Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00072147/00002
 Material Information
Title: Tapia
Physical Description: no. : illus. ; 43 cm.
Language: English
Publisher: Tapia House Pub. Co.
Place of Publication: Tunapuna
Creation Date: October 19, 1969
Frequency: completely irregular
Subjects / Keywords: Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Trinidad and Tobago   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
serial   ( sobekcm )
Dates or Sequential Designation: no. 1- Sept. 28, 1969-
General Note: Includes supplements.
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 000329131
oclc - 03123637
notis - ABV8695
System ID: UF00072147:00002

Full Text



1969 10O



The pot is on the boil at the University and many are licking their chops. The
chickens, it is said, are coming home to roost. The mistakes of twenty years
mal-administration are beginning to tell. The Faculty and the students are at last
beginning to take a stand for freedom, for political democracy and for regional
integration. They are placing obstacles on the reckless course on which our rulers have
embarked. No longer, goes the rhetoric, are the politicians and the administrators of
Academe being allowed to act in cahoots, to suppress dissent, or to erode the rights of
free-thinking intellectuals.
There is undoubtedly and element of truth in all that. But I wonder whether any
free-thinking and therefore instinctively sceptical intellectual could be satisfied with so
elegantly simple a tale. It is much too pat. And indeed, I shall argue here that in fact
there exists a great deal more complexity in the issues. I am afraid that the view that
we are somehow"dealing with them now" rapidly dissolves under scrutiny.

I will go further. I suggest that much
of the apparently radical dissent is less a
cure for the disease we are diagnosing
among the members of the political and
academic Establishment and more
another symptom of it. At bottom
what we are witnessing is a post-colonial
epedemic. It affects the entire
community. So we had better check the
self-righteous responses and each examine
our own condition.
The problem as it appears to me, is a
total loss of confidence in authority of all
kinds. This expresses itself in an absence
of goodwill and good faith. The
Governments do not trust the intellectual
community in general and the College of
University men in particular. The
academics and the academic
administrators for the most part return
the compliment. And then, to complicate
the picture, within the University the
academics and the academic
administrators view each other with
mounting suspicion across the yawning
gap of generation. Finally, there is the
public. It has not been properly serviced
by the intellectuals or by the media of
communication. At this moment, it has
lost faith in a regime which has made a
sham and an imposture of independence.
Popular sentiment therefore inclines
strongly towards anything which appears
to be serious opposition and dissent.
There must exist roads which have
brought us into this tricky impasse and it
is the task to unblock them. We will then,
I think, be better able to interpret the
meaning of the crisis over Thomas and
Camacho. We shall see that in both cases
the University Administration has been
correct and fair and yet not morally
convincing. Which is to say that in some
ways, we will want to be sympathetic to
the sharp responses of the academic
community composed of both Faculty
and students.
What is responsible for the breakdown
of confidence within the University?
Some would cite the "corruption" over

appointments and promotions or the
dictatorial tendencies on the part of those
who make decisions especially at Mona.
Others would adduce the shilly-shallying
of the Administration and the playing of
politics with the Governments. Still
others will insist that it is the
participation in open politics by members
of the Faculty. And so on. And they
would all be right.
Yet to argue in that way would be
again to identify symptoms and to
substitute the half for the full truth. It
would be akin to saying that immorality
in public affairs and political interference
in the Civil Service are responsible for the
widespread loss of faith in the
Government here. But no.
The root cause of the loss of
confidence is to be found in the kind of
University that we have established, itself
a reflection of the terms on which we got
our constitutional independence. The
British, let us be reminded, established
the UCWI as a "parting gift". But they
also constituted it as if it were an outpost
of the British University system in much
the same way as they constituted the
independent State of Trinidad & Tobago
in 1962 as if it were a replica of
In Education in the British West
Indies, Eric Williams saw clearly the
danger of such a University. In what, for
the quality of its vision and the spirit of
its social philosophy, is perhaps his best
work, he warned that "The British
colonial university serves not the local
community but imperial interests and the
local intelligentsia." He then went on to
advocate a West Indian University which
would be established by the State; run as
a regional body working against insular
jealousies, particularism and isolationism;
conceived and operated from the start as
a completely independent institution
emancipated from mechanical imitation
and free from tutelage; endowed with a
major responsibility for providing adult
continued on page 3




If he knows you or trusts you, your taxi-driver from Crown Point will
confide in you the things that trouble him and his kind. The catalogue is
In this line of business, the bigger businessmen with their rent-a-car
facilities are mopping up the available tourist jobs leaving only the crumbs
for the taxi-drivers who are the native Tobagonians.
In the new private developments, and in the hotels, preference is given
to these outside companies and their employees and he, the native
Tobagonian, comes to feel unwelcome. There are beaches being made
private by a number of devices chief of them being when access is by
private road only.
He will tell you the story of higher prices for food and essentials, of
fewer amenities, that if his car breaks down he has to wait till the agent
can send to Trinidad to get parts.
If, like me, you try to tell him that the Government is promoting
development in Tobago, that better times will come, he will tell you with
some heat that the development in Tobago is not for Tobagonians nor the
benefit of Tobagonians. It benefits only outsiders they get the big jobs,
they run the concessions. The Tobagonians get only the jobs as bus-boys
and waiters. The choicest land in the country is sold to the foreigner and
all that is left is higher prices and taxes.
The story of the Buccoo Reef carrying concessions is one you
frequently hear. At first it was only a few of the fishermen from
Buccoo, from Cannan-Bon Accord who could and would take the tourist
there. It was a good trade that promised to pay well. The fishermen
invested in it bought boats and outboard motors.

With the arrival of the big hotels the
prospects changed. There are new
concessions located within the hotels and
owned by non-Tobagonians. They get
first preference and the lion's share of the
tourist trade to the reef. The natives get
little or none. A Tobago resource is once
more being exploited to the detriment of
What is more, the fishermen say, the
reef is still being destroyed by the
depredations of inadequately supervised
visitors in spite of fishermen's and
naturalist's complaints to the political
authority. With increasing tourism there
is more trade to the reef. A diminishing
proportion of it goes to the locals who
are the have-nots; an increasing share goes
to the big wigs who have high level
contacts. Nobody has yet effectively
helped the locals in this not Dr.
Norton, not Mr. Pitt.
This, more and more, is the pattern
development takes: "Our" island is being
exploited but "we" do not benefit.

The same mood of dissatisfaction is
echoed by the teachers and civil servants.
They talk not only of higher prices but
also about schools, about the slowness of
administration, about the administration
of justice. Most of all, all classes say that
the politicians, after discussions,
demonstrations, deputations, still cannot
or will not do a thing or lift a finger
seriously to help the people of Tobago.
Schooling has been a long standing and
long festering sore. We will not tell the
story of overcrowded schools and of
children walking two and four miles to
school. This is an old, old story. We will
talk of Bishop's. Bishop's High School has
been alma mater to Tobago's finest and
proudest sons. It is par excellence the
symbol of Tobago's striving. Today, after
years of governmental neglect,
(Tobagonians say governmental
punishment) loss of staff, inadequacy of
facilities, deliberately unfilled vacancies,
continued on page 2

SUBSCRIPTION: $5.00 per year to CIRCU- 0 F
Tunapuna. Or deposit at Barclays Bank, DANCE
unapuna. Or deposit at Bclays Bank8:00P.M. THURSDAYS MOONLIGHT THEATRE & TAPIA HOUSE, 91, Tunapuna Road.
ACCOUNT. Acknowledgements fortnightly, L 91 TUNAPUNA ROAD, 0 Saturday, November 29th. $2.50/$4.00.
thenweeklyMEETINGS TUNAPUNA MEETINGS Soul, Steel, Parang. Bar, Ices, Eats.

page 2
TOBAGO... continued from page one
plans postponed and frustrated it can
barely muster a few GCE passes. Parents
who want their children to do well and
cannot afford to send them to Trinidad
must now send them to the Central
School which Government has seen fit to
give spacious grounds and excess of staff.
Meantime, the Central School, originally
intended for vocational training,
frustrates staff and students by forcing an
academic education on intractable human
It seemed to me that this galled the
parents even more tlan the fact that at
Bishop's High School lack of staff and
facilities had for years caused the school
to see the failure of its brightest students
in the Sixth Form. The net result? -
Frustration all round; Children leaving
school totally ill-prepared for the rat-race
of job getting.
There is no clear and sensible reason
why in Government business, nothing -
not the smallest matter can be decided
in Tobago. Always it must go through the
administrative mill there, then be sent off
to Trinidad from which, after
interminable delay an answer will be
forthcoming an answer that completely
misunderstands the needs of Tobago and
rides roughshed over thinking
A prominent lawyer, talking of the
administration of justice there, said that
it was difficult not to conclude that the
law was being used to induce something
like a reign of terror, so that when the
tourist boom came, Tobagonians would
know and keep their place.
There is something that galls
Tobagonians though, more than schools,
more than the elevation of outsiders in
their midst, more than police harassment
of their sons for limingg" and magisterial
misunderstanding of the mores of the
community. It is the total ineffectiveness
of their elected representatives in matters
of moment. One of them the one who
seems best disposed to do things is
inhibited by the fact that Tobago is not
his portfolio. The other whose portfolio is
Tobago Affairs will, so it is said, listen
patiently, chat affably, make promises
and do nothing. They cannot decide for
sure whether it is because he can do
nothing or because he won't do anything
anything controversial that may rock
the boat of his own political fortunes;
they cannot decide in their own minds
whether it is that he is on the make or
simply ineffectual. Whatever, the reasons
though, there are murmurings -
murmurings fast becoming a movement -
to the effect that if this is all Tobago gets
after eight years of PNM rule .thenit i's
time for change. There is talk of
secession, of Tobago for the Tobagonians.
Erstwhile party stalwarts lose interest,
some even collaborate with the party's
bitterest enemies in Tobago. It is clear
that the people and the electorate have
got the message. The honeymoon is over.
From now on Tobagonians will have no
automatic loyalties except to Tobago.
Tobago will look out for itself because no
political party is really and truly looking
out for it.
What is the reality behind the
complaints and behind the political
manifestations? In the short memory of
most Trinidadians, Tobago is now pait of
Trinidad. It was not always so, and to
Tobagonians it still is not so. Barely
fifteen years ago to come from Tobago
was ipso facto to be a joke. In those days
it was like Guave totally beyond the
pale. It is PNM's claim to the island's
gratitude that after pressing it into
deserting one 'son of the soil', (reputedly
his people's desertion killed him) it gave
the island two seats, a development
programme, international attention (with
the help of a hurricane) and would now
turn it from a joke and a scandal of
neglect into a playground.

To Tobagonians though, the years of
neglect and of shame have not been
forgotten. The sense of community, of
apartness, of being the orphaned
step-sister still remains. When
Trinidadians accuse Tobagonians of being
"clannish" it is to the effects of this
period that they refer.
Let us remember that only in 1899 did
Tobago became incorporated as the island
ward, though for ten years before that
(1889-99) they were joint Crown
Colonies both governed from
Port-of-Spain. Four years after the
"Trinidad and Tobago" incorporation,

nothing was done about integration. It
meant in effect that there was a Warden,
there was a "Public Works", taxes and
duties were collected, police were sent
over, and in all else Tobago was
neglected. The fundamental reason was
that other than in agriculture there were
no sizable natural resources to be
This then provides the key to the
Tobago development. The government
and administration the state apparatus
has always been alien. It seemed always
to take away more than it brought. Up to
the war Trinidad itself was alien. Where,
as one historian has pointed out, Trinidad
was a country of immigrants, Tobago has
been a stable agricultural community. Its
people have both the virtues and defects
of this life-style. They are in general
strong, stable, hardworking perhaps stolid
and undramatic, though not necessarily
unimaginative. They are little given to
fads and fickleness. Their loyalties run
deep. They have a strong sense of identity
and bound up with it a strong proprietary
feeling about their people and their
island. It is here that their commitment
The alarums of the war years meant
job opportunities in Trinidad. The
pork-barrel years after adult suffrage and
before PNM, offered for the people and
their representatives both neglect and
derision. The combination has meant
years of "rural depopulation." The best
minds, the most able and ambitious had
to go to Trinidad to make something of
themselves. Loss of its best manpower has
never been known to help a place
develop or prosper. It did not help
This shows itself now in the failure of
the development programme over there
so far. A few roads and schools have been
built or improved. Jobs as civil servants or
as teachers have been created. No local
industry, no indigenous development has
been festered. The bankers and top civil
servants say that all the money spent on
Tobago flows right back into Trinidad -
in purchase of materials, in purchase of
food, and of professional services.
Meantime unemployment grows. The
young men, unfitted by their schooling
for traditional agriculture, unfitted too
for such jobs as may exist, "lime" on
culverts and hope for more crash
programmes. Those who are fitted for
jobs or further education leave. The
young women, traditional "sewing"
having lost its value, the plantation
system no longer offering its quota of
hard labour, either settle for early
motherhood or go off to Trinidad to
learn to live.
Tobago now stands vis-a-vis to
Trinidad in exactly the relation that
Trinidad bears to the greater metropoles.
The prospects are for "increasing
In some ways hurricane Flora was, for
the government and party, a blessing. It
wiped the slate and offered the chance of
new start. What came out of it? Loans
for housebuilding (money goes back to
Trinidad); an agricultural re-development
programme (the beneficiaries of which
were not the peasant farmer but the
white collar workers teachers and civil
servants who read the programme, and
knew their way around the agricultural
bureaucracy); and a PLAN.
That was in 1964. Now the
momentum has been lost. The iron is cold
as hell and in any case no one is beating
The salient points of the plan are
simple. Manufacture as a generator of
employment is ruled out. In the
competition for location of industry,
Tobago is only one of the depressed
areas, it does not have a strong lobby and
it is far from the metropole.
Agriculture and tourism will have to
be its mainstay according to this view.
The tourism is geared to the big business
of catering for whites from the developed
countries. It will have the usual incentives
for hotels etc. We have already indicated
the economic effects and the effects on
the livelihood of some Tobagonians.
To some extent though, it should
stimulate agriculture. This certainly is one
of the linkages assumed by the plan. The
strength of the linkage depends on how
hotel proprietors cater to the taste of
visitors. On past performance the
prospects are limited. Bulk suppliers of
meat etc., from Trinidad seem the likely
beneficiaries. After all no processing
facilities will exist in Tobago.

.:'.--1 <


Down town
The rest of the agricultural programme
concerns conservation and the
stimulation of the output of primary
products. It is tied in with the programme
for accelerated shift of population away
from the Northside (except Bloody Bay)
and to the Windward side. The latter is
described as necessary to generate the
population density necessary to support
roads, schools, day care centres, health
centres and other social amenities of the
modern (middle-class) community.
In the case of agriculture, there is
legitimate doubt whether the current
programme of subsidies either produces
the output or the incomes to peasants
etc., that it should. Nor can we be sure
that the programme for increased output
of agricultural primary products will not
benefit, more than anyone else, the large
scale producers.
The programme for relocation is based
on a misreading of the level of incentive
that will be needed to induce that order
of population shift. The facilities and the
jobs will have to exist there before people
will forsake homes and gardens and
independent livelihood, however meagre,
for a government's promised land. In any
case it is possible to speculate that when
people are induced to move,it is intended
to buy up their lands for housing
developments that are both expensive and
exclusive. Whatever the truth about this
may be, one inference can be easily
drawn. Without greater inducement to
move i.e. at the "natural rate of internal
migration", it will be several years before
the population redistribution is effected.
In the meantime, the cost of the
promised social amenities will remain too
high. Meantime the population will
remain deprived of these and other
benefits because they chose to live in
small villages.
If ever a situation was readymade for
the development and application of
sound principles of community action,
then, it is Tobago. If ever real and sound
incentives were necessary to support and
promote local industry it is in Tobago. It

is these real breakthroughs that the party
in power has forfeited, in part because of
the business alliances it has, in part
because of it strategy of development. In
essence it has condemned Tobago -
outside of the playground to lack of
amenities, inflated prices, unsympathetic
administration even if the people
uproot themselves and lose attachment to
their villages. And one thing is sure.
Despite "Better Villages" there will be no
local cultural or economic development.
The tourist boom and the continuing
drain of those who are bright enough not
to need to pander to it will see to that.
Perhaps it is hoped that stern justice
and a counter-influx of people from
Trinidad will prevent social unrest. But
then it must be realized that such
migration to Tobago as already exists has
led to cries of "Tobago for the
Tobagonian." Clearly the people want to
take their destiny in their own hands.
Disturbingly, for them, the example of
Anguilla may be showing a way. ALL
In a way the question becomes
whether the Doctor thinks Tobago people
will fall for the mamaguy of a
Convention? After all, they too know
where it's at. They know that doctor
politics is not delivering the goods to the
people, that their representatives are
muzzled by party unity. They have heard
the rumours. They know their man is
engaged in conflict perhaps a fight to
the political death. They too know the
sound of political knives being
unsheathed. Does the Doctor dare to do
it and hope to escape politically
unscathed? After all the same Tobago
middle-class in whose growth he sees the
source of favourable and supporting
opinion leaders are the frustrated civil
servants, teachers etc., who feel their
children are losing out. They see their
friends, or their less fortunate cousins
harassed and deprived, And it is the
representative of their class and their
island who stands in danger.

Angostura have combined the age old art of the distiller, modern
science, and the mellowing effect of time, to produce OLD OAK
the rum of Trinidad that set the trend to lighter, cleaner taste -
-the OLD OAKtaste so many are trying to follow.


page 3

UNIVERSITY... continued from page 1

education, for promoting Caribbean
culture and for fostering regional
co-operation; and charged to create"an
intellectual climate of methods, aims and
purposes of the modem world adapted to
the British West Indies."
I have argued elsewhere that Dr
Williams lacks insight into the movement
of post-colonial West Indian society. For
a politician, intellectual insight is not
enough; moral insight is also necessary to
activate people. It is necessary to consider
the impact of one's way of proceeding on
the people around. Brought up with
colonial generations unaccustomed to
responsibility, Williams the politician has
not been very sensitive to this essential
But rich intellectual insight he has had.
This is why his movement was so
effective in bringing the formal colonial
game to its closure and in ushering in a
much more difficult phase of internal
decolonization. The PNM is rather like an
opening batsman who is vulnerable
against spin but has easy command of the
pace. By hitting the shine quickly off, he
calls the spin into action and with that
engineers his own downfall.
It is therefore ironic but not surprising
that the belligerent attitudes at St
Augustine today are in part acarrayingat
the Williams regime, educational and
political. But in 1945, Williams was in
general right on education. The question
of the unitary constitution of the
univeristy and on the matter of State
control, are exceptions; these raised issues
of power and participation and naturally
Williams failed to anticipate the
post-colonial need to decentralize. On all
other questions it is the Imperial
administrators who were wrong.

.. ^^ "ifaadS i ^*J
-se, J A .^ ^J

Williams had the idea of "a university
in overalls," a downtown university open
to civil servants, teachers, and the
community, a university which would
seek to provide both mental training and
liberal culture through the study of our
own experience with plantation economy
and which would make its own
text-books as it went along; one which
would in every way become a living and
vital part of all aspects of the work,
leisure and intellectual development of
the West Indian people. In other words,
Williams was on to the notion of higher
education as anything higher than you are
starting with; he saw it as a process of
equipping the population with a
philosophical grasp of its problems and a
technical mastery of its place, not as an
opportunity for a select leisure class to
win advantage.
The tragedy here was that the
heritage of colonial perceptions made it
impossible to establish such a University
in 1945. What we should have gotten if
Williams' conception of the University
had been implemented was a series of
experimental workshops. We should have
forgotten academic qualifications and
looked for men of spirit and character, of
dedication and intelligence. We should
have set them to play in science
laboratories and in social science field
work, in the reforming of texts and so on.
We should have set our doctors and
dentists and lawyers to work in the
hospitals, the clinics and the Chambers. It
would have been an exciting
graduate-student kind of operation and
would immediately have involved the
University in the community and thrown
up serious issues about education. It
would still initially have been a small
operation like the UCWI but the path of
development would have been different.
In fact, this is what happened in the
one Department of the UCWI in which

experimentation was possible: at the
Institute of Social and Economic
Research. The Institute was conceived of
as an overseas centre for British graduates
not as a centre of social science research
for the region. But a West Indian was
appointed: Dudley Huggins. It may have
been because of his isolation that he
began to gather young West Indians about
him, men such as Lloyd Braithwaithe,
M.G. Smith, Roy Augier he even tried
for William Demas. Such a climate was
created in the place that even the
Britishers who came soon took roots:
David Edwards, George Cumper,
Raymond Smith.
For years the Institute was the
Cinderella of the Departments because of
the difference of its interests,
preoccupations and character. Williams
once had to save it from being closed
down by declaring that only a madman
would contemplate such a thing. The
Staff lived in a perpetual state of crisis for
its unorthodoxy. The gain from this was
that members learnt the modalities of
power and acquired rich experience in the
working of the University and in facing
the problems of education in a
neo-colonial situation.
That was the exception. In genreal,
what we had at Mona was a European
monastery with missionaries, creeds and
all. And there is the rub. For it followed
from this conception that we were slow
in establishing proper teaching in the
social sciences; we were dilatory on the
West Indianisation of the Staff, casual
about Adult Education and hostile to
post-graduate work for the natives. The
study of Latin and of Chaucer was more
important than the study of Caribbean
Social Structure and of Roger Mais, the

WS^M^Sf "P

training of a ruling elite a higher priority
than the awakening of the community.
This was to doom the West Indies
Meanwhile missionaries, men of
goodwill for the most part, ruled under
the tutelage of London. The effect was to
damage the education system for years to
come. The entire curriculum and
examination structure became entangled
with metropolitan requirements in a way
that we have not yet been able to unravel.
But that was not the worst of it. The
real difficulty was that such phony
standards were established for every
conceivable thing that the situation
became untenable at the juncture of
constitutional independence. The
University was so patently absurd that
reform could not be achieved by a
comparatively smooth transition. Once
change was mooted, it opened the flood
gates and created a situation which,
precisely because of the failures of the
earlier period, we were not prepared to
The failure in adult education
throughout the region led to a demand
for mushroom campuses in Georgetown,
Bridgetown and Port of Spain. The elite
conception of "a highly trained
six-hundred" led to too rapid an
expansion of numbers. The failure to
devise training schemes for the natives led
to indiscriminate West Indianisation. Tihe
absence of graduate students left a gaping
hole in the line of communications
between Faculty and undergraduates:
Characteristically, in our culture of
impotence, we sought a Messiah to save
us from our sins. We shifted to Doctor
Politics. It was thoughtthat Lewis would
take the situation in charge and solve all
problems. We soon found that the
Williams' concept of the University could
not be superimposed on the colonial
legacy. The reform became a highly
mechanical operation of expansion and

"rationalization". As the programme
revealed itself as unfeasible,
disorganization and incompetence
entered the door at first in a trickle and
then in a flood.
This is what Jagan saw when he sought
to take Guyana out of the mess. Lacking
intellectuals in Guyana, he formulated
the problem in terms of a "socialist
university" and this attracted much
derision. But he was trying to say
something which Lewis never understood.
At the time, I attempted to articulate his
position in a paper subsequently
published in New World Fortnightly. But
the statement gained no legitimacy. I
advocated a set of co-equal undergraduate
schools at the level of the island including
sixth-form schools in some places. I
proposed regional integration at the level
of graduate work and in some selected
areas. I proposed a profound involvement
in community life. The position was
caught in a crossfire between the
"radicals" in Georgetown and the
"liberals" in Mona. But it was much more
than this. We were all trapped in the
mistakes of 1948. We needed men to rise
above the situation. But we do not know
how such men are created. We simply had
to play in the hope of doing something
There were some very delicate choices
to make. Men like Braithwaite, Augier
and McIntyre opted to become more
involved in University administration.
They had seen how we had failed to
define recruitment policy and to work
out meaningful criteria for evaluating
work and making promotions. They had
noted how the curriculum was being
transformed into a chaotic patchwork of
this and that, and how we were
unwittingly adopting the worst aspects of
both British and American University
practice. Hundreds of times we sat down
to discuss the situation. The anxiety was
so great that work became virtually
impossible at Mona and it became
common practice to go away to write -
the monastery notwithstanding.
For my own part, I resolved to work
in the private sector of the intellectual
system, as it were. I persisted with New
World as an organisation "to transform
the mode of living and thinking among
the intellectual classes." Ultimately we
established the Quarterly as a vehicle of
communication between the members of
the intellectual community throughout
the region. The operation attracted a lot
of hostility even from those whose
perceptions fathered it. For a time, the
strain poisoned relations among old
freinds and colleagues until the value of
seriousness began to reveal itself all
Yet our efforts.have not been enough.
The change in the character of the
University has brought large new
generations of West Indians onto the
scene. The discontinuity means that the
(intellectually) younger men have
completely different perceptions from the
older. They perceive only the
incompetence and the disorganization.
They do not and cannot easily see the
counter-attack which we are launching on
the flanks. The problem is aggravated by
the absence, of graduate students, by the
high turn-over of expatriate staff, by the
high rate of continuing expansion, and by

the contradictions and conflicts between
insularity and regionalism unleashed by
the break-up of the West Indies
This is what has added up to the
current loss of confidence. In this
context, the delay in getting seasoned
West Indians to the top of the University
administration has played havoc with our'
chances of saving the game. When the
Governments, facing a parallel crisis, in
the political field, began to act-up, the
Administration responded in
authoritarian fashion. When we should
have opened up the discourse in public
over the work-permit question and over.
,the Beckford passport, we conducted
backroom politics with the Government.
New World did put out a moderate
pamphlet on Beckford, merely stating the
facts about the man and the situation and
arguing the case for the matter to be-*
taken to the Court. But the statement
was popular neither. with the
Administration nor with the dissenters.
Until we won a pyrrhic victory the
Administrators preferred to exert quiet
influence on the Government, the
dissenters wanted "direct and positive
Now the accumulated mistakes have
created a situation where there is no
trust, no camarederie within the
University. Every incident is the occasion
for abuse and confrontation the ideal
situation for manipulators. In my
opinion, we can retrieve the situation
only by a change of the political regime
because the dissenting forces have now
linked up the situation in the University
with the situation in the nation at large.
Positive action is as much aimed at the
political system as at the procedures in
the University.
This is not, I may say, to take the
simple view that politics is the solution to
everything. Not at all. For the movement
cannot deal with the regime unless it
disposes of men who have the necessary
philosophical and technical command.
The problems cannot be solved by one
man and his dog, or even two. We
therefore cannot afford to waste time. It
seems to me to be a much more
reasonable strategy to get on with the job
of building the movement. I cannot say
that my priorities have got to be adopted
by everyone else but that is how I see it.
The validity of my position depends
upon how right I am in thinking that the
wicket in the University is becoming
trickier. I wisn therefore to turn it over a
little, this way and that.
First of all, I must note that Professoi
Marshall is now in charge. From what I
have observed he is certainly taking a firm
stand. This is undoubtedly an advance.
But the Vice-Chancellor needs to know
that his credibility is in question. He sat
on the Commission of Enquiry into
Subversive Activities and signed his name
to a document which is not worthy of the
slightest intellectual notice. I can say in
his favour that at the Commission he
conducted himself with scrupulous
honesty. His fairness, to my mind, is not
.at all an issue. But his judgement and his
grasp of the complexity are suspect in
my book, at any rate. Besides, his
continued on page 6


page 4

T A P IA is published by The Tapia House Publishing Company Limited, 91a Tunapuna Road, Tunapuna, Trinidad


founded in November 1968. We will be
celebrating our Anniversary with our next
Issue of TAPIA.
In the year, we have built a Tapia
House, organised community activity and
made associations in various parts of the
Our Group came into being following
two statements made by Lloyd Best
about political change in the country.
The country has been asking us what we
are up to. We are therefore re-publishing
the two statements. They will remind us
what we had in mind when those who
agreed with them came together last year.
They will also provide a basis for
evaluating what we have accomplished in
the time and for projecting where we may
reach in the future.
The first statement was made to the
New World Group in Port-of-Spain on
November 7th 1968. Here it is:
Last week I offered an interpretation
of the origins and the development of the
New World Movement to date.. I then
sketched out some proposals about what
may now be done in the light of the
present conjuncture. I was astonished to
find that although the meeting had been
called to consider a programme of action,
it was not at all taken seriously by
Associates. It turned out to be another
"consumer" occasion. People turned up
to be told what to do. In fact, much of
the discussion was specifically directed to
affirming the need for a Messiah. A man
with the plan for his disciples to follow.
And so, on to the promised land behind a
new Doctor. From the frying pan into the
frying pan!
This is most disturbing. It suggests to
me that New World has alreadyfaileda'san
agency of change. Even if its rhetoric may
now and again be different, its attitudes
are hardly distinct from those of the
broader society. The Group is obsessed
with the idea of taking political power. It
has no discernible interest in hard work.
It has no programme, no organisation, no
direction. As someone has said, it holds
tea-parties where talk is substituted for
tea. Week after week, we roll up to
meetings in a purposeless drift. When
concrete proposals are offered the
response is that we must study them
further. When we are told that what is
needed is a leader who is prepared to be
martyred, this draws our applause. We
refuse the option of hard collective
What is the reason for this continuing
incapacity to activate ourselves for the
arduous task of building slowly and
solidly by community work? It is the
self-view imposed upon us by the colonial
condition. We do not have any knowledge
of, let alone any respect for our own
capability. Change can therefore only be
brought about by an external agency: by
a Moses inspired from the Mount or by
the Government. The answer to all
problems is to find a leader who can get
control of the Government.
This is a dangerous illusion and has to
be shattered if we are to make any real
progress. The Group is now paralysed
precisely because it has not established
any basis for collaboration within itself
and among its members. It literally
cannot organise a dance. The whole
conception of Saturday's fete was colonial
in the extreme. Two or three people were
expected to do all the work. Naturally
they could not attempt anything
imaginative. As a result we had to pay a
quite unnecessary penalty when the
electricity was cut off. Had the fete been
based on any original concept of
entertainment, the reliance on moonlight
would have enhanced its success.
For the longest while the Group has
been dallying with an Issue of New World
Quarterly. But we are still not organised
to service the journal in any systematic
way. Editorial responsibilities are not
clear. At any rate, they are not assumed
by anyone except by word. In four years
we've had only two articles from Trinidad
in the journal. In the face of numerous
events of critical importance to the
national life, we have had no cool and
systematic analysis for the benefit of
other Associates and the population.

No wonder there is so much
dissatisfaction with the intellectual
pretensions of New World. The Group is a
fraud, in fact. The trouble is that our lack
of standards has now become itself a
standard. The absence of any serious
intellectual content in our work has
admitted a situation where meetings are
conducted like Church services. We do
not examine anything because no one
comes prepared to do so. People do not
even read the journal and Group
memoranda have not been circulated and
studied. Every discussion thus becomes
bogged down by phony disputes which
are really over the shadow of power.


In this context, the more faint-hearted
simply stay away from meetings after a
while, and among those who continue to
come, the politicians just temporise and
prevaricate, wanting to offend no one.
Most Associates just sit through the
ordeals, squirming. But here too, as in the
wider society, the answer is to speak up
and to make no concessions whatsoever
to fraudulent and phony conceptions. It
has to be reiterated that the only way
forward for this Group and for the larger
society is by hard work on the part of
large numbers. There is no solution but
by popular acceptance of responsibility.
The problems cannot be solved by Doctor
politics. Even if we were to get power on
that basis, we would not be able to
implement any programmes of radical
change unless the population had first
been fully committed. It follows that the
principle of popular involvement has first
to be established within the group which
is hoping to promote change. It is in this
context that I would like to see the
programme discussed. My proposals have
called for the streamlining of New World
as it was originally conceived and for the
foundation of "intermediate political

Pursuit of original New World
The original conception of New World
needs to be pursued for at least three
reasons. First, the intellectual work has
only just begun. We have only nibbled at
the task of re-stating the theory of
society in terms of our own experience,
and we have attempted little in
philosophy and the natural sciences. Nor
have we engaged the artists in any serious
Secondly, there is the danger of
transforming New World into a political
party. That would create real problems
for any new intellectual movement which
will have to replace it. It would lead the
establishment to look for a political party
behind every self-styled intellectual
movement. Moreover, it may poison
relations between New World and the
new generation of intellectuals since the
latter will be pressed to dissociate
themselves from us.
Thirdly, the kind of activity which
New World has wanted to promote will
become even more necessary after the
transformation of the social order for
which we are hoping. After the change
the new orthodoxy will need to be
contained just as much as the old. Work
by an independent intellectual class must
therefore be a continuing preoccupation
as a defence against the political
establishment. This is the decisive reason
for continuing with New World as
originally conceived.
Concretely, I envisage three practical
steps to this end. First, we must reorgnize
the New World Quarterly to make it a
viable enterprise. It needs both a regional
and local Editorial Board which actually
functions. It needs sound financing and
proper machinery for distribution. I
suggest that tonight we thrash out
proposals for collaboration with Jamaica,
in particular. In the latter connection, we
may want to consider taking full
responsibility for every other Number.
Secondly, the time may have come for
us to establish a weekend or fortnightly
review. I propose we dec. about this at


once, select an Editor and a Board, work
out their relation to the Group, and draw
up a plan of operations.
Thirdly, there is the matter of a
Publishing House. If we reorganized NWQ
and established the Weekend review, we
would be well on the way towards this
enterprise. But we need to sketch out the
framework of development.

Founding of intermediate
political institutions
The altogether new step we may want
to take now is to found "intermediate
political institutions" rather than a
political party. The time will certainly
come when we will need a political party.
But if it is to be an authentic political
party and not just the electoral apparatus
of another Doctor or set of Doctors, it
needs to be based on confident,
competent membership, well organised in
the constituencies. Since we are beginning
from a position where people have had
little experience of community
collaboration and political participation,
where the Central Government dominates
the lives of the population, and where
local leadership is systematically
suppressed by social and economic
processes, the strategy must be to
undertake schemes which will promote
"grass-roots" development.
Here I do not have in mind the
conventional left-wing conception of
sending trained agitators to mobilise
"cells". This is the politics of the Trojan
Horse which has so often failed. I have in
mind activity by citizens in their own
communities. The innovation we can
make is to encourage more local and
private initiatives and to promote wider
mobilisation of local and private
resources. We must induce our neighbours
to reject Doctor politics and to assume
the fullest responsibility for solving
specific day-to-day problems of living. In
education, sport, home economics, and
In this way, the confidence and the
commitment which have been lacking will
soon begin to show themselves. There will
be a movement among the people. Out of
this, new politics and a new party will in
due course arise. It will be change from
below. And that is the only real change.
In this context, it can be seen that the
intermediate institutions proposed are
also transitional institutions, though likely
the New World, many of them will have a
continuing function.
Those who are most concerned with
politics and the early transfer of power
may believe that this transition should be
escaped. But this is possible only at a very
high price. A political party by its nature
will have to insist on discipline and
organisation of' a kind that risks
frustrating the emergence of the
community leaders which we so badly
need. Pressures will be brought to bear on
the party by the Press and the public to
take positions on issues which are yet to
be sorted out by party members.
In the event, this can only mean ex
cathedra declarations by the Doctor
leaders. The dissatisfaction which this will
cause among independent thinkers in the
organisation will force these Doctors, in
the legitimate interest of maintaining a
solid party front, to ex-communicate all
dissenters. We have to guard against it
happening again. This is why we must get
ourselves organised before it is too late.
The new institutions which I have in
mind are listed below. They are the same
as I outlined last week. Some are to be
based on formal contracts between
Associates, others on private
commitment. Most in fact, are to rely
on both. In choosing, we have to be
careful to satisfy different individual
interests and to draw on skills and
resources that we have at our disposal. We
can afford neither to impose the will of a
few nor to dissipate our efforts in
multiple endeavour. In a word, we cannot
avoid the determination of priorities and
the adoption of some clear strategy of
development. Let us begin, modestly if
necessary, and move on from there to
larger things.

Cultural Centre
This is one of the options open to us. I
have in mind an organisation modelled on
the ITABO which ran for some time in
Georgetown in 1962/63. The Centre is
envisaged to be a meeting place where we
can be together, eat together, engage in
conversation among ourselves and with
the community in general, by the way we
conduct ourselves, demonstrate in
microcosm, what kind of new world we
are aiming at. The place will be a
restaurant, theatre, dance hall, club house
and workshop all in one. Clearly, it may
not be possible to establish this Centre
right away but we ought now to settle the
plan and to start working to implement it
in a series of smooth steps.

Economic Development Company
We need to embark on economic
enterprises for a number of reasons. First
of all, we need to have money to finance
our activities- especially our political
activities. Secondly, we need to provide
opportunities for creative employment.
Thirdly, we need to show what
indigenous entrepreneurship can do.
Finally, there are many practical
community problems which require us to
enter business both to find solutions for
their own sake and for the purpose of
winning authentic political support.
Intuitively, I think it feasible to start now
with the Shoemaking Factory and a
Consumer Co-operative Store. There must
certainly be other projects to be
considered. There seems little reason why
we cannot found a Company to proceed
with the work needed to establish
ourselves in business.

Rehabilitation Committees
Here I have in mind working
Associations in the localities. Schemes of
self-help are needed in Education, Sport,
Housing, Health and many other fields.
Associates are certain to perceive
opportunities for participating in the
affairs of their community and for
contributing their talents. Our
organisation can- help by maintaining a
national and regional pool of technical
and administrative skills and by making
them available in areas where they are
short. The Caribbean ought not to be
.relying on metropolitan Peace Corps. We
ought to be organising Caribbean
technical skills and sending them from
locality to locality, and from-territory to
territory. So as to avoid the imposition of
external authority, our aim must be to
allow Associates to initiate or join
themselves to activity in their own
communities and to form Rehabilitation
Committees at the local level. We can
then have territorial Federations of these
Committees and ultimately a region-wide

Political Clubs
Though we do not need or cannot
afford, a political party now, we do need
to have political associations of some
kind. These groups must be small enough
to permit individual participation and to
enjoy a climate of equality where genuine
conversation and exchange is possible.
Large Groups can only function on the
basis of fairly rigid bureaucratization. If
at this stage we had a multiplicity of
small political clubs, it would help us to
experiment with a range of different
strategies and help the emergence of a
whole class of leaders besides. Too large
an organisation is bound to discriminate
against the young, the women, the less
articulate, the less well educated, the
more diffident etc. The Quarterly, the
Monthly Review, the Co-operative
Business and the Rehabilitation
Committees will all reintegrate potential
Associates at other levels. Ultimately,
when this work has proceeded
systematically for some time, we will
thrash out broad areas of consensus, and
we will have an expanded number of
confident and competent people willing
to collaborate in a larger political
organisation for the purpose of dealing in
State power. At that point we will be
ready to found a political party.


The official tunes of establishments all over the world are invariably
upbeat, and there is no reason to expect different from Trinidad. "You
Never Had It So Good" was the famous slogan with which Harold
Macmillan presided over the final rites of British prestige, and I suppose
there is nothing intrinsically sillier about "Terrific and Tranquil" ("T &
T" got the message?) than there is about "Come to Swinging London".
Or perhaps there is; even official blarney can range between charming
fiction and leaden pomposity, and Trinidad's chosen sales-pitch may be
well in the line of what this article is generally about -- which is, put
broadly, the question of quality in the imaginative life of the country.
Specifically I'm supposed to be writing a critique of the newly inaugu-
rated system of local "honour" awards, but my point is that the two -- the
awards and the imaginative quality -- are inseparable, and that they are
further inseparable from the general context of political conception and
There are various possible ways of It is for this reason, for instance, that
tracing this relationship, of which, in one the calypsoes of The Mighty Duke
way, the novelist's is by far the most celebrating blackness seem to me to be
satisfactory, holding concrete and specific merely inversions of servility; they really
things up to sudden shafts of revelation, assume the inferiority of blackness and
The Humming Bird Medal, third class (or, their stridency has a hollow ring. The
bronze, or whatever); Sparrow, HBM; or contradictions become even clearer if
Mr. Willoughby Weeks (Head Butler), Black is Beautiful is compared with the
MOM. Under the deft novelist's touch tasteless and entirely traditional -
they stand self-revealed as parody. They mockery of his calypso about "One-foot
sound in fact like the raw material for the Visie". That Duke's hollow straginess
kind of malicious joke that the late should be rated higher by the official
Evelyn Waugh specialised in. And in judges of calypso competitions than the
Trinidad we have at least one novelist, genuine originality and wit of Chalkdust's
Naipaul, who has reached real excellence Letter to the Ministry appears to me
in this kind of revelation, entirely symptomatic of the confusion of
Yet it is clear that we or at least the imagination and taste that is our great
establishment, the people responsible on predicament and that is perhaps the
a wide front for the whole range of ultimate justification for the
official decision-making have learned uncompromising vision of Naipaul.
nothing from Naipaul, but continue This reference to Duke brings up the
blithely to act out the follies and larger point about alienation to vision, a
fantasies of colonial distortion. Naipaul point which seems to me genuinely
himself has disclaimed the role of important but frequently overstressed to
reformer, describing his field as irony the point of misunderstanding. Duke's
rather than satire on the understanding vision, if anything, is "alien" in that it
that where satire is optimistic, irony secretly affirms plantation values. But
hopes for nothing. There may be some nobody accuses him of it for the very
truth in this distinction, but there is also revealing reason that he really offers to
an element of sophistry, and Derek say nothing new; he simply honours
Walcott is much closer to the truth in current susceptibilities and traditional
acknowledging himself as teacher mockeries. Naipaul, though occasionally
(Express interview, Aug. 31, 1969). For succumbing, especially in the early stages,
in fact every creative effort sets out to to the society's tradition of mockery, has
teach something, even if it is only on the whole questioned and challenged
something about inevitability; in fact, much of this tradition. The fact that he
especially if it is something about has done so in an impeccable, almost
inevitability, for it is by understanding perhaps a "mandarin" style of English,
inevitability that we command the has perhaps been misleading to some
possibility of change. people, all the more because his language
Naipaul's self-disclaimer as an ironist has been sharpened to a painfully cutting
therefore is irrelevant to the question of edge. By this means we are faced with the
why the people who hold office over our irony that the challenger of the complex
lives have failed to learn anything from of plantation values is accused of
his vision of our social absurdities. There alienness, while those like Duke, who say
are two reasons for this, I believe. The nothing that does not assume and affirm
first and obvious one is that learning is a these values, are popularly hailed as the
difficult and painful thing, anyway. The prophets of the new consciousness.
second is much more difficult and leads
to some tricky ground to the whole An identical superficiality infects the
controversial question, in fact, of "ways whole range of our national life, though
of seeing" and its relationship to national nowadays one hesitates to talk like this
pride and sense of identity. This for fear of being identified with the
embodies a real problem requiring much wholly random and factitious
more discussion than can be attempted bushwackings of Mr. Benedict Wight -
here, so I can only briefly give my that nine-days wonder who has typically
conclusions, or perhaps my position, managed to run up a carnival costume out
about it. Naipaul has been seen of odds and ends of "style" representing
sometimes e.g. by Wilson Harris, and by no discernible view-point. Indeed one
a great many more ordinary people as should point out that Mr. Wight and his
embodying an alien and unsympathetic whole conception of a newspaper (I'm
vision of West Indian society. He has been not talking of individual contributors)
accused of sneering and malice where constitute a major element in the great
interpretation and understanding are commercial smog of non-discussion that
called for. The charge of sneering cannot hangs chokingly in the air. The heated
altogether be dismissed, especially as non-controversy, a development of the
regards the earlier books, Elvira, Miguel red herring, must of course be recognized
Street, Mystic Masseur, through all of as an integral part of the Independence
which run an unpleasant vein of Games; a way of keeping restive
intellectual and racial snobbery. A black populations "occupied with foreigh
face in The Mystic Masseur is seen as quarrels" without even the expense of
funny per se. sending them abroad!
Yet the point can be carried too far, at
the risk of missing something valuable. IS GOD DEAD? asks the Express
Titus Hoyte, 1A, in Miguel Street, is ominously, three years after Time
ridiculed, one suspects, for his Magazine put the already stale question.
limitations, which is unsympathetic of A comic-book girl reporter is despatched
Naipaul. But he is even more certainly to waylay examination candidates at St.
ridiculed for his pretensions, and more Augustine, returning with a few more
than that Naipaul is really saying paper-pellets for Benedict Wight to shoot
something about the nature of the off at campus "radicals". "Molotov
environment that makes such pretensions cocktails" followed by "atheistic
possible. It is of course possible to argue pretensions", and so on. The point need
that a writer should be sympathetic even not be laboured since the Express
about pretensions and second-rate periodically gives its own show away with
environments, but since nobody seems to boners like the front-page spread of Mr.
demand it of, say, English or Russian O'Halloran fatuously downing savouries
writers, the argument always sounds to (three darkie waiters in stiff attendance)
me like special pleading for black at the formal opening of Mr. Vernon
colonials, and like all special pleading it is Charles's new restaurant. (The change
inconsistent with the true interests of continued on page 8
their dignity and pride.





Failure to organise its supporters into a political party; continued
dependence on race and religion; inability to work out a coherent and
relevant policy for the country; that is the story of the DLP. Wrangling,
faction and ruction; dwindling support and massive electoral defeats; such
the sorry consequence.
The DLP draws its strength almost exclusively from the Indian
community more precisely, from the Hindu community. In 1960, there
were 301,946 East Indians in a population of 827,957. Sixty-eight per
cent were Hindus, an important fact for the DLP and the PDP, its earliest

The racial and cultural cleavage
between Africans and Indians is basic. It
is the legacy of the years 1848-1917
when the East Indians were brought in to
work the plantations as indentured
labourers. Indian labour depressed wages
for West Indians and divided the people
against their will. And then the British
allowed the Indians to keep much more
of their religion and way of life than the
Africans. The Red House also gave the
Indians land on easier terms than the
ex-slaves had been permitted.
In the 1920's the Cipriani movement
tried in vain to close the gap. Though the
'common experience in the place has been
bringing the peoples together slowly, not
even Butler succeeded. He worked in the
countryside and the South but his main
Indian followers were professionals:
Rienzi and later, the Sinanans, Stephen
Maharaj and the like. The rank and file
remained a group apart and formed the
nucleus of the PDP in 1954.
Adult Suffrage in 1946 had already
drawn the threads together. At the centre
of the organisation was the Maha Sabha.
The Leader was Bhadase Maraj, its
President and also a powerful Trades
Unionist at the time. Voting for the PDP
was in a sense voting for religion and for
the Eastern way of life: In the
momentous elections of 1956, the PDP
gained five seats all in predominantly
Hindu areas. It gained 20.3% of the votes
cast, 16.3% of the total
After the elections, the political
groupings began to sort themselves out.
Williams had made a real contribution to
the country by aiming at party politics.
Everybody then had to fall in line. At any

rate, to go into the Federal Election, a
national party was a must. Manley and
Bustamante were in charge. Party politics
is what they understood.
The DLP was founded in 1958. It had
to be a loose coalition, one section of
Busta's loose Confederation. It drew on
the PDP, the TLP, the POPPG and even
on the Butler Party whence came
Stephen Maharaj. As boss of the
hard-core PDP, Bhadase assumed
the leadership.
. In the Federal Elections, the DLP won
six of the ten seats in Trinidad & Tobago
but polled 36 votes fewer than the PNM.
Both parties were credited with 47.424%
of the votes cast or 34.9% of the
electorate. Characteristically, Williams
misjudged the significance of the result.
But it was less a victory for the DLP than
a victory for the PNM. The PNM had
gained on their 1956 position. The DLP
was now a coalition of all the anti-PNM
forces. These forces had lost ground.
In 1958 the Hindu community had
already been cautious about the
under-current of Negro nationalism in the
PNM. Now it moved to open revolt. The
basic cleavage between the Indian and the
creole way of life always made this
conflict possible. But the immediate
cause was the injudicious conduct on the
part of Williams. The attack on the Maha
Sabha Education programme and on the
Hindu linguistic movement, Massa Day
Done and the reference to the Hindu
community as "a recalcitrant minority"
after the Federal Election, all these made
a short-sighted appeal to African
sentiment; but they also fanned the
flames of Indian suspicion. In the County
Council Elections of 1959, the DLP won
33 seats to the PNM's 34. It polled 38.8%
continued on page 7

page 5


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30 -


10 1


59 60 61

62 63 64

65 66

page 6

UNIVERSITY... continued from page 3

statements have not yet succeeded in
raising the level of the discourse.
The University cannot be a
nineteenth-century British institution. As
Williams put it in 1945, "It should
constitute a source of inspiration which
will contribute to the well being of the
people as a whole, and to the material
welfare of individuals of every calling,
employment and occupation." We cannot
therefore insulate it. It is in politics to
stay. And the way to guard against the
dangers of'this is not to restrain people
from declaring their political affiliations
but to encourage them to do so. The
University itself is not a political party or
a Church and the Vice-Chancellor speaks
only for himself. If other men make their
political positions clear, there will be
myriad different coins jingling, biases will
be clear and corrected for, and we will
learn discrimination. To drive the biases
underground is the worst possible
Let us cite Williams again.

"It is a cliche in some quarters to say
that the university should be kept out of
politics, and that in the struggle of
modern society the university should
remain aloof as one of Thomas Hardy's
dynasts, holding aloft the torch of
learning, and maintaining a benevolent
neutrality. This conception is erroneous.
Modern politics, like modern war, is total.
Neutrality is untenable.
This unceasing conflict between the
university and the pressure groups is less
obvious and less crude in England.
Academic freedom seems to be much
more jealously guarded. The difference,
however, is superficial rather than real. It
is due very largely to the fact that the
older universities Oxford and Cambridge,
have been traditionally identified with
the British ruling class, the aristocracy in
particular. Pressure was unnecessary."

When we take account of the fact that
the University does not have any one
opinion about what is education or about
anything and that interests and classes are
only now being defined in this nation, we
can imagine how long it is going to take
to tidy up the U.W.I. In particular, we
must note that, given the structure of
employment in the West Indies, the only
place for which a new political movement
can come is the University. And the
country needs that movement. We have
to think hard about this because the
public appreciates it.
Professor Marshall and the
administrators have a great deal of
thinking to do. I think we must give them
a chance by not rushing into
confrontation. We are all in this together;
it is going to take a lot of good will and
good sense to put the nation back onto a
sane road.
So we can see that saving the game for
the nation involves saving the game in the
University too. The game is lost in the
University only when we think of the
University as a monastery and we think
of the political solution in terms of
Doctor politics another hero and
another crowd.

And now to Thomas and Camacho.
The Camacho case is quite
straightforward. The Appointments
Committee has overridden the Selection
Board on many occasions before: the
work of the latter is only preliminary. In

this case, the situation was complicated
by the fact that Camacho was the
Vice-Dean at the time of his application.
He therefore had access to files about
himself. In this context we have to be
sceptical about what the Selection Board
could have done under the inadvertent
pressure whether or not Camacho had
been lobbying. That the Vice-Dean had
access to the confidential deliberations
has been made clear in what he himself
has said. We therefore have to be careful
in evaluating the Selection Board's
There is, to my mind, a more
fundamental consideration. St Augustine
has grown up as a satellite of Mona with
Staff unpractised in the ways of the
University. This has been one result of
the rush to reform by the Lewis
administration and of the failure to
decentralize properly. I have never
trusted St Augustine because, in my
opinion, the Staff do not constitute a
seasoned organization and are perhaps
too anxious about relations with Mona to
be able to rise to responsibility. Too
many side-issues get in the way and I
think that this was part of Camacho's
problem as Vice-Dean. We have been so
concerned with decentralization (and
rightly so) that we have not used our full
power. This ha further eroded trust.
The decision on Camacho was bound
to go down badly in this climate. For one
thing, standards of competence are not
settled and will always be questioned so
long as some bad appointments in the
past are still remembered. For another,
many of the Staff do not understand
appointments procedure and do not
know the relevant facts. And for a third,
the issue became entangled in the St
Augustine-Mona conflict, in the Thomas
question, and in the general political
But the central question is whether or
not the Appointments Committee made a
proper evaluation of Camacho's
application in relation to those other
candidates for the particular job; if not, is
this because there are loopholes in the
machinery of appointment? Camacho is
entitled to call for a review of the
machinery. If the machinery is sound and
the best possible arrangements are in
force for judgement, he is not entitled to
question the judgement except by the
moral attack of his work. Nor is he
entitled to ask the University to find a
job for him even if posts are vacant.

Thomas is a different kettle of fish. He
has been excluded from Jamaica for a
statement he made during the Rodney
crisis. The Jamaican Government
communicated this to Council and made
its disapproval clear. The Appointments
Committee took note but did not think
the incident warranted the dismissal of
Thomas. Then he was excluded.
After that it became a fact (not an
opinion) thit his contract had been
frustrated. Since the University had not
thought the statement worthy of
dismissal, it remained morally responsible
to Thomas at least until the end of the
contract. But the character of the moral
responsibility is not automatically
determined. If the University, in spite of
Thomas' established competence, felt
that his platform conduct was
detrimental to the institution, it was
entitled simply to pay him up to the end
of the contract.

,~( ~ T ,~. '7"TF
-, ??
~~aa ~ -~7I~b t

AT WHITEHALL ...linking University and National Politics



In a free society there is bound to be a
wide diversity of values. Therein lies the
source of social conflict since free men act
in accordance with the values they hold.
Unrestrained su ch conflicts w would
reduce a society to chaos. To avoid chaos,
to promote collaboration between men,
differences between them must be reconciled.
So far men in no society have been able to
reconcile all their differences. Fortunately,
it is only necessary for these differences
to be reconciled to a certain extent for
societies to survive and function tolerably.
Open discussion is the most important
instrument available to a democratic society
for reconciling internal differences. This is
the process through which reasonable men
with different values seek to clarify the
grounds on which they have based their
opinions, their judgments, their beliefs. In the
process fact has to be distinguished from
opinion, what is, from what ought to be, and
a line drawn between knowledge and
We think that this process has been
justified by its results. By finding out what
the facts are, by disseminating them, by
distinguishing what is trivial from what is
significant, men have frequently been able to
eliminate differences which at first sight
seemed beyond any reconciliation.
It has also been the case that the process
of clarifying the grounds on which men base
their opinions, beliefs and judgments has led
to the discovery of differences based on
values- which cannot be reconciled. But even
in such circumstances the process is not in
vain if it enables men to act more humanely
towards one another.
For the discovery of irreconcilable
differences does not end all discussion. It
introduces a new topic for discussion, namely,
how should we treat those with whom we
are at variance on matters which we regard
as important?



In order to judge whether we may safely
tolerate a minority we must know in what
ways they differ from us. In order to know
how we may humanely defend our values
we need to know our strength.
Ideally all persons and institutions in a
society should be involved in the process
of making issues clear, of sifting the funda.
mental from the incidental, and of identifying
the connections between separate events.
In practice what is the concern of all has
become the special function of a few institu.
tions. And these institutions which have been
assigned the role of conducting inquiry and
analysis, evaluation and discussion, have
accordingly come to have the professional
responsibility of making the results of their
efforts known to the whole community.
One of the institutions which embody and
give expression to these professional values
is a University. But the college of individuals
who constitute a university may still be
partisan. They are certainly biased in some
way when they discuss moral and political
issues. However, the nature of a University
demands that those who are its members
accept the task of clarification and
dissemination as their first obligation.
Hence, even when their own interest is
involved, the first responsibility of University
members must be, not to negotiate for ad-
vantage behind closed doors, but to submit
the problem to reasoned discussion in public.
It is only if they accept the special obligation
to conduct themselves in this way, that they
can justly claim that special conditions are
necessary for the proper exercise of their

Special Editorial Board
Gloria Lannaman Roy Augier
Don Robotham Lloyd Best
Owen Jefferson Derek Gordon


On the other hand, if it felt that he
was a valuable person to the institution, it
might have opted to appoint him
elsewhere. I believe that the University
inclined towards the second view. I know
for a fact that informal contact was made
with the Trinidad & Tobago Government
to see whether Thomas could be
employed here. But the University could
not do or say anything concrete until the
Government had given an answer. And
since a whole principle is involved, the
proper place for that answer (and
therefore for automatic work-permits) is
-the Council Meeting in November. The
University was therefore correct to pay
Thomas until the end of November and
wait. It could not reasonably have been
expected to appear to be setting the
Government of Trinidad & Tobago
against the Government of Jamaica.
Entirely correct, to my mind. But not
so simple. With the Faculty and the
students being so uninformed, and with
the moral record of the University
blotted in the past, the question of
credibility arose. The University is not
morally convincing. It therefore needed
to hasten to re-assure everyone. Above

a om o

all, the intellectuals needed to keep their
cool and to elicit and publish the facts.
But that did not happen. Indignation and
invective led the way.
Our real problem is therefore the
feebleness of the intellectual tradition. It
is astonishing how little has been said
about the biggest issue of all: the erosion
of the powers of the Judiciary by the
Executive in Jamaica. Thomas may
be guilty. But the evidence is already
public and there is no extra security risk
involved in taking him to the Courts.
Even if the Minister does have the
discretion to exclude him, what is the
case for using it? Ought we not to be
insisting that the Courts be set in motion?
Since this is the issue that concerns the
citizens most, is this not what the lawyers
and political scientists among us should be
advocating most strongly?
It is easy to shift the blame onto the
Governments and the administration. But
a little self-knowledge and self-criticism
will serve us in good stead. The University
may be on the boil but until we
straighten ourselves out a little more, I
wonder whether we will ever cook the
system's goose.




page 7


This outline is provided for easy reference. Put it in your file.

The strategy for emancipating national
enterprise involves a series of steps. First,
we close off those imports which we
agree to do without as a means of
salvaging the nation from the old regime
and from current incompetence. Prices
will then rise and create openings and
profits for local producers.
Agriculturalists, industrialists and those
who produce services will get a chance to
show their worth. There will be a lot of
competition if our "individualism" means
anything. With the kind of imagination
and ingenuity which we have and are now
frittering away in mas' standards will
soon start to rise. Quality will improve.

Step two is to abandon the absurd policies
of paternalism in agriculture, the pious hope
that industrialisation will somehow take place if
we issued invitations and offered crude
We also discontinue the obsequious
cowtowing before luxury tourists in large
hotels. Instead, we move to accommodate the
twenty million low-income North American
blacks. These people share our aspirations and
will fit into our community on dignifiedterms.
By coming here, they will help our political
strategy and we will help theirs. Since we have
political power in the Caribbean which they do
not have in North America, we are responsible
for them. They must see us in charge here and
return home resolved to deal with racism. All
that plus. There is money in it for the ordinary
man who has a room on the side to rent. A
shilling here, a shilling there!
This means a big housing drive. The third
step is therefore to launch a programme to
build 165,000 housing units by 1980. By this
means we will be killing several birds with one
stone. In accommodating tourists, we will also
be making the homes comfortable for the
children and the sick and the old; for
familyplanning and for study. In creating a lot
of jobs, we will also be providing incentives to
work hard and to save for the future. In
establishing a basis for community planning, we
will also be erecting pillars for meaningful local
and municipal politics. In using local building
materials, we will be saving foreign exchange
with which to buy imports of machinery
and equipment. In organising creative work, we
will be issuing a challenge to our architects,
surveyors, engineers, lawyers, etc. We will be
stopping the brain drain and increasing the
supply of technically equipped community
leaders. We can start with Laventille, Belmont
and Tobago where the gains from housing will
be happily visible.
There is one more reason why the industrial
thrust must be in housing. It is not only that by
putting social improvement first, we will be
telling ourselves that we mean business about
equality. It is also that by planning such a big
thing as housing, we will be helping our
businessmen to plan their industrial
investments. For we do want to have elegant
furniture, televisions and refrigerators, grams,
gadgets and so on.
These durables are not the be-all of our
existence. There are matters of the soul that
need even more attention. But ultimately, we
want the best material comforts in every house.
The plans which are to be worked out in
collaboration with the staffs of our mortgage
and consumer credit banks will have to embrace
all these demands. Once we know our incomes,
we can save systematically and acquire these
comforts one by one, ticking them off as we go
We will then have assumed the status of
persons, in charge of our own existence. The
hand-to-mouth scrambling which takes place
now is not human. The irrational scrambling
every Christmas seems normal only on account
of the dispossession of slavery and indenture
and the continuing degradation of
unemployment and inequality. We will now
finish up with all that for good creating,
admittedly new problems for our children;. But
they will be in charge.
The corollary of this new way of living and
spending is a more secure future for our
producers. For centuries they have been
sacrificed on the altar of unstable export
incomes and taste for foreign goods. Now they
are being unjustly maligned for the low
standard of their goods. But the standard is not
inherently low. They too, have to contend with
a legacy of confusion and disorder. They need
to be able to plan improvements in their
products; they need to be able to estimate
demand; they need regular, steady growth in
purchases. They cannot produce for a lottery.
They need a serious country and a competent
government. Above all, they need our
The closing-off of luxury imports, fresh and
imaginative policies in agriculture and industry,
a massive housing programme. The fourth step

is in the field of employment policy. We have
to make a bid for full employment in a very
short space of time. This is more feasible than it
When we present the technical plan for
agriculture and industry with the figures, we
shall have concrete estimates of the number of
jobs probable in these sectors. At this point, it
is enough to frame the possibilities. We know
that the main problems at present are a
shortage of skill and creditand difficulty with
marketing. There is also the traditional
prejudice against artisan work in the backyards
and against working garden.
These problems cannot ever be solved by
current policies. The Government simply has
few clues as to what industrial development is
about. Not the foggiest notion. The
College-Exhibition view is that industry is
about shining new factories on industrial
estates. It puts book before sense. It is sheer
utopia rubbish.
The country knows better. Industry is about
dirty hands in backyards. It is about tinkering
and fiddling with the materials lying around in
order to satisfy urgent needs which people
have. The only genuine breakthrough we have
made in industry has been the work of the
steelbands. Free from the brain-washing of the
eleven-plus, these unbridled intelligence have
created instruments out of dustbins.
There are now jobs for tuners and
pan-beaters as well as for ancillaries at home
and abroad. The thing even earns foreign
exchange as it travels all over the world. In the
bargain, it makes music wherever it goes.
There is more. Every year the steelbands are
progressively motorising their operations. They
have invented stands for the pans and they have
put wheels under the entire outfit.
Notice what is going on. These creative men
are going to start manufacturing those wheels,
and then the chassis. And before long, an
exceptionally bright fellow is going to
introduce internal combustion. That spells
motor industry, appropriate to their needs and
Sense make before book. Almost the entire
economics profession is suspect. The textbooks
are replete with religious formulations,
unexamined dogma. For years, we have had to
resist the attempt to impose the end-product of
North Atlantic experience on to every other
country. In Cambridge, in Oxford, in Paris, in
Rome, in Montreal and in New York. The work
in these places has been doing untold damage in
our countries. It has done good too, of course,
but one wonders where the balance lies.
Fortunately, we have now made a departure
at St Augustine, Georgetown, Mona and Cave
Hill. Chaps can now be excluded or they can be
included. We have already opened up a free
discussion and four or five generations of
independent minds are running loose in the
Caribbean. They are in the Central Banks, the
Planning Divisions, the IDC's the statistical
offices, the schools, everywhere. We have
reached a new juncture.
The plan for industry that these young men
will service involves putting capital into the
yards. Television and radio sets, metal
workshops, chemistry and physics labs,
equipment to teach the new mathematics and
so on. At the Tapia House, we are designing the
programme now with the help of scholars from
English, French and Spanish speaking
Caribbean countries. The work is in progress.
We do not know where it will lead. What we
know is that that is the way to economic
transformation. The discipline, the interest, the
entrepreneurship are already there, directed
towards mas. The task of the planners is to
build on them emancipate them and give them
the chance to re-direct themselves towards
other constructive activities.
As in industry, so in agriculture. Massa bull,
massa cow! Rising prices, land reform as part of
the settlement with sugar, municipal
organisation to provide apparatus through
which capital and education can be made
available. The tractoi-sheds, the machine shops
and the laboratories of sugar factories will be
made centres of activity for the entire
agricultural sector. We build on what we have.
We will also create new centres with labs and
libraries and TV and radio schools.
The young will work on the land part-time;
the rest of the time they educate themselves at
the centres.. Days off, evening off, months off,
as the case may be. They will be in charge and
will decide. The country is small our biggest
advantage. With proper bus services on key
routes all over the land, they can shuffle back
and forward to the municipal centre to read
and work and dance and so on. Then back to
the farm or workshop.
Highly feasible. Sixty-two per cent of the
population under twenty-five. Adjustments in
habits easy to make, easier than it will ever be.
Our youth is our next big advantage. Politics
and science are about the facts of a particular
situation, not about textbooks and myths; nor
simply about North Atlantic fears that the
"population explosion" in poor countries might
change the balance of power and wealth in the

Step four, it is now clear, means making
educational plans realistic. The current concept
of the Secondary School has little to do with
this world. The School has to be a working and
entertainment yard for working youth.
Perhaps the whole age-group from fourteen
to twenty-two needs to be engaged in work and
study. The increase in food and material output
will create the resources needed for the
education plant. The young ca,i certainly build
their own hostels and schools in tapia and
thatch if necessary. They can construct their
swimming pools, their dance houses, their
libraries, their playing fields, their labs and
machine shops, and so on. Learning as they go.
In this way the skills which are initially scarce
can be spread. Meanwhile we build up the
stock, each one teaching one. It will be a great
adventure for this degraded nation, hewers of
wood and drawers of water for hundreds of
As part of this step, the pattern of
expenditures will shift radically towards
services. A host of jobs in services will be
created. Tending golf-courses, minding
language-labs, keeping playing fields,
superintending libraries, running buses,
organising restaurants and clubs. There will be
work in TV, work in radio, creative work in all
forms of formal and informal education, public
and private. We can probably knock off a
hundred thousand jobs cool. But this is a
matter of statistical treatment in due course.
Now, step five: National service. National
service for the whole population. For those
over fifty, it can be voluntary, for those under,
mandatory. The thing need not be a co-ercive
measure if imaginatively conceived and
humanely administered. We are imaginative and
our smallness admits democratic organisation
without undue bureaucracy. All our apparent
disadvantages can be turned to advantage
including the colonial heritage which has made
us so individualistic and scheming. All we need
is a positive self-view, emancipation of popular
energies, democratic organisation and
leadership sufficiently at peace with itself to
trust in our worth.
The proposal here is that national service be
part-time for some. Lawyers, doctors,
economists, architects, surveyors, nurses,
teachers and all the professionals will do their
thing as usual. We work out an agreement as to
how much time they will give to national
service. So many man-hours spread over so
many years.
A Doctor will say that every Tuesday
morning for five years he will go to
Guayaguayare. An architect will say that he will
design and supervise fifty Municipal centres, the
equivalent of two years work over six. A lawyer
will draw up five hundred deeds. We make up
the programme and roll. We trust our
professionals to be responsible and to fulfil
their commitments. The whole nation is
working, everybody pulling his weight. With
municipal organisation and the kind of
representation we envisage in the Senate, moral
sanction will be very severe for blacksliders and
slackers. We are lucky to be small. Everybody
will know.
New educational concepts. Young people,
bright people, our people, Black, pink. yellow,
white, brown people. Imaginative people.
People tired of the degradation, champing at
the bit, rankling in the chains. Unemployed
people, whether at work or not. National
Service. Every man Jack pulling his weight,

DLPPOLITICS OF DOOM... continued from
of the votes cast or 21.65% of the whole
electorate. The Indian reaction to the
nationalist movement was fast taking
1960 and enter Rudranath Capildeo.
Williams had established himself as the
Negro Doctor and charismatic Leader'of
the PNM. He did bring competence as
well; but it was the transcendental magic
of the Doctor which was being stressed.
Against this, the idea of an Indian Doctor
gained increasing favour. In defeat, the
Indian was rejecting himself as helpless
and impotent, as entirely dependent on
Messiahs for salvation. After the disaster
of Chaguaramas, the Negro was to do the
same. The idea that popular participation
counted was to dissolve in the bitter brew
of Doctor Politics.

taking initiative to win back his manhood, to
recover the humanity he has lost over the
The programme which we will be in a
position to draw up if there is national service
means that there will be some leverage in
allocating scare resources. We are in a jam.
Don't doubt it. To salvage this thing we are
going to have to apply a lot of cabeza. Planning
must be limited to allow enterprise. But what
planning we do must be rigorous and strict. The
National Service part of our time will be subject
to central planning in collaboration with the
The sixth step is the adoption of a national
incomes policy. The Unions will be fast
becoming part-owners of industry by way of
check-off saving. Unorganised workers will also
be owners of capital if part of their labour is
capitalised instead of being rewarded in wages.
The professionals will be giving something
back by national service. To the extent that
they work longer hours than normal, they raise
total output and therefore make their
contribution without sacrificing what they
already have.
The Civil Service and the Teaching Service
will be liberalised and many will be free to do
two jobs. Many will engage in business and so
earn profits as well ap their monthly salaries.
The stage is therefore set for most grqyps to
gain on the roundabout what they ope on the
swings. Prices will be rising at the start. The
value of salaries and wages wil be falling. 3ut
profits will also be rising. It is therefore'
necessary that incomes be made up of wages
and salaries as well a profits. It gives room for
play. The more enterprising wil'come off well.
But we will need to take care of those whq
cannot fend so well for themselves. The aged,
the unlucky, the sick, the'unskilled, the not so
enterprising, the Westminster part of the Civil
Service and so on. We also need to curtail
excess on the part of those, with strong
bargaining positions.
These considerations 'impose Minimum
Wages below and Maximum Incentives at the
top. Nation-wide unemployment, insurance and
pension benefits are also necessary. They will
be cheap if the financial system is re-organised
as proposed. The risks will be spread and the
capital invested here to raise total national
income. We will quantify thistoo, later. The
policy proposal is that the annual
wage-bargaining be carried out in the Senate.
The only change from the' present
situation which the scheme implies is a more
equitable and more dignified sharing of.food
and imports. At the moment, we are sharing
anyway. The employed have to keep the
unemployed. Men rely on their mothers and
their girlfriends for a dollar. With fuller
employment, they will be earning their own
money and creating more income to be divided
up. A larger part of this income will be spent on
services including housing and education, a
smaller part on goods. And we will all be
building the nation and discovering who we are,
what our talents.
But we already know that we are part of the
entire Caribbean experience. Next we will turn
to see what is in all this for our cousins across
the Ocean Sea.
To come: A CARIFTA Settlement; Foreign
Policy; A Settlement with the Metropolitian
Sector; Constitutional Reform; Education,
Health, Industry, Ag2culture.

page 5
Capildeo had returned in 1959 and
had taken up Headship of the
Polytechnic. He gave no evidence of
having practical political skills but the
popular claim was that he had
out-einsteined Einstein. He was therefore
"fit to rule" and that was one trump. In
1960, Bhadase handed over the other: the
religious organisation. The stage was set
for the battle of Doctors.
Capildeo made his entry on May 1,
1961. After accepting the Leadership,
Georgy-Porgie had run away. But the
nation could not then know that he had
embarked on the road of the naughty
boy. His re-entry was therefore seen as
high drama; the audience received him
with unbounded expectancy.

AND PHOTO STUDIO For Prompt and Reliable Service
10 EASTERN MAIN ROAD TUNAPUNA Monte Grande, Tunapuna
TEL. 662-4087 Tel: 662-3542

pag 8

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Vol No. 1-2.
Ramchand on Lamming

continued from page 5
against our local entrepreneurs are
happily all.true; they lack the wit to- keep
their hands out of their own pockets.)
This looks like straying a long way
from the Humming Bird Medal, bronze,
"awarded for conspicuous gallantry in the
field of -" and so on; but actually the
distance is only an illusion of the local
miasma that caused Naipaul to flee and
Walcott to install his "built-in shit
detector." I am now about to make the
startling disclosure that the Humming
Bird Medal, the Chaconia Cross, the
Trinity Cross and MOM herself the
entire baggage of our polyester trinkets -
were struck right there in that shiny
chrome heretofore where Mr. O'Halloran,
Mr. Mahabir, the Montanos and Mr.
Charles are attended by the white-black
souls of dead waiters.
"We have forgotten how to say
thanks" complains the cracker-barrel
front-page philosopher of the Trinidad
Guardian, alluding to the churlish manner
of Mr. Manette and Dr. Capildeo in
receiving their Independence awards. I
can only comment that if Dr. Capildeo
"suspects political motives" in the award
then he shows alarming slowness to catch
on to the game; and I can only plead that
after all Mr. Manette is quite right in
regarding the whole thing as an
impertinence to whatever work he is
trying to do.
The true function of cracker-barrel
philosophers is, of course, to miss the
point in a steady, systematic sort of way.
So it is not surprising that Therese Mills
has completely failed to take Elie
Manette's point about the changelessness
of Trinidad's middle-class attitudes. That,
after all, is as much a part of the current
programme as the Governor-General's
imperial crest (and his right to park on
the wrong side of the road), the Prime
Minister's private traffic lights, the
installation of Erica as Crown Princess
and the impenetrable mystery of how a
prisoner can be beaten to death in a
police station without anyone's seeing or
knowing enough about it to secure a
court conviction. (Our Top Sleuths will
track their man to Venezuela, but are
unable to discover what happens in a
local police station.) It is part of the
whole political apparatus which, having
excoriated the wickedness of colonialism,
has simply stuffed the giblets back in
again so that the New Elite may dine
fatly off the carcass.
Before, after and during all this we
dare to talk of investigating racial
discrimination in the Country Club; we
dare to plead for "respect" at the United
Nations; we have the unrubbable brass to
offer brass for .civil "honours". in a
country where honour is a dictionary
word one must cram for school-leaving
purposes. Dr. Williams can talk about the
inability of certain politicians to pass
"the first year university examinations in
political science". The 13-year old joke
has unhappily come right back to himself.
Let alone the university course, what we
most need now is for Mr. Ronald Webster
and the 5,000 citizens of Anguilla to
teach us the ABC of political integrity.
By the time we get to Third Stage we
may conceivably be able to get the
Humming Bird Medals off our chests.

Journals and periodicals which regard
themselves as a challenge to the political
Establishment habitually devote a lot of time
and energy to argument about advertising
policy. TAPIA, we think we hope is an
There are two reasons for this that we can
see. The one is incidental, the other
fundamental. The incidental reason is that
among the members of the TAPIA HOUSE
GROUP, some are lucky already to have had
rich experience in discussing advertising policy
in relation to other journals.
They have come to TAPIA knowing that
advertising is necessary and useful; that it can
also be in poor taste, misleading, restrictive of
opinion, and therefore socially and politically
harmful. Accordingly, they are aware that it is
part of our professed task of improving the
quality of the democracy to preserve and
extend the good in it and to strive to reduce -
to eliminate if possible the bad.
Just as we do not subscribe to the opinion
that foreign capital is invariably inimical to the
national economy, so we do not accept that
advertising is necessarily incompatible with
self-help or with independent politics. But this
is so comfortable a position to adopt that we
hasten to defend it.
Just as we are opposed to the entry of
capital which inhibits the growth of national
enterprise and which stunts the development of
indigenous patterns of taste and technology, so
we are wary of advertisers who in one way or
another may circumscribe our freedom to
dissent and our ability to publish.
There is some external capital that we can
employ to advantage depending on the terms

and the timing of its entry, on the activities
into which it flows and indeed, on a range of
other considerations. There also exists
advertising which communicates information,
presents images which contribute to
community edification and confidence, and
which at the same time, brings revenue to
publishers. Such is the advertising that we
would like to have. By insisting on it, we will
help to transform all advertising.
In other words, we are maintaining our
sense of discrimination. This is a quality of
which the culture stands in great need.
Advertisers, publishers and the community at
large have been brought up in a civilization
which regards the consumers as a faceless,
mindless crowd; which perceives in the other
party to a transaction, merely a victim on
which to prey.
This is exactly the ethic from which we are
dissenting in our politics. In our economics, we
intend to sustain the fullest consistency. We are
not dealing simply in the politics of office.
We shall therefore be seeking to support
only the highest standards of the trade. In the
problems to be resolved if we are to salvage the
future for business as for everything else, there
is responsibility to be assumed by the
advertisers as by the rest of us. We shall be
urging them to rise to it.
We do not intend our high moral tone to be
taken either for arrogance or for naivety. If our
position sounds extraordinary, it is only
because of the degradation to which we have
become accustomed and out of which the
society is now slowly emerging.
In our own emergence, we have been
working out philosophical positions which
reject both the liberal and the radical

interpretations of society traditionally
imported from outside. We have seen
possibilities of creating here an integrated
community out of the disparate fragments left
behind by history. That is the second and
fundamental reason why we are clear on
advertising policy.
When we abandon imported categories and
take stock of the actual structure of forces and
interests which here exist, we do not perceive in
our own efforts any kind of conspiracy. On the
contrary, we see it as our duty to dissent; we
take for granted our right to do it in public and
in politics.
We see no automatic antagonism between
ourselves and the world of business. We only
take it as a matter of course, that in the
exercise of discretion on both sides, there will
be plenty to bargain and even to quarrel about;
but there remains any amount of room for
So far as the public sector is concerned, we
are also looking forward to co-operation. We
are entitled to it even though we are resolutely
opposed to the Government and to the way in
which the State is set up. Many public
corporations and departments now buy
advertising space in all manner of Journals and
papers including party organs. We will be
pressing for equal treatment. We will indeed, go
further and propose adjustments in the kinds of
images presented to the nation and the world
by such agencies as the IDC, the Tourist Board
and BWIA.
In sum, the kind of society we are
advocating must express itself in advertising
too. Democracy is not for us merely a desirable
objective for the future; it must be practised

Printed for the publishers, THE TAPIA HOUSE Publishing Co. Ltd., by Vanguard Publishing Co. Ltd., San Fernando.



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