Title: Latinamericanist.
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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00066464/00017
 Material Information
Title: Latinamericanist.
Physical Description: Serial
Creator: University of Florida Center for Latin American Studies
Donor: Marianne Schmink ( endowment )
Publisher: Center for Latin American Studies,
Publication Date: December 1979
Copyright Date: 1979
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Bibliographic ID: UF00066464
Volume ID: VID00017
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
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Resource Identifier: 05269284 - OCLC

Full Text




DECEMBER 1, 1979


Ms. Judith Lisansky is a Ph.D. candidate in Anthropology at the University of Florida. She received her B.A. in Political Science from the University of Michigan, and her
Master's degree in Anthropology from the University of Florida. Herresearch interests include Brazil, community study, economic anthropology, and women's studies. The article
below is based on her fieldwork in Santa Terezinha, Brazil, done from March 1978 to March 1979 on an HEW Fulbright dissertation research grant.


The last two decades have witnessed increasing numbers of land conflicts in the
Brazilian Amazon between squatter farmers and large companies installing govern-
ment supported investment projects in cattle, mineral and timber production. Limited
access to land has forced many peasant families out of the countryside and out of
agricultural production. This essay will focus on the impact of these larger events on
the women of the frontier town of Santa Terezinha in northern Mato Grosso. We will
examine some of the changes in women's work, roles and statuses as peasant families
make the transition from a farming life to life in the frontier town in a region
dominated by large cattle-raising companies.
The frontier town of Santa Terezinha today has a population of some 3,000 persons
or about 380 households. The municipality of Luciara where it is located, one of the
largest in Mato Grosso, is said to contain approximately 10,000 persons. Since the
1960's large companies, both southern Brazilian and multinational, have acquired
titles, legally and illegally, to vast stretches of terrain, frequently without fixed
borders, in Luciara and surrounding municipalities (CNDDA, 1978). Lack of space pro-
hibits a careful discussion of the evolution of Brazilian development policy with regard
to the Amazon, but let it suffice to say that previous national plans for the develop-
ment and integration of the Amazon did not preclude corporate investments and that
since 1974 the Federal government has pretty well phased out its well-publicized
small-farmer colonization projects and given increasing support, in the form of fiscal
incentives and other inducements, to agribusinesses (Kleinpenning, 1977). The en-
trance of the companies into the area resulted in a series of violent conflicts over land
in Northern Mato Grosso (CNBB-CEP, 1977).
Since the area for several hundred miles in each direction from Santa Terezinha did
not contain any lucrative natural products for collecting, such as rubber, Brazil nuts or
minerals, there was no "boom" there until recent times. Brazilian settlers, primarily
peasant families, began entering the region shortly after the turn of the century.
Migration into the region preceded slowly, the rate doubling each decade; the greatest
influx occurred between 1960 and 1978.
Most families followed a basic three-step pattern of migration spread out over three
to four generations. The majority originated in the backlands of the Northeastern

This woman washes laundry six days a week to make extra money for the
household. She controls the money she makes. Her husband does
subsistence farming on land they received in land distribution in 1973. She
also works in the fields.

states where droughts, lack of access to land, land taxes, low wages and the like
operated to exert a strong push effect (Feder, 1971). Unaccustomed and unwilling to
experiment with urban life, most migrants moved next to the more remote areas of
western Maranhia and northern Goias where they settled on unclaimed land. Later
development in the 1950's and 60's, such as the construction of the Belem-Brasilia
highway, served to "open" these areas to outside interests. Many families then con-
tinued further westward in their search for "land without owners" (terra sem
donos), thus arriving in northern Mato Grosso.
Data collected on Santa Terezinha residents showed that about half of the current
population were born on remote backlands homesteads (Sertfo) and the rest
primarily in tiny villages (povoados) or interior towns. The data collected on land
tenure patterns showed a decrease of access to land, either by ownership, squatting or
tenancy, between the previous generation and current household heads. Although
wage labor at the companies does operate as an attraction to migrants, the primary at-
traction of northern Mato Grosso to these small-farmer families was the possibility of
finding unclaimed land to settle on. For the majority of migrants, this dream has not
been realized.
By the mid 1960's most peasant families of the area were under eviction pressure
from two sources. First, the National Park Service which claimed thousands of
hectares to the east of town, passed a series of regulations designed to force squatters
out of the park. New rules included prohibitions on farming, hunting and fishing on
park lands. The closest cattle company, which claimed 320 thousand hectares (nine
and a half million acres) around and including Santa Terezinha, used intimidation and
violence to evict the peasants. These incidents resulted in national and even interna-
tional news coverage.
Finally, in 1973, the Brazilian Agrarian Reform Institute (INCRA) stepped in and
engineered the transfer of some 100 lots of "company land" to local farmers. The
land distribution, however, did not resolve many problems largely because of the
criteria used to determine recipients, the distance to the new lots, and the large
number of persons denied land. Further, about 20% of the recipient families then
sold their land because of emergencies, deaths and lack of sophistication about own-
ing a piece of property whose market value exceeded what most people there earn in a
In order to clarify some changing aspects of women's roles in the frontier town, we
will compare a generalized version of the previous peasant life-style and women's roles
within it to the new alternatives open to women today. The focus will be on the nature
of women's work, its relative importance to household subsistence, and implications
for women's current social and economic statuses.
The peasant farm, as Wolf (1966) and Chayanov (1977) point out, is not a business
enterprise, the main goal of which is the maximization of profit. Rather, it is a
household enterprise engaged in livelihood activities, the goal of which is the
maintenance and continuation of the household. The families which migrated to
Santa Terezinha over the last 60 years were primarily peasant farmers. Cash for
necessary manufactured goods, such as tools, kerosene and salt, was obtained by the
sale of small amounts of surplus produce, dried fish, pelts and an occasional head of
cattle to local and itinerant traders. The majority of families lived on relatively isolated
homesteads in the forests, some three km. from each other, or in one of the small
villages of 30-60 households.
Women's work, under conditions of relatively autonomous homesteading, was
critical and necessary to the successful functioning of the household. Beside the more
typical domestic duties such as cooking, cleaning, child-care and laundry, they

A husband and wife cooperate in processing manioc. Here they are preparing
to squeeze the prussic acid out of poisonous manioc; later the pulp will be
toasted to become manioc flour.

engaged in a large number of other vital activities. It was primarily women who car-
ried water, collected firewood, tended chickens and pigs and gathered the nutritious
wild fruits of the savanna and forest. Women also helped with the lighter fieldwork
and almost always cooperated with men in the harvesting. Women were critical to the
processing of food, usually working side-by-side with men and other adult members of
the family in the long, tedious processing of manioc into manioc flour, a basic staple.
Many women of the previous generation spun and wove cotton, making clothing, ham-
mocks and lace, candles from beeswax and soap from cattle fat as well as other jobs.
The typical peasant woman was less apt than her husband to work for wages if the
opportunity arose, but most types of employment entered into, such as cattle tending,
were household ventures. Although the usual Iberian sex role ideals remained impor-
tant-women, for example, were carefully guarded in matters of chastity and as wives,
were expected to treat their husbands as head and authority of the family-it is clear
from informants' accounts, and observations of current farm families, that women
were often on quite equal footing with men in terms of decisions, expenditures,
responsibilities and authority within the household.
It has been statistically demonstrated cross-culturally that there is a correlation
between low female status and situations in which women contribute either very
little or a great deal to the subsistence economy. High status for women was found in
societies in which women generally contribute about 50%to subsistence (Sanday,
1974:198). It is argued here that within the peasant life-style women did contribute
almost equally to household subsistence.
Further, women engaged in activities beyond the household. Female produced com-
modities, such as handicrafts and coconut oil, were frequently sold by women on
periodic trips to towns and cities. Money.made by women was spent by women, and
frequently women were entrusted with the management of all household funds.
It can not be argued, as does Rubbo (1979) for peasant women in Puerto Tejada,
Colombia, that these Brazilian peasant women are capable of running a farming
household without the presence of men. The farming system was, in Boserup's terms
(1970) a "male farming system" as opposed to "female farming systems" more com-
monly found in Africa. But clearly, women's work, their importance in subsistence
and their activities beyond the domestic sphere placed these peasant women in a
relatively respected and highly valued status position.
With the advent of the companies into the region increasing numbers of families
moved from the countryside into the town. The causal factors operate in a circular
manner. The lack of access to land forces many households to seek wage-labor so that
they can obtain money to buy basic foodstuffs. Whereas once most households pro-
duced most of what they consumed, today families purchase, at inflated frontier
prices, almost all basic commodities. Local farmers, for a complex series of reasons
(ecological, technological, economic and infrastructural), can not compete with the
main supply sources of foodstuffs and manufactured goods imported into northern
Mato Grosso from other regions of Brazil.
Adaptations of families to life in the town are complex and varied. Most households
utilize a large number of alternating strategies for survival. Within this diversity we
shall examine three general patterns of adjustment to town life and the implications
these have for women. These are: (1) families dependent on male wage labor (2)
families headed by and dependent on female labor and (3) families continuing to
A growing number of households in Santa Terezinha are increasingly divorced from
farming and are instead dependent on the incomes of the male members who work at
the companies. The men do low-level manual labor, primarily forest clearing and
pasture maintenance. Wages vary from (US) $50.00 to $150.00 a month 1 and few
men receive government stipulated benefits because they are hired by labor contrac-
tors (gatos, "cats") for short-term jobs. Few companies provide living facilities for
families, so the common pattern is for men to live at company camps while women
and children remain in Santa Terezinha. Men get to visit their families as often as

twice a month or as rarely as every few months depending on the distance of the
camp from the town.
Women's work under these conditions varies considerably from what has been
described for the farm family. Women continue to provide domestic services for the
household-cooking, cleaning, washing and so forth-but their contribution to the
subsistence of the household is generally considerably diminished. They are increas-
ingly dependent on the men's wages to purchase foodstuffs and supplies for the
household. They frequently must try to capture control of their husband's wages (not
always successfully) in order to pay debts at local stores and to put away money for
the expenses of the coming month.
Few women work for wages at the ranches or in town. This is partly because there
are few jobs available for womer and wages for women's work are extremely low, and
also because husbands frequently disapprove strongly of outside work, viewing it as a
humiliation, a danger to their wives' reputations and a drain on domestic services.
Some women do try to make money, usually by sewing or selling handicrafts, extra
eggs or snacks in the streets. The employment of men is always irregular and insecure
so that from time to time a household will contain males who are not working and
females who are providing the major portion of household support.
Most women, however, remain dependent on their husbands' wages. They are
generally acutely aware of this dependence, yet they are also aware of the dangers in-
volved in trying to become too financially independent. They can see quite clearly the
increasing fragility and instability of marriage unions in the town and the extreme dif-
ficulties faced by women who must raise and support their families alone.
The second category is female-headed households. Without going into detail, it
seems clear that the economic pressures on families resulting from increasing
dependence on low-paying and irregular company employment contributes to the in-
creasing instability of all types of marriage unions in the town. The survey conducted
of 99 households showed 15 (15%) female-headed homes and the number of
households where women have periodic and changing male partners is probably even
As stated, the types of jobs that females can find in Santa Terezinha are extremely
limited and low-paying. Maids, for example, receive an average wage of between (US)
$10.00 to $20.00 a month; it is no surprise to find that few adult women are willing to
work as maids. Few women can arrange their lives so as to be away from home for ex-
tended periods. One informant who took her young children with her to a job as a cook
at a company camp was fired within a week for not devoting enough attention to her
Paid jobs for women as maids, cooks and store clerks means long hours and low
wages. It is a far more common pattern for women alone to support their households
by sewing, laundry work and making snacks for sale in the street. The difference bet-
ween male and female monthly cash incomes tabulated below shows clearly the lower
earning power of women in the frontier town.

Money in Dollars (USA)
Percent Amount (Number)
100% TOTAL SAMPLE (44)
39% Data not provided (17)
4% Nothing (2)
4% 2.50- 25.00 (2)
7% 26.00- 50.00 (3)
16% 51.00-100.00 (7)
14% 101.00-150.00 (6)
9% 151.00-250.00 (4)
7% Over 250.00 (3)
100% TOTAL SAMPLE (44)
0% Data not provided (0)
68% Nothing (30)
11% 2.50- 25.00 (5)
11% 26.00- 50.00 (5)
5% 51.00-100.00 (2)
5% 101.00-150.00 (2)
0% 151.00-250.00 (0)
0% Over 250.00 (0)
Women raising a family alone must be careful about what kinds of help they accept
and from whom. Women with extended families nearby are in a somewhat better posi-
tion and usually receive aid from relatives and may even move back into thier parents'
home. Women who accept help from men usually run the risk of being labelled as
prostitutes by town gossip. The woman raising her family alone is not an admired per-
son in Santa Terezinha. Rather, she is pitied and frequently a butt of gossip in part
because other women fear that she may try to "steal" their men.

The third category is households which have continued to farm. The number of
families engaged in farming has continued to fall every year. In 1978 only 8
households (18%) out of 44 sampled in one survey were actively engaged in farming.
Almost all farming families use a variety of economic strategies to augment their in-
comes. Today the most common pattern for farming households is to have a house in
town where the wife and children are permanently established while the husband
works in the fields and comes home only on week-ends. Reasons for this pattern in-
clude the increasing isolation of the homesteads as neighbors move into town, the
farther distance of the new lots and the desire to be in the town to take advantage of
educational and medical services.
Women in farm families join their husbands and sons from time-to-time for work in
the fields. Some families even move to the forest for months, depending on what work
needs to be done and the school holiday schedule. The amount that women con-
tribute to the subsistence economy varies from household to household depending in
part on how much time the women spend at the fields. It is difficult for women to
engage in certain activities, such as pig and chicken raising, if they are constantly
moving back and forth between the town and the forest homestead.
A common practice among the more traditional families who shun wage labor at the
companies, is to allow the women to find other ways of contributing to the household
economy. Many of these women are the town's laundresses; since they tend to be
illiterates they can not work as clerks and their sewing skills do not include the latest
fashions. Laundry work is perhaps the most independent occupation for women in
Santa Terezinha and it is more enjoyable socially as women work in groups at the river-
bank. A woman selects her own customers and how many she will wash for. The pay
rate is low, however, and a woman must wash and iron six days a week for an average
of six to eight hours a day to make about (US) $60.00 a month. Among farm families it
is not infrequent to find that women's cash earnings are almost the same as men's
earnings. Each earning household member controls their own money although general-
ly all money goes toward the support of the entire household. The level of earning is
such that with the inflated prices there is never a surplus of more than a few dollars a
Thus, women from farm families continue to contribute more equally to household
subsistence and tend to be on more equal footing with men. They continue, in
somewhat attenuated fashion, the pattern as described for the traditional peasant
family. Their marriages tend to be more stable and enduring than the marriages of
other town women. And although they do not have the material wealth or resoruces of
some of the town's upper strata, they are still highly respected in the predominantly
peasant sub-culture of Santa Terezinha.
In summary this article has tried to demonstrate that women have gained little,
either in status, material wealth or security from the change-over from peasant sub-
sistence production to the major economic survival strategies utilized in the town. The
cattle companies have reshaped the economic structure of the region, but they have
not brought real development to the local people, particularly not to the women of the

Boserup, Ester
1970 WOMAN'S ROLE IN ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT. New York: St. Martin's Press.
Brown, Susan E.
R. Reiter, New York: Monthly Review Press: 322-332.
Cardoso, Fernando Henrique and Miller, Geraldo
1978 AMAZONIA: EXPANSAO DO CAPTIALISMO. Sio Paulo: Editora Brasiliense.
Chayanov, A. V.
LIVELIHOOD, edited by Halperin and Dow, New York: St. Martin's Press.
CNBB-CEP (Conferincia Nacional dos Bispos do Brasil-Comisslo
Episcopal de Pastoral)
1977 PASTORAL DA TERRA/POSSE E CONFLITOS. Sio Paulo: EdiFges Paulinas.
CNDDA (ComissTo Nacional de Defesa e Pelo Desenvolvimento da
Deere, Carmen Diana
1979 "Changing Social Relations of Production and Peruvian Peasant Women's Work" IN
WOMEN IN LATIN AMERICA (An Anthology). Riverside, California: Latin American
Perspectives: 26-46.
Feder, Ernest
ty, New York: Doubleday & Company.
Kleinpenning, J.M.G.
1977 "An Evaluation of the Brazilian Policy for the Integration of the Amazon Region" IN
Lisansky, Judith
progress) Gainesville: University of Florida.
Sanday, Peggy R.
1974 "Female Status in the Public Domain" IN WOMAN, CULTURE AND SOCIETY, edited by
Michelle Zimbalist Rosaldo and Louise Lamphere, Stanford: Stanford University Press:
Rubbo, Anna
1975 "The Spread of Capitalism in Rural Colombia: Effects on Poor Women" IN TOWARD AN
ANTHROPOLOGY OF WOMEN, edited by Rayna R. Reiter, New York: Monthly Review
Press: 333-357.
Wolf, Eric
1966 PEASANTS. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall.

Footnote 1: In order to get a better understanding of the purchasing power of wages, the
following list of prices, in US dollars, gives an idea of the prices of basic com-
1 liter cooking oil . ................. ................. $1.25
1 kilo dry beans ............................. .. ...... $1.00
1 kilo of sugar ................... .... ................... $ .50
1 kilo green coffee ...................................... $4.00
500 grams dry milk .............. ......... ... ... $2.00
1 kilo of rice (varies) .. ..... ....... ...... .. $ .50
(winter price almost $1.00)

This woman is toasting manioc flour. She has no husband so she works with
neighbors and in return for her labor she will receive about one third of the
manoic flour prepared. The manioc and equipment belong to her neighbor.

Map copied from: 1977 Pastoral de Terra; Posse e Conflitos /Estudos da
CNBB-CEP Sgo Paulo: EdigFes Paulinas. p. 232.
A Research Site of Santa Terezinha.

Cdrdoba's Pueblos de Indios: Decline and Extinction

Robert J. Turkovic is a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of History at the University of Florida. He received his B.A. from Queens College, City University of New York and M.A.
from Florida Atlantic University. He has been graduate assistant to the departments of Humanities, Romance Languages, and History, and the Office of Instructional Resources.
His fields of interest include nineteenth-century independence and early national period, race relations, C6rdoba's history, Africa since 1800, Spanish-American Literature, and
Western Humanities. Research reported in this presentation was performed in conjunction with a Fulbright-Hays doctoral dissertation research grant conducted in Argentina
from February 1978 to February 1979. The proposed title of Mr. Turkovic's dissertation is "Race Relations in Cordoba, 1810-1853."

The last vestiges of Argentina's indigenous frontier population disappeared in the
late nineteenth century at a time when the Indian settler communities (pueblos) were
already extinguished. A formidable and concentrated effort on the part of a united.
Argentina was required to subdue the frontier Indians, wheras the settler com-
munities were gradually absorbed and integrated into cordobgs society. Since col-
onial times the marginal coexistence of these pueblos with Spanish and later in-
dependence governments proved a source of mutual accommodation and confronta-
tion. Subjected to tributary status, forced to relocate and migrate, abused and cor-
rupted by civil authorities, accused of being outcasts, and usurped of their lands,
these settled Indians were practically non-existent by the 1830's. This study will
survey the settler Indian experience in Cdrdoba from the late eighteenth century
through the first third of the nineteenth century.
In the late sixteenth century Cdrdoba's indigenous population was comprised of four
ethnic unities: sanavirones, comechingones, pampas or puelches, and
diaguitas. Notwithstanding their small numbers and sedentary nature, these in-
digenous cultures soon underwent profound demographic, social, economic, and
political change. According to chronicler reports, Cordoba had an estimated Indian
population of 40,000 at the time of the conquest. By the time of the creation of the
Viceroyalty of Rio de la Plata in 1776 the Indian population (excluding frontier In-
dians on the northern and southern boundaries) was reduced and confined to
By the 1813 city-provincial census, the population was down to 6,000. And the suc-
ceeding censuses demonstrated a precipitous decline: the 1822 city-provincial census
calculated 2,900 indios; the 1832 city census estimated 497 indios; finally, the
1840 city-provincial census calculated 1,582 indios dispersed throughout the pro-
vince. This decline in the early nineteenth century was due to economic and social
dislocation, epidemics, miscegenation, and forced migrations and relocations.
The dislocation of these Indians began in the eighteenth century. The desire for
arable lands coupled with the expansion of the cattle industry led to stiff competition
between Spaniards and Indians. This confrontation became a primary motivating force
behind the forced relocations and resettlements of Indian populations into pueblos.
The regrouping of Indian communities proved beneficial to Spaniards in an economic
and commercial sense in that it facilitated tribute collection, the use of Indian con-
tract labor (conchabos), and proselytizing by the Church.
These newly-established pueblos de indios were concentrated to the west and north
of the city of Cordoba. Soto, a typical pueblo, was located 28 leagues from the city in
1785. The settlement housed 80 families, or approximately 430 inhabitants, who
were engaged chiefly in the cultivation of wheat, fruits, and cotton. The hope of ob-
taining land attracted an influx of opportunistic Spaniards, mulatos, and negros.
These pueblos were not isolated communities; in fact, they provided essential ser-
vices for the surrounding locales. A break-away branch of Indians from the pueblo de
Pichena, for example, served as guardians of the road from C6rdoba to Catamaraca.
When in 1814 the bishop asked the governor to compel this branch to join either
those at Pichana or Quilino in order that they receive Christain indoctrination, a
preliminary investigation by the local magistrate determined that the Indians should
continue as guardians and maintain the water-well, vital for travelers on the route. The
residents of the defunct pueblo de Quilino were still protecting in 1841 another route
leading to the northern salinas (salt-mines). The Indians of the pueblo de La Toma
(adjacent to C6rdoba) were responsible for the maintenance of the city canal and pro-
vided the city with a constant supply of bricks and tiles. After a 30-year law suit the
pueblo was granted in 1824 additional land for its growing agricultural needs. In
1835, in fact, the city purchased four thousand bricks, used in the construction of the
cabildo, from the curaca de La Toma, Don Gervasio Villafate.
Considered vassals of the Spanish crown, the Indians of the pueblos were subject to
colonial law. Some laws provided for the general well-being of the Indians, while
others merely served to exacerbate their marginal status. A 1776 royal decree absolved
the Indians, because of their indigence, from paying legal fees. In 1787 another royal
pronouncement protected Indians from some abusive practices. Indians could not, for
example, be imprisoned for insobriety, nor could their possessions be confiscated
while they were imprisoned. They received an apostolic dispensation for eating meat
in 1792 and renewed in 1802.and at the same time were absolved from paying the
limosna (alms). An 1804 decree required Indians to pay the alcabala on goods that
were not products of their labor. The object of this tax was to insure that the Indians
became industrious. One of the most controversial matters was the Indians' paying
the derechos parroquiales (parish fees). Although the clergy of Ischilin demand-
ed payment from the Indians of Quilino, Colonel Manuel Usandivaras argued in favor

of partial repayment of past fees. He cited the fact that when these Indians had serv-
ed in the militia in 1829 and 1830 they provided invaluable services by protecting the
residents of the area from a group of pillaging bandits and thus had had no time in
which to cultivate their fields.
A royal decree of 1778 established schools in the pueblos in order to teach Spanish
to the Indians. The upkeep of these schools was delineated in a 1782 decree. Indian
tribute funds from the general coffers were to be used in paying the maestro's
salary. In addition, Indians were required to contribute livestock and crops for the
costs of maintenance. The sole purpose of the schools was to insure the teaching of
Spanish in order to improve the Indians' understanding of Church doctrine. However,
the contributions by Indians proved insufficient. The pueblo de Qulino in 1818 served
as an example of the impoverished state of these schools. Don Pedro Ladr6n de
Guevara, maestro in Quilino, claimed that before his arrival teaching was non-
existent and that the Indians could neither read nor write. His meager salary was sup-
plemented by services and goods he received from the Indians. Accused by local op-
portunists of inciting the Indians to rebel against authority, Ladrdn de Guevara was
dismissed and the school was closed.
The crown also viewed with alarm increased miscegenation between Indians and
whites. In an attempt to halt the practice, a 1778 royal decree required minors (per-
sons younger than 25 years of age) to obtain parental permission, or, lacking that,
ecclesiastical approval before marrying. This decree applied to tributary Indians, as
subjects of the crown. Despite a reinstatement of the decree in 1795 by Dr. Don Angel
Mariano Moscoso, Bishop of C6rdoba, mixed marriages were not uncommon though
not unhindered. For example, Don Mateo Castillo and Dona Maria Gerarda Zabala in
1813 were denied permission to marry by Governor Viana because of objections
(disenso matrimonial) by her relatives who considered Mateo of unequal lineage.
(desigualdad). Although Castillo claimed descendancy from yanacona Indians,
witnesses testified that he descended from mulatos. In 1829 Governor Gustos granted
permission for Don Jose Luis Arias to marry Cornelia Bracamonte, of Indian lineage.
The clergy of San Javier objected because the couple had been living in concubinage
(amansebados) for five years.
Racial mixture caused at times the erroneous enslavement of Indians. In order to
receive manumission some slaves claimed descendancy from Indian lineage. Indians
already enslaved, or in peonage, also attempted to free themselves. In 1817 the
Defender of the Poor petitioned for the freedom of Marfa Francisca Guerra's descen-
dants, citing descendancy from indios pampas. Held in servitude since birth, her
children and grandchildren were freed by alcalde Don Josef Ascencio Ortiz. Manuel
Monaca, slave of Don Javier Burgos, received his liberty with the help of the Defender
in 1825. Proving his descendancy as son of an india pampa, he also demanded
that Burgos compensate him for years worked while under his tutelage.
The tributary status of Indians was continually emphasized in the decrees of the
eighteenth century. A 1752 decree denounced idleness and drunkenness in Indians,
while at the same time cautioned administrators of excesses in their use of authority.
The 1782 Real Ordenanza for the Viceroyalty of Rio de la Plata and the 1784
Instrucci6n complimiento provide the most striking evidence of Spanish gover-
nance and administration of Indians. Of particular importance was the five-year
mandatory census of Indians, the collection of the annual five-peso tribute from
males, the administration of the pueblos, the elections, and tribute exemptions for
caciques and certain distinguished families. Then in 1786 the Marques de
Sobremonte appointed new recaudadores (tribute collectors) of the pueblos and
stipulated the specie by which the tributaries could satisfy their obligation. Payment
could be made in livestock or crops (horses, cattle, wheat, wool).
Despite a concerted effort on the part of colonial authorities to expedite tribute col-
lection many obstacles arose. Don Dernando Novillo, recaudador de Quilino, wrote to
the alcaldes ordinarios de Cordoba in 1799 of the difficulty encountered in collection.
He cited the flight of many Indians into the sierras as the major problem. Contributing
factors included the dismal economic state of the pueblo, lack of a work initiative,
and lack of effective governmental control. Making his tasks more difficult, the militia
refused to accompany the recaudador on his rounds during collection. The
recaudador del pueblo de Nonsacate attributed his failure to carry out his duties to
the general disorder prevalent in the community and to the curaca who undermined
authority and instigated the Indians to non-compliance.
Another problem in tribute collection was non-payment. In 1778 the governor
received a communication from several recaudadores which revealed attempts to
obtain exemption from payment by certain Indians claiming mulato descendancy. The
Protector of Indians in 1804 argued the case of fifty-year-old Tomas Ledesma of the

pueblo de Cosquin. With the governor's approval, the infirm Ledesma was exempted
from tribute payment. A runaway Indian younger than the eighteen-year-old minimum
age was exempted because of poor health. Whereas exemptions were relatively few in
number, runaway tributaries proved more difficult to capture, as in the case of Pedro
Salgado of the pueblo de Nono.
With the outbreak of the war of independence, the alcaldes ordinaries de C6rdoba
petitioned the governor for a new tributary census of the pueblos because one had not
been undertaken since 1792. However, the abolition of the tribute in 1811 by the
Junta Provisional del Rio de la Plata soon shattered any benefits derived from the new
census. In 1813 the General Constituent Assembly of the United Provinces ratified the
abolition of the tribute, mita, ecomienda, yanaconasgo, and servicio personal. In this
spirit the new government viewed Indians as perfectly free men, with rights equal to
other citizens.
Speaking for the government of Buenos Aires in 1811, Bernardo Rivadavia counseled
the Junta Provisional de C6rdoba on the Indian question. No change was ordered in
the possession of their lands; thus the partitioning of Indian lands was repressed. In
fact, administration of said pueblos was to continue as before, the only exception
being the abolition of the tribute. One of the earliest independence-era efforts to
systematically eliminate the pueblos came as a result of Governor Francisco Antonio
Ortiz de Ocampo's 1814 approval of the establishment of small settler communities.
This plan was a primary object of the C6rdoba government in its attempt to group
dispersed families throughout the province. Judicial control as well as the spiritual
well-being of the populace would be enhanced. Although this measure was not direct-
ly aimed at the pueblos de indios, it proved fundamental in the formation of settler
communities in the outlying areas near Indian settlements, and on the frontier. This
revitalized land concentration of a dispersed segment of Cdrdoba's population came
into direct contact with the pueblos de indios as later evidenced by conflicting land
claims and disputes over water rights and jurisdiction.
Animosities between Indians and whites increased as the condition of the pueblos
deteriorated. The bereft state of the pueblos: (subsistence economy, social friction,
and the corrupt and unstable political administration) vented itself against establish-
ed authority, as exhibited in an increase in criminal cases against Indians. In a state-
ment to Governor Sobremonte in 1805, alcalde ordinario de primer voto, Don Abrosio,
expressed a popular view regarding the pueblos de indios. The settlements provided
refuge for bandits, delinquents, vagrants, and, above all, castas. In fact, many
criminal cases point to pardos, morenos, mestizos, and esclavos as active co-
participants with Indians. La Toma especially was criticized for the numerous Indian
incursions of nearby haciendas. The indigent state of the pueblos, the reduction in
tribute collection, and the increase in the number of Indians accused of robbery only
served to strengthen the commonly held belief that the pueblos lacked authority and
fomented chaos and disorder. Viewing the pueblos as a public danger to agriculture,
the economy, and the genreal well-being, Abrosio proposed their extinction or, at the
very least, their resettlement into one pueblo.
In 1810 Don Jose Gregorio Funes, chief magistrate of Nono labeled the Indian
settlement under his jurisdiction, as "una cueba de ladrones, all'se abriga el
salteador, el vago, y el ocioso. The Indians were accused of livestock rob-
beries, of playing illegal games, of vagrancy, of raping women, of concubinage, and of
non-payment of tribute. Funes also accused the curaca of arming the Indians and
inciting them to insult and threaten Spaniards. Such a case occurred in Cosquin in
1811 when the Spaniard Juan Pablo Crautista brought suit against the alcalde and
curaca of the pueblo. Flogged in the public square and subsequently imprisoned,
Crautista was accused of adultery, robbery of livestock, and incitement to rebel
against the alcalde.
By 1813 livestock robberies in Nono had reached such a high level that the
prosecutor issued a call to the governor for immediate action. He urged the appoint-
ment of strong administrators who would hand down stern sentences. Furthermore, he
called for strict surveillance and supervision of meat consumption, documentation of
purchase or acquisition, and the monitoring of everyday activities of Indians, in-
cluding workers in the fields and contract laborers. As a final solution, he called for
the congregation of the scattered Indian communities and the sale of their lands.
In 1820 a general reign of uncertainty and fear overcame the province. Don Justo
Pastor Vera advised the governor that the infamous Indian culprit Jose Roque Ortega
had returned to Soto, instilling unrest among the Indians. Robberies increased,
disorder prevailed, and the Indians of Pichana rebeled. The leaders of the Pichana
uprising were sent in chains to C6rdoba, while Pastor expelled ten Indian families
from the pueblo. The chief magistrate of the territory encompassing Soto and Pichana
echoed similar fears. Writing to the governor in 1821 Felipe Crespo warned of the
presence of a group of Indian bandits in the area, causing a breakdown of authority.
He requested arms and troops in order to defend the area and restore peace.
Although Indians were mainly prosecuted for livestock robberies, a review of
criminal cases of the period reveals prosecution for other crimes such as drunkenness,
desertion, illicit relationships, concubinage, and, particularly, vagrancy. Authorities
were concerned with Indian disobedience to appointed officials and the growing
rebellious spirit Thus, contract laborers and field workers were closely supervised.

While some of the most frequent types of punishment included sentences to public
works projects, military service to the distant confines of the frontier, repayment of
stolen goods, and the death penalty (which was rarely applied), nothing proved more
controversial than floggings. In 1814 Governor Ocampo denounced the arbitrary use of
this afflictive form of punishment. All landowners or employers who flogged their
Indian laborers without due process and the express sanction of territorial justices
were fined. The decree also prohibited the unlawful sale of Indian livestock and
cultivated or uncultivated land, both of which were protected by the magistrates of
the countryside. At the same time territorial magistrates were made responsible for
the supervision of Indian labor and the welfare of the cattle industry. Vagrant Indian
families were to be imprisoned.
A clear-cut example of Indian exploitation was evident in the war of independence.
Although recruitment records were incomplete, proof of Indian service in the war of
independence and later civil war struggles can be ascertained by a review of army
affiliation and desertion accounts. The curaca de La Toma, Juan de Dios Villafane, in
1820 was alferez in the compaira de clvicas de caballeria de C6rdoba. A typical
army affiliation record in 1822 from Commander Don Jose Nazario de Sosa on the
Chaco frontier included the following: Manuel Albarez, native of Villa del Rosario,
coya. Maubrisia Mercado petitioned the governor to free her imprisoned nephew Jose
Antonio Bazin, indio, accused of desertion; he was needed in the fields to care for the
livestock, on which the family depended. When in 1828 the C6rdoba government
issued a general amnesty to all deseerters of the campaigns in the Banda Oriental,
among the few who presented themselves were Rudecindo Bravo and Jacinto Toledo,
two Indians from Quilino. From the late 1820's to the 1830's, army records did not
clearly indicate a physical description of soldiers. But in 1838 when the same
Commander Sosa, then on the Rio IV frontier, wrote of desertions in his company, he
recorded in the numerous individual affiliation records the physical description of his
men. Several read, "trigueno, natural de Quilino," an indication that the
descendants of the defunct Indian pueblos were high on the list of possible recruits.
The instability of the independence period contributed to the misuse and abuse of
authority in the pueblos. The recaudador de Quilino, Don Agust(n Osan, petitioned the
alcalde ordinario de C6rdoba for the removal of the curaca, Juan de Olmos y
Cabrera. The curaca was accused of drunkenness, of refusing to instill religious
beliefs in the Indians, and of failing to carry out an orderly tribute collection. Whereas
in Soto, the Protector of Indians urged the removal of cacique Mariano Basan, a
pardo and consequently not of pure Indian lineage. The Basan legal conflict was not
resolved for six years, and the resulting vying for positions only served to undermine
and divide the pueblo itself. A similar situation arose in Cosquin when in 1811 the
Indians demanded the removal of curaca Sim6n Quinteros, pardo, son of a slave. He
was accused of adultery and livestock slaughter. In Quilino in 1814 the Indians
brought criminal charges against wealthy landowner Colonel Mariano Usandivaras of
Ischilin. They accused him of destroying their crops, stealing livestock, and enlisting
the aid of pardos in his attempts to extend his property-line demarcations and parcel
out Indian lands. As the castas infiltrated and took up residence in the pueblos, the
resulting instability and social conflicts facilitated the usurpation of Indian land.
Early relocations and forced migrations precipitated the abolition of the Indian
pueblos. In 1784 Governor Sobremonte began to relocate all scattered Indians. Due to
complaints by landowners of livestock robberies and non-payment of tribute, the
Indians of the pueblo de Cinta de Mitalalo in the sierras in 1787 were ordered to
migrate and relocate. Those from the pueblo de Santa Rosa, whose population was
greatly reduced because of an epidemic, received the same order. Both pueblos were
ordered to La Toma for several reasons: its proximity to Cdrdoba, the facilitation of
tribute collection, the utilization of Indian contract labor, and the opportunity to.
provide improved spiritual and educational guidance. Plans to resettle these Indians
continued in spite of protestations of the Protector of Indians. He indicated that the
Indians should have their former lands returned; that the grazing land of La Toma was
unsuitable, and that incursions by city residents made crop production difficult.
Records fail to show, however, whether this resettlement was carried out. In 1834 Don
Zandalio Oliva, estanciero de Serezuela, challenged the Indians of Pichana in their at-
tempt to establish more favorable boundaries. Witnesses to the dispute confirmed as
just and equitable the new demarcations of the Indians. The local magistrate,
however, refused to rule in favor of the Indians and the case was submitted to higher
judicial review.
The gradual absorption of Indian lands came to an end in 1837 when the govern-
ment ordered the sale of "los territories de los antiguos pueblos de indios; Quilino,
San Antonio de Nonsacate, San Marcos, Pichana, Cosquin, y Toma, que
desaparecieron ha tanto tiempo, y no ha quedado en ellos sino muy pocos
descendientes de los indigenas, Ilenandose este vaclo de un enjambre de ladrones y
malvados..." The government would aid the occupiers of these lands by giving
preference to them although they may not have actually had a legal claim. Thus,
Indians without legal title to their lands, usurped over the years by landowners and
opportunists, were doubly at a loss: the Indian rarely could prove ownership, and
outright usurpations now became sanctioned possession. Consequently, by December
1837 the Agrarian Tribunal declared Don Ger6nimo Salguero y Salguero proprietor of
the lands of Soto.

The physical displacement of the Indians led to a spiritual void within the descen-
dants of the extinct pueblos. Their mode of life disrupted, their communities
destroyed, and their lands usurped, the Indians became nonentity citizens whose
once proud heritage was reduced to references made to the original founding site of a
pueblo. Cordoba's settled indigenous population, heretofore neglected, forms part of
the greater study of race relations in the early nineteenth century in Argentina and the
Major Document Collections Consulted
Archive Historico "Monseifor Pablo Cabrera," C6rdoba Serie: Gobierno, Criminales,
Registro Protocolos, Escribanlas, Hacienda, Censos, Registro Oficial.
Archive General de la Nacion, Buenos Aires.
Institute de Estudios Americanistas, Universidad Nacional de Cordoba
Other document collections, secondary sources, and further documentation may be
obtained from the author.

During the summer of 1979, the Center's Intensive Summer Language Program in
Portuguese was held in Brazil. Accompanied by Associate Director Dr. Terry McCoy,
the group of 15 participants from throughout the U.S. spent a week in Rio de Janeiro,
and then moved on to Santos, where the six week language program was conducted by
native speakers. Alfred Hower, Professor of Portuguese, also accompanied the group.
The Intensive Summer Language Program in Spanish was held in Bogota, Colombia.
The 44 participants lived with Colombian families, and were taught for six weeks by
native speakers at the Universidad de los Andes.
From September 24 to October 30, Grinter Galleries featured an exhibition of
Quiche Maya life in Guatemala. Sponsored by the Graduate School, the Center for
Latin American Studies, the Department of Anthropology, and the University Gallery,
the display combined crafts, textiles, ceramics, and photographs taken by Gallery
director Buff Gordon. To coincide with the Conference to be held December 3-7 on
"Spain and the United States: A Panorama of Relations," an exhibition is planned to
emphasize the first Spanish period in Florida, displaying drawings, artifacts, le Moyne
etchings, photographs, and old documents. During the month of January, the work of
contemporary Latin American fine artists-paintings, sculptures, drawings-will be on
display in the Grinter Galleries. Gallery hours are from 9:00 a.m. to 3:00 p.m. Monday
through Friday.
The Outreach Lending Library has been expanded by generous gifts from several
University of Florida faculty members to almost 250 volumes; books may be borrowed
by teachers throughout the state as well as by persons working in Outreach. The four
Traveling Latin American Art Exhibits designed to make U.S. citizens more aware of
the historic and artistic treasures of Latin America are ready for booking by schools
and other public institutions. The Traveling Suitcases of Latin American materials for
use in the classroom are being inventoried and readied for sending to interested
Various Outreach faculty members will be presenting workshops for teachers of
Latin American studies in the state. Felicity Trueblood and Doyle Casteel will be
especially active in this area. Curriculum Monograph 6, Latin American Culture:
A Few Conceptual Glimpses by J. Doyle Casteel, Felicity Trueblood, Desta
Horner, and Louise Rothman was made available for distribution in mid-November.
Dialogo, the Outreach newsletter, has resumed publication for the 1979-80
academic year. Editor Kathleen Stipek and Production Editor Carmen Braun plan nine
regular and two or three special issues. Felicity Trueblood remains Outreach Co-
ordinator and chairs the Outreach Committee. For more information on Outreach
activities, contact Trueblood, Stipek, or Braun, c/o CLAS, Grinter Hall, University of
Florida, Gainesville, FL 32611.
Two distinguished Brazilian artists gave concerts at the University of Florida during
the fall quarter. On November 5, Edmo Fraga Amorim, prize-winning guitarist on a
tour of the U.S., performed. Noted pianist Anna Stella Schic played an all Villa-Lobos
program on October 17, to commemorate the 20th anniversary of the composer's
death. Held in the University Auditorium, the event was co-sponsored by the Center for
Latin American Studies, the departments of Romance Languages and Music, and
arranged under the auspices of the Brazilian Embassy.

The University of Florida's Center for Latin American Studies will hold its 30th
Annual Conference on September 29, 30, and October 1, 1980, on the topic of "The
Portuguese World in the Time of Camoes: 16th-Century Portugal, Brazil, Portuguese
Africa, and Portuguese Asia." Commemorating the 400th anniversary of the death of
Portugal's great national poet, the conference is planned to be multidisciplinary in

nature, examing historical, political, social, economic, geographic, literary, an-
thropological, linguistic, artistic, and cultural aspects of the Portuguese world of the
time. Papers and proposals are invited. It is expected that several noted scholars from
Portugal and Brazil will be among the participants. For more information contact the
Conference Coordinator, Dr. Alfred Hower, 335 Grinter Hall, University of Florida,
Gainesville, FL 32611.
"Development and Inequality in Latin America" was the topic of the 29th Annual
Latin American Conference held at the University of Florida, October 1-4. The con-
ference, sponsored by the Center for Latin American Studies received financial
support from the Organization of American States, and the U.S. Office of Education.
Dr. Glaucio Soares was the coordinator. The conference brought together distinguished
Latin American and North American scholars with sessions exploring the history of in-
equality, inequality among nations, inequality and education, the State, multinational
corporations, the rural sector, urbanization, migration, and urban poverty.
An International Symposium titled "Spain and the United States: A Panorama of
Relations" will be held December 3-7, 1979, to be sponsored by the Center for Latin
American Studies, the Center for Florida Studies (both at the University of Florida,
Gainesville) and the Centro Iberoamericano de Cooperaci6n (Madrid.) The meeting will
allow'Spanish and North American scholars to examine the historical interaction
between the two countries, cultural influences, and contemporary Spain and its rela-
tions with the U.S. 1979 marks the 200th anniversary of Spanish support for the
North American struggle for independence. The symposium will also include cultural
activities such as a film festival and print exhibition. For more information, contact
Dr. Samuel Proctor, Center for Florida Studies, or Dr. Terry McCoy, center for Latin
American Studies, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL 32611.
The Student Organization for Latin American Studies (SOLAS) has been organizing
and planning activities for the upcoming academic year. Through its Colloquium
series, SOLAS sponsored several activities, including a presentation of the classic
Peruvian film "The Green Wall" (La muralla verde) which describes a young Lima
family who, disenchanted with city life, attempt to begin again in the Peruvian jungle.
The Colloquium also invited two speakers during the quarter: Dr. Nigel Smith,
Research Associate at the Instituto Nacional de Pesquisas da Amazonia,
spoke on "Brazil's Transamazon Highway: A Government Sponsored Settlement
Scheme in the Humid Tropics" and John Jova, President of Meridian House Interna-
tional and former U.S. Ambassador to Mexico. Ambassador Jova lectured on
U.S.-Mexican relations.

Andres Avellaneda, recently appointed Assistant Professor of Spanish-American
Literature, is a native of Argentina. He received his Master's degree from the University
of Buenos Aires, and his Ph.D. from the Univesity of Illinois, where his dissertation
dealt with the contemporary Argentinian narrative and Peronismo. Dr. Avellaneda has
taught at the University of Buenos Aires, the University of Puerto Rico, the University
of Illinois, the University of San Juan (Argentina), and most recently at the University
of California at Santa Cruz. In addition, he has worked in Latin American journalism
for several years, as an editor for La Opinion, published in Buenos Aires. His
publications include articles and a book, and his forthcoming work is part of an
edition devoted to militarism and literature in the southern cone. His current research
interests include South American contemporary lyric poetry, as well as the sociology of
Spanish American literature, covering historical, cultural, and sociological approaches
to literary production. During fall quarter, he taught courses dealing with the Spanish-
American essay and Spanish syntax, and for winter quarter he plans to offer a seminar
in Contemporary Spanish-American literature, focussing on the Caribbean, Puerto
Rico, and Cuba, and a new course at the University of Florida dealing with Latin
American Civilization and Culture.
Suzette J. Doyon-Bernard has joined the University as Assistant Professor of Art. She
has received degrees from Marymount College, Florida Atlantic University, and the
University of South Florida, and will receive the Ph.D. from the University of Georgia,
Athens, with a dissertation entitled "The Role of Early Peruvian Textiles in Defining
the Sculputral Aesthetic of the Chavin Horizon." Ms. Doyon-Bernard is a studio artist
and has participated in a number of exhibitions. She has also taught and delivered
several lectures. She has traveled extensively, and her current research interests con-
cern the development of weaving in the Andes. Ms. Doyon-Bernard is now teaching a
course titled "Mesoamerican Art" and plans to teach a course during winter quarter
titled "Lower Central and South American Art."
Joseph Wallace Foweraker is a visiting Associate Professor from the University of
Essex, England, exchanging with Dr. Glaucio Soares. Dr. Foweraker received his B.A.
from Christs College, Cambridge, his B. Phil. from Brasenose College, Oxford, and his

D. Phil. from St. Antony's, Oxford. He has been associated with CEBPRAP. So Paulo,
Brazil; the department of Government, University of Essex; and NAEA, Federal Univer-
sity of Para, Brazil. He has also worked as a consultant. Dr. Foweraker has received
awards from the Ford Foundation, the Nuffield Foundation, and the British Academy.
His book Struggle for Land, which deals with the political economy of the
pioneer frontier in Brazil, will be published by Cambridge University Press next year.
Dr. Foweraker is at present collaborating with the Guatemalan Director of Central
American Institute of Political Studies, Ruben Zamora on an historical and theoretical
reconstruction of the authoritarian state in Latin America. During fall quarter he
taught an undergraduate sociology course on Latin American society and a seminar on
development and inequality in Latin America, which drew on Center faculty in dif-
ferent areas. In winter, Dr. Foweraker plans to teach a graduate seminar in sociology,
called "Modernization in Latin America" which will emphasize political economy. In
the spring, he plans to teach a course that has not been offered at the University

recently, dealing with political sociology.

Steven E. Sanderson, Assistant Professor, Political Science, received a B.A. in
History from the University of Central Arkansas, an M.A. in Political Science from the
University of Arkansas, an M.A. in Political Science from Stanford University, and the
Ph.D. from Stanford with major emphasis on Comparative Politics, Latin America, and
Political Theory. Professor Sanderson has been awarded grants from the Fulbright
Foundation, the Doherty Foundation, the Stanford Center for Latin American Studies,
and Stanford University Department of Political Science, for travel and dissertation
research. He has taught courses in Political Science, and has been a research
associate, with a Rockerfeller Foundation grant on U.S.-Mexican relations along the
frontier. After teaching a course on Contemporary Mexico fall quarter, Dr. Sanderson is
going to teach a course this winter entitled "North-South Relations: The Quest for a
New Economic Order."


Recipients of N.D.E.A. Title VI American Language and Area
Fellowships for academic year 1979-80 include John R.
Butler (Anthropology), Susan R. Epstein (Latin American
Studies), Paul J. Graney (History), Ronald F. Kephart (Latin
American Studies), N. Riley Kirby (Communications), Kathy C.
McShane (Business Administration), Paul L. Weaver (History),
and John F. Wilson (Anthropology).
Graduate assistants for the Center for Latin American
Studies this year are Damian Fernandez and Cecil Shields
(Center graduate assistantss, Bill Kenah cartographicc
laboratory assistant, Amy McClung (Latinamericanist
editor), and Michael Painter (Colloquium coordinator.)
Chris 0. Andrew, Assistant Director of International Pro-
grams/IFAS, published a paper titled "A Conceptual Model
for International Trade in Vegetable Crops" in The Journal
of the Australian Institute of Agricultural
Sciences. Dr. Andrew also attended a meeting of the Inter-
national Association of Agricultural Economics, held in Banff,
Canada, September 3-8.
Andres Avellaneda, Assistant Professor of Spanish-
American Literature, attended the Latin American Studies
Association Meeting, held in Pittsburgh, in April.
Alan B. Bolten, Zoology student, is currently in Venezuela
working on the ecology and behavior of Africanized
Alan F. Bums, Assistant Professor of Anthropology,
presented a paper titled "Yucatec Mayan Ethnopoetics: The
Translation of a Narrative View of Life" at the 4th Mayan
Linguistics Workshop, Palenque, Mexico, July 2-5.
Joseph Conrad, Professor of Animal Nutrition and
Coordinator of Tropical Animal Science Programs, attended
the meeting of the Sociedade Brasileira de Zootecnia in
Curitiba, Parana, July 16-19, and chaired a session on recent
research on the identification of mineral deficiencies in graz-
ing ruminants in Brazil.
Graciela Couson, Associate Professor of Spanish, published
"El texto ausente. Notas a proposito de algunos relates
hispanoamericanos" in Cuadernos americanos,
Mexico, XXXVIII:2. Dr. Coulson also delivered a lecture entitl-
ed "Orfeo y el orfismo en la obra de Cortizar," at the May
meeting of the Instituto de Literatura Iberoamericana, in
Roy C. Craven, Jr., Director, University Gallery, has publish-
ed an essay titled "A Maya Ballplayer from Yucatan: An
Illustrative Shell Piece" from the collection of the University
Gallery, for an exhibition catalogue, Huntsville Museum of
Art, Huntsville, Alabama. Craven spent two weeks in Mexico,
driving 1,600 miles in Veracruz amassing photographic
materials for an upcoming exhibition at the Univesity Gallery
on the Olmec culture. From September 16-22, he par-
ticipated in the conference on East Indians in the
Caribbean sponsored by UNESCO and the University of
West Indies, held at St. Augustine, Trinidad, West Indies, and
he served as chairman for the Sociology and Psychology
Raymond E. Crist, Research Professor Emeritus of
Geography, will publish "Land and Man in the Geopolitics of

the Guyana Jungle" in the American Journal of
Economics and Sociology. The paper will also be
presented at S.E.A.A.G. meetings. Dr. Crist traveled to Mexico
City and the Yucatan this year. In addition, an article
prepared with Dr. Louis A. Paganini entitled "The Maya
Continum" has been accepted for publication by the
American Journal of Economics and Sociology.
Dr. Crist has received a "Master Teacher Award" from the
National Council for Geographic Education.
John Ewel, Associate Professor of Botany, was an invited
symposium participant at the American Institute of
Biological Sciences meeting, held in Stillwater, Oklahoma in
August. Dr. Ewel gave a paper (co-authored by graduate
students C. Berish, B. Brown, J. Raich, and project manager
N. Price) on "Slash and Burn Impacts on a Wet Forest Site in
Costa Rica." Dr. Ewel was also an invited participant at the
Interciencia meeting on Tropical Forests held in San Jose,
Costa Rica, in October. He gave a paper on "Secondary
Forests; the Tropical Wood Resource of the Future." In addi-
tion, he has received a grant of $58,728 from the USDA Con-
sortium on Man and the Biosphere to examine "Present and
Potential Utilization of a Tropical Palm Forest."
Peter Feinsinger, Assistant Professor, Zoology, has done
research in Ecuador in February 1979 as well as research at
Monteverde, Costa Rica, during July and August of 1979. He
has presented seminars at the University of Wisconsin, Pur-
due University, and the University of Toronto in March 1979,
and seminars at Duke University and North Carolina State
University in September 1979. For spring 1979 he received
the Division of Sponsored Research Seed Money Award. Re-
cent publications include: Feinsinger and L. A. Swbrm. 1978
"Why do hummingbird flowers secrete dilute nectar?
Biotropica 10: 307-309; and Bolten and Feinsinger, H. G.
Baker, and I. Baker. 1979. "On the calculation of sugar con-
centration in flower nectar. Oecologia 41: 301-304.
Leo Da Rocha Ferreira, graduate student from Brazil,
received the Ph.D. from the University of Florida in December
1978, with a major in Food and Resource Economics. His
dissertation, "Economics of Small and Sharecropper Farms
Under Risk in the Sertio of Northerastern Brazil," received
an Honorable Mention in the American Agricultural
Economics Association Competition for best dissertation,
calendar year 1978. His major professor was Dr. W. W.
McPherson, Graduate Research Professor in Food and
Resource Economics.
David G. Fritz, Zoology student, received an NSF Predoc-
toral Fellowship for three years, and plans to begin research
on tropical plant-insect relationships soon. Fritz also par-
ticipated in the Organization for Tropical Studies field course
in Costa Rica, July-August 1979.
Effective September 8, Ms. Ebbeth (Buff) Gordon was ap-
pointed Director of Grinter Galleries and Assistant to the
Director of the University Galleries.
Michael Wallace Gordon, of the College of Law, presented
two papers at the Instituto Mexicano de Commercio Exterior
in Mexico City. The first, given in June was titled "Should
Mexico Participate in GATT"; the second, in July, was titled
"Multinational Corporations: Governance by Host Nations."

Cornelis Godinp, Professor of History, presented a paper
entitled "The Decline and Fall of the Dutch West India Com-
pany" at the Conference of the Association of Caribbean
Historians at Cura;ao (Netherlands Antilles) April 5-10. In ad-
dition Dr. Goslinga has published A Short History of the
Netherlands Antilles and Surminam, M. NYhoff. The
Hague. 1979.
Dana Griffin, III, professor of Botany, has recently publish-
ed three papers: "The genus Breutelia (Musci: Bar-
tramiaceae) in Mexico", A.S.B. Bull. 26(2):80; "On the
sporophyte of Streptopogon calymperes C. M. ex Geh.
(Musci: Pottiaceae)", Miscl. Bryol. et Lichenol. 8(4): 70-71;
and "New Records for the moss flora of Venezuela", Bryol.
82(4): in press. In July and August, Dr. Griffin researched Col-
ombian mosses at the Institute of Systematic Botany, State
University, Utrecht, Netherlands, and from August
26-September 2, was session leader at the Bryophyte
Workshop, in Geneve, Switzerland.
M. J. Hardman, Professor of Anthropology and Linguistics,
delivered a lecture on "Los efectos de la castellanizaci6n en
la educaci6n rural" in August in La Paz, Bolivia, MUSEF, and
the article was published in a local newspaper. During the
summer, Professor Hardman did field work in Kawki, Peru,
publishing a Jaqaru primer and gave literacy courses to Ja-
quaru speakers in Tupe, Peru.
Alfred Hower, Professor of Portuguese, traveled to Brazil
and Portugal during the summer to contact scholars, govern-
ment officials, and foundation administrators regarding
plans for the Center's 30th Annual Conference to be held in
Gainesville on September 29-30 and October 1, 1980.
Ronald F. Kephart, MALAS candidate, spent April-August of
1979 in Carriacou, Grenada, West Indies, researching for his
master's thesis on "Preliminary Description of Cariacou
Creole," His work was funded by an Inter-American Founda-
tion Master's Learning Fellowship on Social Change.
Michele Lee, former SOLAS director and recent M.A. reci-
pient in Urban and Regional Studies, is currently in
Venezuela, having received a Fulbright Teaching Fellowship
for 1978-80.
In July, Judith M. Lisansky, Ph.D. candidate and teaching
assistant, Anthropology, gave a paper on "Women in the
Brazilian Frontier" to the Women's Research Group, Institute
for Gerontology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan.
The paper was based on her fieldwork in Mato Grosso from
March 1978 until 1979, funded by an HEW Fulbright for
Dissertation Research.
In October, Maxine Marlolis, Associate Professor of An-
thropology, published Brazil: Anthropological
Pespectives, Essays in honor of Charles Wagley,
co-edited with William E. Carter, Columbia University Press.
Terry McCoy, Associate Director of the Center for Latin
American Studies, accompanied 15 participants in the sum-
mer Portuguese programs to Brazil. Then in early August, he
traveled to Haiti, with Dr. William Maples (Florida State
Museum), Dr. Charles Fairbanks (Department of An-
thropology,) and Dr. Kathy Degan (Florida State University,) to
evaluate early Spanish archeological sites on the north coast

of the island. Ray Willis, a graduate student working under
Fairbanks and Degan, has opened up a site believed to be
Puerto Real, an early Spanish settlement. While in Haiti, the
team met with government and OAS officials to discuss col-
laborating on a long-term project to develop Spanish ar-
cheological sites in Haiti.
John McShane, Ph.D. candidate in Political Science,
presented a paper entitled "Mexican Foreign Policy of the
1970's" at the Southern Political Science Association
meetings held during November 1-3 in Gatlinburg, Ten-
Anthony Oliver-Smith, Associate Professor of Anthropology,
presented a paper to the XLVIII International Congress of
Americanists in Vancouver, British Columbia, August 16. The
paper dealt with "Post-disaster Urbanization in the Andes:
the Makeshift, Provisional and Planned."
Robert N. Pierce, Professor of Journalism, attended the In-
ter American Press Association convention in Toronto, Oc-
tober 16-20. His book, entitled Keeping the Flame:
Media and Government in Latin America, was
published by Hastings House in October.
Dianne Rocheleau, Ph.D. candidate, received an OAS grant
for fall 1979, to do field research in geography in the
Dominican Republic.
Ms. Beatriz Fernandez Quispe, instructor in Aymara,
assisted Dr. Lucy T. Briggs with workshops for teachers and
administrators at Indian Township School at Indian
Township, Maine, during the month of May.

Steven Sanderon, Assistant Professor of Political Science,
will publish a book entitled Agrarian Populism and the
Mexican State: The Struggle for Land in Sonora.
(Berkely: University of California Press.) He presented a paper
entitled "Agrarian Struggle in Sonora, 1970-1976: Manipula-
tion, Reformn and the Defeat of Pupulism," to the 1979 Na-
tional LASA Meeting and at the Conference on the State,
Social Classes and Rural Development in Mexico, Centro In-
teramericano de Estudios de Seguridad Social, August 1-3,
Mexico City. The paper will be published in the December
edition of Revista Mexicana de Sociologia, Mexico.
Dr. Sanderson also presented a paper co-authored with
Richard R. Fagen entitled "Continuities of Revolutionary Rule
in Cuba" at the Conference on "Revolution and the Transfor-
mation of Social Relations in the Third World" held at
Brooklyn College, Brooklyn, N.Y., May 7-8.

As an undertaking of the Amazon Research Project at CLAS,
Marianne Schmink, Charles Wagley, and Charles Wood have
compiled a roster of 102 persons from 15 countries involved
in research on socioeconomic aspects of the Amazon region.
They have also edited the first issue of the Amazon Research
Newsletter, which describes the roster project and reports on
other Amazon-related activities. Those interested in either
publication should contact Schmink, Wagley, or Wood at the
CLAS for further information.
Ivan A. Schulman, Graduate Research Professor of Latin
American Literature and Director of the Center, has com-
pleted an English edition of the UNESCO volume America

Latina en su literature. The book will appear at the end
of 1979. Dr. Schulman is both editor and contributor. In ad-
dition, Dr. Schulman is both an organizer and a speaker at
the Modern Languages Association Meeting in San Francisco
in December, at the session on Modernism.
An article entitled "Women's Work, Fertility and Competing
Time Use in Mexico City" by Stanley K. Smith, Assistant Pro-
fessor of Economics, will be published next year in
Research in Population Economics, Vol. III, edited
by Julian Simon and Peter Lindert.
Elizabeth S. Wing, Curator, Natural Sciences, Florida State
Museum, and S. Scudder presented a paper entitled "Animal
Use in Prehistoric St. Kitts" at the 8th International Con-
ference on the Prehistory of the Caribbean, held on St. Kitts
Island in August. The paper will be published in the Pro-
ceedings. Wing and E. J. Reitz cooperated on a project
directed by Dr. Craig Morris, American Museum, for the study
of remains from the Incan Urban Center of Huanuco Pampa,
Peru. With the help of two Peruvian students, Carman Cardoz
and Dennis Pozzi-Escot, they identified and measured
37,000 bones which are the remains of the great Incan llama
herds. Analysis of these data should provide greater insight
into the herding activities of the Incas.
Jeffrey K. Wilkerson, Associate Curator of Archaeology and
Associate Professor of Anthropology, returned from three
months (June through August) of field research in Mexico,
sponsored by a grant from the National Geographic Society
for "Cultural Ecology of the Mexican Gulf Coast."

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