Citation
Latinamericanist

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Title:
Latinamericanist
Series Title:
Latinamericanist.
Alternate Title:
University of Florida latinamericanist
Portion of title:
Latin americanist
Abbreviated Title:
Latinamericanist
Creator:
University of Florida Center for Latin American Studies
Place of Publication:
Gainesville Fla
Publisher:
Center for Latin American Studies
Publication Date:
Frequency:
Semiannual[<1992->]
3 no. a year[ FORMER ]
Biweekly[ FORMER <, Sept. 28, 1964->]
semiannual
regular
Language:
English
Physical Description:
v. : ; 28-36 cm.

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Periodicals -- Latin America ( lcsh )
Study and teaching (Higher) -- Periodicals -- Latin America -- Florida ( lcsh )
Genre:
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )

Notes

Additional Physical Form:
Also issued online.
Dates or Sequential Designation:
Vol. 1, no. 1 (Feb. 3, 1964)-
Numbering Peculiarities:
Suspended between v. 35, no. 1 (fall 1999) and v. 36, no. 1 (spring 2005).
General Note:
Title from caption.
General Note:
Latest issue consulted: Vol. 36, no. 2 (fall 2005).

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
UF Latin American Collections
Rights Management:
Copyright, Patricia Alba at Center for Latin American Studies. Permission granted to University of Florida to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
05269284 ( OCLC )
sc 84001784 ( LCCN )
0502-6660 ( ISSN )

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Full Text
latiaineicanist
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA VOLUME 19 NUMBER 2
CENTER FOR LATIN AMERICAN STUDIES MAY 1984
GAINESVILLE, FLORIDA JON JONAKIN, EDITOR
POPULAR CULTURE,NATIOAL 10.TITY
AND MIGRATION IN ECARI BB E
February 10- 1984
33rd Annual Clonfe2 ce ofthe
FCenter for Latin Amer
Introductory Remarks
Popular Culture, National Identity, and Migration In the Carib- of Florida, Cuba, and Mexico." The works on display included
bean was the theme of the 33rd annual conference of the Center brush drawings and watercolors done in the 1880s by Frank for Latin American Studies which was held recently at the Univer- Hamilton Taylor, an illustrator for Harper's Weekly. Following the sity of Florida. Convened in the J. Reitz Union from February reception, several participants read selections of their poetry and r 19-21, 1984, the conference was organized by Charles V. writings.
Carnegie, a visiting assistant at the University of Florida, and The next morning, February 20, Ambassador Sally Shelton, Helen 1. Safa, Director of the Center for Latin American Studies. former US Ambassador to Barbados and the Eastern Caribbean, dThe Caribbean scholars participating in the conference includ- delivered the opening remarks in a speech entitled "Importance
specialists in literature, the arts, theater, and most areas of the of the Caribbean for the United States."
social sciences. They came from many parts of the Caribbean in- Panel 1: THE FORMATION OF NATIONAL IDENTITY IN
cluding Puerto Rico, Jamaica, Haiti, the Dominican Republic, THE CARIBBEAN
and Cuba as well as the United States. CHAIR: Helen 1. Safe, Director, Center for Latin American
This was the second major conference the Center had spon-StdeUirsyofFrda
sored on the theme of cultural identity. It built on the first, held inStdeUirsyofFrda
October 1981, by giving greater emphasis to the development of PRINCIPAL SPEAKERS:
popular culture in the Caribbean and the contribution of migra- Pu aote ietr etrfrBsns eerh
tion to this process. Commenting on the often unheralded University of Puerto Rico.
resilience of Caribbean peoples, the distinguished Jamaican "Migration and Haitian National Identity."
humanist Sir Phillip Sherlock has pointed out: "The folk culture Mercedes Sandoval, Miami Dade Community College,
of the Caribbean ... .used to be disreputable. It belonged in the Department of Anthropology.
kitchen but certainly not in the drawing room. We were told as "The Mariell Refugees: Value Orientations and National
children that these things didn't count for anything. We're learn-' Identity."
ing that they do; we are learning to give value to them. And, I think, one of the things we're learning too is to approach the folk with humility and pride in what they are doing. Humility in ourselves, and pride in the extraordinary achievement of people who, with very little; and under some of the hardest penalization of which history knows, created a way of life."~ The present conference was devoted to seeing just how this extraordinary1
achievement" figures in, and was transformed by, the migration ~>experience.
An edited volume is being prepared which will include a selection of revised versions of the papers presented at the
conference.
*"Folk Cultures of the Caribbean" In, Cultural Tradition and Caribbean'
Identity: The Question of Patrimony, S. Jeffrey, and K. Wilkerson, eds.,
Center for Latin American Studies, University of Florida, 1980: 340.
14 Conference -Proceedings
,i ,!fhe conference opened on the evening of February 19 with aF
taeption at the University Gallery where the participants viewed
atexhibit entitled, "A Stately Picturesque Dream .. Scenes The Carnival in Havana




Angel Quintero Rivera, Professor, Center for Social poignant comedy, "Two Can Play" depicts the many personal Research, University of Puerto Rico and Centro de Estudios and social pressures which beset a Jamaican couple who conde la Realidad Puertorriquena. sider migration as an alternative to their situation.
"The Urban/Rural Dichotomy in the Formation of Puerto In a concluding cultural event on Tuesday evening, February Rico's Cultural Identity." 21, the conference participants were entertained by a showing of
DISCUSSANT: the movie "Smile Orange", also written and produced by Trevor
Rhone. First composed and performed as a play, the film version
Anthony P. Maingot, Florida International University. of "Smile Orange" won awards at the Cork International Film
Panel II: RACE AND CULTURAL IDENTITY Festival and at the Virgin Islands Festival. Rhone's film focuses a
CHAIR: Carleton Williams, University of Florida comic, yet sensitive, eye on the lives of those working in the
PRINCIPAL SPEAKERS: Jamaican tourist industry.
Rex Nettleford, Professor, Extra-Mural Department, The following is an excerpt from Professor Rex Nettleford's
University of West Indies. paper:
"The Afro-Caribbean Heritage in the Arts" "THE AFRO-CARIBBEAN HERITAGE IN THE ARTS
Miguel Barnet, Writer, Union de Escritores y Artistas de The hyphen or the qualifying adjective continues to dominate Cuba, UNEAC, Guggenheim Fellow. our perceptions of that part of the world which has recently been
"The African Presence in Cuban National Identity" christened a "Basin" by the Reagan Administration. The usual
Juan Flores, Research Director, Center for Puerto Rican ways of describing the region, indeed, continue to manifest Studies, City University of New York. themselves in hypenated splendour: so there is not only an
"Racial Consciousness and Cultural Identity Among Puerto Anglo:phone Caribbean and a Spanish-speaking Caribbean but Rican Migrants in the U.S." also a Dutch-speaking Caribbean, a Francophone Caribbean and
DISCUSSANT: the corresponding political descriptions of the more recent past
Neville Duncan, Visiting Scholar, University of Florida. French Antilles, Dutch Antilles, Hispanic Caribbean and the British West Indies which has been rechristened the CoinPanel III: THE ARTS AND CULTURAL IDENTITY monwealth Caribbean with the coming of Independence. There is
no 'Afrophone Caribbean' since the competition between
CHAIR: Reynaldo Jimenez, University of Florida Yoruba, Ibo, Aken/Twi,to name just three major nation language
PRINCIPAL SPEAKERS: groups that migrated with their enslaved speakers, would only
Jose' Alcintara, Professor of Sociology, Instituto Tec- further Babelise the region. Yet it is in this area, as in some other nol6gico de Santo Domingo. patent, potent ones that Africa ruled in such a way that the sym"Black Images in Dominican Literature." biosis between European, Amerindian and African tongues threw
Roberto Gonzales Echevarrra, Professor of Romance up products of the creative intellect which have long defied the
Languages, Yale University. hyphen and now challenge our Adamic urge to find new names
"The Search for an Identity: 'De donde son los cantantes and designations. The creole (i.e., native born and native bred) and Lo cubano en la poesia." tongues of the Caribbean are then the true languages of the
region with the European inguae francae serving, albeit with conErna Brodbar, Social Psychologist and Writer, University of tinuing imperial dominance, as the seemingly only legitimate West Indies. modes of serious exchange of ideas, policies and programmes for
"Black Consciousness and Popular Music in Jamaica in the development.
1960s and 70." ". . The African Presence continues to suffer such deficienDISCUSSANT: cies of definition though closer examination shows no sign of
Emilio Bejel, University of Florida. malfunctioning of it in the region's indigenously crafted designs
for social living. Such designs, I contend, are what in the final
Panel IV: CULTURAL POLICIES AND CULTURAL analysis determine, define and legitimate a civilization. It is in this
IDENTITY sense that the term "Afro-Caribbean" needs careful examination.
CHAIR: Robert Bach, Visiting Scholar, University of Florida For to some the prefix before the hyphen is superfluous, since in PRINCIPAL SPEAKERS: that perception, all that is "Caribbean" must have at the centre of
Aggrey Brown, Director, Institute of Mass Communica- its ethos the African Presence. The argument goes that such tion, University of the West Indies. things as are identifiably and peculiarly "Caribbean", have been
"Mass Communication and Cultural Policy." forged for the most past in the crucible of the African experience
in the region. Historical data can indeed be marshalled to support
Albert Mangones, Director, Institut de Sauvegard du Patri- the point expecially if scholars choose to take into consideration moine National, Haiti. the vigour of the adaptation new environment from which they
"Haitian Efforts at Preserving Cultural Patrimony." could not voluntarily return to ancestral hearths as was the case Jose del Castillo, Director, Museo del Hombre, Dominican with European masters and indentured labourers before them or Republic. with the East Indian and Chinese indentured labourers who came
"Migration, National Identity, and Cultural Policy in the after Emancipation. Much of the African's return has had to be Dominican Republic." symbolic, mythical and intellectual. And the exercise of the
DISCUSSANT: creative intellect and the creative imagination in adapting, adBetty Sedoc-Dahlberg, Visiting Scholar, University of justing, creating and innovating became the model for both surFlorida. vival and beyond in shaping the region. It is in this sense that
Black has come to signify culture rather than skin.
Following the presentations on Monday, February 20th, most The "Afro" prefix may then belong more appropriately before participants attended a photography exhibit: "La Frontera" by the names of other groups (or nations) which have become photographer Wilfredo Garcia, on loan from the Museo del Hom- "Caribbean" because of contact with the Africans' dominating bre in the Dominican Republic. The exhibit had previously been influence through the process of creolisation which I have displayed in the Grinter Gallery. described elsewhere as "that awesome process actualised in
Later the same evening a performance of Jamaican playwright simultaneous acts of negating and affirming, demolishing and Trevor Rhone's "Two Can Play" was presented in a Gainesville constructing, rejecting and reshaping."4 community theater. In 1982 the play swept the Jamaican awards It is such a process that has characterized the internal dynamics competition for best play, best production, and best acting. A of Caribbean society over these past four centuries, and it is the
2'




centrality of the African Presence in this process which gives to African elements of traditional popular culture are not taken as the Caribbean a distinctive flavour, mood, orientation and identi- something alien to that which is considered Cuban, but on the ty that is nothing if it is not African-derived or African-rooted, contrary, that they are seen as an essential part of the national
Since the process draws heavily on the exercise of the creative cultural base. Before the revolution, national identity had intellect and the creative imagination, collectively and individual- apparently been forged exclusively by the dominent classes of ly, the areas of human activity which draw heaviest on these at- European origin who controlled the content of our historic tributes or faculties would naturally reflect the African influence national liberation. greatest. Insofar as there are manifestations which reveal, un- The national identity is composed of these Spanish and African questionably, the African-derived influences one may indeed be currents . It has only been in the years since the Revolution temped to gild the lily by designating it "Afro-Caribbean". But that our identity has been clearly definable. [This is] because the more accurately, one were better served by speaking of the national identity had been limited to a few ideas, supported by the African Heritage in the Caribbean something which is too well whites of the dominant bourgeoisie; mystical conceptions that documented to now inflict the burden of boredom on participants made of the Cubans a formless and innocuous mass. Only with in this conference. It may do well to remind ourselves, the Revolution, does the traditional popular culture, so notoriousnonetheless, that extensive research and analysis have establish- ly present in the daily lives and the daily tasks of the people, aced that Caribbean religions, for example, have proven to be quire its true meaning. The African cultures in Cuba, based on a among the most vital areas of African continuities. Such religious idea, are racially integrated. Whites as well as Blacks feel "religions" are identifiably "Caribbean" because of the common themselves part of that culture. Full consciousness of this identity thread of Africa that runs through their doctrines and ritual is achieved in Cuba when the Revolution assumes an integraobservances a phenomenon which finds expression in the tionist posture by eliminating official vestiges of racial discriminavoodoo of Haiti, santeria of Cuba, shango of Trinidad, candom- tion, and by recognizing the contributions of African cultures. To ble of Brazil, pocomania (pukkumina) of Jamaica, revivalism know our country is to recognize that its back bone is made up of which is universally present throughout the region and the grow- as many African as Spanish elements. Before the Revolution, ing Rastafarianism which had its origin in Jamaican Ethiopianism these cultures were persecuted, considered retrograde and and is developing into a religious complex of far-reaching cultural primitive. Only a few studious individuals worked closely and prosignificance not only in the region, but in metropolitan centres foundly on them: isolated efforts like those of Fernando Ortiz and where West Indian migrants now find they have to survive. One Lydia Cabrera, without official support, without response from can, therefore, easily isolate such creole Caribbean elements in the general public. By the same token, many intellectuals of the our cultural universe elements which are themselves artistic so-called left rejected the contribution of African cultures, products from the collective imagination but which are not in turn fallacies that masked their relentless racism. influencing the work of artists consciously crafting designs in Today, we are a Latino-African people, as Fidel Castro would space, on canvas, on the printed page, on the airwaves or say, repeating the words of Simon Bolivar who said that Spain wherever else self-definition and creative expression becomes a was very African, and for that reason our Latin American counnecessity. tries should always consider the contribution of that continent.
I shall attempt to narrow my own undertaking to a particular Our identity is completely identified with the current of African section of the arts which could not have come to life without that cultures brought to the Island by slaves. In music, in literature, in source of energy supplied by African life transmuted in the the dance, in the plastic arts, the African influence is the deterAmericas. I refer to the performing arts and to dance and music in mining factor. Our gestures, an indispensable part of our exparticular. For through these expressions, men and women, pressive language, show clearly this powerful influence. What brutalized in bondage, managed to survive and to take life can one say about the spoken language? It would be less to deny beyond survival, giving to it meaning, form and purpose. Despite that contribution. Without the cultures of Africa, Cuba would the neglect of this fact by many who now preside over the have been today a country with a manner of expression comregion's postcolonial power, the African heritage continues to in- pletely taken from colonialism. Paradoxically, our national salvaform, nuture and fertilise the acts of creative scholars, writers tion has sprung from precisely that one whom we oppressed, (especially poets and novelists), musical composers (especially whom we forced by whippings and lashings to work the land. calypsonians and reggae artists who have brought themselves in- From him we have the gift of a particular and personal ternational distinction), dramatists, actors, dancers and physiognomy defined by the mixing of races. We were saved choreographers . from being the product of a decadent, semi-feudal regime and
Professor Nettle ford goes on to support his thesis about the from being dependent on a semi-colonial one. We ceased being centrality of the African Hleritage, both in the formation and in the Spaniards to become Cubans. And when our "Cubanness" was continued vitality of Caribbean (and, indeed, Western) society, on the verge of being lost, we saved it. We ceased being pure by giving rich and detailed illustrations from literature, music, white to become Cubans, which is more than White and more and, in particular, dance. than Black, as Jose Marti said.
The following is an excerpt from Miguel Barnet's paper: The following is an excerpt from Juan Flores' paper:
THE AFRICAN PRESENCE IN RACIAL CONSCIOUSNESS AND CULTURAL IDENTITY
CUBAN NATIONAL IDENTITY AMONG PUERTO RICAN MIGRANTS IN THE U.S.
The Africans who arrived in Cuba were in no condition to The striking affinity between Puerto Ricans and Blacks in New transplant their cultural institutions because they came as per- York is but one thread in a complex fabric of Third-World cultures sons who had been captured and kidnapped, and had to submit cohabiting the inner city neighborhoods and institutions. to a scheme of social relations very different from anything they Emigrants and refugees from many of the Caribbean and Latin had known before. The African retentions that survive in Cuba American countries are now entering into their second and even suffered far-reaching modifications for ecological and political third generation of presence there, with Dominicans and reasons that are obvious. These expressions received the in- Jamaicans adding most substantially to the Caribbeanization of fluence of a new social/milieu and a new class structure. For that New York begun by the Puerto Ricans and Cubans before them. reason, through a tense process of transcultu ration, they had to Add to them the sizeable numbers of Asian and Arab peoples and adapt themselves to a new situation. The theses of Melville Her- the non-European complexion of the city's multi-ethnic comskovits about cultural retentions in America achieve some posite becomes still more prominent. As each group and regional legitimacy in Cuba with the advent of the Cuban Revolution. The culture manifests itself in the new setting, and as they increasingRevolution makes possible the generalization of a consciousness ly coalesce and interact at a popular level, New York is visibly of the presence of African values. This allows the generalization becoming the source of a forceful, variegated alternative to to rise to a more appropriate level, while assuring that those mainstream North American culture.
I .3




For this crossing and blending of transmitted colonial cultures winter nights with no heat, in short the conditions of hostility, is not to be confused with the proverbial "melting pot" of Anglo- disadvantage and exclusion that confront the Puerto Rican in American fantasy, nor is it a belated example of "cultural day-to-day reality. Corresponding to the absence of economic pluralism" as that phase is commonly used in U.S. social science and political opportunity is the lack of cultural access and direcand public discourse. Though characterised by the plurality and tion of any kind: the doors to the prevailing culture are closed. integration of diverse cultures, the process here is not headed One young writer aptly refers to this sense of emptiness as the toward assimilation with the dominant "core" culture, nor even "state of abandon," toward respectful coexistence with it. Rather, the individual and . .If the first moment is the state of abandon, the second is the interweaving cultures involved are expresssions of histories of state of enchantment, an almost dream-like trance at the striking conquest, enslavement and forced incorporation at the hands of contrast between the cultural barrenness of New York and the the prevalent surrounding society. As such, the main thrust in imagined luxuriance of the Island culture. This contrast, often exeach case is toward self-affirmation and association with other pressed in physical terms as one of cold and warmth, darkness cultures caught up in comparable processes of historical recovery and light, grey and bright green, runs through the literature of the and stategic resistance. migration, one familiar example being the refrain to the popular
The path of "assimilation in American life" has been amply song: 'Mama, Borinquen me llama, /este pais no es ell charted in U.S. social science, and codified in paradigmatic terms mio,/Puerto Rico es pura flama, /y aqui me muero de frio." in the influencial book of that title by Milton Gordon. The guiding .. The third moment is located back in New York, but the model, as is known, is drawn from analogies to the experiences passage there, the return and re-entry, is infused with those new of European immigrant groups. The attempts at modification, perspectives gathered in the course of cultural recovery. and even rejoinders to this approach produced with a view Previously, during the first moment, experienced as sheer hostilitoward cases complicated by racial stigmatization and prolonged 'ty and-exclusion, the New York scene now includes the Puerto economic and social disadvantage, have largely gone to reinforce Ricans, if only by force of their own deliberate self-insertion into that familiar image of cultural shedding, adjustment and reincor- the urban landscape. Looking at New York the Nuyorican sees poration. The theory of "internal colonialism," no doubt the most Puerto Rico, or at least the glimmering imprint of another world consistant rejection of the reigning ethnic ideology, nevertheless to which vital connections have been established. retains the vision of each minority group forming its sense of .. The fourth moment is this branching out, the selective conidentity in its relation to, and self-diff erentiation from, the domi- nection to the interaction with the surrounding North American nent Anglo culture. Colonial minority resistance to assimilation is society. Generally, of course, this moment is considered in isolastill presented as occurring within the pluralist field of options and tion, with the overriding concern being the issue of Puerto Rican with its sight set, however resentfully, on that very ethnic mosaic assimilation. The advantage of tracing the various moments prior from which it is being excluded. Each group manifests itself or prerequisite to that controversial point of intersection is to sugsingularly in its own terms, and primarily as an effort at cultural gest that there is a complex process involved which is by no maintenance, over against that which negates it. means unreflected, unidirectional or limited to the options of inThe interaction among popular colonial cultures in New York corporation or self-exclusion. When account is taken of the full suggests a markedly different process, one which is pluralistic in trajectory and shifting geography of Nuyorican identification, it nature and perhaps for that reason even more challenging to becomes clear that something other than assimilation or cultural established thinking on ethnic relations. But if the transformation separation is at work. of Puerto Rican culture in the U.S. setting is something other The first path of Puerto Rican interaction with North American than assimilation, what is it? How is it to be defined in terms other culture is toward these groups to whom they stand in closest prothan loss of the old and acquisition of the new, or as the fateful ximity, not only spatially but because of parallel cultural exconfrontation between two unequal and mutually exclusive perience. For Puerto Ricans in New York, this means first of all cultural monoliths? The problem is clearly more than a ter- Black Americans and other migrants from the Caribbean and minological one, for it has to do with detecting a developmental Latin America. With such groups a strong process of cultural pattern leading neither to eventual accommodation nor to covreeanfuincuswtoecmettrhscl"cultural genocide." Beyond those two options, characteristic ed "the partial growing-together of the cultures of ghettoized respectively of North American and Island-based Puerto Rican communities." this "growing-together" is often mistaken for commentary on the Nuyorican experience, a more intricate struc- assimilation, but the difference is obvious in that it is not directed turing of ethnicity is evident. toward incorporation into the dominant culture For that reason,
I will seek to trace some contours of this 'alternative dynamic. the "pluralism" that results does not involve the dissolution of naThough focusing on Nuyorican culture as expressed in its poetry, tional backgrounds and cultural histories but their continued aff irmy observations may be readily generalized to apply to other col- mation and enforcement even as they are transformed. Given the onial minorites, with samples of poetic discourse simply serving basis of social equality among groups with a common cultural traas distilled representations of other aspects of cultural life. Of jectory, the very relation between unity and diversity contrasts course any interpretation of cultural process presupposes a with that operative in the established scheme of ethnic pluralism coherent analysis of the conditioning political and economic reali- It is from the vantage of this coalescence with the cultures of ty, in this case colonialism, labor migration and racial inequality, other colonial minorities that Puerto Ricans assume collective inSuch an analysis, as it is being advanced by fellow researchers at teraction with the Anglo-American society at large. The the Center for Puerto Rican Studies and elsewhere, forms the branching-out is selective, with a gravitation toward other ground for my present, highly tentative speculations. popular cultures with a background of social disadvantage: the
I discern four definitive momemts in the evolution of Nuyorican Chinese, the Arabs and, more cautiously, the Irish, Italians and cultural consciousness, linked by three transitions or passages Jews. It is a fusion, significantly, at the popular level of shared from one field to the other. The moments are not necessarily working-class reality, and one expressive of recognized stages in a chronological sense, nor do the transitions follow one marginalization and exclusion. And because it involves the retenanother in any set order. I will present them as a sequence for tion and extension of the inherited cultures rather than their abanhypothetical purposes, understanding that what I am describing donment, the process has remarkable cultural consequences, is really more like a range of constantly intersecting possibilities described as "the healthy interfertilization of cultures, the and responses arising simultaneously at the individual and collec- efflorescence of new creative forms in painting, poetry, music, tive levels. and the like, and the linking-up of struggles."
The first moment is the here and now, the Puerto Rican's im- Even at that point, as Nuyorican modes of expression come to mediate perception of the New York surroundings. Prior to any intermingle with others and thus to distinguish themselves from cultural associations or orientations, there are the abandoned those of the Island legacy, it is not accurate to speak of assimilabuildings, the welfare lines, the run-down streets, the frigid tion. Rather than being subsumed and repressed, Puerto Rican
4. 1




culture contributes, on its own terms and as an extension of its that had already begun in the years preceding the assassination. own traditions, to a new amalgam of human expression. It is the The writers of the sixties were not of one generation: they were existing racial, national and class divisions in U.S. society which of different ages, opposed literary preferences, and about style of allow for, indeed necessitate, this alternative course of cultural writing each one had created his own line of thought. The only change. thing they all more or less had in common, at least at the beginning, was the desire to make use of the climate of political expanThe following is an excerpt from Jos6' Alc~ntara's paper. sion and ideological opening-up of the Dominican society. Here a
BLACK IMAGES IN DOMINICAN LITERATURE new theme emerged; the majority wrote and published about
In heseondhaf f te 9t cetuyDomnianwriters sociopolitical questions: the injustice of the dictatorship, the Ingh the seodihalf of theurt cntury, DomheInian ps. failure of the country's first democratic experiment, the expedi"Indigenismo" emerged and flourished in Latin America during topreuin n luhe ftegerlafgtr hn n Romanticism. In countries like Mexico and Peru, that had solid later, with growing recurrence, the Civil War of April, 1965. native cultures whose multiple features have been preserved till The old thesis of black man's inferiority was revised and obour days, the sublimation of aborigines as a nationalistic act was jected. Poets began writing from a different point of view. From a logical answer to the Spanish culture, especially after the thereafter, it was not a white poet writing about black themes
declratonsof idepndece n Lain merca. oweerthe anymore, but black and mulatto poets looking for their origins, ideclarations of inepndnpatc e n Lat onin eic. ovr the- showing with pride their vital situation, their beliefs and feelings. ideliton ofrea ths Indin pathcedo eanin luedsatoad Among the most important voices of the new generation are: raingo an whesi hase bnere sadter Tain cultureeent iapered Juan Sanchez Lamouth (1929-1965), Ramon Francisco (1929) railtnhweaeihriemeyfe.utrlelmnsfo and Norberto James (1945) who, among others, have tried to exOn the other hand, "Indigenismo" overvalued the Taino con- press with dignity the black man's ethos. tributions to the Dominican culture, mythicized its image and
tried to ignore the contributions of the Africans to our present The following is an excerpt from Erna Brodber's paper:Dominican culture. The romantic idealization of the Indians wasBLCCOSIUN SADPPLRMSC
an idealogy that pretended to hide African elements because they BLAC CONSCISNE AND0 POPLA MUSI
were considered execrable. Racial prejudice against the blackINAM CANTE160AD70
man was a very important ingredient of the dominant ideology. Black consciousness among Jamaican freemen did not begin in ... During Trujillo's Era (1930)1061), other intellectuals con- the 1920s with Marcus Garvey's teachings. As early as 1865, Paul tinued the work that Americo Lugo had begun several years Bogle, the Afro-Jamaican peasant credited with causing the before. Manuel Arturo Pena Batle (1902-1954) and Joaquin Jamaican assemblymen to relinquish their hard-won civil rights to Balaguer (1907) enriched the thesis and anti-Haitian attitude the British government in return for protection from the black reached its highest theoretical elaboration. The idealogy of Tru- population, had advised his rioting followers to "join their colour" jillo's regime identified "Dominicanity" with pro-hispanic senti- and to "cleave to the black". Nor was the consciousness of ment and rejected Haitian culture. The influence of this racist Africa as the ancestral home to which Afro-Jamaicans should ideology in our people has produced a general scorn toward the return, born in the 1920s. J. Albert Thorne, a medical doctor Haitians. The Dominican man has a scale of values in which the trained in the Universities of Aberdeen and Edinburgh had since white occupies the highest position, whether the black is in the 1903 petitioned Chamberlain, the Secretary of State for the collowest position of the scale. We have created euphemisms and onies, for 1,000 acres of land in Central Africa to be settled by ten words that hide our black origins. The common man uses words black families. like "light Indian", "dark Indian", "trigueno" (brunette) to refer .. Knowledge of the race consciousness of Bogle, Thorne, himself to the different tones of black and mulatto. Love and Garvey is available to us because they forced
..Pena Batle considered that the inferiority of Haitians was the themselves upon the consciousness of the white establishment result of a natural, biological condition, and he saw with horror and into their archives. Many other less visible Jamaicans in their the presence of Haitians in our country. Balaguer, who has been time shared their sentiments. President of the Dominican Republic in four occasions (1960-61), .. But it was the 'black is beautiful' fashion in the United States 1966-70, 1970-74 and 1974-78), condemns, in his book La realldad and Walter Rodney which together turned tolerance into active dominicana (1947), the laziness, the physical defects, the acceptance -at least among the middle-class young. Young degeneration of the Haitian immigrant and his negative influence Jamaicans from all sections of the social system were now ready in the life of our country. to assert their right to define themselves in cultural and- racial
... Dominican novelists of the end of the 19th and the beginning terms. The pop singers and their songs had contributed towards of the 20th centuries worked in three directions: tradition, this state of assertiveness. customs, and history. Most of our novels are based in definite .. There are three basic categories of singing and of the song in historical events which are used as a fiction back-curtain, or Jamaica. Each is associated with a particular occasion. There is thread-conductor of the argument. The historical novel and the the ballad whose referent is some event in the distant past and history through fiction have interested many of our writers since whose meaning is often lost on contemporary singers and the last century to our days. In several novels we can find echoes audience. Folk songs such as the popular 'Chi-chi-bud oh' fall in of the war and the struggle of Dominicans to overcome the this category. Whether the lyrics of these songs make sense or foreign dominations and the dictatorships. If we want to have a not, their purpose and style of performance remain the singer full detail picture of "caudillismo" and its political effects in expects active participation from those around him whether they national life, we should read our novels. It is possible to find elo- be his team mates on a road gang or his fellow members of an quent descriptions of fauna and flora and the ways of thinking, agricultural society meeting. Group cohesion is the central purfeeling and behaving of different social classes, pose of this performance. The other two categories are the love
..The death of the dictator Trujillo in 1961 signaled a song and the hymn. In both, the singer sings of a personal relatranscendental date for Dominican literature. From that point on tionship between himself and another person or Deity. Authe number of publications was to grow considerably and many dience participation is unimportant. In fact, ideally the scenario is authors who had remained in the shadows of a forced silence, one in which the audience are spectators peeping into the began bringing out their unpublished papers. As for liberty of ex- singer's soul as he soliloquises about his state of mind. The difpression, the fact that censorship fell to its lowest point in the ference between the two catgories lies essentially in the venue of years immediately following his death opened the country to a the performance the one is staged in some secular place such as flood of hitherto prohibited works by both great foreign and a night club and the other in the church. Much of the popular Dominican poets and narrators. As some exiled writers returned music of the 1960s and 1970s was born out of a marriage between to the country, some of them spearheaded an artistic renaissance these two.
5




*... In the 1960s and 70s the singers of the lower class fashioned vice versa. He sang at the beginning of the new decade:
an articulate message which they tied to the musical form and Old pirates yes they rob I
projected to the rest of the society. One of the greatest obstacles Sold I to the merchant ships
to this transmission was the predilection within the culture for Minutes after they took I from the bottomless pit.
things foreign and in pop music, for the American. In 1963. the But my hand was made strong
most popularly bought and one would presume played tunes By the hand of the Almighty
were "Whatcha gonna do about it" sung by Doris Troy, "Empty We forward in this generation triumphantly
Chair" by Keith Lyn, "Still" by Bill Anderson, "You're the reason
I'm living" by Bobby Darien, "If you need me" by Solomon To which she would have sighed "The old generation pay for Burke, "Dan is the man" by Sparrow. "Mockingbird" by Inez and it .. Lawd ... .them meet it Demn meet it ..Dem meet it.
Charles Fox, "Come Softly" by Jimmy James and the "End of Dem ole ginneration meet it". And a casual labourer on the the World" by Connie Francis. Jimmy James and Keith Lyn were Portland-St. Mary estate' a few years younger than her would the only Jamaicans whose works sold well enough to be included add "Lawd Nega tough you know. Black people tough." but was in the Jamaica Broadcasting Station's 'top ten' most popular this confluence of sentiments across generation and class lines hits. Their songs like those of all the others except Sparrow's just a surge from below that would soon double back to the
"Dan is the man" were secular love songs. subterranean caves?
Five years later in 1968, more locals made the top ten the
Maytals, Judy Mowatt, Joe Higgs, Andy Capp, the Gaylads, The following is an excerpt from Albert Mangones paper.Laurel Aiken, and King Stitt. Romantic love was still the theme of HAITIAN EFFORTS AT PRESERVING most of the lyrics but not as strongly as in 1963. Andy Capp's CULTURAL PATRIMONY
"Pop a top" and King Stitt's "Lee van Cleef" for instance had During recent decades, the so called "third world countries" nothing to do with love. In 1973, the Americans were still being have been confronted by a rapid deterioration of the ecological popularly bought. All Greene, Jerome Jackson, Smokey Robin- balance of their environment as a result of an uncontrolled exson, Roberta Flack, Marvin Gaye and Johnny Nash were still with ploitation of their natural resources. Simultaneously, one can us. But the locals had a slight edge. They were Brent Dowe, Ken witness the resurgance of certain activities and entreprises which Boothe, the Maytals, Judy Mowatt, Dennis Brown, Big Youth, correspond actually to the pillage and destruction of the Cultural Gregory Issacs, Shorty and the president, to name a few. And Patrimony of these countries. Johnny Nash's contribution was a local composition Bob As a member of that 3rd world category of countries, ls Marley's and was recorded locally on the Federal Big Youth and designated as "developing countries", the Haitian Government Culture, the latter more openly than anyone else assuming at the considers that its National Patrimony is constituted by two essenbeginning of the new decade, the posture of the messenger from tial components: the Natural Patrimony and the Cultural the Deity, the priest. He sang: Patrimony. Furthermore the Government makes its own the
Too long in our little ghetto philosophy that the World's Heritage consists of the joint and
Wrongs been going on complex contributions of the totality of the various National
Let's protest Patrimony of all the nations of the world.
Children of Israel This is why the Haitian Government considers that the invenWho really love rights tory, the protection and the promotion of our National
For Jah set I and I as a watchman Patrimony natural as well as cultural should be classified
Around Babylonian walls amongst the priorities of our national development plan.
O children of Israel, .. Patrimony can be defined as what is left, as inheritance by an
I and I should never hold I peace ancestor, and which belongs by law to he who inherited it: land,
While wrong is going on homes, property titles, personal effects, as well as memories, cerDay or night tain set of values, and moral code. This definition refers to the
Man bust down Babylon Gate concept of family patrimony and the rights of succession of inAh say prepare ye the way dividuals within the same linage.
For Jah people. However, when this concept is expanded to include all the
... Thus by the close of the 70s and the beginning of the 80s members of a community, the notion of patrimony may include a the major pop singers were clear about their identity. they were regional territory and finally the geographical reality of a country black men with roots in Africa, worshipping a black God who had as a whole. The entity in question is then the National Patrimony, assigned them certain tasks. Their assurance was contagious. the and comprising two components: the Natural Patrimony on the
midde casscoped heirstye o drssthei spech thir air one hand and the Cultural Patrimony on the other. The natural midle ca ss copete i s ye o f drc oncsess, thi "pecthei haitre patrimony is made up of certain constants and contrasts belongof dread" became visible throughout Jamaican society, being intotegvnegrpyfacutytsaualeoreis hailed by intellectuals as a sign of the society's readiness for geology, its flora and fauna and its particular climate; while the
poliica chage.Of t, Gorg Becfor, aprofsso of cultural patrimony is what remains of the vestiges of all that men pcoitic a c he Ofierit Gorgte Beckford poes so ofdi i 97 have created in order to assure their survival in the often hostile
econmic atthe nivrsiy o theWes Iniessaidin n 177:conditions of their environment.
The culture of Dread represents a challenge to both racism and .. Today, it is imperative to realize that the national patrimony the class oppression of capitalism. That culture is the most of Haiti is endangered. One must become aware that all aspects positive and dynamic factor within the Jamaican body politic of both the natural and historic patrimony face the same danger.
and body social at this time. Precisely because it provides a The fundamental integrity of the natural patrimony is threatenhope for revolutionary change, the culture of dread is embrac- ed. The Haiti of "the high lands" of which Colombus described ed by many among the working class, middle class youth and the splendors, has lost most of its primeval forests. Erosion some professionals. Manners of dress and speech and a virtual disfigures the treeless slopes of too many of our mountains. The revolution in the natural culture through music (art and few stands of forestland remaining will disappear within two sculpture to a lesser degree) are but some of the manifestations decades if the thoughtless actions of man against the environof the culture of dread. ment are not stopped. Water, another natural resource, is also in
danger of over exploitation. The population in the impoverished
The spread of this culture indicated if nothing more, that the rural zones is migrating to the towns, where unplanned urban Afro-Jamaican of the 1970s was getting closer to the freeman development destroys the ecological balance of the environment. born round about the turn of the century. The sentiments in Bob The cultural and historic patrimony has not been spared either. Marley's popular "Redemption Song" echoes that of Bambi and As a whole, this aspect of our heritage has been shaken by in6




fluences from the outside world as well as internal tendency bean: A Selective Annotated Bibliography, will be published toward the rejection of self which often leads up to denigrating all shortly. that which is a manifestation of our own identity. Blind commer- New courses in the Program are being offered this semester by cialism has led to an unfortunate traffic in valuable pre-colombian Robert Bach sociologist from SUNY Birmingham, and Betty pieces, irreplaceable historical documents, as well as antique Sedoc-Dahlberg from the University of Suriname, both visiting furniture and objects, all of which are examples of the life of Haiti scholars at the Center this semester. Two new graduate students generations ago. were admitted to the Program in January. They are Luz Perez
... The task of protecting our patrimony from these ills, befalls Prado from Puerto Rico, and Milagros Ricourt from the every citizen. All Haitians, adults and children, peasants and Dominican Republic. Thomas Gittens, a Guyanese political towns people, craftsmen and professionals, artists and men of scientist doing research for his Ph.D. from Carleton University in science, civilians and soldiers, managers and employees, must Canada, is also in residence for the semester. share the responsibility of protecting our national patrimony. The highlight of the semester's activities in the CMP was the
... We acknowledge that we must bring enthusiasm, in- recently held annual conference, "Popular Culture, National Idenitiative, patience and, above all, devotion to this task. Those of us tity and Migration in the Caribbean" which received support from who know and care must establish an example of ongoing and the National Endowment for the Humanities. A report on the conconstant respect for all the aspects of our cultural and natural ference appears elsewhere in this issue of the Latinamericanist. heritage. We believe that the constant joint effort of small groups
of citizens is the best way to slow down and to bring to a stop the
deterioration of the national patrimony. This is why the govern- COLLOQUIA, FILMS & CULTURAL EVENTS ment institutions in charge are taking measures to encourage
these concerned groups, in activities to develop knowledge and Since the last issue of the "Latinamericanist" the following colappreciation of sites of natural and historic interest. Students loquia, films and cultural events have taken place. shall be encouraged to participate in various programs which On 8 November 1983 the film "Blood of the Condor" was would lead to the valorization of the national heritage: contacts shown. On 2 November 1983 WUFT Channel 5 featured a special with craftsmen, historical research, collecting and preserving our panel on Grenada as one of their 5-LIVE series: Dr. Helen Safa, oral traditions (stories, songs, and folkloric activities) and an Director of the Center for Latin American Studies; Dr. Neville ongoing participation in cultural activities and conferences, Duncan, Caribbean Migration Program Visiting Scholar; and, devoted to the promotion and understanding of our country's Ms. Margaret Gill, MALAS Candidate from Barbados, were incultural heritage. terviewed on this program. On 3 November 1983 Dr. Martin
Stabb from the Department of Romance Languages, Pennsylvania State University, presented a colloquium entitled "Latin
TINKER FOUNDATION FELLOWSHIP America's Literature of Revolution and Revolution of Literature."
The following students have been awarded Tinker field On 10 November 1983 Dr. Neville C. Duncan, a Visiting Proresearch fellowships for short-term fieldwork this year through fessor of the Caribbean Migration Program from the University of the Center for Latin American Studies: the West Indies at Cave Hill, Barbados, gave a colloquium called
Susan Case, Anthropology, MA, Spain; Mary Garcia "The Coup in Grenada: Its Implications for the Eastern CaribCastro, Sociology, Ph.D., Colombia; Lorraine Catanzaro, bean." On 14 November 1983 Dr. Diane Austin, an anMALAS, Dominican Republic; Camilla Harshbarger, An- thropologist from the University of Sidney, Australia, presented
thropology, Costa Rica; Russell Jensen, Food & Resource the "Brown Bag" talk entitled "Culture and Ideology in the Economics, MS, Brazil; Kathi Kitner, Anthropology, MA, Mex- English-Speaking Caribbean: The Case of Jamaica." On 17 ico; Wendy Lee, MALAS, Costa Rica; Minica Lowder, An- November 1983 Dr. Jorge Salazar from the Department of thropology, Bolivia and Argentina; Alan Masters, Zoology, Economics at Florida International University gave a colloquium thropoDoy, oliia; ad s Ar na AnMtrsl, Zo y, called "Latin American and the International Debt Crisis." Two Ph.D., Costa Rica; James McKay, Anthropology, Ph.D., flsdrce yHln obr-adwr hw n2
Bolivia; William Medellin, Architecture, Masters, Dominican films directed by Helena Solberg-Ladd were shown on 29 Republic; Richard Phillips, Staff-Faculty: Library, Brazil; November 1983: "Simplemente Jenny" and "The Double Day." Valerie Smith, Sociology, Ph.D., Dominican Republic; Dale Both were films about women in Latin America. The last presenStratford, Anthropology, Ph.D., Peru; Charles Sullivan, tation of the month was a colloquium held on 30 November 1983 Wildlife Ecology, Ph.D., Venezuela; Jesus Vega, Anthropology, and co-sponsored by the Department of Religion. Dr. Thomas Ph.D., Spain; Eliot Ward, Anthropology, Panama; Graham G. Sanders, Senior Associate for Latin America of the UniverWebster, MALAS, Mexico; Peggy Webster, MALAS, Mexico; sities Field Staff International, gave a talk entitled "Religion in
Charles Ewen, Haiti; Richard Junkins, History, Ph.D.; Costa Changing Latin America." Rica. The month of December began with a talk on 1 December 1983
by Dr. Roy Bryce-Laporte called "The New Caribbean MigraCURTIS WILGUS FELLOWSHIP tion." This event was co-sponsored by the Department of AnThe Curtis Wilgus Fellowship for this year was awarded to thropology. On 2 December 1983 Dr. Gary Wynia, professor of Theuris WilguFellosh for researchonla9th eury sana o Political Science from the University of Minnesota, presented a R;osemarijn Hoefte for research on late 19th century plantations "Brown Bag" talk entitled "Argentine Democracy: Elections in Suriname. A Wilgus travel award was also made to Jennifer 83." Pritchett for research on theater groups in Antigua. With the new year began a new semester of events. The first
event was held on 5 January 1984 and featured Dr. Richard
CARIBBEAN MIGRATION PROGRAM NOTES Price, professor of Anthropology from Johns Hopkins UniversiIn collaboration with the University of Florida Libraries, the ty. His talk was called "Reflections on the Afro-Caribbean Past." Center for Latin Americn Studies recently published an extensive Another colloquium co-sponsored by the Department of AnBibliography of Caribbean Migration and Caribbean Immigrant thropology was held the next day on 6 January 1984. Dr. Sally Communities by Rosemary Brana-Shute and Rosemarijn Price, a post-doctoral fellow in Anthropology from Johns
Hoefte. In addition, a third occasional paper in the Caribbean Hopkins University, gave a presentation entitled "Art & Gender in Migration Program series entitled Haitian Migration and the Hai- an Afro-American Society." On 10 January 1984 Dr. Conrad tian Economy has appeared. It includes articles by Paul Latortue Kottak, professor of Anthropology from the University of giving an historical overview of the Haitian economy, Dianne Michigan delivered a talk called "Television's Social Impact in Rocheleau on the recent Haitian migration to Florida, and Karen Brazil: A Report on Research in Progress." On the next day a joint Richman on Haitian farmworkers in the U.S. A fourth occasional colloquium sponsored by the Amazon Research and Training paper, Women and Migration--Latin American and the Carib- Program and the Grinter Galleries was presented by Dr. Fernan7




do Urbina from the Universidad Nacional in Bogota, Colombia, AMAZON RESEARCH AND TRAINING PROGRAM NEWS and was entitled "Myths and the Stone Carvings from the River The Mellon Visiting Professor with the ARTP this semester has Caqueta." On 25 January 1984 Dr. Joe Foweraker, the Director been Professor Carlos E. Aramburu, anthropologist and of the Center for Latin American Studies at the University of demographer from the Catholic University and from INANDEP in Essex, gave a "Brown Bag" talk that was co-sponsored by the Peru. He is teaching the Amazon seminar on the topic of "AndesDepartment of Political Science and called "The Transition to Amazon Interactions" and is collaborating with the ARTP on proDemocracy in Spain." On 30 January 1984 Dr. Robert C. Dun- posals to increase links among Latin American scholars working nell, professor of Anthropology from the University of in the Amazon region. Washington, presented a colloquium co-sponsored by the Brazilian journalist and writer Lucio Flavio Pinto of Belem also
Department of Anthropology called "Cultural Resource Manage- spent three months in Gainesville as an ARTP visitor. During his ment and Archaeology." The next day on 31 January 1984 two stay, he worked on a book on the Jan project and continued his films were shown as part of the spring film series: "The Brazilian research on the Cabanagem. Connection" directed by Helena Solberg-Ladd was followed by Five ARTP students received funding to carry out field research "The Unusual Lady of Pacembu: A Portrait of Brazil" directed by in the Amazon in 1984. Claudette A. Brooks (M.A. student in Rita Moreira and Maria Luisa Leal. Journalism and Communications) will carry out a project entitled
Events for the month of February began on 1 February 1984 "Development Communication in the Selva Alta on Peru: Imwith a colliquium delivered by the Brazilian journalist and writer, proving Human Life While Managing Resources." Russel C. Lucio Flavio Pinto, entitled "The Impact of Large Scale Projects Jensen (M.S. student in Food and Resource Economics) will in the Amazon" and co-sponsored by the Amazon Research and study "Witches Broom and Cacao in the Amazon: The ManageTraining Program. On 8 February 1984 Dr. Emilio Moran, an an- ment Strategies of Japanese-Brazilian Farmers." His study will be thropologist from Indiana University, gave a "Brown Bag" talk partially supported by CEPLAC, the Brazilian agency in charge of co-sponsored by the Amazon Research and Training Program en- cacao research and extension. Mariella Leo (M.A. student in titled "Problems in Level of Analysis Shifting, With Examples Latin American Museum Studies and Conservation) will conduct from Amazonian Research." The following day on 9 February research entitled "Social and Economic Concerns in the 1984 Judith Laikin Elkin from the Latin American Studies Establishment of Two Natural Reserves in the Cloud Forest of Association in Ann Arbor, Michigan, presented another "Brown Northeastern Peru." Pennie M. McCracken (M.A. student in Bag" talk called "Jews as an Ethnic and Religious Minority in Anthropology) will study "The Role of Folk Medicine in the Latin American Societies" and co-sponsored by the Department Health Care System of the Brazilian Amazon Region." Ridhard of Religion. On 14 February 1984 the spring film series continued Pace, (Anthropology) will carry out a doctoral research project with two films on Haiti: "Bitter Cane" directed by Jacques entitled "Socio-Cultural Change in Amazon Town, 1949-1985." Arcelin and "Black Dawn," an animated Haitian folktale. On 16 The ARTP is working on a project to compile a list of Amazon February 1984 the Executive Director of the Brazilian American holdings at the University of Florida library. The project is being Culture Institute in Washington D.C., Jose Neistein, presented managed by Penny McCracken (Anthropology) and Richard F. a slide lecture entitled "A Profile of Twentieth Century Brazilian Phillips, Assistant University Librarian. Art." On 24 February 1984 the last event of the month was a The ARTP has sponsored the following speakers in recent "Brown Bag" talk entitled "The Expanding Role of Legislature in weeks: On January 11 Professor Fernando Urbina, Universidad Brazil" presented by the sociologist, Antonio Carlos Pojo de Nacional Bogotd, spoke on "Mito y petroglifo en el Rio Caquetg"; Rego, a senior staff aide from the Federal Chamber of Deputies on February 8 Dr. Emilio Morau, Anthropologist, Indiana in Brasilia. University and a Visiting Scholar, North Carolina State UniversiMarch events began on 1 March 1984.with Dr. Renato Ortiz, a ty, addressed the colloquium with a talk entitled: "Problems in sociologist who is a Visiting Scholar from Colombia University. Level of Analysis Shifting, With Examples From Amazonian His colloquium was entitled "Idealogy of Brazilian Popular Research" and also spoke in an Amazon seminar on "A Culture." As part of International Women's Week activities the Reprospective on Transamazon Highway Colonization."; on Brazilian documentary "Iracema" was shown on 7 March 1984 March 23 Dr. Thomas E. Lovejoy, Vice-president for Science, and co-sponsored by the Amazon Research and Training Pro- World Wildlife Fund-U.S. presented a lecture entitled: "Minimum gram. The "Brown Bag" talk the next day on 8 March 1984 by Critical Size of Ecosystems", which was co-sponsored by ARTP Dr. Carmen Barroso, a Brazilian Visiting Scholar from Cornell and the Florida State Museum; and on April 4 Dr. Jorge University, called "Women and the Politics of Population" was Uquillas, Instituto de Colonizacidn y Reforma Agraria, Ecuador also a feature of International Women's Week. The spring film lectured on "Indigenous Survival and Development: Trends and series continued on 20 March 1984 with the presentation of the Prospects". film "Against Wind and Tide: A Cuban Odyssey" followed by a
lecture by Dr. Robert Bach, an assistant professor of sociology LIBRARY DEVELOPMENT AWARDS
from SUNY Birmingham, called "Between Truths and Realities: The following scholars have been offered Library Development The Question of Mariel." On 22 March 1984 the international in- Awards for this year to allow them to travel to Gainesville to use vestigation reporter, Penny Lernoux, gave a lecture entitled "In the extensive Caribbean and Latin American holdings in our ColBanks We Trust: American Pocketbooks and Human Rights in lection for their research. The candidates selected were among 17 Latin America." The event was co-sponsored by the College of sch--iars Who submitted research proposals. Michaeline Liberal Arts and Science Student Council, the J. Wayne Union, Crichlow, Ph.D. candidate, Sociology, SUNY, Birmingham, and the College of Journalism. Two activities occurred on 23 "Agrarian Class Relations and the Role of the State in the West March 1984. Dr. Thomas Lovejoy, Vice President for Science Indies, 1838-1982"; Charles Gordon Dean, Ph.D. candidate, and U.S. World Wildlife Fund, presented a colloquium entitled Anthropology, New Mexico State University, "The Gardens of "The Amazon and Tomorrow" and co-sponsored by the Amazon Subsistence," a project on peasant agrarian systems in Central Research and Training Program, the Florida State Museum, and America;(Locksley Edmonson, Visiting Professor of African, the School of Forest Resources and Conservation. The same day Caribbean Politics at Cornell University, "Comparative Caribbean of 23 March 1984 was also the Opening at the Grinter Galleries of Orientations Toward the Non-Aligned Movement"; Martin Murthe Photo-Essay named "Cuban Images in Miami," which was phy, Ph.D. candidate, Anthropology, Columbia University, Latin co-sponsored by the Cuban-American Student Association. The American plantation systems with special emphasis on the last event of the month was held on 29 March 1984: the an- Dominican Republic; John Frederick Schwaller, Associate thropologist, Dr. Carlos Aramburu, who is a Visiting Mellon Professor of History, Florida Atlantic University, will work with Professor on the Amazon Research and Training Program, gave a materials on early Spanish settlement in Florida; (Diana Velez, "Brown Bag" talk called "Technology and Economy of the An- Assistant Professor, Spanish, University of Iowa, "Contemporary dean Peasantry" and accompanied by a slide presentation. Puerto Rican Women's Literature in Historical Context."
8




THE FORMATION OF BRAZILIAN FRONTIER POLICY:
THE ROLE OF THE ASSOCIATION
OF AMAZON IAN ENTREPRENEURS
Chris H4orak is currently completing her Masters Degree in Latin American Studies at the University of Florida. Horak received a Bachelors degree in Economics from Eastern Illinois University. She also carried out graduate work in Economics at the University of S~4o Paulo, Brazil. Fieldwork for this study was funded by the Interamerican Foundation.
In Brazil public policy plays an important role in setting the pace vestment than with settling the frontier through migration of and character of frontier expansion in Amazonia. The goal of small-and medium-scale farmers. The policy goals of Operation populating the frontier with small scale migrant farms and effec- Amazonia were accomplished through three major iniciatives: the tively integrating them into the market economy was apparent in creation of SUDAM (the regional development agency), the the public policies of the early 1970s establishing colonization establishment of BASA (the Amazonian Development Bank) and projects along parts of the Transamazonian highway. Despite this the provision of generous fiscal incentives to national and brief concern with colonization and rural development, public multinational firms. policy in Amazonia has more consistently reflected the interests During this time government policymnakers began to concenof private investors, many of whom are based in the south of trate their efforts on attracting investors from the south of Brazil. Brazil. Generous fiscal incentives attracted these urban based in- Representatives of the various bureaucracies linked to the vestors eager to take advantage of income tax breaks, speculate Ministry of the Interior touted the qualifications of Paulista inon land as a hedge against inflation and diversify their corporate vestors. In 1968, the President of BASA (the regional developportfolios (Hecht, 1984; Pinto, 1980). ment bank) declared the "natural dinamism of the Paulistas comBecause private investors have substantial control over land, bined with their technical knowhow to be of far greater imporcapital, and employment opportunities in Amazonia, their actions tance than their mere financial contribution" (Cardoso and and influence within the state planning apparatus have had a Mueller, 1977:156). One of the strongest supporters of the significant impact on land use patterns, types of agriculture southern investors was the Minister of the Interior, Jose Costa adopted on the frontier and the overall developmental priorities Cavalcanti, who voiced his support of the Paulista's investments within the region. This study investigates the relationship be- in cattle throughout his tenure in that ministry and who became tween large scale private investors and public policy in Amazonia. one of the strongest defenders of private investment during the
The focus of this paper is the Association of Amazonian En- PIN years when policy changed its emphasis. Cavalcanti intertrepreneurs (AEA). The AEA is a S~o Paulo based lobby group preted the role of the government as the "supporter of private organized in 1968 by a group of southern entrepreneurs in- enterprise; helping it out when necessary and not getting in its terested in expanding their investments in Amazonia. Currently way" (Cardoso and Mueller, 1977:155). As the Amazon took on representing more than 300 of the most influential investors in the greater prominence within policy making circles it became clear region, members of the AEA are active in many facets of Amnazo- that the government was extending an invitation to private enternian investment including cattle raising, private colonization, prise to take on a leading role in the occupation of the region. lumbering and agricultural production. Designed to forge Private enterprise responded to this invitation with their specific alliences with the state decision making apparatus, the AEA has policy proposals for occupation. These proposals became a funadopted a number of strategies aimed at shaping the formulation damental factor in shaping public policy in the region during the and implementation of development policies in the region. The following years. purpose of this study is to investigate the manner in which na- The growing power of private investors was largely based on tional and multinational investors based in the south of Brazil the vigorous program of fiscal incentives that enabled any corhave influenced public policy relevant to the occupation of the poration registered in Brazil to deduct up to 75% of its income tax Amazon Basin. liability when the resulting savings were invested in activities on
To fully comprehend the motives that influenced public policy, the frontier (Mahar, 1979). While fiscal incentive measures proit is necessary to investigate the intricacies of the state-capital in- vided for investment in a number of sectors agriculture, cattle, teraction through the different political and economic junctures indlusty, basic services-southern investors were quick to center of frontier occupation. By presenting an overview of the lobbying their activities within the livestock sector. The inclusion of cattle activities of the AEA during two distinct phases of government raising activities within the fiscal incentive measures in 1966 policy in the Amazon, this paper will investigate the motives that opened the region to a virtual flood of corporate investors eager influence the interaction between public policy and private capital to transform tax liabilities into agro-pastoral projects on the fronon the frontier. tier into a lucrative means of acquiring cheap land and creating a
The two phases of frontier occupation focused on in this hedge against inflation.
discussion are: 1) the Operation Amazonia Period (1966-1970), Lvsokriigwscniee ob nielwyo civ
characterized by the creation of fiscal incentive measures directed Ln tistoaisn wease onsderetbe anw idvelw of ifarcie towards entrepreneurs from the south of Brazil; 2) the National igti olbcueo h eaieylwlvl fifatutr
Interaton lanimi 190-174) a st o poicydircties ro- needed to establish pastures, its compatability with the climatic mingrtonan midg 190174,asebfplicyclnzto n ua decvespro-t conditions of the region, the relatively low labor requirements,
motig rad uildngpubic clonzaton ad rraldeveopmnt, and the possibilities for marketing Amazonian beef in the south of Operation Amazonia Brazil. Most importantly, cattle provided southern investors with
The implementation of the regional development program an inexpensive means of occupying the vast tracts of land that referred to as Operation Amazonia in 1966 set the scene for the they had purchased as they waited for land values to increase. gradual and irreversable trend towards the occupation of the The emphasis on cattle was so great that the Amazon basin, region by private enterprise. The stated goals of the Operation especially the south of Para and northern Mato Grosso, is often Amazonia programs were oriented towards establishing develop- referred to today as "corporate cattle country". ment "poles" and stable, self-sustaining population groups Within a few short years after the invitation extended to private through the encouragement of migration of the region. This enterprise to take advantage of fiscal credit mechanisms in the move towards populating the region, however was (and still is) Amazon, southern entrepreneurs had come to play an increasingbased on the belief that the region contained vast quantities of ly important role in the region. A major force behind the political mineral resources. Additionally, the ensuing legislation pointed to and economic influence of southern enprepreneurs was the creaa much greater concern with stimulating large scale private in- tion of a class based lobby, the AEA, which promoted their in9




terests; vis-a-vis policy makers. By forging alliances with key fallen short of their original objectives of incorporating small and bureaucracies in the region, such as the regional development medium scale producers in to the regional economy and in 1975 agency SUDAM (the Superintendency for the Development of public policy once again returned to favor large scale corporate the Amazon), the Association of Amazonian Entrepreneurs investors. The technical and administrative failures of colonizabecame an important voice representing the demands of private tion have been well documented in recent literature (Moran, enterprise on the frontier. 1981, Smith, 1982, Wood and Scmink, 19791. These include poor
During the years directly following the creation of the Opera- planning, lack of trained personnel and financial resources to tion Amazonia program, the AEA focused its activities on increas- assist colonists, and insufficient credit, marketing channels and ing its own organizational base by persuading private enterprise infrastructure. from the south of Brazil to invest in the region. The AEA also However, equally important in explaining the failure of coldirected its efforts towards convincing policy makers to decrease onization and rural development are the mechanisms by which the previously suggested emphasis on agriculture and industry in powerful investors and their allies acted to undermine the efforts favor of the livestock sector which was favored by the investors of those agencies which attempted to integrate migrants into the represented by the Association. The AEA established personaliz- region's agrarian structure. Pressure was exerted by the AEA and ed working relationships with the Ministry of the Interior and the its allies within the Ministry of the Interior and SULJ, .M to redirect agency subordinate to it SUDAM. The private investors the region's development priorities away from peasant interests
represented by the AEA were also successful in marginalizing and in favor of large scale corporate investors from the south of local agricultural producers (such as the Brazil nut growers of Brazil. Belem) from the mainstream of the state's newly created Poli.yRdrcinth Iteaio btw nSaead
developmental objectives for the region. Privaedairt :teItrcin ewe tt n
As the economic presence of southern entrepreneurs grew and Prvte inpital sos otePNpormb h E a o
Paulstainvstos hd esablshe thmseves s amajr frcestrongly critical one. In fact, the government's promise to supbehind the successful implementation of the state's developmen- port road building efforts responded to one of the AEA's most tal aims for the region, the political leverage of the AEA also in- vocal* complaints. The transfer of large contingents of Norcreased. The agencies charged with carrying out the develop- theastern migrants responded to a second demand frequently arment of the region were quick to respond to the demands of the ticulated by the AEA, the lack of manpower to attend to the task private sector. Foremost among these demands were those of clearing pastures on the ranches of southern investors. directed by southern investors at the Ministry of the Interior and However, a proposed change in the land tenure policy presented SUDAM. The AEA called for the construction of infrastructure a serious threat to southern investors who hoped to obtain land (especially roads), the streamlining of the bureaucratic channels on the frontier after 1974. The change resulted from concern involved in approving projects and the establishment of a policy within the Ministry of Agriculture and INCRA that road building which would contain the region's Indians on reservations so that would create a land rush along highways. In order to avoid such a their presence would not jeopardize the livestock projects of cor- land rush, INCRA expropriated one hundred kilometers of land porate investors. Thus by the late 1960s southern entrepreneurs along either side of the two major highways under construction had exerted a marked influence over public policy in the Amazon. within the region, the Cuiaba-Santarem and the Transamazon, During the following years, however, public policy underwent a and limited the sale of the newly acquired public lands to plots of clear change in course from the policies established during the less than 3,000 hectares (Pompermayer, 1979). These 3,000 hecearly period of frontier occupation. tare plots contrasted sharply with the vast tracts of land southern
National Integration Program entrepreneurs had acquired during the early phase of frontier exDuring the early 1970s government priorities in the Amazon pansion under the Operation Amazonia period. Regaining the shifted. The National Integration Program, (PIN), created in 1971, right to purchase public lands in plots of more than 3,000 hecplaced significant emphasis on 'social concerns'. The much tares become a central issue in the AEA's battle to disassociate publicized road building and colonization program grew partly out INCRA's policies from the central focus of public policy in the of the deteriorating conditions of the Brazilian Northeast, a region region. plagued by severe droughts, a deep rooted latifundia-minifundia By 1975, the social concerns promoted by the Ministry of complex and the inability of developmental programs to solve Agriculture and INCRA to transfer large contingents of landless these problems (Katzman, 1977). Within the Amazon itself an in- peasants to the frontier had been foregone and policy directives crease in the formerly low population levels was also seen by within the region returned to promoting the interests of large policy makers as a means of attaining geopolitical objectives. By scale investors based in the south of Brazil. The 3,000 hectare promoting migration to the region through road building and col- limit on the sale of public lands was replaced by legislation enablonization, policy makers hoped to secure the region's boun- ing corporate investors to purchase up to 50,000 plots (Pomperdaries, thus guaranting the vast mineral resources the region was mayer, 1981). In 1974, INCRA announced that it would auction believed to contain (Moran, 1981, Mahar, 1979). Finally, those off 21 million hectares along the Transamazonian highway to who were growing discontented with the implementation of large large scale investors. Thus, by the mid 1970's I NCRA's role as the scale cattle-raising hoped that colonization based on small and champion of small farmers had come to an end. medium-sized properties would provide the region with self- To expediate the acquisition of large landholdings the AEA prosufficiency in food production and curtail the growing socio- posed the establishment of integrated development projects in economic disparity found on the frontier. (POMnermaver, 1979). 1978. By purchasing large tracts of land and later selling a portion
The main thrust of the PIN program was directed towards road of the plots to small-scale colonists, private enterprise hoped to building and the establishment of public colonization programs control the distribution of lands by taking it out ot the hands of aimed at absorbing surplus population from other regions of the federal government. This would give private investors greater Brazil. The PIN program stressed the incorporation of small and autonomy on the frontier both in controlling the amount of land medium scale producers into the regional economy and threaten- allocated to small-scale producers and insuring ranchers of an ed the activities of corporate investors by channeling financial adequate and nearby temporary labor supply to perform seasonal resources and political clout away from the Ministry of the In- tasks such as clearing pasture or rounding up herds. Although terior and SUDAM towards a new agency, the Institute for Col- this proposal was not adopted, it clearly demonstrated the intenonization and Agrarian reform (INCRA) which was charged with tions of corporate investors to regain their role as the major force carrying out thenewly established development priorities, behind frontier occupation by taking an active part in the colAlthough INCRA received broad powers to carry out coloniza- onization of the region.
tion and rural development, these programs encountered In 1975, the 11 National Development Plan established the Polo
numerous technical and administrative setbacks. Within a few Amazonia program which replaced PIN's "social" objectives with years, it became increasingly apparent that these programs had policies designed to economically develop the Amazon. The 10 -.




region was increasingly viewed by the state as a "resource fron- Nonetheless, changing developmental priorities did not come
tier" capable of supplying much needed foreign exchange about solely because of the demands brought before policy
through the creation of "development poles" which focused on makers by the AEA. The economic objectives of the post-1964
promoting mining, lumbering, large scale agriculture and military regime laid the ground work for the actions which would
livestock activities. unite private capital and key bureaucracies to promote the moderA major factor behind this redirection in policy was the nization of agriculture through the expansion of capitalist investpressure that the AEA and its allies within the Ministry of the In- ment. While it may be argued that the extensive livestock raising
terror and SUDAM were able to exert. The policy goals of both techniques adopted within the Amazon did not represent a true
the Operation Amazonia and the Polo Amazonia programs were "capitalization" of agriculture, given the rudimentary methods of
in keeping with the ideologies and duties of these entitites. production on southern entrepreneur's ranches in the region, the
SUDAM's role as the planner and implementer of broad policies rhetoric adopted by the AEA coincided directly with the state's
of economic development within the region was fundamentally policies aimed at "rationalizing and modernizing" the agricultural
responsible for the alliances the agency established with private sector throughout the country as a whole. In order to form
investors. alliances with modern entrepreneurial sectors and to foster the
SUDAM and the Ministry of the Interior criticized INCRA's in- economic development of the region, the state was willing to
ability to successfully carry out public colonization. The technical place alliances with "modernized" agricultural sectors over the
and administrative difficulties encountered by INCRA were seen social concerns of the previous policies within the region. At the
as sufficient motive to crop public colonization altogether. same time the constant pressure exerted by class based lobby
Behind these general criticisms of INCRA's activities, there ex- associations was fundamental in convincing policy makers that
isted, however, a complex set of inter-bureaucratic rivalries. As "private inititative" was able and willing to carry out the "task" of
previously mentioned, the Ministry of the Interior and SODAM developing the Amazon.
were charged with carrying out objectives which differed from
those of the Ministry of the Interior and INCRA. The former REFERENCES
favored the expansion of large scale corporate investment as a Cardoso, F. and Mueller, G. Amazonia: Expansao do Capitalismo. Sao Paulo:
means of promoting the economic integration of the region, Brasiliense, 1977.
while the latter strongly supported the social integration of the Katzman, Martin. Cities and Frontiers in Brazil: Regional Dimensions of
frontier. As will be discussed shortly, the ideologies promoted by Economic Development. Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1977.
SUDAM and the Ministry of the Interior closely reflected the Mahar, Dennis. Frontier Development Policy in Brazil: A Study of Amazonia. New
development priorities of the post-1964 military regime, a factor York: Praeger, 1977.
which led to their ultimate adoption over the policy concerns pro- Moran, Emilio. Developing the Amazon. Bloomington: Indiana University Press,
moted by INCRA and the Ministry of Agriculture. 1981.
Southern entrepreneurs were a fundamental force behind this Smith, Nigel. Rainforest Corridors. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982.
redirection of public policy. Southern investors maintained close Wood, C. and Schmink, M. "Blaming the Victim: Small Farmer Production in an
ties with the agencies and ministries responsible for phasing out Amazonian Colonization Project." Studies in Third World Societies, 7:77-193,
INCRA's objectives and substituting them with policies favoring 1979.
private capital. By inviting key ministers to visit the region and to Pinto, Lucio Flavio, Amazonia: No Rastro do Saque. Hucitec: Sao Paulo, 1980.
speak before private entrepreneurial groups, as well as threaten- Hecht, Susanna, "The Enviromental Effect of Cattle Development in the Amazon
ing to curtail their investments in the region if policy was not Basin", forthcoming in Frontier Expansion in Amazonia, University of Florida Press:
modified, the AEA directly relayed its demands to the state ap- Gainesville, 1984.
NEWS AND NOTES
Renaldo L. Jimenez, Assistant Professor, Romance Lyle N. McAlister, Distinguished Service Professor, tins del ocenta: el caso Asis," in Revista Iberoamericana Languages, has published an article entitled "Don History, has just finished proofing a volume entitled (University of Pittsburg), no. 125 (octobre-diciembra Segundo: Raz6n y Singo de Una Forma Narrative" in Spain and Portugal in the New World, 1492-1700. It is to 1983), 983-996; and a review of Ernesto Schoo, El Belle Cuademos Americanos, #6 (Nov. Dec., 1983), vol. be published in July, 1984, by the University of Min- de los guerreros, (Buenos Aires: Corregidor, 1980) in CCLI. nesota Press as Vol. 3 of its 9 volume series, "Europe Hispamerica (Univ. of Maryland), no.36, (1983),
Allan F. Burns, Associate Professor, Anthropology, and the World in the Age of Expansion". 125-126.
taught a short course on Video in the Social Sciences at Art Hanson, Associate Professor, Anthropology, Alfred Hower, Professor of Portuguese, Romance the Universidad Complatense, Madrid, Spain during Oc- headed a team to evaluate an agricultural research pro- Languages, has completed the editions of two books to tober and November of 1983. ject in Honduras from January 23-31, 1984. The evalua- be published this year by the UF Press: Empire in Transition team of the USAID funded project was sponsored tion: The Portuguese World in the Time of Camoes, Peter Hildebrand, Professor, Food and Resource by the Farming Systems Support Project based at the consisting of papers given at the international conEconomics, participated in a review of the University of Florida. ference sponsored by the Center for Latin American
Bean/Cowpea Collaborative Research Support Project
in Honduras from December 5th to the 6th and in Steven E. Sanderson, Associate Professor, Political Studies in 1980; and Carlos Drummond de Andrade,
Guatemala from December 7-9. He also participated in Science, edited the volume: The Americas in the New Quarenta 1-istorinhas (a Cinco Poemas), a new anthe external review of the CIAT on-farm bean research International Division of Labor, (New York: Holmes and notated Portuguese reader including works by Brazil's project in Cali, Colombia from December 12 to 16. Meier, 1984); authored The Transformation of Mexican outstanding contemporary writer, with grammar and Agriculture: International Structure and the Politics of conversation drills and vocabulary. Both books are coJim Jones, Associate Director, Farming Systems Rural Change (Princeton: Princeton University Press, in edited with Dr. Richard A. Preto-Rodas of the University Support Project, helped program a five day 'seminario' press); was recipient of 1984 Congress Prize, 44th Inter- of South Florida. in Quezaltenango, Guatemala from February 27 through national Congress of Americanists, for the paper "The Andres Suarez, Professor, History, was a panel Emergence of the 'World Steer': Internationalization member on a project entitled "A Twenty Five Year ming Systems Approach to Research, particularly as it and Foreign Domination in Latin American Cattle Pro- Record on the Cuban Revolution". Sessions for the proapplied to in-country efforts directed at potato produc- duction"; and was a recipient of First Prize, OAS 1983 ject were held at the Center for Strategic and Internation. Concurso Internacional de Ensayos Bibliogrificos, for tional Studies, Georgetown University, on Oct. 6 and
Joseph Conrad, Professor of Animal Nutrition and the essay "The Once and Future Peasant Question in Nov. 28, 1983. Dr. Suarez presented a paper, Coordinator of Tropical Animal Science Programs, was Latin America." "Pragmatism and Ideology (1902-1982)" in a seminar
working on the Proyecto Especial Alto Huallago in Andrea Avellaneda, Associate Professor, Romance held on February 24 & 25, 1984. He has also published a Aucayacu-Tingo Maria, Peru during the month of Languages, presented a paper, "Censura cultural y ex- paper in War and Peace, vol. 3, Issue 33, entitled February, 1984. The objectives were to increase food, ilio interno", in the Third Latinoamerican Symposium "Castro's Revolution: How the Rebel Army Triumphed ieed, tree crop and livestock production within the farm- sponsored by the University of Toulouse-le Mirail and in Cuba." ing systems framework in this Amazon region. the Centre de la Recherche Scientifique, France, from Helen I. Safe, Director, CLAS, participated in an
Emilio Bejel, Associate Professor, Romance March 11-16, 1984. His collections of poems Cancin Expert Review Board on the Hemispheric Migration ProLanguages, has published a book entitled, Literature de vulgar papa hechos sencillos received an award in the ject of Georgetown University and the IntergovernmenNuestra Ameica by Centro de Investigaciciones 1983 International Literary Contest sponsored by Plural, tal Commission on Migration; and was also named by
Linguistocos Literarias de Ia Universidad Veracruzana, the Mexican literary magazine. Publications have includ- AAAS as a member of a review panel of the Cooperative Xalapa, Veracruz, 1983. ed: "Best-seller y codigo represive en Ia narrative argen- Science Programs of the NSF. Dr. Safe has received a
11




DSR Seed Grant for a study of Hispanic Female Migra- July 1983, Hull, England. He has also published several Adolpho Prieto, Graduate Research Professor, tion to Miami, New York, and Los Angeles. The grant articles and reviews in History, Historical Journal, Rev. Romance Languages, presented a paper entitled "La will involve gathering data about the regional labor de la Soc. Haitienne d'Hist. and Occasional Papers metropoli inmigrante del capitalismo perisf4rico y la market, especially in the garment and electronics in- Series, Latin American Center, F.I.U. Professor Geggus culture urbana de mesas", at the XI International Condustries. The following meetings were attended by Dr. has been awarded a Guggenheim Fellowship with which grass, LASA, Mexico, October, 1983; was an invited Safe: the Rutgers University Conference on "Women he will pursue research on the Saint Domingue slave lecturer on "La literature latinoamericana en el proceso and Structural Transformation" in November of 1983; revolt and the rise of Toussaint Louverture. de la mestizacion. El teatro", at the University of Otthe Encuentro Caribno sponsored by UNICA in Santo tawa, January 1984; and has published "Los anos
Domingo which designed priorities for Caribbean Marianne Schmink, Acting Associate Director, sesenta", in Revista Iberoamericana, 125, 1983. Also development, during April 1984; and the UNESCO Center for Latin American Studies, has been appointed forthcoming is "Argentina. La primer literature de "Conference on Inter-regional Migration in the Carib- Assistant Professor of Latin Americn Studies and will msas", Hispamgrica and "Deslizamientos de lectures: bean" in Barbados. Dr. Safe has submitted, jointly with continue to direct the Amazon Research and Training Martin Fierro Moreira", Travessia, the College of Architecture, a proposal to USIA for an Program. From January 1 until June 1, 1984 she will David Bushnell, Professor, History, has published a exchange program with UNPHU in Santo Domingo, sreaAcigsoiteDetrenGadteCoor- David Bushnell, Professor, History, has published a
exchange program with UNPHU in Santo Domingo, serve as Acting Associate Director and Graduate Coor- monograph entitled: Reform and Reaction in the Platine Dominican Republic. She plans to attend two women's dinator of the Center, replacing Terry McCoy who is on Provinces, 1810- 1852, University of Florida Monographs conferences in May of this year in Miami and in Puerto research leave. Dr. Schmink presented a paper entitled in the Social Sciences, no. 69. Gainesville, 1993. Rico. "Crisis Colonization in the Brazilian Amazon" at the
meeting for Applied Anthropology, Toronto, March Dana Griffin III, Professor, Botany, has been apE. L. Roy Hunt, Professor, Law, chaired the 16th An- 14-18, 1984; while from March 20-22 she was an invited pointed recently to the editorial board of the Bo/etim do nual Inter-American Lawyer Exchange Program of The panelist in a symposium on "Church & State in Latin Museu Paranenese Emilio Goeldi. He has also been askFlorida Bar in Mexico City, March 9-14, 1984. The pro- America" at the St. Vincent de Paul Regional Seminary, ed to join the Venezuelan/U.S. scientific expedition to gram's tropic was "Legal Aspects of Doing Business in Boynton Beach, Florida. Dr. Schmink has also been Cerro de la Neblina, a joint effort which is part of a camMexico Today". granted a Research Development Award from the paign in Venezuela to commemorate Baron von HumDepartment of Sponsored, Research. University of bolt and to revive the Humbolt spirit of scientific inJulia G. Cruz, Assistant Professor, Romance Florida and, with colleague Charles H. Wood vestigation. Recent publications include: Morales, Maria
Languages, has had the following papers accepted for (Sociology), the two will conduct a project entitled: Isabel & Griffing, III Dana, "Briofitos del Parque Napresentation: "The Structures in The Road to Tamazun- "Development Policy and Frontier Expansion in the cional Volcan Poas, Costa Rica", Revista Biologia chale by R. Arias", NACS Annual Convention, The Brazilian Amazon: Impact Study in Southern Parg". The Tropical, 31(1): 113-123, 1983; and with Acuna, M. L., University of Texas at Austin, March 5-8, 1984; "Lo fan- research will conclude an eight year study of frontier "Spore Ornamentation" in Anacolia, (Musci; Bartastico en un cuento de Gabriel Garca Mdrquez, Un change. tramiaceae). Cryptogamie, Bryol., Lichenol. 4(2):
senor muy viejo con unas alas enormes," at the Sym- 155-160.
posium on Gabriel Garcia Mgrquez, Mississippi State Glaucio Soares, Sociology, published two articles Nigel Smith, Associate Professor, Geography, has University, April 12-14, 1984, and "Lo neofntastico en Nigel Smith, Associate Professor, Geography, has ;
'Apocaplipsis An Solentiname' de Julio Cortazar", at the late last year: "Depois do Carisma Eleitoral", in Journal received a Guggenheim Fellowship for the academic Un'Apocapipvesids en Soluentiname' de Julio Cortazar, at the Do Brasi, Nov. 6, 1983 and "0 Mito da Instabilidad nas year, 1984-85. Dr. Smith will investigate genetic diversiUniversidad Complutense, Madrid, Spain, June 25-29, Eleicoes no Brasl", in Ciencia Hole, Nov.-Dec., 19 yi8oo3rp.wihae en evlpdtooecm
1984. Dr. Cruz's translation of Fair Gentlemen of Belken Eleicoes no Brasil", in Ciencia Hoje, Nov.-Dec., 1983. ty in food crops which are being developed to overcome by Rolando Hinojosa, is forthcoming from Bilingual Another article written with Claudio Moura Castro has growing problems of disease and pests. Articles which by Rolando Hinojoss, is forthcoming from Bilingual been accepted by Revista Brasileira de Administrac' o de h a ulse eetyhv en NwGnsfo
Review Press, Ypsilanti, Michigan, 1984. been accepted by Revista Brasileire deAdministracao de he has published recently have been: "New Genes from
Empresas. At the meeting of the Associacao Nacional Wild Potatoes", in New Scientist, Vol. 98, 1983; "EnDavid Geggus, Assistant Professor, History, de Pesquisa em Ciencias Sociales, Sao Paulo, October chanted Forest", Natural History, Vol. 92, 1983; and
presented a paper entitled: "Haiti and the Abolitionists, 26-28, Dr. Soares presented a paper entitled "Economic "How Brazil Bested the Oil Crisis", Christian Science 1804-1838" at the Legacis of Slavery Conference, in Development and Democracy and Latin America." Monitor, March 23, 1983.
GRINTER GALLERIES
Exhibits sponsored by the Center for Latin American Studies in 1984 at the Grinter Galleries have included the following: a color photography exhibition by Colombian Fernando Urbina entitled Arnazonia which captured the cultural history, oral legends, and the natural beauty of the Amazon River area in Colombia; and an exhibit of black and white photography which was organized by the Cuban American Student Association that depicted the cultural assimilation within the Cuban community in the city of Miami. In August of this year the black and white photography of Madalena Schwartz will be shown in an exhibit, The Brazilian Face, which will feature notable Brazilian citizens.
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Full Text

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A History of Levy County, Florida & & & Chapter Twelve & & & OCTOBER -1982 Published By The Levy County Archives Committee Sponsored by the Levy County Board of Commissioners Bronson, Florida A Bicentennial Publication

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PICTURE CAPTIONS IN THIS CHAPTER Most of the steamboat pictures are made available by courtesy of Francis Rowell and Cecil Rowell. Cecil Rowell had the pictures made during the early 1950Â’s. In order to avoid shrinking some of the prints to make space for captions, the explanatory notes are written here. The Three States was the largest steamer on the Suwannee: in fact, it was too big for that River. It was eventually moved into service at Chattahoochee, Georgia. The owner was Captain Bob Ivey. The Three States was about the size of the average Mississippi River Steamboat. In the picture, the well-dressed young man posing in the foreground is wearing a summer dress hat that was high fashion for men back then. It was known as a leghorn straw or strawcadia and was made in a rigid oval shape. Unless he had a deformed cranial bone structure, no man had a head shaped like that. However, if the hat was too big, it could be held up by the wearerÂ’s ears, as seems to be the case in this instance. The object protruding from the pilot house roof was a steam whistle. Today, a lot of people have never heard one of them. They did have a distinctive sound. Just beyond the lady in white is a man carrying a load of what appears to be folding deck chairs or ax handles, neither of which seems logical. The Louisa was owned by Captain MacGruder and in this picture is moored at the Old Town Landing. There are three pictures of the Belle of Suwan nee. The frontal view shows the steamer when it was in full passenger service. The water-spotted picture was made after the Belle had been strip ped of passenger equipment and was used for freight hauling. The spotted photo was made while the boat was hauling turpentine from Blue Creek to Cedar Key and a short time before it sank. The Belle was built in Branford in 1889 and was owned by Captain R. A. Ivey. It sank in the Gulf between Pepper Fish Key and the mouth of the Steinhatchee River. There are at least two versions of the sinking date; one is September 30, 1900; the other is September 29, 1896. At the time of the sinking (whichever), the crew was J. E. Dorsett, Master; Spencer Campbell, pilot; Peter Walker, engineer; Eugene S. Gauldin, pur ser. The Yulee was built in 1875 and was one of the smaller steamboats on the Suwannee. It was tied up at Suwannee when the hurricane and tidal wave of 1896 tore it loose and blew it up the river to the lower end of Long Reach on the Levy side. The machinery was removed and the hull is still there with cypress trees growing up through the wreck. The City of Hawkinsville (see chapter 3, page 14) was tied up for the last time in 1923 at Old Town. The superstructure was gradually removed and the hulk finally sank. This print is clearer than the one published in an earlier chapter. The Hawkinsville was one of the larger steamers on the Suwannee. The Ralph Barker was built in 1900 in Port Inglis and operated from there for about twenty years. It had a steel hull, was 85 /2 feet long, and is shown on the Withlacoochee River. In the pictures of the ferry at Fanning Springs, one shows a man at the left holding a parasol, next to him is one wearing a derby hat, then a portly individual with a walrus moustache and watch chain. The fourth man is standing as if at attention with a military posture and appears to be wearing a Confederate uniform. He was a Confederate soldier. The ferry landing on the south bank was where Gilchrist County had a boat ramp in later years. Who the people are in the fishing boat at Cedar Key is not known. If you read this and have this information, please contact the Levy County Archives at Bronson or the Cedar Key Historical Society at their museum on Second Street. S. E. Gunnell, Archives Member Bronson, Florida 1

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# 2 The Three States

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WHERE THEY LIVED The people listed in the 1860 census as being patrons of the Atsena Otie post office, their ages, occupations, and places of origin: 1. James Lee, 30, laborer, Ga. 2. John Lee, 47, farmer, Ga. 3. James D. Butler, 31, blacksmith, N.C. 4. Ruben Wilkerson, 62, farmer, N.C. 5. Jefferson J. Painter, 46, farmer, Fla. 6. Drevey Lawhon, 26, laborer, S. C. 7. William Cason, 56, laborer, Ga. 8. John Parker, 32, farmer, Ga. 9. James C. Smith, 26, farmer, Ga. 10. Burton Fortner, 32, farmer, Ga. 11. Andrew J. Lee, 37, farmer, Ga. 12. William J. Valentine, 49, farmer, S. C. 13. Elizabeth Edmonds, 63, domestic, Ga. 14. Baly Hall, 30, farmer, Ga. 15. Daniel Stuart, 45, farmer, Ga. 16. Edward Ashley, 26, farmer, Ga. 17. Moses Ellison, 53, farmer, N. C. 18. Daniel Evers, 26, laborer, Ga. 19. Melton Johnson, 17, laborer, Ala. 20. Mathew Driggers, 29, laborer, Ga. 21. William B. Howard, 56, farmer, Ga. 22. Nathan Lindsey, 50, farmer, S. C. 23. Henry Lindsey, 24, farmer, Ga. 24. George Dunford, 24, farmer, Fla. 25. William Bennett, 37, farmer, S. C. 26. John Locklier, 31, farmer, Fla. 27. William F. Roberts, 25, minister, Ga. 1860, at the Clay Landing post office: 1. Isaac Walker, 37, farmer, Ga. 2. Jesse Luke, 50, overseer, N. C. 3. Young Cottrell, 40, mechanic, S. C. 4. James W. McQueen, 28, gentleman, Ala 5. A. C. Glover, 25, overseer, Ga. 6. William Hinton, 54, farmer, S. C. 7. James M. Janney, 46, farmer, Va. 8. John Morrow, 14, student, Fla. 9. James White, 25, farmer, S. C. 10. Ransom Mobley, 23, farmer, S. C. 11. Thomas Weeks, 32, farmer, S. C. 12. E. Allen Weeks, 43, farmer, S. C. 13. Reuben May, 19, farmer, Fla. 14. Henry Locklier, 27, farmer, Fla. 15. William Locklier, 47, farmer, Ga. 16. Obadiah Osteen, 31, farmer, Ga. 17. Simon Driggers, 44, laborer, Ga. 18. James Osteen, 56, farmer, Ga. 19. Moses Corban, 45, laborer, S. C. 20. William G. Harvey, 43, blacksmith, Ga. 21. Rodah Sauls, 24, Fla. 22. Simeon Harvey, 43, farmer, Fla. 23. John Corban, 18, laborer, Fla. 24. Queen E. Gillet, 25, farmer, Fla. 25. Kizza Locklier, 40, farmer, Fla. 26. George Hunter, 23, laborer, Fla. 27. Thomas Goodbread, 22, farmer, Ga. 28. William Corban, 20, farmer, Fla. 29. John Clark, 24, farmer, Ga. 30. Simeon Harvey, Sr., 45, farmer, Ga. 31. James W. Keen, 28, farmer, Fla. 32. Anzo Parker, 40, Fla. 33. Thomas Slaughter, 30, farmer, Ga. 34. David Cannon, 50, farmer, S. C. 35. Lewis Robinson, 50, farmer, Va. 36. Peter Cannon, 48, farmer, Va. 37. Thomas Hodge, 51, mechanic, S. C. 38. Dempsey Sawyer, 45, farmer, N. C. 39. Henry Futch, 50, mechanic, Ga. 40. Jacob Futch, 27, laborer, Ga. The Seminole Indian town at Clay Landing was Tallahasotte, the chiefÂ’s name was White King. The Clay Landing post office was established in 1852, closed in 1867, re-opened in 1874, closed again in 1875. There was a post of fice at FowlerÂ’s Bluff from November, 1879 until May, 1880. 3

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This fish house on the Suwannee was on the waterfront at the town named Suwannee. The man on the left was Joe Watson. In the group was Will McLeod, Jim McLeod, and Montcalm Watson who lives at Cedar Key (1982).

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FROM THE 1867 CENSUS Dixon, J. W. 39 Carter, N. R. 35 Mary Ann 27 Isabella 33 Isadora 8 Clark 10 Lorenzo D. 5 Wm. P. 7 Cordelia 2 John L. 4 Miles lmo. Sallie 1 Dixon, B. M. 58 Nobles, Calvin Lucretia 43 (Ga.) 27 FROM THE 1880 CENSUS, Elisha 9 BRONSON AND LEVYVILLE Charlotte 7 PRECINCTS Lucy 5 Jincy 2 Barco, James M. 30 Susan C. 28 Davis, P. H. 50 (Ga.) Ethel J. 9 Ada 13 Jessie M. 3 Landee 11 Newcomb 5 mo. Mary Ann 6 Georgana 3 Beidelman, Ephraim 34 Tevilla 29 Osteen, Allen 60 (Ga.) Elizabeth J. 4 Elizabeth 48 (Ga.) Mary Jane 25 Bryant, Sylvester B. 23 Hezekiah 19 Alesander 17 Coulter, Alfred B. 57 Allen S. 15 Susannah E. 12 Coachman, Benj. 58 Martha 4 Caroline F. 54 Miriam 1 James W. 6 mo. Smith, J. N. 48 (Ala.) Coulter, William R. 49 Ann 42 Lydia J. 38 Allie 15 Henry B. 16 Wm. N. 13 Annie J. 13 Malcolm 11 William R. Jr. 6 Eliza V. 8 Duncan N. 4 Coachman, Benj. 27 James F. 7 mo. Betty 25 Shepperd, S. A. 48 (Ga.) Carter, Ira J. 37 Rose Ann 35 (Ala.) Mary L. 37 Henry 21 (Ala.) Mary L. 18 Ranson 15 (Ala.) Katie G. 36 Sarah E. 14 (Ala.) Sallie M. 14 Martha A. 11 (Fla.) Charles W. 12 Simon F. 9 (Fla.) Ira J. Jr. 3 5

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Carter, Norville R. 45 Isabella A. 43 Clark M. 20 William P. 17 John L. 15 SallieJ. 11 Norville R. Jr. 9 Graham 6 Lamar G. 3 Carter, Mary C. 70 Syd L. 30 Mary 19 Clyatt, Susan 10 Nettie 2 Clyatt, William 52 Elizabeth 40 Ada 13 Lee J. 10 Vernon 6 Viola 2 Clyatt, Thomas N. 61 Maria 51 Samuel J. 22 Maria E. 17 John M. 16 Laura 13 Boy 9 Cobb, Nicholas S. 55 Florida 38 Wilzey B. 13 Toadey 17 Jane 14 James 6 Clyatt, William Wilder 18 Clyatt, Marion F. 35 Fanny F. 32 Orlando S. 13 Walden J. 12 Gabell F. 10 Gobal(?) S. 5 Montogomery M. 3 Clyatt, Caroline 50 William W. 21 Thomas S. 16 Coleman, John 26 Melvina 19 Clyatt, Anna M. 16 Deas, Franklin T. 45 Barbara 35 John J. 7 Salonia 5 Walter W. 3 Julia C. 4 mo. Drummond, Council 35 Eveleen 60 Lula 19 Fanny io Deas, George W. 21 Elizabeth 55 Elizabeth 18 Dixon, James M. 50 Mary A. 48 Lorenzo D. 15 Mary A. 13 Cordelia 12 Miles 10 Marietta 7 James M., Jr. Dees, Calvin 51 Lucinda 60 Perry 23 Moses 20 Deas, Ezekeil 4 mo. Alexander 32 George 36 Sarah 39 Moses 9 John E. 3 Samuel 2 Epperson, William J. 25 Jenny S. 27 Faircloth, Sophia 61 Faircloth, Thomas S. 23 Atlanta 19 America 3 Faircloth, John 26 Annie 16 Graham, David 47 Amelia 37 David, Jr. 16 6

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Gomme, William W. 38 Mary W. 33 Salina 13 Anna W. 10 William W. 1 Geiger, Enock T. 59 Julia 53 Henry E. 26 William P. 13 Garner, John 53 Elizabeth 47 Henry G. 23 Herbert 5 Haffle, Christian 45 Dorothea 41 Mary 13 August 11 William 9 Alfred 7 Selina 4 Probably Keen. Hudson, William R. 41 Miranda 53 Thomas F. 22 George B. 15 John W. 12 Kean*, Moses 47 Mary 43 Diana P. 23 Drusilla S. 21 Lugenia M. 18 Leuvilla 16 Candacia 13 Henry R. 11 James C. 10 Francis S. 8 Lawrence B. 6 Charles G. 4 7

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A FEW LEVY COUNTY LANDOWNERS, 1877 Burford, Laura Bronson (pond, lots, store, etc.) Barnes, Miss L. C. Cedar Key, Lot 1, Block 12 Butts, Z. E. Atsena Otie, Lots 4, 5, 6, 7, Block 8 Betellini, O. Cedar Key, Lot 13, Block 2 Batty & Co., W. H. Atsena Otie, Lots 2, 3, Block 9 Brinkley, Winnie Cedar Key, Lot 19, Block 20 Boulware, B. P. Live Oak Key, fractional part Corrigan, E. J. Atsena Otie, Lot 1, Block 5 Crevasse, J. H. Atsena Otie, Lots 2, 7, Block 7 Crevasse, J. W. Atsena Otie, W'/i of Lot 3, Block 7 Chaires, C. P. Atsena Otie, Lot 1 and W /2 of Lot 2, Block 9 Cottrell, J. L. F. Atsena Otie, Lot 12, Block 8 Carter, N. R. Levyville, Lots 1, 25, 12, 13 Clark, Robert W. Atsena Otie, Lot 4, Block 9 Cook, David Cedar Key, Lot 17, Block 17 Clark, W. H. Cedar Key, Lot 3, Block 20 Davis, Miss M.A.S. Otter Creek, house and lot Daughtery, Louis Fractional part, Piney Point, Way Key, 12 acres Denham & Finlayson The steamboat Little Sally Eason, S. D. Otter Creek, 3 lots with store and mill Edgerton, F. T. Cedar Key, Lot 20, Block 1 Ellzey, R. M. Bronson, two lots Finlayson, John, est. Sec. 14, TS 13, R 18 Kirdland, O. H. P. Sec. 15, TS 12, R 19 Ludderloh, E. J. Cedar Key, L-2 & 3, B-18; L-3 & 4, B-23 L-8, B-l (also lots on Scale Key) McGowan, D. L. Sec. 21, TS 14, R 14 Masters, F. Cedar Key, one acre OÂ’Neil, Lief Scale Key Philbrick, Jay Cedar Key, Lots 7, 8, 9, 10, Block 13 Patterson, Jemima Bronson, One acre Quincey, Sam N Zi of SE'/4 and S!/ 2 of NE'/i in Sec. 1, TS 12, R 15 Rogers, C. B. Cedar Key, SV 2 of Lots 21, 22, 23, 24, in Block 23 and Lot 12, Block 13 Reddick, Sam C. Cedar Key, Lots 11 & 12, Block 17 Richards, Geo. H. Cedar Key, N'/z of Lots 21, 22, 23, 24, Block 24 Roux, Geo. S. Cedar Key, Lots 1 & 2 in Block 23 Scott, Bailey Cedar Key, Lot 9, Block 18 Steele, E. A. Mrs. Atsena Otie, about 25 lots Tedder, J. E. M. Sec. 13, TS 11, R 13 Tyner, Sarah Bronson Taylor, Chas. E. Bronson Tyre, Mrs. M. A. Bronson, 8 lots in NW '/i of NW !4 Thomas, Dan R. Cedar Key, Lot 20, Block 18 Wilson, John Atsena Otie, lot in Block 4 Wimberly, W. B. Bronson,lot Wingfield, Mack Cedar Key, Lot 20, Block 19 Washington, Frank Cedar Key, two acres Williams, J. G. Cedar Key, Lot 17, Block 1 Warren, Ellen J. Atsena Otie, Lot 9 in Block 7 Yulee, David Levy Sec. 15, 17, 19, 21, 23, 25, 27, 29, 31, TS 11, R 15 Singer Sewing Machine Co. SE'/4 of Sec. 34, TS11, R 14 Spencer, Edwin Atsena Otie, Lot 5 in Block 2 9

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FROM THE 1874 TAX ROLL Agnew, Samuel Apple, Louis Blumenthal, Max Barco, Stephen Corrigan, E. J. Chaires, C. P. Culpepper, J. W. Delano, Howard Dixon, J. M. Dibble, C. B. Faircloth, Levy 1510 acres in TS 16, R 16 W '/ 2 of NE !4, Sec. 35, TS 11, R 16 Cedar Key, Lot 10, Bl. 13, and Lot 22, Bl. 1 120 acres in Sec. 33, TS 16, R 17 Atsena Otie, Lot 3, Bl. 7 Atsena Otie, Lots 4 & 5, Bl. 9 Atsena Otie, one lot, unspecified NE '/ 4 of NW '/ 4 Sec. 11, TS 12, R 15 NE'/z of SW 1/4, Sec. 11, TS 12, R 15 S'/ 2 Sec. 29, TS 14, R 14 No land (The entry “no land” meant that the landowner had not returned a tax form.) Gaines, Columbus Goldwire, Jerry Hodgson, S. A. Hussey, S. A. Kelsey, E. Munden, Isaac Medlin, W. R. McQueen, J. W. O’Neill, Melvina Osteen, Solomon Osteen, Fisher Phelps, Jos. P. Sandlin, C. E. Waterston, John Yulee, David Levy In Sec. 18, TS 116, R 17 No land Ten acres on Way Key No land Atsena Otie SW'/ 4 of SW'/ 4 Sec. 12, TS 14, R 16 W /2 of NE!/4 & EVi of NE!4 & SW'/ 4 Sec. 31, TS12, R 17 Atsena Otie, estate Scale Key, Lot C, Bl. C “No land” “No land” In Sec. 20, TS 12, R 15 Forty acres in Sec. 14, TS 14, R 16 Estate in Sec. 4 and Sec. 10, TS 12, R 15 7275 acres in TS 11 and TS 12, R 15 Gunnell, Dr. G. M. Tichenor, Mrs. C. FROM THE 1887 TAX ROLL E ‘ /2 of NE'/4, SW'/ 4 of NE'/4, NW'/4 of SE !4, Sec. 18, TS 12, R 19 N /2 of'NE'/4, Sec. 10, TS 12, R 17 Asbell, M. A. Clarke, Julia E. Faircloth, Levi Goldwire, J. Goldwire, A Vezey, H. C. Dean, S. FROM THE 1896 TAX ROLL NE'/4, Sec. 8, TS 11s, R 15e SE'/ 4 of SE'/4, Sec. 9, TS 12s, R 14e E /2 of W'/ 2 Sec. 8, TS 13s, R 16e NE'/4 of NE‘/4 of W /2 of NE'/4, Sec. 4, TS 12s, R 15e NE'/4 of SE'/4, Sec. 4, TS 12s, R 15e NW'/ 4 of NW'/4 & NW'/4 of N /2 of SW!4 of NW'/i, Sec. 20, TS 12s, R 17e NE'/ 4 of NW'/ 4 Sec. 21, TS 12s, R 17e 10

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PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES TO THE UNITED STATES SENATE ABOUT CEDAR KEY EXECUTIVE MANSION, June 6, 1890 To the Senate of the United States: In response to the resolution of the Senate of the 26th of May, requesting me to “communicate to the Senate such information as may be in possession of the executive department relating to the alleged landing of an armed force from the United States revenue cutter McLane at Cedar Keys, Florida, and the alleged entry of the houses of citizens by force, and their alleged pur suit of citizens of the United States in the surrounding country, and the authority under which the commanding officer of the cutter acted in any such matter,” I submit for the infor mation of the Senate the accompanying correspondence, which contains all the infor mation possessed by the executive department relating to the matters inquired about. It will be observed that the United States collector of customs at Cedar Keys had been driven from his office and from the town and the administration of the customs laws of the United States at that port suspended by the violent demonstrations and threats of one Cottrell, the mayor of the place, assisted by his town marshal, Mitchell. If it had been necessary, as I do not think it can be in any case, for a United States officer to appeal to the local authorities for im munity from violence in the exercise of his duties, the situation at Cedar Keys did not suggest or encourage such an appeal, for those to whom the appeal would have been addressed were themselves the lawless instruments of the threatened violence. It will always be agreeable to me if the local authorities, acting upon their own sense of duty, maintain the public order in such a way that the officers of the United State shall have no occasion to appeal for the intervention of the General Government; but when this is not done I shall deem it my duty to use the adequate powers vested in the Executive to make it safe and feasible to hold and exercise the offices established by the Federal Constitution and laws. The means used in this case were, in my opinion, lawful and necessary, and the officers do not seem to have intruded upon any private right in executing the warrants placed in their hands. The letter dated August 4 last, which ap pears in the correspondence submitted, appealing to me to intervene for the protection of the citizens of Cedar Keys from the brutal violence of Cottrell, it will be noticed, was written before the appointment of the new collector. That the officers of the law should not have the full sym pathy of every good citizen in their efforts to bring these men to merited punishment is matter of surprise and regret. It is a very grim commen tary upon the condition of social order at Cedar Keys that only a woman, who had, as she says in her letter, no son or husband who could be made the victim of his malice, had the courage to file charges against this man, who was then holding a subordinate place in the customs service. BENJ. HARRISON Source: A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents, Volume XII, PP. 5507OS. 11

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NUMBER FOUR: A MYSTERY SOLVED? In the Cedar Keys visitors and local residents speculate over the origin of “Number Four.” To some, there is no mystery. The most popular ex planation proclaims that there are four boat channels and the one nearest the mainland is the fourth. Hence the various applications of the designation “Number Four.” What could be mysterious about this? Perhaps, nothing, but there is a bit more to the story. First, consider some recipients of the designation “Number Four” during the 117 years since Union Major Weeks and Confederate federate Captain Dickison each claimed victory in the skirmish at “Station Four” on the Florida Railroad. Five years earlier when the rails had first spanned the boat channel called Number Four, the trestle naturally became the Number Four Trestle. Later when a highway was con structed and the channel bridged, that crossing became known as the Number Four Bridge. The Cedar Keys have for decades been in Levy Coun ty Voting Precinct Number Four and are in Levy County Commission District Number Four. Given such a well-established set of “Number Four” labels, it comes as no surprise that at some point in time, residents found it logical and convenient to refer to the next boat channel seaward as “Number Three,” and the next as “Number Two,” etc. Presumably the Main Ship Channel was equivalent to “Number One,” thus, so the argument goes, the numbering proceeded from the harbor to the mainland. Fair enough, but not correct. In 1839, the United States Army moved into the Cedar Keys in the war to crush the Seminoles. Brigadier General Zachary Taylor, “Old Rough and Ready,” was the top comman der of the Army in Florida. He ordered his mapmaking engineers to lay a grid of numbered squares over a map of northern Florida. To military professionals and historians that grid became known as “Taylor’s squares.” After some revisions, the future President of the United States told his commanders to build a fort in each square, garrison it, and seek out and destroy all Indians. Which square do you sup pose the Cedar Keys lay in? You guessed it. And that is how all this “Number Four” business really got started. March 7, 1982 Charles C. Fishburne, Jr. Cedar Key 13

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HIERS By Mary Coleman Brookins The Hiers family was originally from Luxem burg, Germany. The name was Heyer when they arrived in this country. They arrived and were taken off the ship in South Carolina. An original member of the family changed the spelling of the name from Heyer to Hier. His name was Jacob Hier. As the members of the original families started out in different areas to make families of their own they changed the name again by ad ding an “S”, making it Hiers. It is not known the number of immigrants that came to America. One of the sons of the originals was George A. Hiers who migrated into Tattersail County, Georgia. There he met, fell in love with and married Lavenia Smith, a native of the area. They were married there in Georgia in 1846. In this same area they began their family. George Bryant, a son, was born in 1847. A daughter Jane was born May 12, 1848. A son David was born March 15, 1850, and a daughter Bell was born in 1853. George must have heard there were greener pastures in Florida because he decided to pack all the possessions that could be moved and left on the long trip by horse and wagon for a new home about four miles northwest of Bronson. This area is known as Ebenezer now. Arriving here with a wife and four children and a few cattle they began the hard struggle of homesteading a farm in scrub oaks, palmettos and wire grass. George and Lavenia were still increasing their family. A daughter Sara Ann was born to them on December 9, 1855; next a daughter Martha, born September 14, 1860. Then a son John born November 6, 1863; another son Frank came along in 1866. Later in 1870 another daughter Fannie was born on March 18. George had to work hard to feed nine children, a wife and some employees that had come to work for him. His chief source of livelihood was raising cattle and farming. The cattle were called “scrub” or range cattle, this name coming from the fact that they mainly survived on the grass and scrubs of the native range. The farming was mainly cotton and corn. During these years of hard living and trying to survive with a big family and little or no medical attention, the eldest son George Bryant died. He was the first person buried in the Ebenezer Cemetery. The mother died May 30, 1870 leaving a small daughter as well as eight other children. George, needing the help of a woman to mother and help maintain his large family, set out to find another wife. This he did. He married Becky King from Lecanto, Florida. From this marriage came more children, two boys and two girls. George and Becky lived on his same farm out of Bronson and raised their children until George’s death. After George’s death Becky decided to return to her family in Lecanto, as George’s children by Lavenia were older by now. She carried her four children with her. One of the boys, Walton Hiers, is still alive and lives in Lakeland, Florida. The remaining Hiers children began making homes for themselves. Most of those that married chose local people since the only tran sportation was by foot, riding a horse to visit your lady friend on Sunday afternoon, or if you were lucky enough to be trusted with the buggy or wagon. Sometimes this proved very exciting since the horse or oxen that the buggies and wagons were pulled by, might decide this was his day of rest or play and run away and upset the whole outing. David, the oldest surviving son, married Rachel Studstill, a girl from one of the early pioneer families in the Levyville area. This is located about five miles east of Chiefland. They settled on land they homesteaded about two miles northwest of old Levyville and her family gave her some land that was adjoining their homestead later. Bell married J. K. Hatcher. They lived near Bronson. She died in 1930. Jane married Alexander McLeod. She died May 12, 1923. They never had any children. Sara Ann married Solomon Highsmith. She died March 18, 1929. Martha married Wade Highsmith. John married Mattie Overstreet from old Chiefland. They settled in the Judson Com munity in North East Levy County. Fannie never married. John and David worked together most of their 15

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lives. David being known for his cattle raising and selling and John for his profitable farming. He bought cotton and resold it. Levyville was the County seat of Levy County at this time. This town consisted of a Church, Post Office, General Store which carried everything the farmers and ranchers didn’t grow, a grist mill that made the meal and grits from the farmers own corn for their use as food, and a Bar Room; David Hiers and Thomas Prevatt owned this place of entertainment for the gen tleman. These places in town were very seldom if ever visited by the lady folk of the area. Saturday when the men would usually put the plows up for the week-end and seek a rest, they usually would gather in town where there was always plenty of excitement. There was always a card game which usually ended in a fist fight or maybe even a more serious argument that would be climaxed after a knifing scrape. This was not uncommon at all. The ladies were hardly away from home except to attend church or visit some of the relatives for Sunday dinner, or to help out the sick in the community. All during these times David and John were raising cattle and children. David and Rachel had thirteen: Lavenia born November 13, 1875, named for her grandmother, Rhoda born in 1878, H. Hampton born March 4, 1882, Webster born February 25, 1884, George born December 12, 1885, Luther born August 12, 1887, Arthur born Jifly 3, 1889, Maude born July 5, 1892, Dallas born April 23, 1894, Emanual & Mannie) born May 24, 1896, Kuth born May 3, 1898, and twins that only lived a week. John and Mattie had seven children: Melton born October 16, 1891, (he died September 16, 1892), Lenton born August 1, 1895, Delma born August 8, 1897, Clyde born December 4, 1899, (he died in 1905), Thelma bom September 2, 1902. She is now married to Willie Beauchamp and lives in Chiefland. They are presently in the cattle business. Alton was born May 14, 1905; he died October 10, 1910. Virginia was born March 13, 1908. David grew cotton, corn and peanuts for farm crops and cattle that he had inherited from the old original “scrub” cattle that his father had owned, and also hogs. The hogs were native to the area and called, “piney wood rooters”; being called this probably because of their noses which were long and pointed just right for rooting. This was very useful in securing their food from the ground and acorns that would fall in the thick grass. David was the first man to ship a box car load of hogs from Levy County. There were driven on horseback to Bronson, where they were loaded and shipped to Jacksonville. David had acquired a fairly good start in the livestock buying and selling industry. He would buy around five hundred head of cattle from in dividuals in the area to graze on land that he had continued to acquire as money became available. He had approximately 680 acres. A large portion of this land was used for the cattle he bought to graze until they were ready to be sold for beef. Buyers were Tom Morgan, Barnes Brothers, and a Mr. Edderson. David’s younger brother John and his wife homesteaded 80 acres of land and he was able to buy another 720 acres. Together these two brothers were raising cot ton, corn and peanuts in large quantities. They bought cotton from other farmers and would carry it to Trenton, where there was a cotton gin, to be ginned and baled. It was then sold to market. John was mainly known as the cotton buyer in the area. David and John maintained herds of around a thousand head of cattle at this time. They pen ned and separated beef cattle for market from the range cattle during the summer months. When the beef cattle were taken out of the herd, which usually took all summer, the cattle drive to market began. This was a tiring but rewarding time, for it meant that money would be available to be used where it was needed most. It took about ten men to make these cattle drives. They would travel about twenty miles if weather con ditions permitted, stopping to graze when the men felt they and the cattle needed rest. At night the men would take turns holding up the herd, or watching to see no strays were lost. Two men would usually work each night, taking turns until all had worked his time. Mr. J. M. (Mannie) Clyatt and Tom Hogan were two men that were very good on cattle drives. These cattle would be driven from Levyville near Chiefland to Tampa, Florida or Jacksonville, Florida, depending on where the buyers were from. Some of the cattle taken to Tampa were loaded on boats and sent to Cuba. David still rode herd for himself along with the other men that helped to gather the cattle in early spring for marking and branding all the new calves that had been born since the last round up. David’s cattle ranged in two locations; one of these being from Levyville up to the Ebenezer area in the northeast part of the County, the other herd, a herd he had bought from Mr. Jim Cannon, ranged from Janney to the coast at Cedar Key, Florida. These cattle all carried the 17

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brand TCT David started to use this brand for all his cattle thereafter, because when a herd was sold the brand was sold also. John’s brand was SL. He bought that brand from John Prevatt. He also bought Louis Ap ple’s brand LA and J. F. Folk’s brand ~TT. He like the BL brand the best and changed all the other brands to this. When the time came for the man to go into the woods to round up the cattle for marking, bran ding and sorting out the beef cattle, the women were very busy a day or so before. They would cook up whole hams and sides of bacon and fry up large quantities of sausage, and there was always a lot of dried for smoked beef to be carried for the week. They baked sweet potatoes which were always good with a sausage link for these tired and hungry men. As many things as could be prepared without spoiling were carried. There was no way of preserving food for long at a time. Of course they carried plenty of syrup which was used for sweetening the strong coffee they boiled and also to sop with hoecake, a flour bread. They carried several extra syrup buckets to make this iron wedge coffee in. Most of the men liked theirs strong and black. They carried a wagon along to pack all the cover for sleeping at night and the food and horse feed which was corn that was still in the shuck, and the wagon was loaded. These drives were very hard on the men for they were constantly at work. Some would split wood for rails to make holding pens for the cat tle while the others were riding deep into the woods to herd up the bunches of cattle. The reward came when they would return to the food wagon and get some of that good “iron wedge’’ coffee. John died September 28, 1922. David was still active in cattle drives and farming until he was about seventy years old. He died March 17, 1927. By this time John’s sons Delma and Lenton were a working part of the families. Their father had given them shares of cattle which they never took out of the herd. Delma decided he wanted an education so he left home and acquired a teaching certificate from Madison Normal College at Madison, Florida. He taught only one year though, coming back to the farm where Lenton the other son had stayed after their father’s death. The cattle were divided after their father’s death with Delma and Lenton buying their sisters’ shares. They stayed together raising cattle until the “dipping law” came into being. The sold all their cattle to Batey and Holloweil at Oxford, Florida because they had no facilities for dipping nor could they get help to do this rough job. They still used the same brand their father had. Delma married Velma Clyatt in 1919 on March 12. Velma is the daughter of J. M. (Mannie) Clyatt, a son of the old original Clyatt family that came into this Country at Ft. Fanning and brought many cattle with them from Georgia. Delma and Velma had four children; Violet, now married to Randolph Crawford and living in Chiefland, Johnnie Mae, married to Bill Cone and living in Ocala. They are in the cattle business in Marion County. J. D. Jr. married Margaret Wimberly and lives in Chiefland. Helen married Etta Usher who is very active in the cat tle industry in Levy County, also the timber in dustry. Lenton married Iris Clyatt, a daughter of Jeff and Eunice Clyatt, on December 11, 1917. Lenton and Iris had four children; two daughters, Blanche (married Stancel Graham). They are very large cattle ranchers in the Chiefland area presently. Eunice is Mrs. R. W. Putchaven, living in Chiefland, and two sons Donald and L. C. Lenton lived in the Chiefland area until his death November 4, 1966. His wife Iris died Mar ch 25, 1965. David’s children were all prominent in the community also. Rhoda married Willie Hayes who was a large cattleman in Levy County for many years and had a son Ralph Hayes that through the help of Mr. Oscar Thomas of Gainesville was a very large cattle owner in Alachua, Levy and Marion Counties. Ralph is dead but his widow Mary Hitt Hayes still owns much of the ranch that they acquired. Hampton married Cora Hayes, Willie’s sister and they had two daughters, one dying as a baby. The other Noye Hiers married George Y. Coleman. They had three children, Mary who is married to Thomas Brookins who is a cattle ran cher and also a John Deere Equipment Dealer in Chiefland. Martha, who inherited the old original Hampton Hiers Estate which was homesteaded by the Thomas Prevatt family, located five miles east of Chiefland. She also has a small herd of Black Angus cattle grazing this land. George Hampton named for his maternal grandfather and his father, lives with his wife the former Kitty Gale Morgan in Ft. Ogden, Florida. Hampton was a broker for Lykes Brothers in Tampa for many years, buying anything from turkeys to cattle. He and Delma and Lenton, John’s sons and Willie Beauchamp their brotherin-law and Amon Ward a man from the Judson area formed a company. This company was called Hiers and Ward. They bought most 20

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anything anybody needed to sell. There were stock pens in Chiefland on the west of the present depot that they used for penning until a load was ready to ship. Hampton butchered cat tle also. He was respected for his honest judgment on the value of livestock. He died in 1932. Webster married Verdie Cannon and farmed for his livelihood in the Janney area. He died in 1969. George married Lois Hayes, sister to Willie Hayes and Cora, Hampton’s wife. They both died in the year 1918 when the flu epidemic hit Levy County so hard. Luther married Jessie Markham from Romeo in the southeast part of Levy County. They set tled there where she was reared. Luther bought the old Markham homestead and several hundred more acres of land that extended into Marion County. They had three sons, J. D., Lamar, who is a large cattleman in Marion County and Levy County at present. He is also a larger farmer. A son Horace who inherited the old homestead and raises cattle on this and hundreds of acres of lush pasture. He and his brother Lamar married sisters and have worked together all their lives and like Brahma bulls to cross with grade cows to make a real good cross for a good “doing” cow. A daughter Verdie was a farmer until her untimely death in 1959 from a tractor accident. Luther died in 1959. Arthur married Rena Layfield: they didn’t live on the farm. They made their home in Chiefland. They had two sons, Fisher and James and a daughter Beulah Mae. Maude married John F. Baker from Lake City, Florida where he was Chief of Police for many years. When he retired they bought a section of land known as the Slim Hillary section in the Janney area close to Chiefland, and went into the cattle business. They soon decided this was to much for them so they sold cattle and land and moved back to their home in Lake City. Maude still lives there. Dallas married Owen Giddens and they lived on land she inherited from her father David. This place is located four and a half miles East of Chiefland. They raised a family of seven children there. Emanuel or Mannie, as he was known throughout the state, married Thelma Markham from Romeo, Florida. They settled on the old home site of his father which is four miles East of Chiefland. They began to buy more land and soon had quite a large ranch. He leased pasture land in Alachua, Gilchrist and Levy Counties to maintain the large herd of cattle he was acquiring. His older brother Hampton helped -him get a start in the cattle industry. His advise on the time to buy etc., proved very valuable to Mannie. Mannie was one of the first persons to bring Brahma bulls into Levy County and this proved very beneficial to the county and ad joining county of Gilchrist. Mannie and several other area ranchers were interested in improving the type of cattle. Mr. Jeff Studstill brought the first Hereford bull from Gainesville around 1915-1917, driving him back to Chiefland by horseback, so the type cattle was already improving from the old “scrub” cattle. But other men saw need for more improvement and other breeds. Dr. Jim Turner brought in a registered Red Polled bull. Dr. Jim Turner brought in a registered Red Polled bull. Mr. Eli Read liked the Shorthorn and thought it a good cross so he bought a registered bull and brought him in. Soon there was much im provement in the grade of calves that were being born. Much trading resulted in the improvement of the cows. Mannie had two sons, Eircell whose widow and three children still live on the old homestead and still have holdings in Hiers Cattle Company. Another son Harry lives on part of the family property. He is a Produce Inspector. Mannie died December 4, 1965. Thelma, his wife still owns a large herd of cattle and manages Hiers Cattle Company which deals in general farming and cattle. She lives on the farm four miles east of Chiefland. Ruth, the youngest child of David and Rachel, married Clarence Faircloth from Bronson. They had two sons, Clyatt and Grady. It seems that from 1846 until now 1972 the Hiers have produced many offsprings. Many cows and many people. Ruth (This is the Ruth Faircloth who operated Ruth’s store on US-27A between Bronson and Chiefland for many years. She is the mother of Clyatt Faircloth.) Webster: Philene Cargle Williams of Otter Creek is his granddaughter. 22

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23 The Ralph Barker

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ELIZA HEARN AND LIFE ON WAY KEY, 1867-1873 As She Saw It By Charles C. Fishburne, Jr. From her own diary, we know today how Miss Eliza Hearn viewed life on Way Key in the years soon after the Civil War. Miss Hearn’s diary displays four prominent characteristics: 1) her Christian piety; 2) her strocious spelling and grammar and punctuation; 3) her strength of character; and 4) her keen perception of what was happening. It is principally this last trait upon which this paper will seek to focus. Selec ted passages from her diary will be emphasized. Sometimes they will be quoted, but in edited form so as not to distract from the substance of her idea or description of the events taking place. Enough evidence of her deep religious commit ment will be included to show how that aspect of her life was an integral part of her being. First a word about Eliza Hearn’s background may be of interest. Eliza Hearn was born in January 1829 in Alachua County. Her father, Thomas Hearn, served the United States in the Seminole Wars. After some time in Florida, he moved to Bryan County, Georgia. Captain and Mrs. Hearn had three other children; William, Mary, and Amelia. The children were sent to a seminary in adjacent Liberty County. After Captain Hearn’s wife died, he moved back to Florida and established residence in Gainesville about 1859. With him at this time were Eliza and her younger sister, Amelia. The other children had married. Mary had two sons, Thomas and James Goodson. After several years in Gainesville, Captain Hearn moved out to Way Key to take up residence upon some acreage that he was privileged to homestead. This meant that he had to have a dwelling on it, clear some of it, and live on the land for a specified period of time in order to gain title from the U. S. Government. In the course of the war, the family had to vacate the island and move to the interior. When the war ended, Captain Hearn, Eliza, and Amelia returned to their homestead on Way Key. Eliza’s father died of cholera September 10, 1866. Eliza and her sister were left alone to manage the place and satisfy the homestead requirements. Eliza Hearn did not see a great deal to admire in her situation on Way Key, but it was a challenge to her strong character. The men that returned from the war, she wrote, “have become reckless and dissipated.” (March 5, 1867) Part of her time was spent teaching the children of Mrs. R. W. B. Hodgson. Eliza, like naturalist John Muir who visited Cedar Key later that year, did see much beauty at times in the natural environ ment. A deeply religious person, she missed the preaching and the fellowship of organized religion. When the United States Government reimposed martial law in Florida that year, Eliza saw it as “more trouble” and noted in her diary that people were “very much displeased.” (Mar ch 11, 1867) By May 1, she was rejoicing over the visit of a Methodist minister who preached “on the other side of Cedar Key.” Parson Knight had converted many and was expected to preach at a meeting on Way Key in June. This was good news, for as she looked about her, Eliza Hearn saw a very displeasing scene amongst the people of the place: “Way Key is a sink of pollution and Cedar Key is no better,” she wrote. “May the Lord have mercy on them before it is too late.” She thought it a “Sad State” that “negroes are permitted to vote and they do not behave as they should.” On a hap pier note, she recorded that the Sabbath School would be organized that very afternoon at three o’clock and services would follow at four. (July 11, 1867) By August 1, Eliza was even more pleased to record that the Sabbath School was increasing and the children learning to sing. Although Mr. Andrews, superintending the school, was a “nor thern man”, Eliza appeared to approve of his ef forts as “a Christian man.” (August 1, 1867) In her view, the efforts of any man to help with church and education matters were rare. A pile of lumber for a church building lay waiting-for lack of labor. As Christmas drew near in 1867, Eliza was distressed to learn of the death of her sister Mary’s little daughter over in Georgia, soon followed by sister Mary, herself—the daughter from “the fever” and sister from grief. “Sister Mary has grieved herself to death,” Eliza scrawled in her own grief. Her younger sister, Amelia, with her on Way Key, was then in bad health, and prospects for them were not en couraging: “We cannot get paid for any of our works. It looks like that we will suffer.” (December 1, 1867) 24

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25 Fannin Ferry

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1867) Before the month was out and the New Year in, Eliza repeated her desperate cry: “We want to sell and leave here, but there is no money in the country. The people are suffering for bread and we have suffered ourselves, for I cannot get paid for our work . God help us.” (December 31, 1867) On the last Sunday in January, Eliza could take some pleasure in noting that “on the other island” there was “a good preacher” who was teaching school there and preaching “every other Sunday on this side.” Then she despaired again, “he is much disturbed, the people are so wicked. He cannot organize a Church. There are no male members here or on the other side.” (January 28, 1868) Eliza Hearn did more than teach and pray and criticize. She gardened, and in this “very warm winter,” she wrote, “I have set out my peach trees--one hundred and twenty.” Then, in a sud den burst of intimacy, she confied: “Dear Reader, 1 know you will want to know why 1 have not married. I have not had an offer that I could love. .’’(January 28, 1868.) The rather isolated existence of Eliza and Amelia put a premium upon extraordinary hap penings. Eliza recounted this one: We have had two weeks of ex citement. Col. Richards went to Savan nah and came back sick and died with the cholera so they thought. And four others. And they have found out that he bought a barrel of Spirits that had poison in it. All that drank of the Spirits died. Oh, what a pity. He was an honest man...We were in great dread and were afraid that all the people would leave the Island as they did before, but none left but one family.... (January 28, 1868) As spring came along, Eliza’s spirits lifted and she could see “there is some prospect of the place. Business begins to revive. I think the times will be better here.” She could even feel “so pleased as I could not sell or rent my place.” She would “hope all the people would try to do their best.” With several houses going up, it was supreme hope “they will build a Church here and have better times and school hours.” She saw “many poor children here that need education.” (May 3, 1868) But a week later, Eliza was agonizing over the condition of the nation. From her perspective, things were “in a bad state.” President Johnson, “a democrat,” was being aggravated and harrassed by Radical Republicans who were “determined to put him out of office.” As for the U.S Congress, she thought it “a disgrace to our ancestors.” She was displeased, to say the least, with “the great time the negroes have had voting.” As a teacher, she was angry that Congress “have taxed the people to educate the negroes and have built seminaries all over the Country to educate the negroes and the poor white children are not allowed to go to school on public expense.” (May 10, 1868) Eliza revealed her frustration with the com munity when she capsuled her views on May 31, 1868: ...Everyone that comes to the Island is dissatisfied. They expect to find Society and everything agreeable to the sight, but none is here to build up Society. No one of the upper ten will agree to build a church or a school house and the poor people cannot build it as they have no means...I wish to go to Cuba and teach school and try to get over the troubles of this Country. I find that it has laid too heavy on my heart, the drones of society. There is a great many here, so many that do not work for their livings. If in her unedited diary, Eliza Hearn did not display the superficial polish of the marketplace, she did not lack creative ideas and the ability to express them, as her numerous poems attest. Following a commentary on the weather and the dissenting factions among Methodists across the land, she included a poem of nine stanzas “writ ten in memory of our dead Countrymen.” The last verse tolled the bell for her heroes of the bloody war: And the dead thus meet While the living over them weep And the men whom Lee and Jackson led And the hearts that once together bled Together still shall sleep. (July 5, 1868) “Way Key has been very healthy this season,” wrote Eliza, as September pushed the summer behind them. She again exuded a little hope: Dear Reader, I will have a little chat with you. This place is improving. .a new steamer. .from Mobile. It will be here this week. And one to Galveston, Texas and one to Havana, Cuba. There will be. .lines of steamers running to this place, which will make it a place of Importance. I hope soon to see a fine Church and a good congregation assembled in it. (September 6, 1868) But ere long, the cold and icy winter of 1868 was upon them, and Eliza was writing: ...this year it has been the coldest weather I have ever seen. The ice was a foot deep in the tubs. The salt water was frozen 20 yards out. The fish were frozen and floating about on the water. My orange tree I think is much injured. 26

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27 Fannin Ferry

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It is much warmer today. The ice is melted and broken on the bay. (December 20, 1868) At home on Way Key on Janaury 16, 1869, Eliza could think of no good news except that “the cars and boats are not in port and we have a still Sabbath.” She noted that the “Episcopalians preach here once a month. I hope they may do some good.” She added: “Business has begun to thrive here. I hope the Methodist will come to preach to us . We have been neglected here.” Warming to her theme, Eliza continued: There are more heathens here than anywhere in the Southern States. We have need of a Missionary preacher here as much as China or other heathen Countries. The preachers do not want to preach here for they say there are no men as members of the Church and the Minister...that was sent last year would not stay...he has frightened at the epidemic that was here and he went back to Georgia. 1 do not think he acted right. He should have stayed and trusted in God... (January 16, 1869) But there was some good news, too, wrote Eliza, “better than I ever expected to hear--the Methodists preached here last Sabbath and are to preach here once a month.” In her view, “the place is growing better. The bad are moving away and the better are coming to live here.” (January 16, 1869) But then, as she thought of her sister’s little school, she waxed sad and bitter: Sister’s little school is nearly broken up. The children are so given to telling stories that they will not go long to school. Their parents are to blame for raising them in ignorance. What a pity. And that Sunday evening, Eliza unburdened her self further, writing “the people are so wicked here...parents do not care how their children do or what they say. They are the worst that I have ever seen anywhere that I have lived.” By March, Eliza was exuberant over the opening of the new hotel—and for good reason: Capt. Alfred Willard has rented it this year. He is a friend of ours and will buy my vegetables. That is a help to me as the people do not care to buy of me rather than...the men of the Island. We have suffered a great deal here. Sometimes we cannot get bread. We cannot get anything by teaching school. They rather put all their money on their backs. (March 20, 1869) By March 20, Eliza had found that spring had “opened in all its loveliness” and “the peaches have all held on the trees.” She was hoping they would stay and ripen. If events had been dull in town, the tempo changed toward the end of March as Eliza recorded on April 4, 1869: We have been surprised with the Yankee regiment. They have stayed one week. They have a fine band...went away this morning to go to Mobile and from there to Utah territory to the front. The place is more corrupted than ever. The bad women have behaved scandelously. I think they ought to be drummed out of the place under the point of the bayonet. The yankee officer had two hundred of his men under arrest and made them cut bushes all the time they stayed. They have cleared all the bushes about the Depot. They did not come near our place. I was glad of that... Like John Muir, when he was recuperating and being nursed back to health by the Hodgsons in 1867, Eliza Hearn exulted in the natural beauty of the Cedar Keys. And, like Muir, she associated the majesty of the scenes with God. “I have been to the top of a hill near my place this morning,” she wrote, “and it is a lovely sight to...look out on the Ocean from so high a place and behold the works of God. I go there to pray for the people of this place.” (April 4, 1869) There was good news to share with the diaryand anyone else who might appear—on April 4, 1869: Capt. Tucker, a friend of Eliza’s father, was coming there to live. She was so pleased to know that he had bought Dr. Braning’s Mill, would soon have it running, and then would build—near them. “We have had our Methodist minister to spend the day with us,” wrote Eliza on the second Sunday in May. “We had some trouble to get the house to preach in, as the man that had the key did not give it up until the Minister went and asked him for it...There were not many, but we had a fine sermon.” Then Eliza spread on paper her anger and frustration over a fire set by an old man so near her house that it had nearly burned up. “The flames were near a hundred feet high...men came with buckets and the salt water being near, they outed it before it reached my house.” (Last Sun day in May, 1869) She believed that deliberate efforts were being made to drive her and Amelia off the land, to lose their homestead rights to it. Life was difficult for Eliza and sister Amelia in other ways. On the last Sunday in August, 28

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1 & & Fannin Ferry %  Ml : %  1111 Mil %  I MM mM Jm fplg %  x : v 0\ %  %  %  Ml jpiif ; %  : %  3 MM I|§1 ill 29

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1869, Eliza recorded her prolonged illness from having been bitten by a rattlesnake. They had killed one near the house and another in the gar den, making a total of eight killed since they came there. “I am in trouble all the time,” she wrote. “We have to get our wood to burn and we are afraid to step out for fear that we will step on one....God take care of us.” If Eliza’s encounter with a rattlesnake had slowed down her gardening, it had not impaired her perception of what was happening in the port and depot area of Way Key. On September 20, 1869, she recorded ...there is some improvement-more houses finished and a Mayor appointed for the town. He has done some good by putting things to right about the town and making the lazy negroes work in the streets. They are making sidewalks, which is a great addition to the place... Eliza did not name the Mayor, nor did she elaborate her political observation, but it may be noted here that a “Town of Cedar Keys”, located on Way Key, had been incorporated un der the general incorporation act of the Florida Legislature approved earlier that year. (Edward J. Lutterloh v. Town of Cedar Keys, 15 Fla. 306, 1875) On October 3, 1869, Eliza recorded that some seven hundred Cuban troops were moving through the town, en route to their homeland, to fight for their independence from Spain. She ad ded that some former Confederate officers were going with them. By mid-November, several persons had died from a fever that had been “raging on the Key.” Wrote Eliza: “Some think it was the Yellow Fever in light form. It broke out at the depot...people boasted they never had any sickness at their part of the town, but God has...sent them a warning.” (November 15, 1869) On December 10, Eliza repented for her anger, frustration, and criticism that she could not con tain at the time and prayed, “help me to forgive old Mr. Clarke for setting fire around my house, dear Lord.” Christmas Day, 1869 drew only a brief entry in her diary, expressing disapproval of some of the behavior about her: “...the people are shooting guns all over town to celebrate the day. They do not keep it as they should...” On February 20 of the new year, 1870, Eliza could take joy in recording, “my limes are in bloom.” But four days later, she had a weightier observation for her future readers to ponder, as she asserted: ...the big bugs of Way Key have run all denominations away from this place. They have set up an Episcopal Church. They have taken the seats that the Methodists made and put in a house for the Methodist or any other denomination that should come here to preach. So we are left without a pastor this year like sheep without a shepherd. They have a Sunday school at four every Sunday evening. They have invited us to attend. Quite an insult after tearing down our pulpit and taking the seats that belong to the Methodists. As the winter slipped further behind, Eliza’s perennial optimism bloomed again. She recorded on May 7, 1870: Times are something better. The Sabbath School is going on very well...I hope we will soon have a Methodist Church. The place is improving fast. A large hotel with 100 rooms is going up. They think it will be finished by fall. So many people are wanting to come here to live as it is so healthy... Soon after, occurred one of those excitements that Eliza was quick to recount, often with con siderable elaboration, her May 20 entry being a prime example: ...a great misfortune has befallen this place. The splendid wharf and warehouse was burned down on Friday night. The steamer from Mobile caught fire and set the warehouse and wharf on fire. It was burnt up-a great loss to the Company that is carrying on the trade to Cuba. The whole place would have been blown up, but the powder that was in the warehouse was taken out to save the town. There were several thousands of dollars lost. The men had to throw over all that they could not get off the wharf. The boxes are drifting all about. The men were all day yesterday picking up the things that were thrown over board... When the cotton caught on fire, the wind, blowing very hard, carried it a mile. In balls burning as big as a peck, it blew over slabtown, but only a few balls fell on the houses. The people were all very much frightened. There were 10 ladies going to Cuba. They lost their trunks and all their clothes. (May 20, 1870) 30

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31 Cedar K eys about 1920

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On August 21, 1870, Eliza noted that “the large hotel that was in slabtown was blown down....It was a great loss to the northern com pany that was building it—a great loss indeed—but it was so high on the blocks and three stories high that it may have fallen when completed. It was 100 feet long.” Following her description of the fire in “slabtown”, as she called the town, Eliza confided that she had attended the services of the Episcopalians. She liked the minister’s “discour se,” she wrote, adding, “I hope he did some good...the girls were laced so tight that they looked like they would faint.” In the spring of the next year, Eliza rejoiced over an apparent crackdown on vice in the town. On May 15, 1871 she wrote: The nest of the foul beast is breaking up. Thp nf this place is going away tomorrow. The old Jezebel, the mother of all the wickedness in this place. I hope she will never return. She has stolen a fortune and now she is going to North Carolina to live. So be it. Honest people will have their rights. Mr. Zulu will not lease them lots at the depot and they have to leave or sell their houses. I am glad... As the summer of 1871 drew closer, Eliza sounded reassured, writing: “I am trying to do good. We have a little school. The children are learning fast.” She recorded that she was teaching them singing and the Bible, along with their studies. And with obvious pleasure, she ad ded: “We have an excellent Methodist Minister, sent here this year, Mr. Barnet. (May 15, 1871) Yet, within a month, a note of despair had again been registered by this indomitable woman: Times are hard here. No money. It looks like starvation with us. All our work is broken up again. The people will not let us have an employment on the Key. God help us...(June 18, 1871) On October 9, 1871, Eliza recorded that she had been sick a long time. Yellow fever had come to the island and twelve persons had died of it. Moreover, she wrote, “my school has been broken up by the Government teacher.” This, she added, “has nearly starved us....I have worked hard in my garden. It is fine but no sale for anything.” By the following summer, in her desperate ef forts to hang on to her land and survive, Eliza was “making hats of palmetto for sale.” She had sold some. Her tenacious commitment to homesteading the land was emphasized when she wrote: “I cannot leave our little home until our business is settled. If we get a homestead here, we will remain here; if not, we will sell our place and go where we will do much better...” (June 18, 1872) There was jubilation in Eliza’s entry of July 1, 1872; “The surveyor is coming to survey our land.” She had sought the assistance of the government land office some time before. It would still take a while, but there was light ahead now. Successful achievement of her overriding ob jective, consistent with adherence to her ideas of righteous behavior, was recorded by Eliza Hearn in her diary entry of June 19, 1873: I have been in so much trouble that I did not care to write it in my diary...but God has helped me...conquer my enemies that tried to get my place from me and make the negroes build on my homestead and the meeting house that Ludlow and others had build on my homestead to steal my home from us...but God has ordered it otherwise. Government has given me title to 80 acres of land and the surveyor is to be down this week to survey the lines and put down the corner posts...So Ludlow and Company has to take his claims off my land. He is mad as a chained Lion. He cannot do us any harm... ******* This paper is based upon the Diary of Eliza Hearn, Jacksonville, Works Progress Ad ministration, 1937. The typescript presents many mistakes in grammar, punctuation, spelling, etc.-even a misspelling of the names Hearn as “Horn.” A copy of the typescript may be found in the Cedar Key Public Library. According to probate records, Eliza Hearn died September 5, 1910, leaving no will. On February 16, 1911, Judge Ben Friedman appoin ted Miss Jeannie Skilling to adminster a set tlement of the estate. Her report shows bills paid for burial, disposition of a few personal items, and makes no reference to any real property. In early 1982, the Cedar Key Islanders 4-H Club, under the supervision of Mrs. Brenda Coulter, completed and dedicated a dignified memorial to Eliza Hearn and her family east of the Cedar Key School Gymnasium. A brick bor der around the graveside was laid by students of the masonry class of Chiefland High School. The Cedar Key 4-H Club members, each elementary class in the Cedar Key School, the Cedar Key Historical Society, the Women’s Club, the Lions Club, and the Lioness Club contributed funds for the purchase and placement of an inscribed granite marker in loving memory of Eliza, Amelia, and Thomas Hearn. 32

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33 The Thetis was a small steel-hulled steamboat. The remains of its hull are at Old Town, covered with silt.

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CORRECTIONS AND ADDITIONS In Chapter One: Page 1 The Epperson Store was the first store in Williston. It was located where the present city park is and was later moved to Main Street. J. B. Epperson was a brother of William Epperson of Bronson. Page 3 The Chiefland scene was on U.S. 19 just north of the railroad crossing. The person sitting on the cart was Albert Deas. Page 4 The Carter house still exists, as shown on page 7. Page 8 Photo caption should read, left to right; Dr. Eugene Yearty, holding Orton Yearty; Bertie Mae Hudson, holding Mildred Yearty; Pearl Yearty, wife of Eugene and mother of the children. Page 15 In the photo caption, her name was Keen, not Cain. Some of the old timers pronounced it as Cain. She was the daughter of Moses Keen. Page 16 That old generator was owned and operated by the Williston Manufacturing Co. Edward Lee BartonÂ’s father was chairman of the CompanyÂ’s Board of Directors. Page 17 That might be the D. E. Williams house. In Chapter Two: Page 8 About the Sneller picture, refer to Chap ter 7, page 10. In Chapter Three: Page 5 That CCC camp was later moved to Old Town. Page 16 The Young Hotel was actually located on Live Oak Key which was inhabited at the time. The streets of Live Oak Key were named in an old recorded plat. Page 22 Building in the background started its existence as a livery stable. A livery stable had horses, buggies, wagons, surreys, gigs, etc., for rent. In Chapter Five: Page 1 At the page heading, the time span should read 1854-1888. In Chater Seven: Page 1 Ernest Stephens (1914-1982) of Bronson made this and several other pictures available. Page 5 In the photo, the man on the right is Clarence Strong. In Chapter Eight: Page 1 Photo caption should read, left to right: Jack L. Meeks, clerk, Ben Rowland, Fred David son, Dewey Allen, Lovitt Smith, Carl Wellman. In Chapter Eleven: Page 4 Right column, second paragraph: that storm was in 1896. Page 6 Right column, last paragraph: should read Hartman Place. Page 15 Left column, second paragraph: the name Tillman should read Tilghman. Page 15 Left column, fourth paragraph: the name Pappered was most likely Popard. Page 15 Right colunn, second paragraph: the steamboatÂ’s name was The Helendenan (see Chapter 7, page 25). Page 20 Left column, last paragraph: that Ford Roaster was actually a Ford Roadster, except possibly in extremely hot weather. Page 25 Notes, number 6: should read doctoral dissertation. Back to Chapter One: Page 10 Charles E. Cason, also known as Dick Cason, was an undergraduate at the University of Florida at the time he wrote this. He is a native of Wylly, Florida. His father, William Lloyd Cason, was a woods rider for G. C. Per due, Sr. His mother was Virginia Wilder Cason, native of Cedar Key. Mr. Cason lives in Gainesville (1982). The extinct town of Wylly was located about ten miles southwest of Otter Creek on the Fernandino-to-Cedar Key railroad. State Road 24 now runs parallel to the old railroad bed and goes through the middle of old Wylly. *

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About 1945, Fleet Williams (Otter Creek) and his wife were camping by the Waccasassa River near an old logging company landing known as Townsend Landing. Ira J. Tyndale bought fish from them. Bill Alldrige and Fleet carried a petition to get a road built into the area. Guy Williams of Archer owned some land there and he contracted with Fleet to operate a fish camp there. Then the site became known as Williams Landing and today, the Waccasassa Marina is there as well as a Levy County boat landing. Fleet Williams married Lillian Stalvey, a first cousin to Claude Stalvey who lives between Bronson and Trenton. Fleet’s grandparents were John Williams and Amelia (Allison) Williams. John Williams came from White Pond, South Carolina, Amelia Allison grew up at Live Oak, Florida. Lillian Stalvey’s mother was a Rains. * From Virginia Bell, Jasper, Florida: Sykes Bend is located at the river end of Genie Court at the Eugene Knotts “glass house”. The Blockhouse (a small fort) built by Daniel Bell on the Withlacoochee during the Second Seminole War (1836) was located on the south side of the River on this Bend, in Citrus County. The father of Boaz Wadley, Cedar Key was a British crew member aboard the Great Eastern, the ship that laid the first Trans-Atlantic cable. He jumped ship and fled across Canada to the state of Washington as a fugitive being pursued. Then he headed south, grew a large beard, married, and settled in Cedar Key. Verona Wat son of Cedar Key is his granddaughter. The Boaz Wadley home in Cedar Key was once an office building of the Eagle Pencil Company. * The Hartman Settlement was about three miles north of Bronson (the Hartman School was in Gulf Hammock). Conrad Wellman’s first wife was a Hartman, and his original citrus groves were near Hartman Settlement in the vicinity of Colson’s Hole. * The Fernandino-to Cedar Key railroad was first listed in the Levy County records as The Florida Railroad, then as the Fernandino Railroad, then as the Gulf Atlantic and West India Transit Company. The name Seaboard ap peared much later, apparently at the time the line was merged with Seaboard. The Fernandino Railroad could have been someone’s idea of what the line should have been called at the time. That is how it was recorded. * Fort Daniels was administered by Enoch Daniels, an Indian Agent for the U. S. gover nment. The fort was located about a mile south west of Concord Baptist Church in Rocky Ham mock and near a house with a “sawed rock” chimney. The house probably does not still exist. The Kirkland Cemetery is west of the Fort Daniels site. * Dear Pen Cemetery is southwest of the inter section of County Road 337 and 326. Just before WWI, Delmar Hiers of Chiefland taught in a small school located by the cemetery, which has no gravestones at the present time. Road 326 is still referred to as Hunter’s Trail, after a pioneer named Hunter. A popular misconception is that the name arose from the big rush of hunters going that way to Gulf Hammock. Hunter established the route some time before 1830; the details are not well known. Similarly, Wolfe Spring Hill (original spelling) east of Bronson was not named after a pack of wolves that may have hung around here, but after an early homesteader named Wolfe. Some of the small springs there still flow. 35

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This was the Jennie, a fishing boat built in Cedar Key by George Tooke; year unknown. 36