tobago).
"The Ministry of Finance will advance the necessary funds until the first quarterly
instalment of the annual levy is actually collected".
"No moneys shall be withdrawn from the Consolidated Fund except to meet
expenditure that is charged upon the Fund by this Constitution or any Act of
Parliament or where the issue of these moneys has been authorised by an
Appropriation Act or an Act passed in pursuance of Section 87 of this Constitution.
No moneys shall be withdrawn from any public fund other than the Consolidated
Fund unless the issue of those moneys has been authorised by an Act of Parliament"
(Section 85 (2) and (3) of the Constitution of Trinidad and Tobago).
"Parliament may provide for the establishment of a Contingencies Fund and for
authorising the Minister responsible for finance, if he is satisfied that there has arisen
an urgent and unforeseen need for expenditure f9r which no other provision exists, to
make advances from the Fund to meet that need." (Section 88 (1) Constitution of
Trinidad and Tobago).
The legally authorised limit of the Contingencies Fund is S1,500,000.00.
"They still have time to set their house in order, and to have their establishments
reflect faithfully the numerical preponderance of the two historically disadvantaged
racial groups in our community".
,, in positions of no responsibility or authority. The U.N. Brain D)rain Study says:
"... these foreign firms have invariably used foreign managers ... The processes and
techniques used by the firm ... are handed down ... One local engineer did not have ihe
opportunity to use his slide rule in two years of work with a foreign company".
"... many issues ... require greater and more careful consideration ... a thorough
overhaul of our education system, with particular reference to the curriculum...".
The already revised curriculum in the 1968-1973 Educaiion Plan. whicli has not
yet gone into operation?
"We cannot get young people with the requisite academic background to apply for
agricultural training".
... because they are not provided with the requisite academic background in
secondary school. In 1969 out of a total of 9962 O Level candidates only 1752 took
chemistry and only 901 took physics.


(a) What kind of work do you do?


Clerical .......... Professional .......... Manual .......... Technical..........

Do you think West Indians are lazy? Yes...... No.......
Do you think more people can make jobs by starting their own business?
Yes.......... No.......... Don't know ........

If yes, name a few of the businesses you think can be started.

(a) .................................................................
(b) ..................................................................
(c)...................................................................
(d). ................... ..............................................
.................... ......................
(e). ...................................................................

E. WAGES AND PRICES

Do you believe that wages are:
Adequate?.......... Too low?.......... Don't know..........
Do you believe that the prices of retail goods are too high, generally?

Yes.......... No.......... Dorn t know..........
What you support or oppose the following proposals?
Support Oppose Don't know
(a) Increase price controls. ...........
(b) Introduce minimum wage rates
for all workers. .. ........
(c) Introduce an upier limit on all....... ....
wages and salaries. ...........
(d) Repeal l.S.A........ ...... .........


(e) Amend I.S.A.....
(0 Retain I.S.A. .....
(g) Establish more Consumer Co-ops. ....
(h) Put competent people on the
Prices Commission .......
F. MIGRATION
If you had the visa and the fare to migrate to another country, would you go?

Yes.......... N o..........

Tick off country or countries:


Canada
India
U.S.A.
Caribbean
South America
Africa


Australia
England
Russia
Specify country
Specify country
Specify country


If you would like to migrate, give the reason.

To educate myself
To educate my children
To make some money then return
Beacuse I am fed up

G. SOCIAL BRACKET AND COLOUR (OPTIONAL)

Which social bracket would you say you belonged to?
Upper .............. Upper-Middle ..... ........... Middle ................
Lower-Middle .................. Man in the Street ...........................
Have you found your colour to be an advantage in doing business?
Advantage........... Disadvantage............


Specify your colour: ......................................................

Return to THE TAPIA HOUSE, 91, Tunapuna Rd, Tunapuna or to any seller
of TAPIA.


Printed for the publishers, THE TAPIA HOUSE Publishing Co. Ltd., by Vanguard Publishing Co. Ltd., San Fernando.


THE MIXTURE


* From Page 7
D. ATTITUDES TO WORK


(a) What kind of work do you do?