University of Florida
Center for Latin American Studies
GAINESVILLE, FLORIDA, 32601 VOLUME 5, NO. 5 JUNE 30, 1970
The N egro in Colonial Brazil
Brazilian Viewpoints on His Role in the Emergence of Bras ilidade*
This feature article was written by Frederick V. Gifun, the coast from Sdo Vicente to the Maranhd.o, in the interior a Ph.D. candidate in Latin American History, at the Uni- in all the centers of agriculture and mining, and in Sa.o versity of Florida. The topic of his dissertation is The Paulo, followed closely the changing patterns of Brazil's Negro in the Coffee Economy of Southern Brazil, 1888- economic development, and fixed the major concentrations 1930. Gifun received his B.A. from Northeastern Univer- of slaves in those areas of greatest economic activity. Essity in Boston, and his M.A. from the University of Oregon. pecially noteworthy was the great internal shift of the A native of Boston, Massachusetts, Gifun is married and Negro slave population, beginning around 1700, to the has two daughters. He will conduct research in Brazil mining areas of Minas Gerais, then later, in smaller numduring the 1970-1971 academic year. Gifun has been an bers, to Mato Grosso and GoiAs. This shift, both symptom NDEA Title IV Fellow since September, 1968. and cause of the economic decline of the states of the
I Historical Summary Northeast in the eighteenth century, was so great that by
Slav trde t Brzil as nitatedin 550 iththethe end of the colonial era, about one-sixth of the slaves in Slae tadeto rail as nitate i 150 wth he Brazil were in Minas Gerais. Even Sdo Paulo and Rio arrival at Salvador, Bahia, of the first shipment of Negro Grande do Sul, areas commonly considered as having had slaves from Africa. The traffic grew slowly but steadily little contact with Negro slavery in the colonial era, experafter 1550, so that by the end of the colonial period about ienced sizeable influxes, especially with the development of six million Africans had entered the colony as slaves. It large-scale commercial farming in Sao Paulo, and agriculhas been estimated that in 1818 of a population numbering ture, cattle raising, and later, the char que industry in Rio about 3,817,000, there were approximately 585,000 free Grande.-' This geographic dispersal also hastened the procmulattoes and Negroes, and 1,390,000 slaves. ess of miscegenation, "the sign under which the Brazilian
The Brazilian slave traffic, controlled at first by the nation was born," so that Brazil's emergence as a mestiV0 Portuguese and later after the 1750's mainly by Brazilians, nation was already apparent at the end of the colonial introduced slaves from many parts of Africa, although most period.' came from Angola before the eighteenth century, and from
the Guinea coast during the eighteenth and early nine- II Historiography of the Negro in Colonial Brazil
teenth centuries. The predominance of those two areas SeiucoerwthnheBalansoalyom
should not obscure the fact that there was a wide variety Sriout ccr with i the Boeo h e r az iinc scholarlycomof customs and languages among the slaves. Since Nina mfnity) ith the roe of engron(as dismtin from therole Rodrigues first drew attention to this diversity, most Brazil- fcaslay) -eistnti throceofntionals forain, was pracian studies of the Negro have noted the diverse origins of tialnoneitneni recen smthn aot year ionc azie ifato the African slaves and, importantly, have concluded that aloe reveas somletng ot the impacerortncaigndeedlo Brazil received more "ethnically superior" Negroes than mthe Neros influec on 14,atencaatefntionalledt h deelop other American slave societies.' This opinion has led to menst.diAs onea asub1844,b ateonrwa cualledtot dearh ethnic classification of the slaves according to level of ma- F. stuie von thes insuectaby tesa avr ntuerlista Kar terial culture, or, by scientific racists such as Nina Rodri-F.PvoMatuihslnd rkeayfrheRvtaf
gues and Oliveira Vianna, by innate intellectual and civili- the Instituto Hist6rico e Geogrdfico Brasileiro on, "How the zing capacities, into three major groups arranged in ascend- History of Brazil Should Be Written.. ".There is no doubt," ing order: Bantu, Guinean and Sudanese .2 The latter two he wrote, comprised a majority of the slaves in the Bahia area, and that Brazil would have developed differently without the Negro the Bantu predominated in most other slave-holding areas slaves. The historian will resolve the problem of whether it was for the better or the worse after considering the influence the
of the country. African slaves exerted on the civil, moral, and political developThe demographic distribution of the Negro slave along ment of the contemporary Brazilian population. If we want to
___________show the Nego'Is influence on Brazil, it is important to investigate
*a distinctively Brazilian character or quality, the Negro',s background, customs, civil attitudes, natural discern-
ment, preconceptions, superstitions, and his race's particular de- to "their qualities as settlers, as we would with settlers of fects and virtues . any other origin.""-' Gilberto Freyre took strong exception
if Brazilian history is to be complete and to deserve tile name to this approach and formulated his own line of attack, history.. stating: "a distinction . must be made: between the pure
Negro influence (which, as I see it, is practically impossible
That Martius' suggestions went largely unheeded is in- to isolate) and that of the Negro in his condition of slave.'"" dicated in the remark of Brazilian historian Silvio Romero To study the Negro in Brazilian life in all his roles, howwho wrote, in 1879, that the neglect of the Negro by serious ever, it is probably necessary to approach him both as the scholars "is a disgrace," especially in Brazil, which has "the agent of a distinct culture and, in the mass, as part of a material at hand .Africa in our kitchens."" Not until slavocratic system. The validity of this dual approach can Raimundo Nina Rodrigues began research on the Negro in be inferred from Sergio Buarque de Holanda, who writes: the late nineteenth century can Negro studies be said to
have begun in Brazil.7 The slave on the plantations and in the mines was more than
ave Rodrnigues stied just a source of energy .... His relations with his master freNina Rodrigues studied principally the exotic aspects quently oscillated from the position of dependent to that of of Negro culture, being motivated chiefly by his training proteg6, or even associate .. sharing with him the activities of and interests in medicine and abnormal psychology. His the field, the home, and the table .... His influence penetrated
works emphasize folkloric and ethnographic data with very subtly into domestic life, operating as a dissolvent of any idea of little relation of these to the larger Brazilian culture. Also, caste or racial separation." his acceptance of the scientific racist ideas of his day prelud- Most of the above-mentioned author and others not ed any sympathetic appraisal of Negro contributions to directly concerned with Negro studies, have expressed Brazilian development in his writings. "The Negro race in opinions on the role of the Negro in the growth of "BrazilBrazil," he writes, "(despite) its incontestable services to our ian-ness" during the colonial period. A sampling of views civilization. . has always constituted one of the factors from both groups of authors has, for convenience and clariof our inferiority as a people."" Under Rodrigues' intel- ty, been grouped below under four broad headings (which lectual heir, Arthur Ramos, the study of the Negro in Bra- will indicate how the influence of the Negro expressed itzil came of age. Ramos acknowledged Rodrigues as his self): economic development, territorial consolidation, dementor in Negro studies but regretted his predecessor's fense, and cultural differentiation. views on race. Rodrigues' ethnographic approach to the In producing the colony's economic wealth, which was
subject was carried forward by Ramos on the basis that in "the basis of national organization," Manuel Querino conthe then relatively unworked field of Negro studies such sidered the Negro to be "the main factor, the principal groundwork was a necessary prelude to more sociologically- figure."175 It is a commonplace, as Freyre writes, that "withoriented work. A different perspective was suggested by out the Negro the civilization based on sugar could not have Capistrano de Abreu, who in his "Capitulos de Hist6ria been realized,""' but it is not so readily recognized that Colonial," (1907), was perhaps the first Brazilian historian "the work of the mines (also) fell mainly to the Negro; not to stress the importance of social history and customs, and only the manual but also the technical work.""7 Arthur to call for substituting the concept of culture for that of Ramos states that "it was Negro labor which cemented race. He was also first to notice the importance of the Brazilian civilization."" And, in the words of Alberto peculiar system of the casa grande and senzala in the Torres, slavery was "one of the few things approaching Northeast--conceptual guides around which sociologist Gil- organization that (Brazil) has ever had. . Socially and berto Freyre would later build his monumental, Casa- economically, slavery provided us, for many years, with all
grande & senzala, in 1933. the effort and all the order we possess, and laid the foundaIn his first major work on the Negro in Brazil, Gilberto tions for all our material production."'9
Freyre set a new standard for studies on the subject. Al- In territorial expansion and consolidation and in dethough his work deals in part with ethnographic material, fense, both external and internal, Negroes and mulattoes Freyre stressed the influence of the Negro on the social life were of crucial importance. Freyre points up the role by of the country, and he faced, without apology, the fact of "Negroes interned in the forests and backlands ... as bringmiscegenation. He broke with such thinkers as Moraes ers of civilization, (since) as far as the caboclos were conBarros, A. Carneiro Ledo, Nina Rodrigues, Jos6. Verissimo, --cerned, the Negroes were a Europeanizing force."2 The and Oliveira Vianna, who, he said, "all believed in the bandeiras, as Bastide and Fernandes note, came to include biological inferiority of the Brazilian mestizo."'1 Freyre Negroes as regular members of their expeditions especially helped render the Brazilian experience, with its wide-spread after the discovery of gold. In defense, Negroes were inmiscegenation, respectable to Brazilians and thereby en- dispensable in the expulsion of the Dutch from Pernanicouraged studies of the Negro within the wider culture. buco (1640-54); an event commonly accepted as having Although there is still a dearth of scholarly output on the strengthened Brazilian selfawareness. As personal guards Negro as a factor in national development, there is a trend and members of the "armies" of the fazendeiros the Negroes, among scholars who trace their training in Negro studies according to Freyre, "gave force to ... the spirit of Brazilfrom Rodrigues and Ramos, to criticize them for their al- ian independence against the Portuguese."2 Aptly summost exclusively ethnographic approach, and to delve in- ming up the achievements of the Negro in defense and the stead into studies linking the Negro to national life. L. A. extension of the national domain, Arthur Ramos writes: da Costa Pinto makes explicit this methodological depart- "The Negro appears .. in almost all movements of a nativure, and gives his reasons for adopting the new approach." ist character which have influenced the achievement of
An important methodological problem facing the stu- Brazilian nationality."2dent of the Negro in Brazil has been whether, or how, to In addition to the economic and political influences of
separate the Negro from his position as slave. Nina Rodri- the Negro, usually exercised in his role as slave, there is gues took the view that the condition of slavery must be also his cultural influence upon the formation of Brazil. set aside and an examination made of Negroes according Melho Moraes Filho was of the opinion that between the
Portuguese and the African element in Brazil, the Negro was less influential during his lifetime than was Rodrigues', and
exercised the major influence "in the national formation of his scholarship was less exacting. See his, A Raga Africana e
this land."':' The Negro thus speeded the process of dif- Os Seus Costomes (Salvador, 1955).
ferentiation between Brazil and Portugal and quickened 8. Nina Rodrigues, Os Africanos, p. 28.
Brazilian self-consciousness. Among the specific elements 9. Ramos, 0 Negro na Civiliza9gdo Brasileira (Rio de Janeiro, 1956),
affected by association and miscegenation was the Portu- 10. Freyre, O Nordete (Rio de Janeiro, 1937), pp. 187-88.XIV. guese language, which was modified by local conditions and 11. Costa Pinto, O Negro no Rio de Janeiro (Sfo Paulo, 1952), pp. Indian and Negro languages. The importance of this modi- 25-30. The Sio Paulo sociologists, including Fernandes, lanni,
ficeation, in which, according to Freyre, "no influence was and Bastide, have developed this trend considerably.
greater than the Negro's,"" is, that "national vocabulary, 12. Nina Rodrigues, Os Africanos, p. 28. syntax, word formations, and word rhythms accurately re- 13. Freyre, Masters and Slaves, (New York, 1963), p. 821.
flect the intellectual and emotional qualities of a people."-"5 14. Buarque de Holanda, Raizes do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, 1936), Pedro Cahlmon noted that "the Brazilian, differing from the p. 29.
Portuguese because of miscegenation and the tropical en- 15. Querino, A Rava Africana, p. 152.
vironment, also had a tributary and spontaneous lan- 16. Freyre, O Nordeste, p. 181.
guage."" Much of Negro folklore, religion, and culinary 17. Edison Carneiro, Ladinos e Crioulos (Rio de Janeiro, 1964), tastes was also incorporated into the national heritage. p. 12.
Jos6 Hon6rio Rodrigues considered the entertainment which 18. Ramos, O Negro na Civilizagdo Brasileira, p. 833. the Negro bequeathed Brazil as his most important folk- 19. Quoted in Prado, Colonial Background, p. 494, n. 1.
loric contribution. Nina Rodrigues recognized the difficulty 20. Freyre Masters and Slaves, pp. 310-11. They also contributed "valuable elements of their own African culture and technique." of separating the various elements of strictly African deri- p. 311.
vation in the common folklore of Brazil, but admitted that 21. Ibid., p. 358. that element is well represented in the total. Joio Capi- 22. Ramos, O Negro na Civiliza do Brasileira, p. 174. strano de Abreu attributed several distinct influences to the 23. Quoted in Querino, A Raga Africana, p. 149. Negro: "He brought a happy note alongside that of the 24. Freyre, Master and Slaves, p. 212.
taciturn Portuguese and the somber Indian. His lascivious 25. Louis L. Snyder, The Meaning of Nationalism (New Brunswick, dances, merely tolerated at first, became a national institu- N.J., 1954), p. 21. tion; his fetichism and beliefs were propagated outside of 26. Calmon, Histdria Social, p. 151. the senzalas."1 27. Abreu, Capitulos de Histdria Colonial (Rio de Janeiro, 1954),
"What took place in our country," writes Gilberto p. 66.
Freyre, "was a deep-going and fraternal association of val- 28. Freyre, Masters and Slaves, pp. 372-75. ues and sentiments," in which all the original elements were 29. Pombo, Hist6rio do Brazil, (Rio de Janeiro, 1985), Vol. 1, p. 101. modified." Rocha Pombo asserts that the Negro "repre- 30. J. H. Rodrigues, Brazil and Africa, (Berkeley, 1965), pp. 50-51.
sents throughout our history a contingent of the first order," 81. Calmon, Hist6ria Social, p. 186. in the process of national formation.2" Jos6 Hon6rio Rodrigues feels the Negro's major contribution to Brazil lies "in the nation's demographic composition."" Pedro Calmon, Fulbrght-H ays
summing up the various intangible African elements which helped greatly to define and produce a distinct Brazilian1 1 Au
national character, writes: "The Brazilian dialectic (linguis- Fellow ships A w arue(
tic difference) . miscegenation (racial difference) [and] the suavity and sensualism of the native customs derived Three University of Florida students and one faculty
from the senzala (ethological difference) .. created a member, all specializing in the field of Latin American complexo nacional' in Brazil."" Studies, have been awarded Fulbright-Hays Fellowships
for the coming year by the Division of Foreign Studies, Institute of International Studies, United States Office of FOOTNOTES Education. The students receiving the Graduate Follow1. Nina Rodrigues, Os Africanos no Brasil (Sdo Paulo, 1945), pp. ship awards are: 175-198, 424. Frederick V. Gifun, Ph.D. candidate in Latin American
2. Pedro Calmon, Hist6ria Social, (Sdo Paulo, 1987), vol. 1, pp. 150- History. Mr. Gifun received his B.A. from Northeastern
51. The term Sudanese in this context designates generally
light-complexioned Fulbe mainly from the grassland belt north University, Boston, Massachusetts, in 1963 and his M.A.
of the Guinea coast. from the University of Oregon in 1964. Before coming to
3. Roger Bastide and Florestan Fernandes, Brancos e Negros em the University of Florida in 1967, Mr. Gifun worked in the So Paulo (Sdo Paulo, 1959), p. 19 write that the late 18th Manuscript Division of the Library of Congress for three
century development of Sdo Paulo "would have been inconceivable without the Negro slave." Fernando H. Cardoso, in years. He will use the grant to pursue his dissertation his Capitalismo e Escraviddo no Brasil Meridional (Sao Paulo, research in Brazil, the topic of which is "The Negro and the 1962), pp. 88-40, 66, states that in 1814 about one-third of Rio Coffee Economy of Southern Brazil, 1898-1930; A Study of Grande do Sul's population was composed of Negro slaves. Changing Economic, Social and Demographic Conditions 4. Caio Prado, Jr., The Colonial Background of Modern Brazil Centering on So Paulo, and Their Effect on the Negro
(Berkeley, 1967), pp. 107, 118. Centering on So Paulo, and Their Effect on the Negro
5. RIHGB, Vol. VI, 1844, pp. 881-408, quoted in E. Bradford During the Old Republic."
Burns, Perspectives on Brazilian History (New York, 1967), pp. Allen S. Vall-Spinosa, Ph.D. candidate in Latin Ameri36-38.
6. Quoted in Nina Rodrigues, Os Africanos, p. 41. can history. Mr. Vall-Spinosa received his B.A. from Johns
7. Ibid., p. 42. The mulatio, Author Manuel Querino, writing Hopkins University in 1964, worked a year for the Balticontemporaneously with Rodrigues, produced many studies on
the Negro as a participant in Brazilian culture, but his approach (Continued on Page 8)
Indian Civilizations Linked to Asian Group
A study by the late Dr. James A. man must have suddenly arrived in and had established settlements as far Ford, an anthropologist of the Florida South America. Supporting this argu- north as the St. Johns river in Florida. State Museum in Gainesville, says ad- ment is the fact that skeletal remains vanced Indian civilizations in the found with the ceramics are of round- The 3,000 years following the arAmerican continent may have been headed people, in contrast to the dif- rival of the round-headed race are introduced by members of a round- ferent shaped skulls of the inhabitants headed race who crossed the Pacific who populated that area before 3000 described as a formative period in Ocean from Asia over 5000 years ago, B.C. American pre-history. High civilizaand settled what is today known as tion in Central America first rose in
the South American country of Ecua- the Olmec region of the Gulf of Mexidor co after 1500 B.C., with the introducBy comparing similar traits in cera- tion of a religious political system
mics uncovered in different archeolo- which demanded great public works.
gical sites between the United States .The Olmec civilization is believed to
and Ecuador, and by tieing these be the principal ancestor of both the
comparisons by radio-carbon dating, Maya and Aztec civilizations and, at
Ford has ammassed a body of evi- tesm ie tifune ae e
dence that indicates a common an- *tesm ie tifune ae e
cestry for the Olmec, Aztec, Inca and ..velopment of other civilizations in
Maya civilizations in South, Central, Perui and Bolivia.
and North America, including the .*Hopewell burial mounds in Ohio. ..Olmec civilization spread North up
This common ancestry may be linked b.teMsispirvrit ho hr
to the arrival of an Asian group, which ine 300siB.C.piHopeer cutureo wheits
possibly had a seafaring, exploring i 0 ..Hpwl utrwt t
and colonizing tradition similar to that extensive geometric burial earthof the Vikings and the Polynesians. .~.works, developed for a few centuries
%~ :~'until it was overrun by other North
Ford disagrees with the traditional ..American Indian tribes.
concept of Aztec and Inca civilizations
as rising independently from the oldFodsrptpovesbcgun world. His study proposes that IndianFodsrptpovesbcgun civilizations were based on the trans- for what once puzzled many scienPacific importation of new knowl- tists. The stimulus precipating the
edge and new techniques which thenVADVAdvlpeto mccuurha
evoled nd srea amog te exst-long been ignored. Ford suggests in ing population in the continent. Ford
argues that before the date set for the ..his report that what appear to be unitrans-Pacific contacts, the American que characteristics of Olmec civilizacontinent was thinly populated by tion, such as precisely engineered
descendants of people who crossed the ceremonial mounds, actually evolved
bridge between North America and from customs and knowledge brought
the Asian Continent (where the BeringtoheNwWrdbterun-astrait is now located), some time be-toteNwWrdbte un-afore 12,000 B.C. Dark areas in map indicate where the ed race from Asia. In addition, be
round-headed race extended in the American also states that at least one anthropoThe mst iportat evdencesup- continent. Some of these areas are where loithsfudatysicrem
The most iportant evdence sup- later civilizations arose. oitasfudatysicrem
porting the theory of trans-Pacific con- blance in the art of the Olmec religitacts is in the form of pottery with ous complexes with that of the Chou
apparent Japanese influence found in When the round-headed people period in China. excavations in Valdivia, Ecuador. arrived at the New World they appear Formerly, it had been theorized that to have explored and colonized northJapanese fishermen may have landed ward along the West coast. Wherever Dr. Ford (lied last year, a few days by accident on the coast of South, they settled, they built C-shaped vil- after submitting his report for publiAmerica after storms has swept them lages similar to those found in Japan. cation by the Smithsonian Institute. off course. Ford's theory, however, They left remains of ceramics with He had worked for about four years suggests that the remarkable variety distinctive shapes and decorations,' as inFodaSteMsu adth
of Valdivia ceramics reflects a pottery well as a number of burial mounds. inFodaSteMsu adth
industry of such considerable scope By the year 2000 B.C., this civilization University of Florida Department of that far more than one skilled crafts- had crossed the isthmus of Panama, Anthropology.
COLLOQUIUM, APRIL 20, 1970
Mobilization, Change and Development in Cuba
Speaker: Dr. Richard R. Fagen, up at night. What this amounts to is in the cities as well, although the net
Associate Professor of Political Sci- assembly line childrearing, flow of mobilization is from urban to
ence, Stanford University. Dr. Fagen Another type of formacin is illus- rural areas. One slide showed a mass has written a number of books and trated by the boarding schools in the rally favoring the nationalization of
articles on Cuba during the last few Miraflores district of Havana. These small industries. Another showed the years; in 1964 he co-authored Cuba: schools are for rural and poor children mobilization of workers, under the The Political Content of Adult Educa- of pre-secondary school age level, sponsorship of the Department of Edtion, and in 1968 he wrote Cubans in Schools are critical to the process, as ucation, to go out and cut sugar cane Exile: Disaffection and the Revolu- is shown by the fancy five and a half in Pinar del Rio. A third showed the tion. He is also author of the recent- day a week school located in Pinar green belt around Havana, with coffee ly published book The Transformation del Rio province, again built for the trees being planted. This is another of Political Culture in Cuba. Dr. benefit of rural children. However, part of formacidn and mobilizaci6n;
Fagen was a recent visitor to Cuba, due to the expense involved, such men and women have "volunteered"
having gone there in the summer of schools are rare. One of the most to clear the land. The young look
1969 on a research trip. striking of the new schools is the vo- forward to such activity as a not too
A radical political revolution is an cational school on the Isle of Pines. physically taxing break from routine; attempt to transform the social culture Its buildings were once a prison but the older people have an opposing on which the political and economic now have been turned into a training with mobilizaci6n showed a cane cutstructure rests. In Cuba, this has school for construction workers. A ting camp in Pinar del Rio where a meant an attempt to correct the prison on the Isle of Pines, for sym- number of bureaucrats spend time
abuses of leaders by creating a society bolic reasons, is simply unacceptable in which social origins or distribution to the Revolution. The Isle of Pines getting some productive exercise. But of wealth should not prevent people has been turned over to the youth of life in revolutionary Cuba is not all
from sharing benefits. Such a model Cuba to be a true Communist area; if at the zoo and the large crowd of forms the basis for the rhetoric of the young people are eager enough to swimmers enjoying the beaches at the "new man" which appears all through labor in such a harsh place, working old Havana Y acht Cu T he
socialist and Marxist thought. mainly with citrus and coffee, then old Havana Yacht Club. The people
But what does the rhetoric of the they are thought to be capable of car- seem happy as they are shown diving new man" mean in practice, in social ing for themselves, off the rocks into the sea or lining up
at night in front of the ice cream
and political life? On the individual Another phase of formaci6n is rural parlor. level, the process of formacid n at- teacher training. Here, youth are entempts to make the individual a better listed for a five year training course The processes of formacidn and person (a better revolutionary) while aimed at toughening them up for a mobilizaci6n have a long range goalon the group level, mobilizaci6n rural schoolteaching career. Plans are the changing of society-as well as means getting people involved in Cu- that products of this program will re- numerous short range goals. Howban development (i.e. education, sug- place less competent, middle-aged ever, tension exists between the atar cane cutting, or even wars of liber- women now teaching in the country tempts to set up a new system in sociation). The end product of formaci6n schools. The first year of the program ety and the long and short range is the "new socialist man," a man is spent in the mountainous areas; the goals. Social stratification continues fully caught up in mobilizaci6n. The next two years are spent in a modern to exist where there is a division of overall idea is to make society more training center built in the sierra Es- labor. Those tilling the soil are still progressive. cambray. The notion of productive peasants. The Revolution has not
In order to show the processes of work (mobilizacidn), coupled with been able to eradicate all the condiformaci6n and m6bilizaci6n at work study, is ke to the whole procedure. tions that cause a lower class social Dr. Fagen presented a series of slides Each trainee is expected to spend a level of people. No Castro official will showing these two concepts in actual certain amount of time each week in claim that social stratification has been practice. The slides also helped Dr. physical labor. This concept of pro- eliminated. The threat of hunger is Fagen explain the rationale behind ductive work was illustrated by two gone, as is unemployment and materthese concepts and their intended slides of the Isle of Pines. One show- ial incentives for production, but
effect on the development of Cuba. ed a camp for girls who had been formacidn has not grown to fill all vacFormaciin, as the first slide show- mobilized; another showed a camp for uums. This disjunction is one of the ed, starts in the crib with circulos in- boys, mostly from the lower urban critical problems of socialist Cuba. fantiles. The thought is that if chil- class, who had thrown in their lot The question today is, can the new dren are put in collective playpens, with the training battalion. The the- motives (service to community, solithey will get used to collective pro- ory is that there is no such thing as a darity, etc.) replace the old motivacedure. Children can enter the pro- bad boy, just bad environment. Good tional'patterns? Formaci6n is rungram after they are forty-five days environment, therefore, will make a ning behind and the results of efforts old, provided the mother works and good boy out of a bad one. to change motivational patterns may
provided one parent picks the child Mobilization of workers takes place be very different from what is intend-
ed. Collectivism in raising children COLLOQUIUM, MA Y 26, 1970
may unleash unknown forces; it may
not lead inexorably toward communist
society but rather toward something Panam anian Ideological Split
very different from that which exists
in the rest of Latin America.
Latin American middle classes are Speaker: Dr. Kenneth F. Johnson, are represented by the Guardia Naclooked upon as a stereotype-a ma- chairman, Latin American Studies ional, which is led by Guardia Generterialistically oriented group-upon Program, University of Southern Cali- al Omar Torrijos. The third group which Castro has declared war. But, fornia. Dr. Johnson, who received his is composed of the international carin attacking this middle class syn- B.A. from the University of Omaha, tels, which control other aspects of the drome, the people (of the middle class his M.A. from San Diego State and Panamanian economy, and the Mafia. in Cuba) subjected to mobilizaci6n will his Ph.D. from UCLA, has recently If a Panamanian national does not benot like it. Again, the result may be been consultant to AID in Panama long to any of these groups, his chancunexpected. One can get some feel- and Costa Rica. He is the author of es of being "politically socialized are ing for the programs being imple- Political Forces in Latin America almost nil." rented; what one cannot get is a (with Ben G. Burnett), The Guate- The alienation in Panama stems
feeling for the individual or collective malan Presidential elections of 1966, Tlf a n iv aciqeoutcomes that such programs might Argentina's Mosaic of Discord, and mostly from an excsive Caciqueproduce. Dr. Fagen estimated, for recently, Esoteric Democracy in Mex- oientedskid Dr. sohnson
example that it would take a person ico. process, described by Dr. Johnson as
from Cuba about forty-eight hours to "disfunctional political socialization."
adapt himself to the Miami Beach en- The work in which Dr. Johnson In January of 1969, Dr. Johnson
vironment. Therefore, the environ- was involved in Panama, is divided conducted his experiment in attituments that are invoked by the creation in two parts. The first is a fifty page dinal measurement, designed to study of formaci6n must be maintained for research study (including charts) con- the ideological disarray characterizing the program to work. While one may cerning his attitudinal experiment. Panamanian politics. The study was wonder if the revolutionary leaders of The second, a study on how admin- made by selecting people who were Cuba have, in six or seven years, istrative reforms can be carried out, identified with the three dominant changed a society 100-400 years old, was responsible for causing him to be groups in Panamanian politics. These there can be little doubt that they expelled from Panama, "for opposing groups, which are traditionally antaghave laid the basis for changing the most of what the United States gov- onistic, support either the military structure. ernment did." junta now in power, ousted president
In response to questions, Dr. Fagen Arias, or former presidential candidate
noted that a great deal of racial hos- According to Dr. Johnson, there is David Samudio. The three study tility still exists in Cuba. He also a tremendous amount of ideological groups were asked to evaluate eightnoted that while political freedoms- disarray in Latin America. This pro- een Panamanians representing all such as freedom of the press and free- vides for an "often bewildering spec- factions in the power structure of dom to organize-do not exist, Cuban trum of concensus, cleavage and dis- Panama as of January of 1969. Among vociferousness still manifests itself in array." Panama, according to this the eighteen were the names of public in the form of frequent com- study, represents an example of this strongman Torrijos, Arias and Samplaints and disrespect for authority, because of a very strong alienation audio; plus a number of other political Elaborating on the teacher training between thefigures. The evaluation was made in program, Dr. Fagen said that the power. Among these groups, three accordance with three semantic difteacher cadres have been erected, but are very significant because of their ferential type scales (nobility, strength that the sponsoring program, along hold of the power structure. The first and activity). with other programs, is quite depend- group is The Veinte Familias. These ent on support from the Soviet Union. are the twenty families who are pre- The study revealed that although Fancy school plans have been scaled sumed to control Panama economi- the three groups responded similarly
down as being too expensive and, as ally, and are represented by the for- in the strength and activity scales,of the moment, revolutionary leaders mer president of the country, Arnulfo held the same concepts for strength have yet to accomplish one-tenth of Arias Madrid. The next group, which and activity-they differed sharply what they are claiming in their rhe- is the one now holding the reins of when it came to the nobility scale toric. power, is the military. The military (what he called "actor concept"). It
seems all the groups had the same
Center Librarian Publishes Article criteria as to how they would rate the
Dr. Irene Zimmerman, Associate Librarian and Librarian, Latin American strength and activity of the eighteen Collection, University of Florida, has recently published an article in the persons being evaluated. However, Wilson Library Bulletin about the late Cuban Bibliographer Dr. Fermin they had their own views as to how
Peraza Sarausa. they would rate these people in the
Dr. Peraza had published the Bibliografia Cubana since 1938. After he nobility scale. The conclusion drawn left Cuba in 1960. Dr. Peraza continued publishing the Bibliografia from out- from this experiment is that the peoside Cuba; the 1931 to 1965 editions were published in Gainesville, Florida, pie who are the principal antagonists while he was working with the University of Florida libraries, in the power struggle in Panama operDr. Peraza later joined the University of Miami, where subsequent vol- ate on a basis of mutually incompatiumes of the Bibliografia were published. He died in Miami in January 1969 ble norms. at the age of 62.
COLLOQUIUM, MAY 15, 1970
Costa Rican Presidential Elections
Speaker: Christopher E. Baker, Ph.D. candidate in However, Otilio Ulate broke away from PUN and
political science, University of Florida. Baker received his formed PFN. Talks began with Virgilio Calvo and Carazo B.A. from Middlebury College in 1964 and his M.A. from (of PLN) on the possibility of a coalition, but they broke the University of Florida in 1966. He is now working with down when the issue of who would be the candidate arose. the Associated Colleges of the Midwest. Baker was in After Fernando Ortufio entered the race against Calvo, a Costa Rica doing research in 1968 and from July 1969 to primary of sorts was agreed to. The result should have April 1970. been a stalemate, but instead Calvo won by a better than
There are several myths extant about Costa Rica and three to one margin.
Of the Assembleas Nacionales, which nominate canits politics. Many people say the country ha's a stable didates for the legislative assembly as well as naming the democracy; it is the Switzerland of America. It is also presidential and vice-presidental nominees, only the PLN widely held that Jose "Pepe" Figueres is a folk hero. The Asambleas, were very interesting. In August 1969, the study from which this colloquium is taken, is, to a certain first PLN Asamblea did not nominate two Figueres candiextent, an attempt to deflate such myths. In light of the dates. In a second session, Figueres lost three more nomiexperience of the 1970 presidential elections, many previous nations that he deemed critical. Figueres accepted his interpretations may have to be questioned. losses in the first case; in the second, a secret session was
Costa Rican electoral law states that the selection of held, at which time Figueres told the delegates to drop the presidential candidates shall be made at an asamblea three nominees or he would resign his nomination. A nacional of each party. In the 1970 election there were "mediating committee" was appointed to put pressure on three major parties: Partido Liberaci6n Nacional (PLN); the three to resign. One finally did, one Figueres accepted Partido Unificaci6n Nacional (PUN); and Partido Frente and one was finally ousted. This result was arrived at even Nacional (PFN or Tercer Frente). In addition, there were though Figueres had said he should have veto power over two lesser parties in the running, the Partido Acci6n Social- all deputy nominess because he would have to vouch for ista and the Partido Dem6crata Cristiano. their character and would have to work with them in his
The struggle for the PLN presidential nomination de- administration. Also, the third session of the asamblea veloped into a contest between Pepe Figueres and Daniel took a slap at Oduber by nominating Jorge Rossi for viceOduber (the losing PLN candidate in 1966). In February president although Oduber was nominated for first man 1968, Figueres practically declared his candidacy causing on the San Jos6 ticket, which put him in line to be president Oduber to withdraw. But after returning from abroad in of the legislative assembly if he won (which he did). the summer of 1968, Oduber reentered the race. Mean- Once the asambleas are over, election campaigns in
while, Rodrigo Carazo had become a candidate. Figueres Costa Rica are partially financed by the government. Unthen played his "wild card" by declaring that he would der the law, however, no public rallies can be held more inscribe his name with the Partido Social Dem6crata, a than six months prior to the election. But campaigning move which would have split the PLN. Oduber withdrew begins before that with the visitas privadas, or personal again and threw his support behind Figueres. Carazo visits (courtesy calls) to community leaders. These are stayed in the race. The shift of the eight year old party crucial in the more rural communities. Another campaign machine built by Oduber represents a defeat for party technique is propaganda through the public media, in machinery and a victory for personalismo. particular, the radio. Few politicians in Costa Rica know
Carazo, in his campaign, attacked the troika control of how to use television well. Once within the six month the party, appealed to youth, called for new leadership, limit, public meetings are held, more as a psychological and declared the party stagnant (even though he had been support for their own voters than as a vote-getting techa former lieutenant of Pepe Figueres). However, in De- nique. The last tactic is the use of the goon squads in cember 1968, the PLN convenci6n nacional nominated San Jos6. In the minds of many political leaders, control Figueres by a three to one margin, a margin of victory of the Avenida Central seems to indicate who will win the significant in that it should have been larger under the election. circumstances. In the 1970 contest, the PUN claimed to present to the
The Partido Unificaci6n Nacional was actually a com- voter what they called a choice between communism and bination of three parties, the Partido de Republicano of democracy. Their campaign was negative; it presented no Dr. Calderon Guardia, the Partido Uni6n Nacional of programs and did not spell out an alternative if it defeated Otilio Ulate, and the Partido Uni6n Republicana Aut6ntica communism. However, few people believed Figueres to of Mario Echandi. Dr. Calder6n Guardia was the key to be a communist and it was remembered that Echandi had the pre-convention maneuvering that began in early 1968. hidden in a house during the fighting in 1948. Likewise, It was agreed that he would present a list of three names, PUN's use of a tape against Figueres backfired; PLN played from which the nominee would be selected, to the party. up the macho angle. For PLN's part, they concentrated on In February 1969 it was announced that Echandi was the the condiciones de misdria. Figueres went all over the candidate. How he was selected is in doubt, but the most country as PLN maximized their efforts to get the rural plausible explanation seems to be that Echandi apparently votes Oduber had not been able to win in 1966. PFN had enough financial backing to promise to pay off the went nowhere in the campaign. It spent most of its time party debt held by Calder6n Guardia. attacking PUN.
On election day PUN spent twenty Fulbright-Hays Political Socialization: Four Venezueper cent of its 10,000,000 colones bud- lan Cities."
get for election day transportation; (Continued from Page 3) lr. William G. Tyler, Assistant ProPLN spent about 800,000 colones for
the same purpose, pointing up how more City Department of Public Wel- fessor of Economics has been awarded important driving people to the polls fare and six months for Houghton a faculty research grant under the is to a Costa Rican election campaign. Mifflin Publishing Company before Fulbright-Hays program to do a study When the results were in, Pepe serving with the Peace Corps in Co- on "Manufactured Export Promotion
Figueres had received 54.8 per cent of lombia from 1966 to 1968. In June and Diversification in Brazil." Dr. the vote, winning all but four of the 1968 he entered the University of Tyler received his B.A. from Dickinsixty-seven cantons. PLN also won a Florida and received his M.A. in Au- son College, Carlisle, Pennsylvania in decisive victory in the legislative and gust 1969. The award will permit him 1961 and his M.A. and Ph.D. from the municipal elections. Still, the election to go to Colombia to carry out his Fletcher School of Law and Diplosignifies a personalistic victory, doctoral research on "Colombia, 1930: macy, Medford, Massachusetts. Dr. Figures had developed somewhat of The Fall of the Conservatives." Tyler spent three years (1966-1969) at
the Brazilian School of Public Admina messianic complex that may present Charles J. Savio, Ph.D. candidate in istration, Getulio Vargas Foundation, future problems, but authority is what Political Science specializing in the Rio de Janeiro as a Visiting Professor is needed and Pepe Figueres may pro- Latin American area. Mr. Savio re- of Economics; concurrently he spent vide it. ceived his B.S. in Chemical Engineer- the last six months of his stay in BraAlthough Pepe Figueres denies ing from Stanford University in 1958, zil as an AID consultant. He also there has ever been a democratic left served in the Army from 1959 to 1961, served for a year as a consultant to in Latin America, he, like many others and spent two years in the Peace the Brazilian Institute of Economics. who have been classified in such a Corps in Caracas, Venezuela from Dr. Tyler, who joined the faculty at
manner, has changed some of his po- 1964 to 1966. He entered the Uni- the University of Florida in Septemsitions and renounced others. The versity of Florida later in 1966 and re- ber 1969, has recently published two Figueres administration has become ceived his M.A. in Dec,ember 1969. articles and has two more forthcomfairly conservative. Perhaps, when the The grant will make it possible for ing. symbols of 1948 disappear, a political him to conduct research in several restructuring might occur. cities in Venezuela on "Comparative LATIN CENTER
16 Students Win NDEA Fellowships RECEIVES GRANT
The Center for Latin American
Sixteen University of Florida students in Latin American Studies have The Unter o Lorica n
been nominated for NDEA Title VI area studies fellowships for the 1970-71 Studies, University of Florida, has alacademic year under the United States Office of Education. so recently received a United States
The recipients and their major fields of study are: Ethel A. Bottcher, Office of Education grant in the political science; Rosemary A. Brana, history; Michael D. Byrd, Latin Amer- amount of $56,820 for the purpose of ican Studies; Juan M. Clark, sociology; John M. Davis, sociology; Charlotte I. underwriting and improving the CenDoria, history; Bruce R. Drury, political science; Marshall W. Green, geogra- term's ever expanding Latin American phy; Felipe Manteiga, economics; Richard F. Ogburn, economics; Leonidas n. The gran
Fernando Podo-Ledezma, political science; Ransford C. Pyle, anthropology; Area Studies Program. The grant exFrederick J. Shaw Jr., history; Michael A. Singer, economics; Norman F. Tate, tends from July 1, 1970 to June 30, anthropology; and William L. Uttenweiler, political science. 1971.
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