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Latinamericanist

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Title:
Latinamericanist
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University of Florida latinamericanist
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Latin americanist
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University of Florida Center for Latin American Studies
Place of Publication:
Gainesville, Fla.
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Center for Latin American Studies,
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semiannual
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English
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v. ;28-36 cm.

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Subjects / Keywords:
Periodicals -- Latin America ( lcsh )
Study and teaching (Higher) -- Periodicals -- Latin America -- Florida ( lcsh )
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Periodicals ( fast )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )

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Also issued online.
Dates or Sequential Designation:
Vol. 1, no. 1 (Feb. 3, 1964)-
Numbering Peculiarities:
Suspended between v. 35, no. 1 (fall 1999) and v. 36, no. 1 (spring 2005).
General Note:
Latest issue consulted: Vol. 36, no. 2 (fall 2005).

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University of Florida
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UF Latin American Collections
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Copyright, Patricia Alba at Center for Latin American Studies. Permission granted to University of Florida to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
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337250 ( ALEPH )
5269284 ( OCLC )

Full Text





Ccnlr lo Lal Uo/ F/r doy


The University of Florida LATINAMERICANIST is a publication of the Center for Latin American Studies containing matters of scholarly interest and is distributed the first Friday of ever), month. Items for publication should be submitted to the editor, R. J. Toner, 450 Main Library, by noon of the Tuesday preceding the Friday distribution date. The editor reserves the right to select and edit all material. Colleges or other institutions interested in Latin American Studies which desire to be placed on the mailing list may apply by calling university extension 2224, or write: The Center for Latin American Studies, 450 Main Library, University of Florida, Gainesvuille, Florida 32601.


Volume III, No. 12 March 8, 1968


TABLE OF CONTENTS LATINAMERICAIST
page 4flEAECH FEATURE
Feature Article 1
Colloquium 5 John Hoyt Williams is a Ph.D. candidate in the
Flcuty No Department of History University of Florida. He
L. A. D9 N received his BA (1963$ and his mA (1965) degrees from
Calend rever de the University of Connecticut. The subject of his
dissertation is, "The Dictatorship of Dr. Jos4 Gespar r a in Paraguay, from 1813 to 1840." Research on this paper,
which as conducted .n United States and Latin America, was made possible by a
fellow rom the F gn Area Fellowship Program of the Council of Learned Societies.

Mr. Willi 27 s old, married and has one daughter.


A PROBLEM IN HISTORICAL Anyone working on the late colonial period whose
DEMOGRAPHY--PARAGUAY subject matter deals with the Rio de la Plata and
1785-1810 some, like this writer who is working on a somewhat
later period, inevitably must come to grips with the works of F4lix de Azara.1 Whether this induces chagrin or euphoria will depend upon what one is looking for in the encyclopedic volumes of this royal commissioner, who from 1781-1801 roamed the remote reaches of what are today Paraguay and Argentina. His volumes abound in botanical drawings, geographical and social information, policy recommendations on the defense of the region, maps, and architectural sketches, to name but a few of the topics which attracted his pen.

I began working with Azara's volumes because of my interest in the population of Paraguay, and the fact that Azare's figures for 1785 are perhaps the best estimates for any period prior to the twentieth century, and perhaps more accurate than modern ones. Ny particular interest is in the formation of the Republic of Paraguay and the rule of El Supremo Dr. Josd Gaspar Rodriguez de Francis, one of the epic Latin American dictators of all time. Involved in the government of Paraguay from the day the Spanish Governor was divested of his powers (May 15, 1811), and Dictator of Paraguay from 1815 to 1840, Dr. Francia achieved almost unprecedented control (one is tempted to say almost "totalitarian" control), of the nation and its populace.




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.reliminary research led to the hypothesis that the geographical distribution of the population daring the Francia regime was a definite aid, and perhaps a "function" of his almost complete control of the people of Paraguay. To test this hypothesis, it was necessary to turn to Azara, as his are the only even partially reliable population estimates for Paraguay at the end of the colonial era, It should be noted that I have as yet found no indication of a demographic shift between the years 1785 and 1811, and it is very doubtful that any did take place on a scale sufficient to appreciably alter the findings of Don F4lix, and my corrections to them. The only possible demographic factor that might be pertinent is a possible continuation of the draining of population from the Guarant ex-Jesuit missions, which had passed to other and more rapacious hands with the expulsions of the blackrobes in 1767. One would assume, however (as Azara notes) that this draining would have run its course between 1767 and 1785. In any case, the Guarant mission Indians were not a part of the "politically articulate" Paraguayan
populace.

In the course of checking and rechecking Azara, certain interesting discrepancies came to light. The first worth mentioning is that his population chart, which lists fortyeight separate "towns," and gives a population breakdown according to sex and racial classification (Europeo, Espaioles,americanos, Indios Criollos. Indios originarios, Indios mitayos, Negros y mulatos), has been ill-served mathematically. The addition oX Azara was incorrec- for the category of "Espaioles Americanos," showing a total (isale and female) of 52,3O3, whereas repeated checks with an adding machine reveal. only 52,253, a difference of 50. This relatively minor discrepancy can be accounted for by faulty arithmetic, but others cannot.

There are, within Azara, three major sources for population data; for numbers and location: A-the population chart, B-the map of the REo de la Plata, C-the text of the Geograffa ffsica.

A The population chart of 1785 contains rather complete population and racial data on fcrty-eight Paraguayan "towns," or, less confusingly, "units," and is titled simply and inclusively, "Poblaci6n de los partidos y pueblos de la provincia del Paraguay en Diciembre de 1785. The totals given are:

Racial Category Male Female Total

Europeos 192 1 193
*Espaiioles Americanos 24,672 27,631 52,303 (corrected
Indios Criollos 1,376 7,220 2,596 to 52,253)
Indios Originarios 380 373 753
Indios Mitayos 13,234 14,736 27,970
Negros y Mulatos 4,854 5,626 10,470

94,295 (corrected
to 94,245)
eTis figure must be taken to include Europeanized mestizos. The number of "Espanioles do sangre pura" in Paraguay must have been a small fraction of that.

r Azara's map,5 examined repeatedly by magnifying glass and cross-checked by an assistant, shows some unusual inconsistencies. Possibly in some instances due to lack of
-pace, it omits twenty of the forty-eight place names for which population data is given iln the chart, including many of the larger units whose populations were in the 20004000 range. More important, it includes fifteen place names not mentioned on the chart, implying that the chart, its figures, and hence, its total, is far from complete, an important qualification on its usefulness.

C The Geograffa ffsica is in large part Azare's itinerary as he rode from pueblo to raission to pueblo throughout Paraguay. In each sub-section dealing with a town or unit, he gives some relevant information about the locale, and for the most part a population figure as well, although the latter is not well-differentiated racially, as are the chart figures. Five of the forty-eight units on the chart are not accounted for in this source, and it excludes, like the map, some of the larger units. In addition, there are twenty-one units mentioned that do not appear on the chart. Furthermore, of these twenty-one, fourteen do not appear on the map either. Of the twenty-one, population figures are given for eight, seven of which are within modern Eastern Paraguay, wnile a few more make vague references to "a few ranches" (Cariy) or "very small" (Arroyos), and are untranslateable into figures. On some of the others, the population


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is given as "15 vecinos" (Quarepoty), "80 Spanish families" (Ajos) or "About 200 mulatoes" (Aregda), In these cases some rough calculations should suffice. Taking "vecino" as family head, the figure can probably be multiplied by five with all due safety, and the same has been done in those instances where he mentions "families."

Utilizing the figures from the Geograffa ftsica for only those =~nits not included in the chart, a figure of 9740 is obtained. This figure, albeit an approximTEVon, is high enough to posit that the population chart represents an underestimation of Paraguay's population by about 10 per cent, giving a proximate total of 103,985, which is only as complete as the data being utilized.

Several related problems should be mentioned at this point. Azara made no estimate (nor could he) of the number of "wild" Indians in Paraguay, nor of the numbers of individuals that were spread relatively broadcast on small farms or estancias he was only counting those in and about population centers. Also, due to the confusion inherent in Guaranf place-names, some of the figures might, through Azara's or my figures, overlap. Dealing with place names, such as Yguamandiyd., Ybyrapiriy6, Ytap4 and Ypand, plus the fact that no two men would (or could) spell a given town's name the same, tends to blur the edges of precision. A name spelled by one man Acal, and another Acahay, illustrates among other things, -tie distressing proclivity to change "i" to "y" and vice-versa, no


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little problem in a land where place names such as Quyyyndy are common. The state of Paraguayan geography is not yet such that all doubt can be removed from some of the problem towns, and unfortunately, a town listed as Cuapoli by Azara, might, or might not be the Quarepoty listed on more modern maps in the same general vicinity.

Making use primarily o-F Dr. Adolf Schuster's Paraguay-Land, Volk Geschicte. (1929),6 the Dr. E. de Lourgade map of 1889,7 and other sources, the writer has attempted to locate the units mentioned in all three sources in order to plot the population distribation of Paraguay around 1785. The towns on the chart could all be located, although orLng to the peculiarities of each map, not with exact precision. Of the forty-eight
mentioned, forty--three lay witiiin the borders of contemporary Eastern Paraguay, and five lay within the Candelaria or Misiones region (today in the Misiones province of Argentina), which pertained to Paraguay, just across the Paran6 (see map). All fifteen of the units on the Azara map of 1781 were also located, all within the limits of Eastern Paraguay. Of the towns mentioned in the Geografie fisica, but not elsewhere (fourteen), six were located within Eastern Paraguay and one, Ytat4 just across the Paran4, in a region considered then, and indeed, during the Francia era, as Paraguayan.

The map included here was outlined from Schuster's map of Eastern Paraguay, and by using Asunci6n as a focal point, a radius of 100 kilometers has been drawn. A majority of the population is included in this relatively small area; twenty-three of the fortyeight units and 58,655 of the 9,:,295 people listed in the chart alone. To this should be added the towns derived from the other Azara sources, including four for which we have figures totaling 8338; thus achieving a proximate total of 66,993 out of 103,985. What is more important is the fact that outside the radius lived only 11,1584 Fspa~oles americanos and thirty-nine Europeos, out of a total of 60,546. This means that 1.6 per cent of the politically active, or potential political population lived outside the radius. Of this 11,623, however, Villa.Rica alone contained 6762 Espanoles americanos and twenty Europeos. Thus, when Villa Ric- is added to the towns within the Asuncidn radius, we have a total of 55,705 in the two categories; 92 per cent lived within these areas while only eight per cent lived elsewhere.

This being the case, the hypothesis, as far as can presently be tested, is supported: the vast majority of the potential political population of Paraguay was concentrated in such a way as to minimize the problems in controlling them. All were readily accessible from Asunci6n and very few were near the vulnerable borders. This leads to a further observation: there were few Paraguayans of any sort near an important border. Clusters of settlements found on the Paraguay River in the Asunci6n area in the South, on the Paran4 centering around Ytapua, and a small number in the North around Concepci6n, were the only settlements near borders. The entire Eastern and far Northern borders were unpopulated except for military garrisons; another factor tending to enhance control of the population and inhibit intercourse with foreigners.

All calculations of towns mentioned by Azara in his map or in the Geografia fisica that lie outside Eastern Paraguay, except Ytat6, have been omitted, as the present intention is to deal with only those towns or units that were "effectively" Paraguayan at the time of Dr. Francia's rise to power.

This study then, in the most exploratory and tentative form, has attempted to ascertain the approximate population distribution pertaining in Paraguay in the late eighteenth century, and in so doing, to test the hypothesis that the Paraguayan population was so distributed that Dr. Francia could relatively easily control it. Incidentally, the study indicates some of the difficulties inherent in historical demography and some of
the inconsistencies in the very valuable works of Don F4lix de Azara.

Footnotes

1. Azara's works include, Descripci6n e historia del Paraguay y del Rio de la
Plata (editorial Bajel, Buenos Aires, 1943), Memoria sobre el estdo rural del Rio de la Plata y otras informes (editorial Bajel, Buenos Aires, 1943), 2nd specifically used for this study, Geografla fisica y estdrica de las provincias del Paraguay y misiones Caranies (Montevideo, 1904).

2. Geograffa fisica, pp. 442.

3. For elucidation regarding the somewhat unusual terminology, see Elman R. Service, "The cordienda in Paraguay," Hispanic American Historial Review XXXI (1951), pp. 230.-252.









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4. A large part of the text is composed solely of bits of information on each of many separate towns, cr units,

5. The large fold-out in the Geografla fisica.

6. Dr. Adolf N. Schuster, Paraguay-Land, Volk, Geschicte, Wirtschaftsleben und Kolonisation (Strecker and Schroeder, Stuttgart, 1929). An excellent atlas.

7. Map drawn by DL-,, E. de Bo'rgade from documents of the Commission of Limits, 1871-1873, the letters of Mouchez et Toeppen, and his own observations during his voyages of 1887-88. Dated 1889.




LATIN AMERICAN On Wednesday, February 21, Dr. Cornelis Goslinga,
COLLOQUIUM Interim Professor of History, University of Florida,
spoke before a large Colloquium audience on "The Greatest Act of Piracy in History." Dr. Goslinga acknowledged that the title of his talk, which referred to the seizure of the Vera Cruz half of the Spanish Flota fleet in 1628 by a Dutch West India Company fleet under Pieter Heyn was, perhaps, only half accurate, since the Dutch considered themselves soldiers, not pirates.

Dr. Goslinga prefaced his remarks with a sketch of the Dutch West India Company, a semi-official war tool of the Dutch government, which in 1627 constructed a time and route schedule of the movements of the annual Spanish silver fleets to and from the Caribbean. The Company's ruling Board of XIX then entrusted this report to General Pieter Heyn, who had become fluent in Spanish during two periods of Spanish captivity,
and placed him at the head of a fleet of thirty-one good-sized ships with instructions to attempt the capture of the Flote fleet. Dr. Goslinga gave a detailed description of the sailing times, routes, and ports of call of the two Spanish silver fleets, the Galeones (with eight gaJleons), and the Flota .(with four galleons), the latter dividing at Yucatan into the Honduras and Vera Cruz fleets, each with two galleons.

The Dutch fleet under Pieter Heyn left the United Provinces in April, 1628 and made its way into the Spanish waters of the Caribbean, trying, at all costs, toavoid detection so as not to forewarn the silver fleets which would, in that case, have remained impregnably secure in their respective ports. Heyn's movements were detected, however, but he was aided by luck, for Without his knowledge, another Dutch fleet under Pieter A. Ita, which had earlier captured the Honduras fleet, left for Holland in early August, leading the Spanish to believe that all Dutch ships had left the Caribbean. Heyn then carefully proceeded, unnoticed, to the vicinity of Havana where, in an attempt to ascertain whether the fleets had yet arrived in the harbor, he accidently came within view of the harbor and was sighted by the Spanish. Having determined that the fleets were not in the harbor, Heyn decided to station his fleet north of Havana where he might intercept the Flota. Meanwhile, the Spanish governor of Havana sent out scme small boats to warn the fleets of the Dutch presence,

The boats sent to Cartagena got to their destination and the Galeones fleet there remained in port, but the nine boats sent to Vera Cruz were intercepted by Heyn. Thus. the Vera Cruz section of the Flota fleet, which had been delayed from its usual July departure, set out in a casual manner for Havana early in September, unaware of the presence of Heyn, This two-galleon fleet (with about eighteen merchantmen), under the command of General Juan de Benavides, unwittingly sailed past Havana in the wake of Heyn's ships which had been uncontrollably blown far to the east. On September 8, the Vera Cruz fleet was sighted east of Heyn, and he quickly dispatched two sections of his fleet to contain Benavides on the east and the west, whereupon Benavides decided to make a rush for Metanzos harbor. Nine of the merchantmen were taken at sea (two had broken on the shore), one made its way to Havana, and Benavides' remaining force of two galleons and six merchantmen ran aground just outside the harbor, where they became easy prey for the Dutch., Heyn quickly established control over the ships, and remained at Metanzas for eight days making a complete inventory of the captured goods. On Septemper 17, he set sail for Holland where he arrived, after a stopover in England, in January, 1629.

The total value of the goods captured by the Dutch was figured at 11.5 million guilders, representing a profit after expenses of 7.5 million guilders, The distribution of the








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money was: 10 per cent to the Prince of Orange, one per cent to the Board of XIX, 7,000 guilders to Pieter Heyn, 950,000 to the crews (for seventeen months' pay), and
1.7 million to the Dutch West India Company's treasury. Also, the Dutch West India Company was able to give a 50 per cent dividend to its stockholders (the Dutch government held 50 per cent of the stock and thus received 500,000 guilders).

Dr. Goslinga, concluding with an epilogue to the "Greatest Act of Piracy," traced the fortunes of the two generals, Heyn and Benavides. Pieter Heyn died in battle the following year while in the service of the official Dutch Navy, and Juan de Benavides was jailed for five years and finally put to death in Spain on May 18, 1634, after a trial in which he was accused of lack of organization and discipline, and panic in the face of danger. Finally, a particularly important result of the entire event was that the Dutch were thereby enabled to finance their later successful attempts to establish control over Northeastern Brazil.



FACULTY NOTES Dr. Francis C. Hayes, Associate Professor of Spanish,
University of Florida, presented a paper on February 9, before the Florida chapter of the American Association of Teachers of Spanish and Portuguese (AATSP), which met at St. Leo's College, St. Leo, Florida, from February 9 to 10,. 1968. Dr. Hayes, who has been collecting Spanish-American proverbs for over thirty years, spoke on "El uso de la msquina computadora en la clasificaci6n de refranes." His presentation was divided into three parts: a brief description of his collection of proverbs and the gathering of them; a discussion of the advantages and disadvantages of computer use for "la investigaci6n humanistica"; and, a basic explanation of how a computer may be programmed for the classifying of proverbs. Dr. Hayes paper was supplemented by a printed bibliography of works pertinent to his topic.,

Dr. Richard A. Preto-Rodas, Assistant Prpfessor of Portuguese, University of Florida. will deliver a paper on the development of ndgritude in the Luso-Brazilian poetry of. Brazil and Africa, before the Southeastern Conference of Latin American Studies (SECOLAS), which will meet at the University of Alabama in Tuskaloosa, from April 5 to 7. Dr. Preto-Rodas' remarks will be concerned mainly with the literary expression-of black power found in the Portuguese language writings of Brazilians and natives of the Luso-African world. He will also note that the black power movement, far from*being a product of Communist agitation, is in fact anathema to Communist doctrine since it has a disruptive effect on working class solidarity.



LATIN AMERICAN DATA BANK Dr. Thomas L. Page, Assistant Professor of Political
Science, and Director of the Latin American. Data Bank, University of Florida, has reported the receipt of several additions (all on 7channel IBM tapes) to the Bank. Information on the following countries, as described below, is now made available through the Data Bank by these accessions.:

Venezuela: a 2 per cent sample of the census of 1961, and election returns for
the years 1947-1968.
Brazil: election returns for the years 1945-1966.
Colombia: a 2 per cent sample of the census of 1964, and election returns from
the mid-l9th century to date.
Ecuador: a 3 per cent sample of the census of.1962, and election returns for
the years 1956-1967.
Argentina: a 10 per cent sample of the census of 1960, and election returns for
the years 1920-1963.



Calendar of Events

On Thursday, April 11, 1968, Brazilian historian and writer, Francisco de Assis Barbosa, former member of the Kubitschek administration and now Visiting Professor of History at the University of Wisconsin, will address a combined meeting of the Latin American Colloquium and the Brazilian-Portuguese Clue (in Portuguese) on "A administraqao Kubitschek, 1956-61."

On Thursday, April 25, 1968, Antonio Candido, Professor of Comparative Literature at the University of Sgo Paulo and currently Visiting Professor of Literature at Yale University, will speak on an aspect of Brazilian literature. Topic, time and meeting place to be announced.