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 The formation of Brazilian frontier...
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Title: Latinamericanist
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 Material Information
Title: Latinamericanist
Series Title: Latinamericanist.
Alternate Title: University of Florida latinamericanist
Latin americanist
Abbreviated Title: Latinamericanist
Physical Description: v. : ; 28-36 cm.
Language: English
Creator: University of Florida Center for Latin American Studies
University of Florida -- Center for Latin American Studies
Publisher: Center for Latin American Studies
Place of Publication: Gainesville Fla
Publication Date: May 1984
Frequency: semiannual[<1992->]
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Study and teaching (Higher) -- Periodicals -- Latin America -- Florida   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
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Additional Physical Form: Also issued online.
Dates or Sequential Designation: Vol. 1, no. 1 (Feb. 3, 1964)-
Numbering Peculiarities: Suspended between v. 35, no. 1 (fall 1999) and v. 36, no. 1 (spring 2005).
General Note: Title from caption.
General Note: Latest issue consulted: Vol. 36, no. 2 (fall 2005).
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Table of Contents
    Popular culture, national identity and migration in the Caribbean: February 10-21, 1984, 33rd annual conference of the Center for Latin American Studies
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        Page 2
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        Page 7
        Page 8
    The formation of Brazilian frontier policy: The role of the association of Amazonian entrepeneurs
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
    News and notes
        Page 12
Full Text








latinainericanist


UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
CENTER FOR LATIN AMERICAN STUDIES
GAINESVILLE, FLORIDA


VOLUME 19 NUMBER 2
MAY 1984
JON JONAKIN, EDITOR


POPULAR CULTURE, NATIONAL IDENTITY

AND MIGRATION IN THE CARIBBEAN

February 10-21, 1984

33rd Annual Conference of the

Center for Latin American Studies

Introductory Remarks


Popular Culture, National Identity, and Migration In the Carib-
bean was the theme of the 33rd annual conference of the Center
for Latin American Studies which was held recently at the Univer-
sity of Florida. Convened in the J. Reitz Union from February
19-21, 1984, the conference was organized by Charles V.
Carnegie, a visiting assistant at the University of Florida, and
Helen I. Safa, Director of the Center for Latin American Studies.
The Caribbean scholars participating in the conference includ-
ed specialists in literature, the arts, theater, and most areas of the
social sciences. They came from many parts of the Caribbean in-
cluding Puerto Rico, Jamaica, Haiti, the Dominican Republic,
and Cuba as well as the United States.
This was the second major conference the Center had spon-
sored on the theme of cultural identity. It built on the first, held in
October 1981, by giving greater emphasis to the development of
popular culture in the Caribbean and the contribution of migra-
tion to this process. Commenting on the often unheralded
resilience of Caribbean peoples, the distinguished Jamaican
humanist Sir Phillip Sherlock has pointed out: "The folk culture
of the Caribbean .. .used to be disreputable. It belonged in the
kitchen but certainly not in the drawing room. We were told as
children that these things didn't count for anything. We're learn-
ing that they do; we are learning to give value to them. And, I
think, one of the things we're learning too is to approach the folk
with humility and pride in what they are doing. Humility in
ourselves, and pride in the extraordinary achievement of people
who, with very little, and under some of the hardest penalization
of which history knows, created a way of life."* The present con-
ference was devoted to seeing just how this "extraordinary
achievement" figures in, and was transformed by, the migration
experience.
An edited volume is being prepared which will include a selec-
tion of revised versions of the papers presented at the
conference.
"Folk Cultures of the Caribbean" In, Cultural Tradition and Caribbean
Identity: The Question of Patrimony, S. Jeffrey, and K. Wilkerson, eds.,
Center for Latin American Studies, University of Florida, 1980: 340.

Conference Proceedings
The conference opened on the evening of February 19 with a
reception at the University Gallery where the participants viewed
an art exhibit entitled, "A Stately Picturesque Dream ... Scenes


of Florida, Cuba, and Mexico." The works on display included
brush drawings and watercolors done in the 1880s by Frank
Hamilton Taylor, an illustrator for Harper's Weekly. Following the
reception, several participants read selections of their poetry and
writings.
The next morning, February 20, Ambassador Sally Shelton,
former US Ambassador to Barbados and the Eastern Caribbean,
delivered the opening remarks in a speech entitled "Importance
of the Caribbean for the United States."
Panel 1: THE FORMATION OF NATIONAL IDENTITY IN
THE CARIBBEAN
CHAIR: Helen I. Safa, Director, Center for Latin American
Studies, University of Florida.
PRINCIPAL SPEAKERS:
Paul Latortue, Director, Center for Business Research,
University of Puerto Rico.
"Migration and Haitian National Identity."
Mercedes Sandoval, Miami Dade Community College,
Department of Anthropology.
"The Mariel Refugees: Value Orientations and National
Identity."


The Carnival in Havana






Angel Quintero Rivera, Professor, Center for Social
Research, University of Puerto Rico and Centro de Estudios
de la Realidad Puertorriquen'a.
"The Urban/Rural Dichotomy in the Formation of Puerto
Rico's Cultural Identity."
DISCUSSANT:
Anthony P. Maingot, Florida International University.
Panel II: RACE AND CULTURAL IDENTITY
CHAIR: Carleton Williams, University of Florida
PRINCIPAL SPEAKERS:
Rex Nettleford, Professor, Extra-Mural Department,
University of West Indies.
"The Afro-Caribbean Heritage in the Arts"
Miguel Barnet, Writer, Union de Escritores y Artistas de
Cuba, UNEAC, Guggenheim Fellow.
"The African Presence in Cuban National Identity"
Juan Flores, Research Director, Center for Puerto Rican
Studies, City University of New York.
"Racial Consciousness and Cultural Identity Among Puerto
Rican Migrants in the U.S."
DISCUSSANT:
Neville Duncan, Visiting Scholar, University of Florida.

Panel III: THE ARTS AND CULTURAL IDENTITY
CHAIR: Reynaldo Jimenez, University of Florida
PRINCIPAL SPEAKERS:
Jose Alcgntara, Professor of Sociology, Instituto Tec-
nol6gico de Santo Domingo.
"Black Images in Dominican Literature."
Roberto Gonzales Echevarria, Professor of Romance
Languages, Yale University.
"The Search for an Identity: 'De donde son los cantantes
and Lo cubano en la poesia."
Erna Brodbar, Social Psychologist and Writer, University of
West Indies.
"Black Consciousness and Popular Music in Jamaica in the
1960s and 70s."
DISCUSSANT:
Emilio Bejel, University of Florida.

Panel IV: CULTURAL POLICIES AND CULTURAL
IDENTITY
CHAIR: Robert Bach, Visiting Scholar, University of Florida
PRINCIPAL SPEAKERS:
Aggrey Brown, Director, Institute of Mass Communica-
tion, University of the West Indies.
"Mass Communication and Cultural Policy."
Albert Mangones, Director, Institut de Sauvegard du Patri-
moine National, Haiti.
"Haitian Efforts at Preserving Cultural Patrimony."
Jose del Castillo, Director, Museo del Hombre, Dominican
Republic.
"Migration, National Identity, and Cultural Policy in the
Dominican Republic."
DISCUSSANT:
Betty Sedoc-Dahlberg, Visiting Scholar, University of
Florida.
Following the presentations on Monday, February 20th, most
participants attended a photography exhibit: "La Frontera" by
photographer Wilfredo Garcia, on loan from the Museo del Hom-
bre in the Dominican Republic. The exhibit had previously been
displayed in the Grinter Gallery.
Later the same evening a performance of Jamaican playwright
Trevor Rhone's "Two Can Play" was presented in a Gainesville
community theater. In 1982 the play swept the Jamaican awards
competition for best play, best production, and best acting. A


poignant comedy, "Two Can Play" depicts the many personal
and social pressures which beset a Jamaican couple who con-
sider migration as an alternative to their situation.
In a concluding cultural event on Tuesday evening, February
21, the conference participants were entertained by a showing of
the movie "Smile Orange", also written and produced by Trevor
Rhone. First composed and performed as a play, the film version
of "Smile Orange" won awards at the Cork International Film
Festival and at the Virgin Islands Festival. Rhone's film focuses a
comic, yet sensitive, eye on the lives of those working in the
Jamaican tourist industry.

The following is an excerpt from Professor Rex Nettleford's
paper:
"THE AFRO-CARIBBEAN HERITAGE IN THE ARTS
The hyphen or the qualifying adjective continues to dominate
our perceptions of that part of the world which has recently been
christened a "Basin" by the Reagan Administration. The usual
ways of describing the region, indeed, continue to manifest
themselves in hypenated splendour: so there is not only an
Anglo-phone Caribbean and a Spanish-speaking Caribbean but
also a Dutch-speaking Caribbean, a Francophone Caribbean and
the corresponding political descriptions of the more recent past -
French Antilles, Dutch Antilles, Hispanic Caribbean and the
British West Indies which has been rechristened the Com-
monwealth Caribbean with the coming of Independence. There is
no 'Afrophone Caribbean' since the competition between
Yoruba, Ibo, Aken/Twi, to name just three major nation language
groups that migrated with their enslaved speakers, would only
further Babelise the region. Yet it is in this area, as in some other
patent, potent ones that Africa ruled in such a way that the sym-
biosis between European, Amerindian and African tongues threw
up products of the creative intellect which have long defied the
hyphen and now challenge our Adamic urge to find new names
and designations. The creole (i.e., native born and native bred)
tongues of the Caribbean are then the true languages of the
region with the European linguae francae serving, albeit with con-
tinuing imperial dominance, as the seemingly only legitimate
modes of serious exchange of ideas, policies and programmes for
development.
... The African Presence continues to suffer such deficien-
cies of definition though closer examination shows no sign of
malfunctioning of it in the region's indigenously crafted designs
for social living. Such designs, I contend, are what in the final
analysis determine, define and legitimate a civilization. It is in this
sense that the term "Afro-Caribbean" needs careful examination.
For to some the prefix before the hyphen is superfluous, since in
that perception, all that is "Caribbean" must have at the centre of
its ethos the African Presence. The argument goes that such
things as are identifiably and peculiarly "Caribbean", have been
forged for the most past in the crucible of the African experience
in the region. Historical data can indeed be marshalled to support
the point especially if scholars choose to take into consideration
the vigour of the adaptation new environment from which they
could not voluntarily return to ancestral hearths as was the case
with European masters and indentured labourers before them or
with the East Indian and Chinese indentured labourers who came
after Emancipation. Much of the African's return has had to be
symbolic, mythical and intellectual. And the exercise of the
creative intellect and the creative imagination in adapting, ad-
justing, creating and innovating became the model for both sur-
vival and beyond in shaping the region. It is in this sense that
Black has come to signify culture rather than skin.
The "Afro" prefix may then belong more appropriately before
the names of other groups (or nations) which have become
"Caribbean" because of contact with the Africans' dominating
influence through the process of creolisation which I have
described elsewhere as "that awesome process actualised in
simultaneous acts of negating and affirming, demolishing and
constructing, rejecting and reshaping."4
It is such a process that has characterized the internal dynamics
of Caribbean society over these past four centuries, and it is the






centrality of the African Presence in this process which gives to
the Caribbean a distinctive flavour, mood, orientation and identi-
ty that is nothing if it is not African-derived or African-rooted.
Since the process draws heavily on the exercise of the creative
intellect and the creative imagination, collectively and individual-
ly, the areas of human activity which draw heaviest on these at-
tributes or faculties would naturally reflect the African influence
greatest. Insofar as there are manifestations which reveal, un-
questionably, the African-derived influences one may indeed be
temped to gild the lily by designating it "Afro-Caribbean". But
more accurately, one were better served by speaking of the
African Heritage in the Caribbean something which is too well
documented to now inflict the burden of boredom on participants
in this conference. It may do well to remind ourselves,
nonetheless, that extensive research and analysis have establish-
ed that Caribbean religions, for example, have proven to be
among the most vital areas of African continuities. Such
"religions" are identifiably "Caribbean" because of the common
thread of Africa that runs through their doctrines and ritual
observances a phenomenon which finds expression in the
voodoo of Haiti, santeria of Cuba, shango of Trinidad, candom-
ble of Brazil, pocomania (pukkumina) of Jamaica, revivalism
which is universally present throughout the region and the grow-
ing Rastafarianism which had its origin in Jamaican Ethiopianism
and is developing into a religious complex of far-reaching cultural
significance not only in the region, but in metropolitan centres
where West Indian migrants now find they have to survive. One
can, therefore, easily isolate such creole Caribbean elements in
our cultural universe elements which are themselves artistic
products from the collective imagination but which are not in turn
influencing the work of artists consciously crafting designs in
space, on canvas, on the printed page, on the airwaves or
wherever else self-definition and creative expression becomes a
necessity.
I shall attempt to narrow my own undertaking to a particular
section of the arts which could not have come to life without that
source of energy supplied by African life transmuted in the
Americas. I refer to the performing arts and to dance and music in
particular. For through these expressions, men and women,
brutalized in bondage, managed to survive and to take life
beyond survival, giving to it meaning, form and purpose. Despite
the neglect of this fact by many who now preside over the
region's postcolonial power, the African heritage continues to in-
form, nuture and fertilise the acts of creative scholars, writers
(especially poets and novelists), musical composers (especially
calypsonians and reggae artists who have brought themselves in-
ternational distinction), dramatists, actors, dancers and
choreographers ...
Professor Nettleford goes on to support his thesis about the
centrality of the African Heritage, both in the formation and in the
continued vitality of Caribbean (and, indeed, Western) society,
by giving rich and detailed illustrations from literature, music,
and, in particular, dance.

The following is an excerpt from Miguel Barnet's paper:
THE AFRICAN PRESENCE IN
CUBAN NATIONAL IDENTITY
The Africans who arrived in Cuba were in no condition to
transplant their cultural institutions because they came as per-
sons who had been captured and kidnapped, and had to submit
to a scheme of social relations very different from anything they
had known before. The African retentions that survive in Cuba
suffered far-reaching modifications for ecological and political
reasons that are obvious. These expressions received the in-
fluence of a new social/milieu and a new class structure. For that
reason, through a tense process of transculturation, they had to
adapt themselves to a new situation. The theses of Melville Her-
skovits about cultural retentions in America achieve some
legitimacy in Cuba with the advent of the Cuban Revolution. The
Revolution makes possible the generalization of a consciousness
of the presence of African values. This allows the generalization
to rise to a more appropriate level, while assuring that those


African elements of traditional popular culture are not taken as
something alien to that which is considered Cuban, but on the
contrary, that they are seen as an essential part of the national
cultural base. Before the revolution, national identity had
apparently been forged exclusively by the dominant classes of
European origin who controlled the content of our historic
national liberation.
The national identity is composed of these Spanish and African
currents . It has only been in the years since the Revolution
that our identity has been clearly definable. [This is] because the
national identity had been limited to a few ideas, supported by the
whites of the dominant bourgeoisie; mystical conceptions that
made of the Cubans a formless and innocuous mass. Only with
the Revolution, does the traditional popular culture, so notorious-
ly present in the daily lives and the daily tasks of the people, ac-
quire its true meaning. The African cultures in Cuba, based on a
religious idea, are racially integrated. Whites as well as Blacks feel
themselves part of that culture. Full consciousness of this identity
is achieved in Cuba when the Revolution assumes an integra-
tionist posture by eliminating official vestiges of racial discrimina-
tion, and by recognizing the contributions of African cultures. To
know our country is to recognize that its back bone is made up of
as many African as Spanish elements. Before the Revolution,
these cultures were persecuted, considered retrograde and
primitive. Only a few studious individuals worked closely and pro-
foundly on them: isolated efforts like those of Fernando Ortiz and
Lydia Cabrera, without official support, without response from
the general public. By the same token, many intellectuals of the
so-called left rejected the contribution of African cultures,
fallacies that masked their relentless racism.
Today, we are a Latino-African people, as Fidel Castro would
say, repeating the words of Simon Bolivar who said that Spain
was very African, and for that reason our Latin American coun-
tries should always consider the contribution of that continent.
Our identity is completely identified with the current of African
cultures brought to the Island by slaves. In music, in literature, in
the dance, in the plastic arts, the African influence is the deter-
mining factor. Our gestures, an indispensable part of our ex-
pressive language, show clearly this powerful influence. What
can one say about the spoken language? It would be less to deny
that contribution. Without the cultures of Africa, Cuba would
have been today a country with a manner of expression com-
pletely taken from colonialism. Paradoxically, our national salva-
tion has sprung from precisely that one whom we oppressed,
whom we forced by whippings and lashings to work the land.
From him we have the gift of a particular and personal
physiognomy defined by the mixing of races. We were saved
from being the product of a decadent, semi-feudal regime and
from being dependent on a semi-colonial one. We ceased being
Spaniards to become Cubans. And when our "Cubanness" was
on the verge of being lost, we saved it. We ceased being pure
white to become Cubans, which is more than White and more
than Black, as Jose Marti said.

The following is an excerpt from Juan Flores' paper:
RACIAL CONSCIOUSNESS AND CULTURAL IDENTITY
AMONG PUERTO RICAN MIGRANTS IN THE U.S.
The striking affinity between Puerto Ricans and Blacks in New
York is but one thread in a complex fabric of Third-World cultures
cohabiting the inner city neighborhoods and institutions.
Emigrants and refugees from many of the Caribbean and Latin
American countries are now entering into their second and even
third generation of presence there, with Dominicans and
Jamaicans adding most substantially to the Caribbeanization of
New York begun by the Puerto Ricans and Cubans before them.
Add to them the sizeable numbers of Asian and Arab peoples and
the non-European complexion of the city's multi-ethnic com-
posite becomes still more prominent. As each group and regional
culture manifests itself in the new setting, and as they increasing-
ly coalesce and interact at a popular level, New York is visibly
becoming the source of a forceful, variegated alternative to
mainstream North American culture.
'3






For this crossing and blending of transmitted colonial cultures
is not to be confused with the proverbial "melting pot" of Anglo-
American fantasy, nor is it a belated example of "cultural
pluralism" as that phase is commonly used in U.S. social science
and public discourse. Though characterized by the plurality and
integration of diverse cultures, the process here is not headed
toward assimilation with the dominant "core" culture, nor even
toward respectful coexistence with it. Rather, the individual and
interweaving cultures involved are expressions of histories of
conquest, enslavement and forced incorporation at the hands of
the prevalent surrounding society. As such, the main thrust in
each case is toward self-affirmation and association with other
cultures caught up in comparable processes of historical recovery
and stategic resistance.
The path of "assimilation in American life" has been amply
charted in U.S. social science, and codified in paradigmatic terms
in the influencial book of that title by Milton Gordon. The guiding
model, as is known, is drawn from analogies to the experiences
of European immigrant groups. The attempts at modification,
and even rejoinders to this approach produced with a view
toward cases complicated by racial stigmatization and prolonged
economic and social disadvantage, have largely gone to reinforce
that familiar image of cultural shedding, adjustment and reincor-
poration. The theory of "internal colonialism," no doubt the most
consistent rejection of the reigning ethnic ideology, nevertheless
retains the vision of each minority group forming its sense of
identity in its relation to, and self-differentiation from, the domi-
nent Anglo culture. Colonial minority resistance to assimilation is
still presented as occurring within the pluralist field of options and
with its sight set, however resentfully, on that very ethnic mosaic
from which it is being excluded. Each group manifests itself
singularly in its own terms, and primarily as an effort at cultural
maintenance, over against that which negates it.
The interaction among popular colonial cultures in New York
suggests a markedly different process, one which is pluralistic in
nature and perhaps for that reason even more challenging to
established thinking on ethnic relations. But if the transformation
of Puerto Rican culture in the U.S. setting is something other
than assimilation, what is it? How is it to be defined in terms other
than loss of the old and acquisition of the new, or as the fateful
confrontation between two unequal and mutually exclusive
cultural monoliths? The problem is clearly more than a ter-
minological one, for it has to do with detecting a developmental
pattern leading neither to eventual accommodation nor to
"cultural genocide." Beyond those two options, characteristic
respectively of North American and Island-based Puerto Rican
commentary on the Nuyorican experience, a more intricate struc-
turing of ethnicity is evident.
I will seek to trace some contours of this 'alternative dynamic.
Though focusing on Nuyorican culture as expressed in its poetry,
my observations may be readily generalized to apply to other col-
onial minorities, with samples of poetic discourse simply serving
as distilled representations of other aspects of cultural life. Of
course any interpretation of cultural process presupposes a
coherent analysis of the conditioning political and economic reali-
ty, in this case colonialism, labor migration and racial inequality.
Such an analysis, as it is being advanced by fellow researchers at
the Center for Puerto Rican Studies and elsewhere, forms the
ground for my present, highly tentative speculations.
I discern four definitive moments in the evolution of Nuyorican
cultural consciousness, linked by three transitions or passages
from one field to the other. The moments are not necessarily
stages in a chronological sense, nor do the transitions follow one
another in any set order. I will present them as a sequence for
hypothetical purposes, understanding that what I am describing
is really more like a range of constantly intersecting possibilities
and responses arising simultaneously at the individual and collec-
tive levels.
The first moment is the here and now, the Puerto Rican's im-
mediate perception of the New York surroundings. Prior to any
cultural associations or orientations, there are the abandoned
buildings, the welfare lines, the run-down streets, the frigid


winter nights with no heat, in short the conditions of hostility,
disadvantage and exclusion that confront the Puerto Rican in
day-to-day reality. Corresponding to the absence of economic
and political opportunity is the lack of cultural access and direc-
tion of any kind: the doors to the prevailing culture are closed.
One young writer aptly refers to this sense of emptiness as the
"state of abandon,"
... If the first momemt is the state of abandon, the second is the
state of enchantment, an almost dream-like trance at the striking
contrast between the cultural barrenness of New York and the
imagined luxuriance of the Island culture. This contrast, often ex-
pressed in physical terms as one of cold and warmth, darkness
and light, grey and bright green, runs through the literature of the
migration, one familiar example being the refrain to the popular
song: "Mama, Borinquen me llama, /este pais no es el
mio,/Puerto Rico es pura flama, /y aqui me muero de frio."
. . The third moment is located back in New York, but the
passage there, the return and re-entry, is infused with those new
perspectives gathered in the course of cultural recovery.
Previously, during the first moment, experienced as sheer hostili-
ty and exclusion, the New York scene now includes the Puerto
Ricans, if only by force of their own deliberate self-insertion into
the urban landscape. Looking at New York the Nuyorican sees
Puerto Rico, or at least the glimmering imprint of another world
to which vital connections have been established.
... The fourth moment is this branching out, the selective con-
nection to the interaction with the surrounding North American
society. Generally, of course, this moment is considered in ipola-
tion, with the overriding concern being the issue of Puerto Rican
assimilation. The advantage of tracing the various moments prior
or prerequisite to that controversial point of intersection is to sug-
gest that there is a complex process involved which is by no
means unreflected, unidirectional or limited to the options of in-
corporation or self-exclusion. When account is taken of the full
trajectory and shifting geography of Nuyorican identification, it
becomes clear that something other than assimilation or cultural
separation is at work.
The first path of Puerto Rican interaction with North American
culture is toward these groups to whom they stand in closest pro-
ximity, not only spatially but because of parallel cultural ex-
perience. For Puerto Ricans in New York, this means first of all
Black Americans and other migrants from the Caribbean and
Latin America. With such groups a strong process of cultural
convergence and fusion occurs, what one commentator has call-
ed "the partial growing-together of the cultures of ghettoized
communities." this "growing-together" is often mistaken for
assimilation, but the difference is obvious in that it is not directed
toward incorporation into the dominant culture For that reason,
the "pluralism" that results does not involve the dissolution of na-
tional backgrounds and cultural histories but their continued affir-
mation and enforcement even as they are transformed. Given the
basis of social equality among groups with a common cultural tra-
jectory, the very relation between unity and diversity contrasts
with that operative in the established scheme of ethnic pluralism
It is from the vantage of this coalescence with the cultures of
other colonial minorities that Puerto Ricans assume collective in-
teraction with the Anglo-American society at large. The
branching-out is selective, with a gravitation toward other
popular cultures with a background of social disadvantage: the
Chinese, the Arabs and, more cautiously, the Irish, Italians and
Jews. It is a fusion, significantly, at the popular level of shared
working-class reality, and one expressive of recognized
marginalization and exclusion. And because it involves the reten-
tion and extension of the inherited cultures rather than their aban-
donment, the process has remarkable cultural consequences,
described as "the healthy interfertilization of cultures, the
efflorescence of new creative forms in painting, poetry, music,
and the like, and the linking-up of struggles."
Even at that point, as Nuyorican modes of expression come to
intermingle with others and thus to distinguish themselves from
those of the Island legacy, it is not accurate to speak of assimila-
tion. Rather than being subsumed and repressed, Puerto Rican






culture contributes, on its own terms and as an extension of its
own traditions, to a new amalgam of human expression. It is the
existing racial, national and class divisions in U.S. society which
allow for, indeed necessitate, this alternative course of cultural
change.

The following is an excerpt from Jos'AAlcntara's paper:
BLACK IMAGES IN DOMINICAN LITERATURE
In the second half of the 19th century, Dominican writers
sought the origins of our culture in the Indian past.
"Indigenismo" emerged and flourished in Latin America during
Romanticism. In countries like Mexico and Peru, that had solid
native cultures whose multiple features have been preserved till
our days, the sublimation of aborigines as a nationalistic act was
a logical answer to the Spanish culture, especially after the
declarations of independence in Latin America. However, the
idealization of the Indian past lacked of reason in Santo Dom-
ingo, where-as it has been said-the Taino culture disappeared
rapidly and we have inherited very few cultural elements from
them.
On the other hand, "Indigenismo" overvalued the Taino con-
tributions to the Dominican culture, mythicized its image and
tried to ignore the contributions of the Africans to our present
Dominican culture. The romantic idealization of the Indians was
an idealogy that pretended to hide African elements because they
were considered execrable. Racial prejudice against the black
man was a very important ingredient of the dominant ideology.
... During Trujillo's Era (1930)1061), other intellectuals con-
tinued the work that Americo Lugo had begun several years
before. Manuel Arturo Pena Batlle (1902-1954) and Joaquin
Balaguer (1907) enriched the thesis and anti-Haitian attitude
reached its highest theoretical elaboration. The idealogy of Tru-
jillo's regime identified "Dominicanity" with pro-hispanic senti-
ment and rejected Haitian culture. The influence of this racist
ideology in our people has produced a general scorn toward the
Haitians. The Dominican man has a scale of values in which the
white occupies the highest position, whether the black is in the
lowest position of the scale. We have created euphemisms and
words that hide our black origins. The common man uses words
like "light Indian", "dark Indian", "trigueno" (brunette) to refer
himself to the different tones of black and mulatto.
... Pena Batlle considered that the inferiority of Haitians was the
result of a natural, biological condition, and he saw with horror
the presence of Haitians in our country. Balaguer, who has been
President of the Dominican Republic in four occasions (1960-61),
1966-70, 1970-74 and 1974-78), condemns, in his book La realidad
dominicana (1947), the laziness, the physical defects, the
degeneration of the Haitian immigrant and his negative influence
in the life of our country.
... Dominican novelists of the end of the 19th and the beginning
of the 20th centuries worked in three directions: tradition,
customs, and history. Most of our novels are based in definite
historical events which are used as a fiction back-curtain, or
thread-conductor of the argument. The historical novel and the
history through fiction have interested many of our writers since
the last century to our days. In several novels we can find echoes
of the war and the struggle of Dominicans to overcome the
foreign dominations and the dictatorships. If we want to have a
full detail picture of "caudillismo" and its political effects in
national life, we should read our novels. It is possible to find elo-
quent descriptions of fauna and flora and the ways of thinking,
feeling and behaving of different social classes.
... The death of the dictator Trujillo in 1961 signaled a
transcendental date for Dominican literature. From that point on
the number of publications was to grow considerably and many
authors who had remained in the shadows of a forced silence,
began bringing out their unpublished papers. As for liberty of ex-
pression, the fact that censorship fell to its lowest point in the
years immediately following his death opened the country to a
flood of hitherto prohibited works by both great foreign and
Dominican poets and narrators. As some exiled writers returned
to the country, some of them spearheaded an artistic renaissance


that had already begun in the years preceding the assassination.
The writers of the sixties were not of one generation: they were
of different ages, opposed literary preferences, and about style of
writing each one had created his own line of thought. The only
thing they all more or less had in common, at least at the begin-
ning, was the desire to make use of the climate of political expan-
sion and ideological opening-up of the Dominican society. Here a
new theme emerged; the majority wrote and published about
sociopolitical questions: the injustice of the dictatorship, the
failure of the country's first democratic experiment, the expedi-
tion, persecution, and slaughter of the guerrilla fighters then, and
later, with growing recurrence, the Civil War of April, 1965.
The old thesis of black man's inferiority was revised and ob-
jected. Poets began writing from a different point of view. From
thereafter, it was not a white poet writing about black themes
anymore, but black and mulatto poets looking for their origins,
showing with pride their vital situation, their beliefs and feelings.
Among the most important voices of the new generation are:
Juan Sanchez Lamouth (1929-1965), Ramon Francisco (1929)
and Norberto James (1945) who, among others, have tried to ex-
press with dignity the black man's ethos.

The following is an excerpt from Erna Brodber's paper:
BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS AND POPULAR MUSIC
IN JAMAICA IN THE 1960s AND 70s
Black consciousness among Jamaican freemen did not begin in
the 1920s with Marcus Garvey's teachings. As early as 1865, Paul
Bogle, the Afro-Jamaican peasant credited with causing the
Jamaican assemblymen to relinquish their hard-won civil rights to
the British government in return for protection from the black
population, had advised his rioting followers to "join their colour"
and to "cleave to the black". Nor was the consciousness of
Africa as the ancestral home to which Afro-Jamaicans should
return, born in the 1920s. J. Albert Thorne, a medical doctor
trained in the Universities of Aberdeen and Edinburgh had since
1903 petitioned Chamberlain, the Secretary of State for the col-
onies, for 1,000 acres of land in Central Africa to be settled by ten
black families.
S. Knowledge of the race consciousness of Bogle, Thorne,
Love and Garvey is available to us because they forced
themselves upon the consciousness of the white establishment
and into their archives. Many other less visible Jamaicans in their
time shared their sentiments.
... But it was the 'black is beautiful' fashion in the United States
and Walter Rodney which together turned tolerance into active
acceptance at least among the middle-class young. Young
Jamaicans from all sections of the social system were now ready
to assert their right to define themselves in cultural and racial
terms. The pop singers and their songs had contributed towards
this state of assertiveness.
. . There are three basic categories of singing and of the song in
Jamaica. Each is associated with a particular occasion. There is
the ballad whose referent is some event in the distant past and
whose meaning is often lost on contemporary singers and
audience. Folk songs such as the popular 'Chi-chi-bud oh' fall in
this category. Whether the lyrics of these songs make sense or
not, their purpose and style of performance remain the singer
expects active participation from those around him whether they
be his team mates on a road gang or his fellow members of an
agricultural society meeting. Group cohesion is the central pur-
pose of this performance. The other two categories are the love
song and the hymn. In both, the singer sings of a personal rela-
tionship between himself and another person or Deity. Au-
dience participation is unimportant. In fact, ideally the scenario is
one in which the audience are spectators peeping into the
singer's soul as he soliloquises about his state of mind. The dif-
ference between the two categories lies essentially in the venue of
the performance the one is staged in some secular place such as
a night club and the other in the church. Much of the popular
music of the 1960s and 1970s was born out of a marriage between
these two.






... In the 1960s and 70s the singers of the lower class fashioned
an articulate message which they tied to the musical form and
projected to the rest of the society. One of the greatest obstacles
to this transmission was the predilection within the culture for
things foreign and in pop music, for the American. In 1963, the
most popularly bought and one would presume played tunes
were "Whatcha gonna do about it" sung by Doris Troy, "Empty
Chair" by Keith Lyn, "Still" by Bill Anderson, "You're the reason
I'm living" by Bobby Darien, "If you need me" by Solomon
Burke, "Dan is the man" by Sparrow, "Mockingbird" by Inez and
Charles Fox, "Come Softly" by Jimmy James and the "End of
the World" by Connie Francis. Jimmy James and Keith Lyn were
the only Jamaicans whose works sold well enough to be included
in the Jamaica Broadcasting Station's 'top ten' most popular
hits. Their songs like those of all the others except Sparrow's
"Dan is the man" were secular love songs.
Five years later in 1968, more locals made the top ten the
Maytals, Judy Mowatt, Joe Higgs, Andy Capp, the Gaylads,
Laurel Aiken, and King Stitt. Romantic love was still the theme of
most of the lyrics but not as strongly as in 1963. Andy Capp's
"Pop a top" and King Stitt's "Lee van Cleef" for instance had
nothing to do with love. In 1973, the Americans were still being
popularly bought. Al Greene, Jerome Jackson, Smokey Robin-
son, Roberta Flack, Marvin Gaye and Johnny Nash were still with
us. But the locals had a slight edge. They were Brent Dowe, Ken
Boothe, the Maytals, Judy Mowatt, Dennis Brown, Big Youth,
Gregory Issacs, Shorty and the president, to name a few. And
Johnny Nash's contribution was a local composition: Bob
Marley's and was recorded locally on the Federal Big Youth and
Culture, the latter more openly than anyone else assuming at the
beginning of the new decade, the posture of the messenger from
the Deity, the priest. He sang:
Too long in our little ghetto
Wrongs been going on
Let's protest
Children of Israel
Who really love rights
For Jah set I and I as a watchman
Around Babylonian walls
O children of Israel,
I and I should never hold I peace
While wrong is going on
Day or night
Man bust down Babylon Gate
Ah say prepare ye the way
For Jah people.
... Thus by the close of the 70s and the beginning of the 80s,
the major pop singers were clear about their identity. they were
black men with roots in Africa, worshipping a black God who had
assigned them certain tasks. Their assurance was contagious, the
middle class copied their style of dress, their speech, their hair
styles and a culture based on black consciousness, "the culture
of dread" became visible throughout Jamaican society, being
hailed by intellectuals as a sign of the society's readiness for
political change. Of it, George Beckford, a professor of
economics at the University of the West Indies said in in 1977:
The culture of Dread represents a challenge to both racism and
the class oppression of capitalism. That culture is the most
positive and dynamic factor within the Jamaican body politic
and body social at this time. Precisely because it provides a
hope for revolutionary change, the culture of dread is embrac-
ed by many among the working class, middle class youth and
some professionals. Manners of dress and speech and a virtual
revolution in the natural culture through music (art and
sculpture to a lesser degree) are but some of the manifestations
of the culture of dread.

The spread of this culture indicated if nothing more, that the
Afro-Jamaican of the 1970s was getting closer to the freeman
bor round about the turn of the century. The sentiments in Bob
Marley's popular "Redemption Song" echoes that of Bambi and


vice versa. He sang at the beginning of the new decade:
Old pirates yes they rob I
Sold I to the merchant ships
Minutes after they took I from the bottomless pit.
But my hand was made strong
By the hand of the Almighty
We forward in this generation triumphantly
To which she would have sighed "The old generation pay for
it... Lawd ..them meet it Dem meet itl .. .Dem meet it.
Dem ole ginneration meet it". And a casual labourer on the
Portland-St. Mary estate' a few years younger than her would
add "Lawd Nega tough you know. Black people tough." but was
this confluence of sentiments across generation and class lines
just a surge from below that would soon double back to the
subterranean caves?

The following is an excerpt from Albert Mangones paper:
HAITIAN EFFORTS AT PRESERVING
CULTURAL PATRIMONY
During recent decades, the so called "third world countries"
have been confronted by a rapid deterioration of the ecological
balance of their environment as a result of an uncontrolled ex-
ploitation of their natural resources. Simultaneously, one can
witness the resurgence of certain activities and entreprises which
correspond actually to the pillage and destruction of the Cultural
Patrimony of these countries.
As a member of that 3rd world category of countries, also
designated as "developing countries", the Haitian Government
considers that its National Patrimony is constituted by two essen-
tial components: the Natural Patrimony and the Cultural
Patrimony. Furthermore the Government makes its own the
philosophy that the World's Heritage consists of the joint and
complex contributions of the totality of the various National
Patrimony of all the nations of the world.
This is why the Haitian Government considers that the inven-
tory, the protection and the promotion of our National
Patrimony natural as well as cultural should be classified
amongst the priorities of our national development plan.
.. Patrimony can be defined as what is left, as inheritance by an
ancestor, and which belongs by law to he who inherited it: land,
homes, property titles, personal effects, as well as memories, cer-
tain set of values, and moral code. This definition refers to the
concept of family patrimony and the rights of succession of in-
dividuals within the same linage.
However, when this concept is expanded to include all the
members of a community, the notion of patrimony may include a
regional territory and finally the geographical reality of a country
as a whole. The entity in question is then the National Patrimony,
and comprising two components: the Natural Patrimony on the
one hand and the Cultural Patrimony on the other. The natural
patrimony is made up of certain constants and contrasts belong-
ing to the given geography of a country, its natural resources, its
geology, its flora and fauna and its particular climate; while the
cultural patrimony is what remains of the vestiges of all that men
have created in order to assure their survival in the often hostile
conditions of their environment.
. Today, it is imperative to realize that the national patrimony
of Haiti is endangered. One must become aware that all aspects
of both the natural and historic patrimony face the same danger.
The fundamental integrity of the natural patrimony is threaten-
ed. The Haiti of "the high lands" of which Colombus described
the splendors, has lost most of its primeval forests. Erosion
disfigures the treeless slopes of too many of our mountains. The
few stands of forestland remaining will disappear within two
decades if the thoughtless actions of man against the environ-
ment are not stopped. Water, another natural resource, is also in
danger of over exploitation. The population in the impoverished
rural zones is migrating to the towns, where unplanned urban
development destroys the ecological balance of the environment.
The cultural and historic patrimony has not been spared either.
As a whole, this aspect of our heritage has been shaken by in-






fluences from the outside world as well as internal tendency
toward the rejection of self which often leads up to denigrating all
that which is a manifestation of our own identity. Blind commer-
cialism has led to an unfortunate traffic in valuable pre-colombian
pieces, irreplaceable historical documents, as well as antique
furniture and objects, all of which are examples of the life of Haiti
generations ago.
. The task of protecting our patrimony from these ills, befalls
every citizen. All Haitians, adults and children, peasants and
towns people, craftsmen and professionals, artists and men of
science, civilians and soldiers, managers and employees, must
share the responsibility of protecting our national patrimony.
... We acknowledge that we must bring enthusiasm, in-
itiative, patience and, above all, devotion to this task. Those of us
who know and care must establish an example of ongoing and
constant respect for all the aspects of our cultural and natural
heritage. We believe that the constant joint effort of small groups
of citizens is the best way to slow down and to bring to a stop the
deterioration of the national patrimony. This is why the govern-
ment institutions in charge are taking measures to encourage
these concerned groups, in activities to develop knowledge and
appreciation of sites of natural and historic interest. Students
shall be encouraged to participate in various programs which
would lead to the valorization of the national heritage: contacts
with craftsmen, historical research, collecting and preserving our
oral traditions (stories, songs, and folkloric activities) and an
ongoing participation in cultural activities and conferences,
devoted to the promotion and understanding of our country's
cultural heritage.


TINKER FOUNDATION FELLOWSHIP
The following students have been awarded Tinker field
research fellowships for short-term fieldwork this year through
the Center for Latin American Studies:
Susan Case, Anthropology, MA, Spain; Mary Garcia
Castro, Sociology, Ph.D., Colombia; Lorraine Catanzaro,
MALAS, Dominican Republic; Camilla Harshbarger, An-
thropology, Costa Rica; Russell Jensen, Food & Resource
Economics, MS, Brazil; Kathi Kitner, Anthropology, MA, Mex-
ico; Wendy Lee, MALAS, Costa Rica; Minica Lowder, An-
thropology, Bolivia and Argentina; Alan Masters, Zoology,
Ph.D., Costa Rica; James McKay, Anthropology, Ph.D.,
Bolivia; William Medellin, Architecture, Masters, Dominican
Republic; Richard Phillips, Staff-Faculty: Library, Brazil;
Valerie Smith, Sociology, Ph.D., Dominican Republic; Dale
Stratford, Anthropology, Ph.D., Peru; Charles Sullivan,
Wildlife Ecology, Ph.D., Venezuela; Jesus Vega, Anthropology,
Ph.D., Spain; Eliot Ward, Anthropology, Panama; Graham
Webster, MALAS, Mexico; Peggy Webster, MALAS, Mexico;
Charles Ewen, Haiti; Richard Junkins, History, Ph.D.; Costa
Rica.

CURTIS WILGUS FELLOWSHIP
The Curtis Wilgus Fellowship for this year was awarded to
Rosemarijn Hoefte for research on late 19th century plantations
in Suriname. A Wilgus travel award was also made to Jennifer
Pritchett for research on theater groups in Antigua.

CARIBBEAN MIGRATION PROGRAM NOTES
In collaboration with the University of Florida Libraries, the
Center for Latin Americn Studies recently published an extensive
Bibliography of Caribbean Migration and Caribbean Immigrant
Communities by Rosemary Brana-Shute and Rosemarijn
Hoefte. In addition, a third occasional paper in the Caribbean
Migration Program series entitled Haitian Migration and the Hai-
tian Economy has appeared. It includes articles by Paul Latortue
giving an historical overview of the Haitian economy, Dianne
Rocheleau on the recent Haitian migration to Florida, and Karen
Richman on Haitian farmworkers in the U.S. A fourth occasional
paper, Women and Migration--Latin American and the Carib-


bean: A Selective Annotated Bibliography, will be published
shortly.
New courses in the Program are being offered this semester by
Robert Bach sociologist from SUNY Birmingham, and Betty
Sedoc-Dahlberg from the University of Suriname, both visiting
scholars at the Center this semester. Two new graduate students
were admitted to the Program in January. They are Luz Perez
Prado from Puerto Rico, and Milagros Ricourt from the
Dominican Republic. Thomas Gittens, a Guyanese political
scientist doing research for his Ph.D. from Carleton University in
Canada, is also in residence for the semester.
The highlight of the semester's activities in the CMP was the
recently held annual conference, "Popular Culture, National Iden-
tity and Migration in the Caribbean" which received support from
the National Endowment for the Humanities. A report on the con-
ference appears elsewhere in this issue of the Latinamericanist.


COLLOQUIA, FILMS & CULTURAL EVENTS
Since the last issue of the "Latinamericanist" the following col-
loquia, films and cultural events have taken place.
On 8 November 1983 the film "Blood of the Condor" was
shown. On 2 November 1983 WUFT Channel 5 featured a special
panel on Grenada as one of their 5-LIVE series: Dr. Helen Safa,
Director of the Center for Latin American Studies; Dr. Neville
Duncan, Caribbean Migration Program Visiting Scholar; and,
Ms. Margaret Gill, MALAS Candidate from Barbados, were in-
terviewed on this program. On 3 November 1983 Dr. Martin
Stabb from the Department of Romance Languages, Penn-
sylvania State University, presented a colloquium entitled "Latin
America's Literature of Revolution and Revolution of Literature."
On 10 November 1983 Dr. Neville C. Duncan, a Visiting Pro-
fessor of the Caribbean Migration Program from the University of
the West Indies at Cave Hill, Barbados, gave a colloquium called
"The Coup in Grenada: Its Implications for the Eastern Carib-
bean." On 14 November 1983 Dr. Diane Austin, an an-
thropologist from the University of Sidney, Australia, presented
the "Brown Bag" talk entitled "Culture and Ideology in the
English-Speaking Caribbean: The Case of Jamaica." On 17
November 1983 Dr. Jorge Salazar from the Department of
Economics at Florida International University gave a colloquium
called "Latin American and the International Debt Crisis." Two
films directed by Helena Solberg-Ladd were shown on 29
November 1983: "Simplemente Jenny" and "The Double Day."
Both were films about women in Latin America. The last presen-
tation of the month was a colloquium held on 30 November 1983
and co-sponsored by the Department of Religion. Dr. Thomas
G. Sanders, Senior Associate for Latin America of the Univer-
sities Field Staff International, gave a talk entitled "Religion in
Changing Latin America."
The month of December began with a talk on 1 December 1983
by Dr. Roy Bryce-Laporte called "The New Caribbean Migra-
tion." This event was co-sponsored by the Department of An-
thropology. On 2 December 1983 Dr. Gary Wynia, professor of
Political Science from the University of Minnesota, presented a
"Brown Bag" talk entitled "Argentine Democracy: Elections
'83."
With the new year began a new semester of events. The first
event was held on 5 January 1984 and featured Dr. Richard
Price, professor of Anthropology from Johns Hopkins Universi-
ty. His talk was called "Reflections on the Afro-Caribbean Past."
Another colloquium co-sponsored by the Department of An-
thropology was held the next day on 6 January 1984. Dr. Sally
Price, a post-doctoral fellow in Anthropology from Johns
Hopkins University, gave a presentation entitled "Art & Gender in
an Afro-American Society." On 10 January 1984 Dr. Conrad
Kottak, professor of Anthropology from the University of
Michigan delivered a talk called "Television's Social Impact in
Brazil: A Report on Research in Progress." On the next day a joint
colloquium sponsored by the Amazon Research and Training
Program and the Grinter Galleries was presented by Dr. Fernan-







do Urbina from the Universidad Nacional in Bogota, Colombia,
and was entitled "Myths and the Stone Carvings from the River
Caqueta." On 25 January 1984 Dr. Joe Foweraker, the Director
of the Center for Latin American Studies at the University of
Essex, gave a "Brown Bag" talk that was co-sponsored by the
Department of Political Science and called "The Transition to
Democracy in Spain." On 30 January 1984 Dr. Robert C. Dun-
nell, professor of Anthropology from the University of
Washington, presented a colloquium co-sponsored by the
Department of Anthropology called "Cultural Resource Manage-
ment and Archaeology." The next day on 31 January 1984 two
films were shown as part of the spring film series: "The Brazilian
Connection" directed by Helena Solberg-Ladd was followed by
"The Unusual Lady of Pacembu: A Portrait of Brazil" directed by
Rita Moreira and Maria Luisa Leal.
Events for the month of February began on 1 February 1984
with a colliquium delivered by the Brazilian journalist and writer,
Lucio Flavio Pinto, entitled "The Impact of Large Scale Projects
in the Amazon" and co-sponsored by the Amazon Research and
Training Program. On 8 February 1984 Dr. Emilio Moran, an an-
thropologist from Indiana University, gave a "Brown Bag" talk
co-sponsored by the Amazon Research and Training Program en-
titled "Problems in Level of Analysis Shifting, With Examples
from Amazonian Research." The following day on 9 February
1984 Judith Laikin Elkin from the Latin American Studies
Association in Ann Arbor, Michigan, presented another "Brown
Bag" talk called "Jews as an Ethnic and Religious Minority in
Latin American Societies" and co-sponsored by the Department
of Religion. On 14 February 1984 the spring film series continued
with two films on Haiti: "Bitter Cane" directed by Jacques
Arcelin and "Black Dawn," an animated Haitian folktale. On 16
February 1984 the Executive Director of the Brazilian American
Culture Institute in Washington D.C., Jose Neistein, presented
a slide lecture entitled "A Profile of Twentieth Century Brazilian
Art." On 24 February 1984 the last event of the month was a
"Brown Bag" talk entitled "The Expanding Role of Legislature in
Brazil" presented by the sociologist, Antonio Carlos Pojo de
Rego, a senior staff aide from the Federal Chamber of Deputies
in Brasilia.
March events began on 1 March 1984.with Dr. Renato Ortiz, a
sociologist who is a Visiting Scholar from Colombia University.
His colloquium was entitled "Idealogy of Brazilian Popular
Culture." As part of International Women's Week activities the
Brazilian documentary "lracema" was shown on 7 March 1984
and co-sponsored by the Amazon Research and Training Pro-
gram. The "Brown Bag" talk the next day on 8 March 1984 by
Dr. Carmen Barroso, a Brazilian Visiting Scholar from Cornell
University, called "Women and the Politics of Population" was
also a feature of International Women's Week. The spring film
series continued on 20 March 1984 with the presentation of the
film "Against Wind and Tide: A Cuban Odyssey" followed by a
lecture by Dr. Robert Bach, an assistant professor of sociology
from SUNY Birmingham, called "Between Truths and Realities:
The Question of Mariel." On 22 March 1984 the international in-
vestigation reporter, Penny Lernoux, gave a lecture entitled "In
Banks We Trust: American Pocketbooks and Human Rights in
Latin America." The event was co-sponsored by the College of
Liberal Arts and Science Student Council, the J. Wayne Union,
and the College of Journalism. Two activities occurred on 23
March 1984. Dr. Thomas Lovejoy, Vice President for Science
and U.S. World Wildlife Fund, presented a colloquium entitled
"The Amazon and Tomorrow" and co-sponsored by the Amazon
Research and Training Program, the Florida State Museum, and
the School of Forest Resources and Conservation. The same day
of 23 March 1984 was also the Opening at the Grinter Galleries of
the Photo-Essay named "Cuban Images in Miami," which was
co-sponsored by the Cuban-American Student Association. The
last event of the month was held on 29 March 1984: the an-
thropologist, Dr. Carlos Aramburu, who is a Visiting Mellon
Professor on the Amazon Research and Training Program, gave a
"Brown Bag" talk called "Technology and Economy of the An-
dean Peasantry" and accompanied by a slide presentation.
8


AMAZON RESEARCH AND TRAINING PROGRAM NEWS
The Mellon Visiting Professor with the ARTP this semester has
been Professor Carlos E. Aramburu, anthropologist and
demographer from the Catholic University and from INANDEP in
Peru. He is teaching the Amazon seminar on the topic of "Andes-
Amazon Interactions" and is collaborating with the ARTP on pro-
posals to increase links among Latin American scholars working
in the Amazon region.
Brazilian journalist and writer Lucio Flavio Pinto of Belem also
spent three months in Gainesville as an ARTP visitor. During his
stay, he worked on a book on the Jari project and continued his
research on the Cabanagem.
Five ARTP students received funding to carry out field research
in the Amazon in 1984. Claudette A. Brooks (M.A. student in
Journalism and Communications) will carry out a project entitled
"Development Communication in the Selva Alta on Peru: Im-
proving Human Life While Managing Resources." Russel C.
Jensen (M.S. student in Food and Resource Economics) will
study "Witches Broom and Cacao in the Amazon: The Manage-
ment Strategies of Japanese-Brazilian Farmers." His study will be
partially supported by CEPLAC, the Brazilian agency in charge of
cacao research and extension. Mariella Leo (M.A. student in
Latin American Museum Studies and Conservation) will conduct
research entitled "Social and Economic Concerns in the
Establishment of Two Natural Reserves in the Cloud Forest of
Northeastern Peru." Pennie M. McCracken (M.A. student in
Anthropology) will study "The Role of Folk Medicine in the
Health Care System of the Brazilian Amazon Region." RiChard
Pace, (Anthropology) will carry out a doctoral research project
entitled "Socio-Cultural Change in Amazon Town, 1949-1985."
The ARTP is working on a project to compile a list of Amazon
holdings at the University of Florida library. The project is being
managed by Penny McCracken (Anthropology) and Richard F.
Phillips, Assistant University Librarian.
The ARTP has sponsored the following speakers in recent
weeks: On January 11 Professor Fernando Urbina, Universidad
Nacional Bogotda, spoke on "Mito y petroglifo en el Rio Caquetd";
on February 8 Dr. Emilio Morau, Anthropologist, Indiana
University and a Visiting Scholar, North Carolina State Universi-
ty, addressed the colloquium with a talk entitled: "Problems in
Level of Analysis Shifting, With Examples From Amazonian
Research" and also spoke in an Amazon seminar on "A
Reprospective on Transamazon Highway Colonization."; on
March 23 Dr. Thomas E. Lovejoy, Vice-president for Science,
World Wildlife Fund-U.S. presented a lecture entitled: "Minimum
Critical Size of Ecosystems", which was co-sponsored by ARTP
and the Florida State Museum; and on April 4 Dr. Jorge
Uquillas, Instituto de Colonizacidn y Reforma Agraria, Ecuador
lectured on "Indigenous Survival and Development: Trends and
Prospects".
LIBRARY DEVELOPMENT AWARDS
The following scholars have been offered Library Development
Awards for this year to allow them to travel to Gainesville to use
the extensive Caribbean and Latin American holdings in our Col-
lection for their research. The candidates selected were among 17
scholars who submitted research proposals. Michaeline
Crichlow, Ph.D. candidate, Sociology, SUNY, Birmingham,
"Agrarian Class Relations and the Role of the State in the West
Indies, 1838-1982"; Charles Gordon Dean, Ph.D. candidate,
Anthropology, New Mexico State University, "The Gardens of
Subsistence," a project on peasant agrarian systems in Central
America; Locksley Edmonson, Visiting Professor of African,
Caribbean Politics at Cornell University, "Comparative Caribbea
Orientations Toward the Non-Aligned Movement"; Martin Mu-
phy, Ph.D. candidate, Anthropology, Columbia University, Lati
American plantation systems with special emphasis on th
Dominican Republic; John Frederick Schwaller, Associat
Professor of History, Florida Atlantic University, will work with
materials on early Spanish settlement in Florida; Diana Velez,
Assistant Professor, Spanish, University of Iowa, "Contemporar
Puerto Rican Women's Literature in Historical Context."






THE FORMATION OF BRAZILIAN FRONTIER POLICY:

THE ROLE OF THE ASSOCIATION

OF AMAZONIAN ENTREPRENEURS


Chris Horak is currently completing her Masters Degree in Latin American Studies at the University of Florida. Horak received a Bachelors
degree in Economics from Eastern Illinois University. She also carried out graduate work in Economics at the University of S.o Paulo, Brazil.
Fieldwork for this study was funded by the Interamerican Foundation.


In Brazil public policy plays an important role in setting the pace
and character of frontier expansion in Amazonia. The goal of
populating the frontier with small scale migrant farms and effec-
tively integrating them into the market economy was apparent in
the public policies of the early 1970s establishing colonization
projects along parts of the Transamazonian highway. Despite this
brief concern with colonization and rural development, public
policy in Amazonia has more consistently reflected the interests
of private investors, many of whom are based in the south of
Brazil. Generous fiscal incentives attracted these urban based in-
vestors eager to take advantage of income tax breaks, speculate
on land as a hedge against inflation and diversify their corporate
portfolios (Hecht, 1984; Pinto, 1980).
Because private investors have substantial control over land,
capital, and employment opportunities in Amazonia, their actions
and influence within the state planning apparatus have had a
significant impact on land use patterns, types of agriculture
adopted on the frontier and the overall developmental priorities
within the region. This study investigates the relationship be-
tween large scale private investors and public policy in Amazonia.
The focus of this paper is the Association of Amazonian En-
trepreneurs (AEA). The AEA is a Sgo Paulo based lobby group
organized in 1968 by a group of southern entrepreneurs in-
terested in expanding their investments in Amazonia. Currently
representing more than 300 of the most influential investors in the
region, members of the AEA are active in many facets of Amazo-
nian investment including cattle raising, private colonization,
lumbering and agricultural production. Designed to forge
alliences with the state decision making apparatus, the AEA has
adopted a number of strategies aimed at shaping the formulation
and implementation of development policies in the region. The
purpose of this study is to investigate the manner in which na-
tional and multinational investors based in the south of Brazil
have influenced public policy relevant to the occupation of the
Amazon Basin.
To fully comprehend the motives that influenced public policy,
it is necessary to investigate the intricacies of the state-capital in-
teraction through the different political and economic junctures
of frontier occupation. By presenting an overview of the lobbying
activities of the AEA during two distinct phases of government
policy in the Amazon, this paper will investigate the motives that
influence the interaction between public policy and private capital
on the frontier.
The two phases of frontier occupation focused on in this
discussion are: 1) the Operation Amazonia Period (1966-1970),
characterized by the creation of fiscal incentive measures directed
towards entrepreneurs from the south of Brazil; 2) the National
Integration Plan (mid 1970-1974), a set of policy directives pro-
moting road building, public colonization and rural development.
Operation Amazonia
The implementation of the regional development program
referred to as Operation Amazonia in 1966 set the scene for the
gradual and irreversable trend towards the occupation of the
region by private enterprise. The stated goals of the Operation
Amazonia programs were oriented towards establishing develop-
ment "poles" and stable, self-sustaining population groups
through the encouragement of migration of the region. This
move towards populating the region, however was (and still is)
based on the belief that the region contained vast quantities of
mineral resources. Additionally, the ensuing legislation pointed to
a much greater concern with stimulating large scale private in-


vestment than with settling the frontier through migration of
small-and medium-scale farmers. The policy goals of Operation
Amazonia were accomplished through three major initiatives: the
creation of SUDAM (the regional development agency), the
establishment of BASA (the Amazonian Development Bank) and
the provision of generous fiscal incentives to national and
multinational firms.
During this time government policymakers began to concen-
trate their efforts on attracting investors from the south of Brazil.
Representatives of the various bureaucracies linked to the
Ministry of the Interior touted the qualifications of Paulista in-
vestors. In 1968, the President of BASA (the regional develop-
ment bank) declared the "natural dinamism of the Paulistas com-
bined with their technical knowhow to be of far greater impor-
tance than their mere financial contribution" (Cardoso and
Mueller, 1977:156). One of the strongest supporters of the
southern investors was the Minister of the Interior, Jose Costa
Cavalcanti, who voiced his support of the Paulista's investments
in cattle throughout his tenure in that ministry and who became
one of the strongest defenders of private investment during the
PIN years when policy changed its emphasis. Cavalcanti inter-
preted the role of the government as the "supporter of private
enterprise; helping it out when necessary and not getting in its
way" (Cardoso and Mueller, 1977:155). As the Amazon took on
greater prominence within policy making circles it became clear
that the government was extending an invitation to private enter-
prise to take on a leading role in the occupation of the region.
Private enterprise responded to this invitation with their specific
policy proposals for occupation. These proposals became a fun-
damental factor in shaping public policy in the region during the
following years.
The growing power of private investors was largely based on
the vigorous program of fiscal incentives that enabled any cor-
poration registered in Brazil to deduct up to 75% of its income tax
liability when the resulting savings were invested in activities on
the frontier (Mahar, 1979). While fiscal incentive measures pro-
vided for investment in a number of sectors agriculture, cattle,
industry, basic services-southern investors were quick to center
their activities within the livestock sector. The inclusion of cattle
raising activities within the fiscal incentive measures in 1966
opened the region to a virtual flood of corporate investors eager
to transform tax liabilities into agro-pastoral projects on the fron-
tier into a lucrative means of acquiring cheap land and creating a
hedge against inflation.
Livestock raising was considered to be an ideal way of achiev-
ing this goal because of the relatively low levels of infrastructure
needed to establish pastures, its compatability with the climatic
conditions of the region, the relatively low labor requirements,
and the possibilities for marketing Amazonian beef in the south of
Brazil. Most importantly, cattle provided southern investors with
an inexpensive means of occupying the vast tracts of land that
they had purchased as they waited for land values to increase.
The emphasis on cattle was so great that the Amazon basin,
especially the south of Para and northern Mato Grosso, is often
referred to today as "corporate cattle country".
Within a few short years after the invitation extended to private
enterprise to take advantage of fiscal credit mechanisms in the
Amazon, southern entrepreneurs had come to play an increasing-
ly important role in the region. A major force behind the political
and economic influence of southern entrepreneurs was the crea-
tion of a class based lobby, the AEA, which promoted their in-






terests vis-a-vis policy makers. By forging alliances with key
bureaucracies in the region, such as the regional development
agency SUDAM (the Superintendency for the Development of
the Amazon), the Association of Amazonian Entrepreneurs
became an important voice representing the demands of private
enterprise on the frontier.
During the years directly following the creation of the Opera-
tion Amazonia program, the AEA focused its activities on increas-
ing its own organizational base by persuading private enterprise
from the south of Brazil to invest in the region. The AEA also
directed its efforts towards convincing policy makers to decrease
the previously suggested emphasis on agriculture and industry in
favor of the livestock sector which was favored by the investors
represented by the Association. The AEA established personaliz-
ed working relationships with the Ministry of the Interior and the
agency subordinate to it SUDAM. The private investors
represented by the AEA were also successful in marginalizing
local agricultural producers (such as the Brazil nut growers of
Belem) from the mainstream of the state's newly created
developmental objectives for the region.
As the economic presence of southern entrepreneurs grew and
Paulista investors had established themselves as a major force
behind the successful implementation of the state's developmen-
tal aims for the region, the political leverage of the AEA also in-
creased. The agencies charged with carrying out the develop-
ment of the region were quick to respond to the demands of the
private sector. Foremost among these demands were those
directed by southern investors at the Ministry of the Interior and
SUDAM. The AEA called for the construction of infrastructure
(especially roads), the streamlining of the bureaucratic channels
involved in approving projects and the establishment of a policy
which would contain the region's Indians on reservations so that
their presence would not jeopardize the livestock projects of cor-
porate investors. Thus by the late 1960s southern entrepreneurs
had exerted a marked influence over public policy in the Amazon.
During the following years, however, public policy underwent a
clear change in course from the policies established during the
early period of frontier occupation.
National Integration Program
During the early 1970s government priorities in the Amazon
shifted. The National Integration Program, (PIN), created in 1971,
placed significant emphasis on 'social concerns'. The much
publicized road building and colonization program grew partly out
of the deteriorating conditions of the Brazilian Northeast, a region
plagued by severe droughts, a deep rooted latifundia-minifundia
complex and the inability of developmental programs to solve
these problems (Katzman, 1977). Within the Amazon itself an in-
crease in the formerly low population levels was also seen by
policy makers as a means of attaining geopolitical objectives. By
promoting migration to the region through road building and col-
onization, policy makers hoped to secure the region's boun-
daries, thus guaranting the vast mineral resources the region was
believed to contain (Moran, 1981, Mahar, 1979). Finally, those
who were growing discontented with the implementation of large
scale cattle-raising hoped that colonization based on small and
medium-sized properties would provide the region with self-
sufficiency in food production and curtail the growing socio-
economic disparity found on the frontier. (Pomoermaver, 1979).
The main thrust of the PIN program was directed towards road
building and the establishment of public colonization programs
aimed at absorbing surplus population from other regions of
Brazil. The PIN program stressed the incorporation of small and
medium scale producers into the regional economy and threaten-
ed the activities of corporate investors by channeling financial
resources and political clout away from the Ministry of the In-
terior and SUDAM towards a new agency, the Institute for Col-
onization and Agrarian reform (INCRA) which was charged with
carrying out the newly established development priorities.
Although INCRA received broad powers to carry out coloniza-
tion and rural development, these programs encountered
numerous technical and administrative setbacks. Within a few
years, it became increasingly apparent that these programs had


fallen short of their original objectives of incorporating small and
medium scale producers in to the regional economy and in 1975
public policy once again returned to favor large scale corporate
investors. The technical and administrative failures of coloniza-
tion have been well documented in recent literature (Moran,
1981, Smith, 1982, Wood and Scmink, 1979). These include poor
planning, lack of trained personnel and financial resources to
assist colonists, and insufficient credit, marketing channels and
infrastructure.
However, equally important in explaining the failure of col-
onization and rural development are the mechanisms by which
powerful investors and their allies acted to undermine the efforts
of those agencies which attempted to integrate migrants into the
region's agrarian structure. Pressure was exerted by the AEA and
its allies within the Ministry of the Interior and SUDAM to redirect
the region's development priorities away from peasant interests
and in favor of large scale corporate investors from the south of
Brazil.
Policy Redirection: the Interaction between State and
Private Capital
The initial response to the PIN program by the AEA was not a
strongly critical one. In fact, the government's promise to sup-
port road building efforts responded to one of the AEA's most
vocal complaints. The transfer of large contingents of Nor-
theastern migrants responded to a second demand frequently ar-
ticulated by the AEA, the lack of manpower to attend to the task
of clearing pastures on the ranches of southern investors.
However, a proposed change in the land tenure policy presented
a serious threat to southern investors who hoped to obtain land
on the frontier after 1974. The change resulted from concern
within the Ministry of Agriculture and INCRA that road building
would create a land rush along highways. In order to avoid such a
land rush, INCRA expropriated one hundred kilometers of land
along either side of the two major highways under construction
within the region, the Cuiaba-Santarem and the Transamazon,
and limited the sale of the newly acquired public lands to plots of
less than 3,000 hectares (Pompermayer, 1979). These 3,000 hec-
tare plots contrasted sharply with the vast tracts of land southern
entrepreneurs had acquired during the early phase of frontier ex-
pansion under the Operation Amazonia period. Regaining the
right to purchase public lands in plots of more than 3,000 hec-
tares become a central issue in the AEA's battle to disassociate
INCRA's policies from the central focus of public policy in the
region.
By 1975, the social concerns promoted by the Ministry of
Agriculture and INCRA to transfer large contingents of landless
peasants to the frontier had been foregone and policy directives
within the region returned to promoting the interests of large
scale investors based in the south of Brazil. The 3,000 hectare
limit on the sale of public lands was replaced by legislation enabl-
ing corporate investors to purchase up to 50,000 plots (Pomper-
mayer, 1981). In 1974, INCRA announced that it would auction
off 21 million hectares along the Transamazonian highway to
large scale investors. Thus, by the mid 1970's INCRA's role as the
champion of small farmers had come to an end.
To expediate the acquisition of large landholdings the AEA pro-
posed the establishment of integrated development projects in
1978. By purchasing large tracts of land and later selling a portion
of the plots to small-scale colonists, private enterprise hoped to
control the distribution of lands by taking it out ot the hands of
the federal government. This would give private investors greater
autonomy on the frontier both in controlling the amount of land
allocated to small-scale producers and insuring ranchers of an
adequate and nearby temporary labor supply to perform seasonal
tasks such as clearing pasture or rounding up herds. Although
this proposal was not adopted, it clearly demonstrated the inten-
tions of corporate investors to regain their role as the major force
behind frontier occupation by taking an active part in the col-
onization of the region.
In 1975, the II National Development Plan established the Polo
Amazonia program which replaced PIN's "social" objectives with
policies designed to economically develop the Amazon. The







DSR Seed Grant for a study of Hispanic Female Migra-
tion to Miami, New York, and Los Angeles. The grant
will involve gathering data about the regional labor
market, especially in the garment and electronics in-
dustries. The following meetings were attended by Dr.
Safa: the Rutgers University Conference on "Women
and Structural Transformation" in November of 1983;
the Encuentro Caribno sponsored by UNICA in Santo
Domingo which designed priorities for Caribbean
development, during April 1984; and the UNESCO
"Conference on Inter-regional Migration in the Carib-
bean" in Barbados. Dr. Safa has submitted, jointly with
the College of Architecture, a proposal to USIA for an
exchange program with UNPHU in Santo Domingo,
Dominican Republic. She plans to attend two women's
conferences in May of this year in Miami and in Puerto
Rico.

E. L. Roy Hunt, Professor, Law, chaired the 16th An-
nual Inter-American Lawyer Exchange Program of The
Florida Bar in Mexico City, March 9-14, 1984. The pro-
gram's tropic was "Legal Aspects of Doing Business in
Mexico Today".
Julia G. Cruz, Assistant Professor, Romance
Languages, has had the following papers accepted for
presentation: "The Structures in The Road to Tamazun-
chale by R. Arias", NACS Annual Convention, The
University of Texas at Austin, March 5-8, 1984; "Lo fan-
tastico en un cuento de Gabriel Garcfa Marquez, Un
senor muy viejo con unas alas enormes," at the Sym-
posium on Gabriel Garcia Marquez, Mississippi State
University, April 12-14, 1984; and "Lo neofantastico en
'Apocaplipsis en Solentiname' de Julio Cortazar", at the
Universidad Complutense, Madrid, Spain, June 25-29,
1984. Dr. Cruz's translation of Fair Gentlemen of Belken
by Rolando Hinojosa, is forthcoming from Bilingual
Review Press, Ypsilanti, Michigan, 1984.
David Geggus, Assistant Professor, History,
presented a paper entitled: "Haiti and the Abolitionists,
1804-1838" at the Legacis of Slavery Conference, in


July 1983, Hull, England. He has also published several
articles and reviews in History, Historical Journal, Rev.
de la Soc. Haitienne d'Hist. and Occasional Papers
Series, Latin American Center, F.I.U. Professor Geggus
has been awarded a Guggenheim Fellowship with which
he will pursue research on the Saint Domingue slave
revolt and the rise of Toussaint Louverture.

Marianne Schmink, Acting Associate Director,
Center for Latin American Studies, has been appointed
Assistant Professor of Latin Americn Studies and will
continue to direct the Amazon Research and Training
Program. From January 1 until June 1, 1984 she will
serve as Acting Associate Director and Graduate Coor-
dinator of the Center, replacing Terry McCoy who is on
research leave. Dr. Schmink presented a paper entitled
"Crisis Colonization in the Brazilian Amazon" at the
meeting for Applied Anthropology, Toronto, March
14-18, 1984; while from March 20-22 she was an invited
panelist in a symposium on "Church & State in Latin
America" at the St. Vinceht de Paul Regional Seminary,
Boynton Beach, Florida. Dr. Schmink has also been
granted a Research Development Award from the
Department of Sponsored Research, University of
Florida and, with colleague Charles H. Wood
(Sociology), the two will conduct a project entitled:
"Development Policy and Frontier Expansion in the
Brazilian Amazon: Impact Study in Southern Para". The
research will conclude an eight year study of frontier
change.

Glauclo Soares, Sociology, published two articles
late last year: '"Dpois de, Carisma Eleitoral", in Journal
Do Brasil, Nov. 6, 1983 and "0 Mito da Instabilidad nas
Eleicoes no Brasil", in Ciencia Hoje, Nov.-Dec., 1983.
Another article written with Claudio Moura Castro has
been accepted by Revista Brasileira de Administracao de
Empresas. At the meeting of the Associacao Nacional
de Pesquisa em Ciencias Sociales, Sao Paulo, October
26-28, Dr. Soares presented a paper entitled "Economic
Development and Democracy and Latin America."


Adolpho Prieto, Graduate Research Professor,
Romance Languages, presented a paper entitled "La
metropoli inmigrante del capitalism perisf rico y la
cultural urbana de masas", at the XI International Con-
gress, LASA, Mexico, October, 1983; was an invited
lecturer on "La literature latinoamericana en el process
de la mestizacion. El teatro", at the University of Ot-
tawa, January 1984; and has published "Los anos
sesenta", in Revista Iberoamericana, 125, 1983. Also
forthcoming is "Argentina. La primer literature de
masas", Hispamfrica and "Deslizamientos de lectures:
Martin Fierro Moreira", Travessia.
David Bushnell, Professor, History, has published a
monograph entitled: Reform and Reaction in the Platine
Provinces, 1810-1852, University of Florida Monographs
in the Social Sciences, no. 69. Gainesville, 1983.
Dana Griffin III, Professor, Botany, has been ap-
pointed recently to the editorial board of the Boletim do
Museu Paranenese Emilio Goeldi. He has also been ask-
ed to join the Venezuelan/U.S. scientific expedition to
Cerro de la Neblina, a joint effort which is part of a cam-
paign in Venezuela to commemorate Baron von Hum-
bolt and to revive the Humbolt spirit of scientific in-
vestigation. Recent publications include: Morales, Maria
Isabel & Griffing, III Dana, "Briofitos del Parque Na-
cional Volcan Poas, Costa Rica", Revista Biologia
Tropical, 31(1): 113-123, 1983; and with Acuna, M. L.,
"Spore Ornamentation" in Anacolia, (Musci; Bar-
tramiaceae). Cryptogamie, Bryol., Lichenol. 4(2):
155-160.
Nigel Smith, Associate Professor, Geography, has
received a Guggenheim Fellowship for the academic
year, 1984-85. Dr. Smith will investigate genetic diversi-
ty in food crops which are being developed to overcome
growing problems of disease and pests. Articles which
he has published recently have been: "New Genes from
Wild Potatoes", in New Scientist, Vol. 98, 1983; "En-
chanted Forest", Natural History, Vol. 92, 1983; and
"How Brazil Bested the Oil Crisis", Christian Science
Monitor, March 23, 1983.


GRINTER GALLERIES

Exhibits sponsored by the Center for Latin American Studies in 1984 at the Grinter Galleries have included the following: a color
photography exhibition by Colombian Fernando Urbina entitled Amazonia which captured the cultural history, oral legends, and the natural
beauty of the Amazon River area in Colombia; and an exhibit of black and white photography which was organized by the Cuban American
Student Association that depicted the cultural assimilation within the Cuban community in the city of Miami. In August of this year the black
and white photography of Madalena Schwartz will be shown in an exhibit, The Brazilian Face, which will feature notable Brazilian citizens.


SThis public document was promulgated at an annual cost of $901.95 or $.064 per copy to provide information.


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region was increasingly viewed by the state as a "resource fron-
tier" capable of supplying much needed foreign exchange
through the creation of "development poles" which focused on
promoting mining, lumbering, large scale agriculture and
livestock activities.
A major factor behind this redirection in policy was the
pressure that the AEA and its allies within the Ministry of the In-
terior and SUDAM were able to exert. The policy goals of both
the Operation Amazonia and the Polo Amazonia programs were
in keeping with the ideologies and duties of these entities.
SUDAM's role as the planner and implementer of broad policies
of economic development within the region was fundamentally
responsible for the alliances the agency established with private
investors.
SUDAM and the Ministry of the Interior criticized INCRA's in-
ability to successfully carry out public colonization. The technical
and administrative difficulties encountered by INCRA were seen
as sufficient motive to crop public colonization altogether.
Behind these general criticisms of INCRA's activities, there ex-
isted, however, a complex set of inter-bureaucratic rivalries. As
previously mentioned, the Ministry of the Interior and SUDAM
were charged with carrying out objectives which differed from
those of the Ministry of the Interior and INCRA. The former
favored the expansion of large scale corporate investment as a
means of promoting the economic integration of the region,
while the latter strongly supported the social integration of the
frontier. As will be discussed shortly, the ideologies promoted by
SUDAM and the Ministry of the Interior closely reflected the
development priorities of the post-1964 military regime, a factor
which led to their ultimate adoption over the policy concerns pro-
moted by INCRA and the Ministry of Agriculture.
Southern entrepreneurs were a fundamental force behind this
redirection of public policy. Southern investors maintained close
ties with the agencies and ministries responsible for phasing out
INCRA's objectives and substituting them with policies favoring
private capital. By inviting key ministers to visit the region and to
speak before private entrepreneurial groups, as well as threaten-
ing to curtail their investments in the region if policy was not
modified, the AEA directly relayed its demands to the state ap-


Nonetheless, changing developmental priorities did not come
about solely because of the demands brought before policy
makers by the AEA. The economic objectives of the post-1964
military regime laid the ground work for the actions which would
unite private capital and key bureaucracies to promote the moder-
nization of agriculture through the expansion of capitalist invest-
ment. While it may be argued that the extensive livestock raising
techniques adopted within the Amazon did not represent a true
"capitalization" of agriculture, given the rudimentary methods of
production on southern entrepreneur's ranches in the region, the
rhetoric adopted by the AEA coincided directly with the state's
policiesaimed at "rationalizing and modernizing" the agricultural
sector throughout the country as a whole. In order to form
alliances with modern entrepreneurial sectors and to foster the
economic development of the region, the state was willing to
place alliances with "modernized" agricultural sectors over the
social concerns of the previous policies within the region. At the
same time the constant pressure exerted by class based lobby
associations was fundamental in convincing policy makers that
"private initiative" was able and willing to carry out the "task" of
developing the Amazon.

REFERENCES
Cardoso, F. and Mueller, G. Amazonia: Expansao do Capitalismo. Sao Paulo:
Brasiliense, 1977.
Katzman, Martin. Cities and Frontiers in Brazil: Regional Dimensions of
Economic Development. Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1977.
Mahar Dennis. Frontier Development Policy in Brazil: A Study of Amazonia. New
York: Praeger, 1977.
Moran, Emilio. Developing the Amazon. Bloomington: Indiana University Press,
1981.
Smith, Nigel. Rainforest Corridors. Berkeley: University of Califomia Press, 1982.
Wood, C. and Schmink, M. "Blaming the Victim: Small Farmer Production in an
Amazonian Colonization Project." Studies in Third World Societies, 7:77-193,
1979.
Pinto, Lucio Flavio, Amazonia: No Rastro do Saque. Hucitec: Sao Paulo, 1980.
Hecht, Susanna, "The Enviromental Effect of Cattle Development in the Amazon
Basin", forthcoming in Frontier Expansion in Amazonia, University of Florida Press:
Gainesville, 1984.


NEWS AND NOTES


Renaldo L. Jimenez, Assistant Professor, Romance
Languages, has published an article entitled "Don
Segundo: Raz6n y Singo de Una Forma Narrativa" in
Cuadernos Americanos, #6 (Nov. Dec., 1983), vol.
CCLI.
Allan F. Burns, Associate Professor, Anthropology,
taught a short course on Video in the Social Sciences at
the Universidad Complatense, Madrid, Spain during Oc-
tober and November of 1983.
Peter Hildebrand, Professor, Food and Resource
Economics, participated in a review of the
Bean/Cowpea Collaborative Research Support Project
in Honduras from December 5th to the 6th and in
Guatemala from December 7-9. He also participated in
the external review of the CIAT on-farm bean research
project in Cali, Colombia from December 12 to 16.
Jim Jones, Associate Director, Farming Systems
Support Project, helped program a five day 'seminario'
in Quezaltenango, Guatemala from February 27 through
March 2, 1984. The participants met to explore the Far-
ming Systems Approach to Research, particularly as it
applied to in-country efforts directed at potato produc-
tion.
Joseph Conrad, Professor of Animal Nutrition and
Coordinator of Tropical Animal Science Programs, was
working on the Proyecto Especial Alto Huallago in
Aucayacu-Tingo Maria, Peru during the month of
February, 1984. The objectives were to increase food,
feed, tree crop and livestock production within the farm-
ing systems framework in this Amazon region.
Emilio Bejel, Associate Professor, Romance
Languages, has published a book entitled, Literatura de
Nuestra America by Centro de Investigaciciones
Linguistocos Literarias de la Universidad Veracruzana,
Xalapa, Veracruz, 1983.


Lyle N. McAlister, Distinguished Service Professor,
History, has just finished proofing a volume entitled
Spain and Portugal in the New World, 1492-1700. It is to
be published in July, 1984, by the University of Min-
nesota Press as Vol. 3 of its 9 volume series, "Europe
and the World in the Age of Expansion".
Art Hanson, Associate Professor, Anthropology,
headed a team to evaluate an agricultural research pro-
ject in Honduras from January 23-31, 1984. The evalua-
tion team of the USAID funded project was sponsored
by the Farming Systems Support Project based at the
University of Florida.
Steven E. Sanderson, Associate Professor, Political
Science, edited the volume: The Americas in the New
International Division of Labor, (New York: Holmes and
Meier, 1984); authored The Transformation of Mexican
Agriculture: International Structure and the Politics of
Rural Change (Princeton: Princeton University Press, in
press); was recipient of 1984 Congress Prize, 44th Inter-
national Congress of Americanists, for the paper "The
Emergence of the 'World Steer': Internationalization
and Foreign Domination in Latin American Cattle Pro-
duction"; and was a recipient of First Prize, OAS 1983
Concurso Internacional de Ensayos Bibliogrificos, for
the essay "The Once and Future Peasant Question in
Latin America."
Andres Avellaneda, Associate Professor, Romance
Languages, presented a paper, "Censura cultural y ex-
ilio interno", in the Third Latinoamerican Symposium
sponsored by the University of Toulouse-le Mirail and
the Centre de la Recherche Scientifique, France, from
March 11-16, 1984. His collections of poems Canciln
vulgar papa hechos sencillos received an award in the
1983 International Literary Contest sponsored by Plural,
the Mexican literary magazine. Publications have includ-
ed: "Best-seller y codigo represive en la narrative argen-


tina del ocenta: el caso Asis," in Revista Iberoamericana
(University of Pittsburg), no. 125 (octobre-diciembre
1983), 983-996; and a review of Ernesto Schoo, l Baile
de los guerreros, (Buenos Aires: Corregidor, 1980) in
Hispamerica (Univ. of Maryland), no.36, (1983),
125-126.
Alfred Hower, Professor of Portuguese, Romance
Languages, has completed the editions of two books to
be published this year by the UF Press: Empire in Transi-
tion: The Portuguese World in the Time of Camoes,
consisting of papers given at the international con-
ference sponsored by the Center for Latin American
Studies in 1980; and Carlos Drummond de Andrade,
Quarenta Historinhas (e Cinco PoemasI, a new an-
notated Portuguese reader including works by Brazil's
outstanding contemporary writer, with grammar and
conversation drills and vocabulary. Both books are co-
edited with Dr. Richard A. Preto-Rodas of the University
of South Florida.
Andres Suarez, Professor, History, was a panel
member on a project entitled "A Twenty Five Year
Record on the Cuban Revolution". Sessions for the pro-
ject were held at the Center for Strategic and Interna-
tional Studies, Georgetown University, on Oct. 6 and
Nov. 28, 1983. Dr. Suarez presented a paper,
"Pragmatism and Ideology (1902-1982)" in a seminar
held on February 24 & 25, 1984. He has also published a
paper in War and Peace, vol. 3, Issue 33, entitled
"Castro's Revolution: How the Rebel Army Triumphed
in Cuba."
Helen I. Safe, Director, CLAS, participated in an
Expert Review Board on the Hemispheric Migration Pro-
ject of Georgetown University and the Intergovernmen-
tal Commission on Migration; and was also named by
AAAS as a member of a review panel of the Cooperative
Science Programs of the NSF. Dr. Safa has received a




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