The Americas in the new international...
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Title: Latinamericanist
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Title: Latinamericanist
Series Title: Latinamericanist.
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Latin americanist
Abbreviated Title: Latinamericanist
Physical Description: v. : ; 28-36 cm.
Language: English
Creator: University of Florida Center for Latin American Studies
University of Florida -- Center for Latin American Studies
Publisher: Center for Latin American Studies
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Publication Date: June 1983
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Table of Contents
    The Americas in the new international division of labor: April 7-8, 1983, 32nd annual conference of the Center for Latin Amrican Studies
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    News and notes
        Page 11
    Back Cover
        Page 12
Full Text


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April 7-8, 1983

32nd Annual Conference of the

Center for Latin American Studies

The Americas in the New International Division of Labor was
the theme of the 32nd annual conference of the Center for Latin
American Studies at the University of Florida. Held at the J. Reitz
Union on April 7 and 8, 1983, the conference was organized by
Steven Sanderson, Associate Professor of Political Science and
Helen I. Safa, Director of the Center for Latin American Studies.
Conference participants included leading scholars in the areas of
migration, labor and industry, agriculture and the New
International Division of Labor. The four panels presented at the
conference dealt with the impact of the growing mutual
economic and social integration on the nations in the Americas.
An edited volume is now in preparation which will bring together
a selection of conference papers.
Introductory Remarks
In the current world crisis of political economy, it hardly seems
debatable that there are fundamental structural changes trans-
forming the ways goods are produced, consumed, exchanged,
and distributed. It has long been recognized that "world markets"
exist for primary goods, certain kinds of technology, manufac-
tures, and labor processes. Those world markets are not only
represented by world prices for many goods, but by "worldwide
sourcing" for finished manufactures, "global strategies" of in-
tegrated international enterprises, and the internationalization "
of national economics unprecedented in history.
The Americas represent a living, changing example of the
dynamic by which changing productive relationships mold a new
international division of labor, with social impact extending even
beyond the hemisphere. In the Caribbean, "offshore industries"
employ local labor at lower cost than their U.S. and European
counterparts. In Mexico, the border industries or maquiladoras
produce manufactured goods in-bond, using a binational model
of industrial organization which circumvents traditional trade bar-
riers. In the Brazilian Amazon, agricultural development and
export processing activities represent the heart of an
internationally-oriented government growth program, in which
the participation of international, state, and local capital coin-
cides. Within the United States itself, free trade zones have been
created to facilitate the worldwide sourcing of regionally produc-
ed or consumed goods through commercial port facilities. Other
regional examples abound.
The impact of the changing structure of the Americas in the
new international division of labor is evident in the current U.S.
economy. The character of employment in the industrial
Northeast, the composition of agricultural trade with other coun-

tries in the hemisphere, and the dynamic comparative advantage
traditionally enjoyed by the United States in consumer manufac-
tures are all open to new examination. Likewise, demographic
and sectoral requirements of the economy encourages the use of
a different labor force, less organized, more mobile, in many in-
stances cheaper, and certainly not "entitled" to participation in
programs under the rubric of social welfare and services. For
these reason and others, the United States economy engages
Jamaican cane-cutters and Central American vegetable-pickers in
Florida; undocumented agricultural and service sector workers
from Mexico in the U.S. Southwest and in many metropolitan
centers of the country; and Mexican and Caribbean garment
assemblers in the "informal" sweatshops of Los Angeles, San
Francisco and New York. These reasons also apply, interestingly,
to the employment of Guatemalan migrant labor in coffee planta-
tions in southern Mexico; Colombian migrants in Venezuela; or
Haitian cane-cutters in the Dominican Republic.
These processes of internationalization, whether in the form of
direct foreign investment in agribusiness, migrating labor forces,
or export processing in manufactures, create systemic pressures
on trade policy, investment regulations, immigration policy, and
rural development designs. The Mexican food self-sufficiency
plan, the British West Indies contract labor program in the U.S.,
the Border Industralization Program in the Southwest, and the re-
cent Reagan administration Caribbean Basin Initiative are only
some of the most obvious examples of the many-faceted impact
of the new international division of labor and its relation to na-
tional policy-making throughout the Americas.
Most analysts agree in general that the new international divi-
sion of labor has something to do with the structural transforma-
tion of the world economy, which has been recognized since the
wave of recessions and crises beginning in the early 1970s. Many
of these interpretations focus on trade, especially on "export plat-
forms," and imply that the international division of labor is new
principally for its reversal of the traditional division of labor in the
international system.
Another interpretation of the new international division of labor
emphasizes the internationalization of the world economy as a
function of the expansion of capital, and its valorization and
reproduction at a global level. This understanding of the new in-
temational division of labor incorporates much of the logic of the
earlier studies of multinational or transnational capital based on
the gains from and institutional imperatives for expansion, and
similar conventional models explaining the internationalization of
the world economy through the expansion of production itself.

This conception further suggests however, that the multinational
corporation is merely an agent-albeit perhaps the most impor-
tant one-of a process of international integration that crosses
sectors and transcends mere trade relations or the power of a
single firm.
This is not to say that the internationalization of production
eliminates concepts of nation and national economy, but it does
suggest that a proper research strategy for understanding the
character of the new international division of labor involves the
discovery of the specific mechanics of national insertion into the
international economy. Rather than considering domestic
development policy and disequilibria to be phenomena of a closed
national system, and far from considering such dynamics to be
the simple product of traditional models of dependency and im-
perialism, the most sophisticated proponents of the new inter-
national division of labor as an explanatory element in the current
world political economy argue that both North and South are af-
fected in contradictory and complex ways by their mutual and
lasting integration.
This introduction to the New International Division of Labor
was presented by Steven Sanderson, Associate Professor of
Political Science and co-organizer of the 32nd annual conference.

Conference Proceedings
CHAIR: Marianne Schmink, Center for Latin American Studies,
University of Florida
David Barkin, Facultad de Economia, Universidad Autonoma
Metropolitan y Centro de Ecodesarrollo, Mexico City.
"Global Protelarianization: An Altemative Approach to the
New International Division of Labor."
Saskia Sassen-Koob, Department of Sociology, Queens
College and The Graduate School, City University of New
"The Internationalization of the Labor Force in the
Steven E. Sanderson, Department of Political Science,
University of Florida.
"The New Intemationalization of Agriculture in the
Robert H. Girling, Department of Management and
Economics, California State University, Sonoma.

The following is an excerpt from Dr. Barkin's paper
David Barkin Faculdad Autonoma
Metropolitan y Centro
de Ecodesarrollo

Traditionally, the international division of labor has been
described in terms of geographic differences in commodity pro-
duction. This literature has often been used to justify the preser-
vation of the existing set of productive relations between classes
and nations: some areas were predestined to become advanced
industrialized producers while others were condemned to be
primary producers. With the passing of time and the develop-
ment of capitalism's productive forces this approach has become
increasingly unacceptable as some countries have successfully
broken the fetters of underdevelopment and virtually all of the
others claim to be trying to do the same. It is now obvious that
capitalism offers promises of great productive potential and the
internationalization of capital has effectively spread the new
social relations of capitalist production to all parts of the world.
With the transformation of the social relations of production, a
new approach to the problem of the international division of labor
is called for-one that focuses on these new relations rather than

on particular products as the determinants of the global structure
of production.
The descriptive and prescriptive character of the early theories
of international trade provided an analytical justification for
preserving the inherited geographic distribution of production.
The southern part of the planet was condemned, in this arrange-
ment, to primary and limited enclave production while the core
countries continued to advance in the developmerit of an in-
dustrial structure. The theory reflected the prevailing distribution
of power, justifying the "optimality" of the situation by arguing
that this would lead to lower costs for all participants in a world
system characterized by free trade and mobility of capital.
In this setting the primary producers participated in world trade
as dominated partners. In many cases the commodities they ex-
ported were not produced within capitalist productive relations
and their international relations were peripheral to, although ex-
ploitative of, their relatively closed internal structures; some pro-
duction and circulation responded to the demands and logic of a
capitalist world even though the societies themselves were not
capitalist. In fact, the whole structure of international economic
relations was tangential or even secondary to the internal
coherence and dynamics of capitalist accumulation; international
trade was, in fact, the exchange of commodities between coun-
tries who economics were not articulated, where capitalist
development and cyclical movements in one region did not uni-
quely determine what was happening elsewhere. The early
theories of world trade, then, correctly reflected the disarticulated
nature of international economic relations. These theories con-
tinue to be unable to identify or analyze the impact which
capitalist expansion in the twentieth century was having on the
Third World, an impact which was to finally force the capitalist
world system which now dominates international economic rela-
This is the complex situation which has provoked a new field of
study: the new international division of labor. Clearly for those
who examine international trade and specialization in terms of
specific commodity flows and their locality, the composition and
volume of international trade has been dramatically altered. For
others who examine the phenomenon with greater detail the
changes are more difficult to characterize as a substantial part of
the trade in manufactured parts and finished products, which is
characterized as international simply because it crosses national
boundaries, must be reevaluated since it really is only an ex-
change of products within a single INC. The result is these con-
siderations is a burgeoning literature and whole new study pro-
grams within international organizations as part of the wide-
spread efforts to understand the changing nature of North-South

Robert M. Bryan, Vice-President forAcademic Affairs addresses opening

A new pattern of international trade is emerging accompanied
by numerous problems created by growing protectionism among
the traditional producers which seriously threatens the viability of
the modernization programs in many Newly Industrialized Coun-
tries. The problems arise because the structural characteristics of
the new industrialization programs are quite similar to modern
segments of sectors already firmly entrenched in the advanced
countries as a result of the process of standardization-
differentiation discussed above. Industrial redeployment, as it has
been called, has promoted the establishment of consumer goods
industries in the NICs in place of less efficient productive opera-
tions in their former sites. Furthermore, new consumer products
and markets in the Third World are often simply copies of already
established counterparts elsewhere. Thus, Third World develop-
ment, as it is currently proceeding, does not offer a new range of
products in world trade but rather a more complex siting of the
production of existing commodities, with new markets and a
vastly expanded international proletariat.

The following is an excerpt from Dr. Sassen-Koob's paper
Saskia Sassen-Koob Queens College,
City University
of New York
The expansion of export manufacturing and export agriculture,
both inseparably related with direct foreign investment from the
highly industrialized countries, has mobilized new segments of the
population into regional and long-distance migrations. One key
process mediating between the introduction of these modern
forms of production and the formation of labor migrations is the
disruption of traditional work structures. The mechanisms involv-
ed are quite different in the case of export manufacturing from
those in commercial agriculture. While in the latter there is a
direct displacement of small farmers who are left without means
of subsistence, in export manufacturing this disruption is
mediated by a massive recruitment of young women into newly
created jobs. This feminization of the new industrial workforce
promotes emigration among males, both directly and indirectly.
There is now a female labor supply competing for jobs with men,
a supply that did not exist only a few years ago. An indirect
emigration inducement among males results from the disruption
of traditional work structures: with the massive departure of
young women there is a reduction in the possibilities of making a
living in many of these rural areas.
Though these developments are not necessarily a function of
foreign investment per se, it seems important to emphasize the
presence of such investment. First, because in the absence of
such investment the large-scale development of export manufac-
turing and export agriculture could not have occurred. Here I
want to repeat again, that foreign investment stands for a variety
of arrangements, some involving direct ownership, others con-
sisting of subcontracting with domestic producers, and yet
others being simply foreign buying groups. The key is that these
developing countries could not have penetrated the export
market in the absence of these arrangements with foreign in-
vestors with access to those markets. Second, because the
presence of such investment creates cultural-ideological and ob-
jective links with the countries providing this capital. And these
are of course largely the highly industrialized countries which have
also been major recipients of immigration from the less developed
countries. Besides the long recognized westernization effect of
large-scale foreign investment in the less developed world, there
is the more specific impact on workers employed in production
for export to highly developed countries. These workers can easi-
ly see that they are capable of using their labor power in the pro-
duction of goods and services demanded by people and firms in
the U.S. or any other highly developed country. The distance bet-
ween a job in the off-shore plant or office and in the on-shore
plant or office is subjectively reduced. Under these conditions
emigration may begin to emerge as an option.

Direct foreign investment can be conceived of as a mediating
structure, one that operates indirectly and in a highly complex
manner both ideologically and structurally. The 1,000% direct in-
crease in foreign investment going to developing countries from
1950 to 1980 and mostly concentrated in a few of these, creates
various kinds of linkages with the capital sending country(s). The
high degree of concentration of the employment effects in
manufacturing and in a few mobilization effects has been par-
ticularly strong in those countries where investment has to a large
extent been export-oriented because of its highly labor-intensive
characteristics and because of its concentration in countries lack-
ing a large, complex economy. This "new industrialization" has
generated domestic and international migrations within the
regions. Eventually these may overflow into long-distance migra-
tions. Such migrations have been found to contribute to the
disruption of traditional, often unwaged, employment structures.
This disruption minimizes the possibility of returning if laid off or
unsuccessful in the job search. Furthermore, the available
evidence shows a large mobilization of young women into waged
labor, women who under other conditions would not have
entered waged employment. This has an additional distruptive ef-
fect on traditional employment structures, notably household
production for internal consumption or local markets. The
mobilization of young women into waged-labor has also been
found to contribute to unemployment and to male emigration.
Finally, the widespread practice of firing these new, mostly
female, workers after a few years also adds to a pool of potential
emigrants. These women, left employed and Westernized may
have few options but emigration.

The following is an excerpt from Dr. Sanderson's paper
Steven Sanderson University of Florida
When we speak of the agricultural internationalization of the
Americas, we must specify that not all countries are equally rele-
vant, either in a productive or trade dimension. Seven countries
in Latin America dominate the production and trade profile of the
region; the GDP of Brazil, Mexico, Argentina, Venezuela, Colom-
bia, Peru and Chile account for nearly 90 percent of the regional
total. Likewise, these same countries account for four-fifths of
regional exports and 88 percent of gross debt. As we would ex-
pect from the thesis that the New International Division of Labor
is not simply a function of trade dependence, none of these coun-
tries has an extremely high reliance on the external sector of its
economy, relative to the rest of the region. Brazil and Mexico
show the lowest level of reliance on their external sectors of any
economies in Latin America. Among these countries, only
Mexico shows great vulnerability to the U.S., due to its extraor-
dinary reliance on bilateral trade as a proportion of its total foreign
commerce; the other countries have rather more diversified
markets, less trade reliance on the U.S., and relatively high levels
of intra-regional trade.
The clear agricultural leaders among the seven nations are
Brazil and Mexico, followed by Argentina, Colombia and Peru.
Brazil and Mexico are both major producers of coffee, soya and
citrus, as well as hides and leather goods, sugar, and meat.
Argentina, of course, is well known as a major world contributor
of wheat and beef, and produces coarse grains, maize, sugar and
a growing volume of soybeans for the international market. Col-
ombia is a growing producer of beef, a major exporter of coffee,
and has contributed to regional exports of sugar, bananas, and
cotton as well in recent years. Peru provides a broad range of
agricultural crops to the international system, as well, though its
prominence as an exporter of a single crop is less. Nevertheless,
Peru has participated significantly in sugar, fishmeal and cotton
exports, among other crops and primary goods.
The political consequences of the industrialization of
agriculture in general and the reliance on rural production for
cheap food include a deepening relationship with the forces

militating toward a greater internationalization of Latin American
agriculture. In the first place, Latin American economies in the
1970s became greater importers of basic foodstuffs than ever
before. Mexico, of course, is the classic case, in which one of the
most modem agricultural systems in the Third World increasingly
finds itself unable to feed its population basic foods. But Brazil,
Venezuela and Colombia also have fallen into import-dependent
positions for basic foods, at least partly due to the industrial shift
in agricultural growth and the inattention of state policy toward
supports for the producer of basic foodstuffs. Such import-
dependence in the basic foods and agroindustrial raw materials
areas puts great strain on economies suffering trade and
payments imbalances since 1974.
Second, agroindustries have become increasingly important to
the growth and trade plans of the region's economies. Since the
beginning of import-substitution one of the goals of Latin
American economic growth plans has been satisfied and infant
industries have matured. "Export substitution" became even
more important in the 1970s, partly because of the "oil shock" of
1973-74, and the efforts of regional economies to diversify ex-
ports in an epoch of wildly fluctuating primary commodity prices.
And, in the cases of our country examples, as well as in Chile,
Costa Rica, and other nations of Latin America, manufactured
exports began to play an increasingly important role in the trade
bill. While Mexico suffered somewhat from an overvalued ex-
change rate, and Brazil wavered after 1974's oil shock crippled
the growth "miracle," all of the countries considered increased
their total exports of manufactures as a proportion of traded
goods. Not surprisingly, given the arguments forwarded earlier,
foodstuff manufactures led the way, pulling the external sectors
of Latin America-and their local rural suppliers-deeper into the
internationalization experience.
Unsurprisingly, given the mutual nature of the internationaliza-
tion of American agriculture, some of these agroindustrial pro-
cesses and agribusiness activities threaten jobs in developed
capitalist countries. To the extent that such threats are politically
unacceptable to consumer countries, tariff barriers and non-tariff
restrictions to trade became part of the North-South agenda in
Latin American foreign relations with the developed capitalist
countries. While agriculture remains the single area of tariff pro-
tection inviolate before the advances of the GATT, Europe and
the United States will hardly soften restrictions limiting the exter-
nal vulnerability of Latin American agriculture and related in-
dustries. Recent evidence of such protectionism has surfaced in
the case of Mexican tomatoes, and Latin American beef and
sugar throughout the region.
At the heart of these external relationships, however, are more
important domestic development problems for Latin American
states. The'growth of the agroindustrial complex has threatened
peasant survival and undercut the production of basic foodstuffs
in a rural social setting that is self-sustaining. Imbedded in this
growth dynamic is the evaporation of remunerative rural employ-
ment, the mass migration of the peasantry to the cities or to the
borders, the decline in peasant nutrition (especially among the
elderly and preschool children), regional shortages in the labor
force stimulating migration (from Colombia to Venezuela, from
Haiti to the Dominican Republic, from Oaxaca, Mexico, to the
Pacific Northwest or the Imperial Valley of California), and other
permanent destabilizers of rural development.

CHAIR: Carlton Davis, Department of Food and Resource
Economics, University of Florida
Ruth Rama, Facultad de Economia, Universidad
Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, Mexico City.
"The Internationalization of Agriculture, Commerce
and Agrarian Crisis in Mexico."
Louis Crouch, Department of Agricultural and Resource
Economics, University of California, Berkeley.
"Latin American Agriculture: From Import Sub-

stitution Industrialization to Neo-Liberal Author-
Christopher Scott, Department of Economics, London
School of Economics and Political Science, London,
"Transnational Corporations and Asymmetrics in the
Latin American Food Supply."
Rene Lemarchard, Department of Political Science,
University of Florida.

The following is an excerpt from Drs. de Janvry's and Crouch's
Alain de Janvry University of California
Luis Crouch Berkeley
In the 1970's a series of bureaucratic-authoritarian (BA) (see
Collier) governments in the Southern Cone of Latin America put
an end to the last remnants of the populist-based import substitu-
tion industrialization (ISI) policies. Whereas all BA governments
have been noted for an extreme tendency toward lack of civil
rights and severe state control over the political process, only the
government installed by the earlier Brazilian coup (1964) has tend-
ed toward interventionism in the economic sphere. In con-
tradistinction, the BA coups of the 1970's (Chile and Uruguay in
1973, Argentina in 1976), were characterized by marked attempts
to "free" the economy to the rule of market forces. There have
been relatively non-authoritarian attempts to install neo-liberal
policies, as in Peru recently. Thus, in order to isolate the'cases we
are interested in from both Brazil and Peru, we will speak of
Neoliberal Authoritarianism (NA).
These neo-liberal attempts were not altogether new, of course,
even in the history of these three countries. Indeed, during the ISI
period, there were intermittent periods when various govern-
ments, inspired or coerced by international bodies, attempted to
free the economies to some extent. These attempts were usually
not thorough, and in any case were short-lived, usually succumb-
ing to popular and interest-group pressures. The economic
policies enacted by the NA governments of the 1970's, however,
were so ferociously defended at the political level, that they have
had the depth and duration necessary to take effect. The
resulting situation, especially in cases such as Chile, where the
contrast is most marked, provides economists with an almost
laboratory-like situation in which to study the effects of liberaliza-
tion and free trade regimes on the economies of these countries.
It seems clear today that the agrarianist ideology of the pro-
ponents of NA was based on a misunderstanding as to the effects
of ISI on agriculture. It had been thought that ISI policies had
been overwhelmingly disfavorable to agriculture in general. But
we have shown that the removal of those policies did not have a
generalized positive impact on agriculture. The logical explana-
tion is that ISI policies did not necessarily have only negative
effects on agriculture. Many agricultural sub-sectors were sub-
sidized, or the industries using the agricultural output was sub-
sidized. There were government marketing mechanisms that may
have depressed prices-but they also stabilized them. There was
customs disprotection, but there was also highly favorable credit
policy. Increasing incomes for the working class created bouyant
markets for the outputs of wage goods producers. This is not to
say that ISI policies were favorable to agriculture, of course. The
point is that they probably were less unfavorable than the
monetarists have argued, and that, in any case, the effects of the
policies were by no means generalizable to the sector as a whole.
A crop-specific analysis reveals a tendency for ISI to disfavor less,
and in some cases actually favor, crops produced by peasant pro-
ducers and in family farms. This in in keeping with what is known
to be the class basis of ISI.


It also turns out that even the authoritarian political leaders
have been unwilling to let the economies sink into depression
long enough for the free market to work its magic. Nor have they
been willing to totally give up control over their economies to the
vagaries of the international marketplace, as would be mandated
by a true reading of classical liberalism. Thus, the structural con-
straints discovered and explained by the ideologues of ISI have
reasserted themselves, and even under NA there is a return to
overvaluation, inflationary policies, etc. Structural constraints
such as imperfection in capital markets, refusal of cash holders to
lower their inflationary expectations fast enough, and others,
were not considered important in the monetarist world. These im-
perfections in capital markets led to extraordinarily high and
stable interest rates, in spite of complete openness to inter-
national capital. The monetarist policies ended up discriminating
not against the inefficient, but against those with no access to
international credit. When the pressure from these and other
structural constraints made itself felt again, it was in an economic
environment which had been stripped of the institutions which
ISI policies had erected as a response to the constraints. Thus,
there was overvaluation, but without the benefit of compensating
cheap credit. By the late 1970's the list of agricultural sub-sectors
benefited by NA had become small indeed.
In terms of rural welfare NA has been a total failure, which
could have been expected. What is more surprising is that the
output and accumulation performance has been meager relative
to what one could have expected on the basis of the defense of
monetarist policy. Above all, the results have been extremely
uneven across classes and in time, with a clear bias in favor of
large, well-connected landowners, and having produced a
boomlet in the years immediately after the coups, which in most
crops quickly faded.

The following is an excerpt from Dr. Scott's paper
Christopher Scott London School of Economics
and Political Science
This paper which is concerned with the relationship between
transnational corporations (TNCs) and markets in the Latin
American food system is situated within the institutionalist tradi-
tion of development economics. More specifically, my aims are
two-fold. Firstly, a transactional framework is outlined for identi-
fying and explaining the presence of asymmetries in national and
international food chains where TNCs may be present. Different
types of asymmetry are distinguished in the context of a world
economy increasingly integrated by means of both markets and
hierarchies. Secondly, this general framework is used to analyse a
specific transactional form which appears to be of increasing
importance as a link between TNCs and agricultural producers in
the region, namely production contracting. The analysis com-
plements my earlier work on the determinants of foreign invest-
ment in the Latin American food industry, and on comparative
advantage versus food security as agricultural development
criteria for the region (Scott, 1981, and forthcoming).
This paper has attempted to apply conventional economic
theory to the analysis of food chains in Latin America in an at-
tempt to achieve a more precise understanding of the extent and
nature of any asymmetries which may exist. A transnational
framework proved useful for indicating how asymmetric en-
dowments of information can lead either to market failure (and
thence to direct foreign investment), or to successful market
operation if an appropriate form of contract can be devised by the
parties concerned. This framework suggested the distinction be-
tween market and hierarchical asymmetries and provided the
basis for identifying different types of market asymmetry.
Transfer pricing in international but intra-firm trade in
foodstuffs is the most obvious example of hierarchical asym-
metry, but is likely to be of diminishing importance because of na-
tionalisation, joint ventures and State marketing boards in
developing countries. Furthermore, it is by no means dear that

TNCs are beyond the market in the long run, and it may be ex-
pected that trends in prices for internal transactions will be deter-
mined by relative scarcities.
A transactions approach was helpful in clarifying the specificity
of production contracting and identifying the circumstances in
which it was likely to occur. Four types of potential static market
asymmetry in the relations between processor and grower were
suggested: monopsonistic exploitation, monitoring of production
contracts, incomplete specifications of production contracts, and
crop-specific access to credit and agricultural extension.
As regards dynamic market asymmetries, no data were
available to test for the presence of ratchet price effects due to
oligopoly nor was there any information on the distribution of
gains from technical change in different segments of the food
chain. Nevertheless, four other types of potential dynamic market
asymmetry were identified: quality control as a market clearing
mechanism, product-specific asset fixity amongst growers,
technology transfer versus deskilling, and a secular trend in the
bargaining power of processor and growers over time.
Finally, it should be stressed that neither static nor dynamic
market asymmetries between grower and processor require the
latter to be foreign owned or controlled. Both types of asymmetry
may be present when the processing plant is in the hands of local

CHAIR: Mark Rosenberg, Latin American and Caribbean Center,
Florida International University
Maria Patricia Fernandez, Visiting Fellow, Program in
U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of California, San
"Contemporary Production: Seven Features and
One puzzle."
June Nash, Department of Anthropology, The City
College, City University of New York.
"Segmentation of the Work Process in the Inter-
national Division of Labor."
Louis Goodman, Latin American Program Associate,
Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars,
The Smithsonian Institute, Washington, D.C.
"Notes on Transnational Corporations as Deter-
minants of Demand for Labor."
Dr. Helen Safa, Center for Latin American Studies
University of Florida.

The following is an excerpt from Dr. Fernandez's paper
Maria Patricia Fernandez University of California
San Diego
During the 1960's a new strategy for the intensification of in-
vestments, the reduction of production costs, and the diversifica-
tion of political and economic risks was inaugurated. The same
events allowed for the emegence of Export Processing Zones
(EPZs), World Market Factories and Maquiladoras throughout
Asia, parts of Latin America, the Caribbean and, increasingly,
Now there are almost 200 EPZs operating in Less Developed
Countries with a work force which approximates 3,000,000.
However, stark figures provide only part of the picture. The rise in
importance of Export Processing Zones is but one of the indica-
tions of international economic restructuring. It foreshadows
tendencies that exist both in light and heavy industry. EPZs and
other similar strategies have offered corporations an un-
precedented range of economic and political alternatives. Thanks
to advancement in communications, transportation, technology,

and the rationalization of labor processes, it is now possible for
capital to cross borders freely to benefit from holiday programs
designed by host governments to lure foreign investments in ex-
port manufacturing.
The results of offshore production have been felt at both ends
of the geopolitical spectrum. While central economies increasing-
ly become the locus of technological development, financial
outflows, specialized services and centralized decisions over
global production, peripheral and semiperipheral countries
become the sources of manufactured goods. In this sense off-
shore assembly represents both a break with the past and the
beginning of a new mode of insertion of central and peripheral
countries into the world's productive system.
It is one of the central contentions of this essay that this new
articulation of core and periphery cannot be adequately
understood without an analysis of the part played by gender in
the reorganization of the international economy. Thus, toward
the end of this paper I pause to consider the issue of feminization.
My argument is that this term may be understood in two distinct
but related ways. On the one hand, contemporary production has
brought about an impressive growth of female employment in
direct manufacturing in Less Developed Countries. Indeed, be-
tween 85 and 90 per cent of those employed in Export Processing
Zones are women, the majority of whom are young and single.
At the saine time, in advanced industrial countries, a growing
number of women become part of the new service economy.
There are invisible but powerful connections between these two
groups. The remarkable array of electronic paraphernalia
assembled by women in Third World Export Processing Zones,
later on become the tools handled by clerks, word processor
specialists, typists, and secretaries in core nations. The majority
of these are also women.
But an analysis on feminization must go beyond notice of
women's increasing participation in the labor markets of central
and peripheral economies. We must also consider another fact. A
growing number of jobs in countries like the United States are ac-
quiring characteristics formerly associated with female employ-
ment. More and more workers of both sexes are now holding jobs
which call for minimum levels of skill, provide comparatively low
wages and offer limited possibilities for promotion. These jobs are
frequently temporary, unstable and bereft of the benefits attach-
ed in the recent past to male blue-collar employment.
However we define feminization, it is clear that only by gaining
a better understanding of gender will we be able to move beyond
description and towards a more profound explanation of contem-
porary production. Such an objective cannot be fulfilled in these
pages. However, the reader is invited to consider gender as a
consequence and a process, rather than as an attribute of in-
dividuals, and to judge the relevance of this exercise for the
elaboration of a comprehensive analysis of contemporary produc-

The following is an excerpt from Dr. Nash's paper
June Nash City University
of New York
With the growing trend toward capital mobility in the inter-
national economy and the concommitant deindustrialization of
old industrial center in the United States, patterns of labor
segmentation are in flux. The control that managers have exercis-
ed throughout the twentieth century in defining the job and
determining who will enter it was a corrolary of corporate
Social historians and economists have defined three major
transitions: (1) the shift from craft to routinized (jobs that Braver-
man (1974) analyzed in terms of the debasement of labor;) (2) the
shift from a "homogenized to segmented labor force" (that Gor-
don, Reich and Edwards (1972, 1982) have developed from
premises of a dual labor market (Doeringer and Piore 1971); and
(3) the shift from assembly and even skilled machinist and tool-
maker trades to automated or computerized work processes

(Gorz 1982). I shall trace the effects of global integration of firms
on the categories of workers differentiated by both achieved
(training and education) and ascribed (sex, age, and race) criteria.
In this paper I shall question the periodization of managerial
strategy and raise questions about work force segmentation that
focuses only on the workplace. By analyzing the interplay bet-
ween differentiation of status and role defined in the household
and community and the division of labor in the workplay, I hope
to gain a more dynamic sense of the emerging consciousness of
workers and the managerial strategies. The current de-
industralization is destroying the privileged position of the
"primary" workforce at the same time that it is eliminating the
production processes organized by unions. As these formerly
privileged workers fall into the ranks of the "secondary"
workforce or that of the unemployed, the relationships among
members sharing the same household are changed.
Recent analyses of the labor process treat the managerial
strategies of debasement (or homogenization) and segmentation
as successive stages in a historical trajectory. This may be ade-
quate when one focuses only on the advanced sectors of
monopoly capitalism. But when we include the other sectors of
production that coexist in all industrialized countries- "core" as
well as "periphery"-we find quite different labor processes in
competitive capitalist enterprises, in government, and in the
domestic or household arena where goods and services are still
produced. Patriarchal policies, far from being relegated to
marginal enterprises in the contemporary labor market, continue
to define the entry into most production jobs in monopoly
capitalist enterprises. These policies are often promoted by trade
unions in the interest of restricting competition to the primary
workforce (Hartman 1976). Furthermore these same analysts
tend to take the spectrum of jobs as a given. But, as we have
seen particularly in off-shore operations, the organization of work
presupposes differential advantages in the labor market and the
job structure is designed to take advantage of these.
Segmentation of jobs and of the labor force channeled into
them is not a new phenomenon. Differentiation between a core
of preferentially treated workers and a temporary, lower paid
group usually assumed to be less skilled has been characteristic of
industrialization since its origin. While in nineteenth century tex-
tile and shoe mills segmentation was based on differential skills
and job seniority in the same firm. Large corporations with multi-
ple branches within the nation and overseas attracted a preferred
workforce with higher wages and benefits won by unionized
shops. Competitive firms in industry and services draw upon
women and ethnically discriminated workers. These sectors are
differentially affected by the current depression.

The following is an excerpt from Dr. Goodman's paper
Louis Goodman Woodrow Wilson
The "transnationality" of many of the world's largest corpora-
tions has aroused both fears and hopes regarding their impact on
global welfare. The employment effects of transnational corpora-
tions in both industrialized and developing countries has been
widely questioned, but with scant consensus. The extremes of
opinions might be characterized as the "hopefuls" and the "fear-
The "hopefuls" hypothesize that TNCs are an important source
of job creation. They tie their argument to the flag of efficiency.
In the "hopeful" view TNCs combine capital, technology, know-
how, material and labor so efficiently that the cost of these com-
bined factors of production is far less than the value of the resul-
tant output. The TNC secret according to the "hopefuls" is to
find ways to utilize relatively more of cheap and abundant factors
of production and relatively less of expensive and scarce ones.
For TNC operations in developing nations, that presumably in-
cludes the fuller utilization of a labor force which is substantially
underemployed/or unemployed.
A second "hopeful" argument has to do with the efficiency of

the overall organization of TNCs. The TNC network of sourcing,
production, and sales facilitates access to foreign
markets-especaially those in industrialized countries. The result
is both production and employment at levels exceeding that
possible if only the production units home market were served.
The "fearful," on the other hand, fear that TNCs may find it
more costly to adapt themselves to conditions they encounter in
new markets than to try to shape new markets to their familiar
ways of doing business (be they product markets or employment
markets). The result of imposing on developing nations practices
originating in industrialized countries would be the utilization of
relatively capital-intensive technologies and the displacement of
existing labor-intensive production with capital-intensive techni-
ques. Although TNCs would undoubtedly create new jobs, the
"fearfuls" fear that they might create fewer than is possible
and/or might destroy more than they create.
The "fearfuls," like the "hopefuls," have a second argument
based in their view of the overalls structures of TNCs. They fear
that TNCs may have developed a dangerous discretionary power
for transferring jobs and production among countries. They fear
that this power may allow TNCs to act as relatively autonomous
agents in allocating resources and job internationally.
These fears are voiced, not only by developing country govern-
ments attempting to regulate TNC investment, but also by
residents of long-industrialized areas of developed countries who
fear that long-time employers may become "runaway shops."
Attention to TNCs in industrial planning in developing coun-
tries has, during the last 20 years resulted in policy ebbs and flows
centering on restricting TNC behavior. In the technology area in
many countries this has meant requiring that TNC productive
processes fulfill specified requirements, among which substantial
employment generation is usually prominently featured. This has
not only fostered job creation, but it has also deepened host
country familiarity with the technology choices which are central
to the industrial planning process. However, as Arthur L. Domike
and I have argued elsewhere, it is time for many developing
nations to move to a new stage in the technology acquisition pro-
cess-that of focusing on "strengthening the planning, sear-
ching,and negotiating capacities of the public and private sector
firms which are potential technology recipients. In this way
development goals can be pursued more through actively for-
mulated domestic choices-and less through defensive strategies
such as technology screening. By encouraging domestic firms to
make sophisticated technology choices, to have their own
research and development programs and to aggressively search
and negotiate for technology access, employment generation can
become a more fullsome and aggressive part of the industrial
planning process of developing countries.
Perhaps exclusive focus on manufacturing processes is too
narrow to make such a policy effective-especially since "office
clerk" has replaced "factory worker" as the largest occupational
category in industrialized nations. The micro-processor-induced
"office revolution" indicates that both productivity and employ-
ment generation must not only be carefully weighed in manufac-
turing industries, but also the service sector and in farming and

CHAIR: Gerardo Navas Davila, Graduate School of Planning,
University of Puerto Rico, Visiting Scholar, Center for
Latin American Studies, University of Florida.
Charles Wood, Department of Sociology, University of
Terry L. McCoy, Center for Latin American Studies,
University of Florida.
"Caribbean Cane Cutters in Florida: Implications for
the Study of the Internationalization of Labor."
Robert Bach, Department of Sociology, State University
of New York, Binghampton.

"Regulating the Anarchy of Regional Labor Markets:
U.S. Immigration Policies."
Sherry Grassmuck, Department of Sociology, Temple
"The Consequences of Dominican Urban Out-migra-
tion for National Development: The Case of
Frank Bonilla, Centro de Estudios Puertorriquenos, The
City University of New York.
"Evolving Patterns of Puerto Rican Migration."
Barbara Schmitter, Department of Sociology, Cleveland
State University.

The following is an excerpt from Drs. Wood and McCoy's paper
Terry L. McCoy University of
Charles Wood Florida
Every year since 1943 Caribbean workers have been
transported to the State of Florida to harvest sugar cane. The off-
shore labor program, begun during World War II, currently
employs between eight and nine thousand men each season.
Brought to this country through the H-2 provision of the 1952 Im-
migration and Nationality Act, it is currently the largest legal
foreign labor force in the United States. A distinctive feature of
the Florida sugar industry is its reliance on manual labor for
harvesting the cane crop. Whereas all other domestically grown
sugar cane is harvested by machine, ecological and technical
contraints make the use of such methods more expensive in
Florida. Because manual harvesting is more efficient from an
overall production standpoint, the Florida sugar industry con-
tinues to resort to seasonal labor from the Caribbean.
According to industry representatives the recumbent character
of Florida cane makes it difficult to harvest mechanically. Unlike
manual workers, machines are less efficient in separating the
cane stalk from the foliage, a factor that increases production
costs when the crop reaches the mill. The use of heavy machinery
is also damaging to the soft muck soil (which was previously
under water), and destroys a portion of the ratoons that produce
the following year's crop.
Prior to 1943, black Americans harvested sugar and other crops
in the state. When this labor force moved north into war-related
industries, agricultural producers (primarily citrus and vegetable
growers) sought foreign replacements from what was then the
British West Indies. The offshore labor program first began
recruiting workers from the Bahamas. Later, cane cutters were
contracted from Jamaica, British Honduras (now Belize),
Antigua, St. Kitts, Monserrat and British Guiana (now Guyana).
At present the program in limited to five Commonwealth Carib-
bean islands: Jamaica (which provides around 80 percent of the
labor force), Barbados (the second largest supplier), St. Lucia,
St. Vincent and Dominica.
Under current immigration law, employers can recruit tem-
porary foreign workers only after the Department of Labor cer-
tifies that there is an insufficient supply of domestic workers.
Once this condition is documented, the DOL advises the Im-
migration and Naturalization Service (INS) of a labor shortage.
The INS then grants approval for the importation of foreign
workers for pre-specified tasks and for a period of one year or less
(eight months in the case of sugar).
The recruitment of offshore labor is based on an annual con-
tract between representatives of the sugar industry and those of
the West Indian government and workers. For the industry the
program is managed by the Florida Fruit and Vegetable Associa-
tion (FFVA) and the U.S. Sugar Corporation, with the FFVA
representing most employers. Representation of West Indian in-
terests is more complicated. The principal organization is the
British West Indian Center Labour Organization (BWICLO). Its

governing council, the Regional Labour Board, is composed of
the following: the Permanent Jamaican Secretary for the Ministry
of Labour, who serves as chairman; two other Jamaican govern-
ment officials; the Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Labour
from Barbados; the Labour Commissioner of St. Lucia, represen-
ting the three remaining small islands; and a representative from
one of the two Jamaican labor unions (depending on which party
is in power). The BWICLO, with a permanent office in
Washington, D.C., maintains 11 liaison officers in the sugar area.
Although the Regional Labour Board and industry represen-
tatives meet annually to re-negotiate the contract, it remains
essentially the same from year to year.
From the standpoint of the industry, the important point is that
these small farmers in the Caribbean form a reservoir of workers
awaiting the chance to work in Florida. A labor force with similar
characteristics does not exist in the United States. There are, of
course, small farmers, sharecroppers and day laborers in the
agricultural sector of the state of Florida. Many wage workers are
migrants, both legal and illegal. However, it would logistically be
difficult to recruit as many as 8 or 9 thousand domestic cane cut-
ters who must report to work within a period of a few weeks.
Equally problematic is the need to count on the availability of a
similar number the following year. The social and economic con-
ditions that prevail in the advanced industrial center do not
generate a labor pool of this type.
With the exception of Barbados, the labor force is drawn
primarily from rural areas of the Caribbean. Results of a survey
carried out in 1981 (McCoy and Wood, 1982) indicate that the
workers are primarily small farmers, recruited from a relative
stable population that is characterized by low rates of intra and
inter island migration. The principal reasons that motivate in-
dividuals to seek stateside jobs as cane cutters is that the wages
earned in Florida exceed that which can be earned in the Carib-
bean. A second reason is to purchase items that are either
unavailable on the islands, or which are more expensive there.
Remittances to the place of origin are made in several ways.
The contract agreement stipulates that 23 percent of the worker's
pay be transferred to a non-interest bearing bank account on the
worker's home island, where all or some (depending on the
island) can be later retrieved in local currency. Workers on their
own initiative mail substantial amounts of money to family
members and friends (about $4.8 million). They also purchase
clothes and other items (valued at $4.6 million). Finally, at the end
of the season, each individual returns with a certain amount of
cash in hand ($1.9 million). Extrapolating from the sample to the
total population of workers in 1980-81, the work force remitted
nearly $19 million (including the U.S. value of good purchased) to
the sending islands. Analyses of spending patterns, together with
information on the destination and purpose of mailed remit-
tances, indicate that the wages eamed in the United States are
used primarily for the maintenance and reproduction of the
worker and his household. Although a small percentage of the
work force does invest in capital goods, the majority of the pur-
chases and remittances are for consumption purposes.

The following is an excerpt from Dr. Grassmuck's paper
Sherri Grassmuck Temple University
The recent wave of research on the topic of international labor
migration has linked the origins of outmigration from the develop-
ing to the developed world to the nature of dependency and un-
equal exchange between these societies. In particular, conditions
of relative labor surplus in underdeveloped nations have been
associated with the failures of the import-substitution model of
development and newer strategies of export reconversion follow-
ed by many developing societies to generate adequate employ-
ment (Portes, 1978; Alba, 1978; Sassen-Koob, 1978; Vuskovic,
Given the critical problem of underemployment and unemploy-
ment in the developing world, it is not surprising that in most

discussions of the causes of out-migration from these areas, the
excess labor force is treated implicitly or explicitly as the most im-
mediate stimulant. Relatively few studies exist which attempt an
assessment of the impact of third world emigration on the sen-
ding communities themselves. Most of the evidence we have on
this question comes from studies which have focused on out-
migration from rural sending communities in societies like
Yugoslavia, Greece, Portugal, Mexico, and the Dominican
Republic (Baucic, 1972; Dinerman, 1977; Comelius, 1978; Pessar,
1982; Grasmuck, 1982). My purpose in this paper is to assess the
impact of urban labor exports on one sending country. The point
is not to address the determinants of out-migration associated in
much of the literature on this question with the pattern of depen-
dent development but, rather, to examine the likely reciprocal ef-
fects of prolonged outmigration on the very conditions which
stimulated migration in the first place.
The phenomenon of out-migration from the largest urban zone in
the northern region of the Dominican Republic draws
.predominately upon a labor force of long-time dwellers, if not
native inhabitants of that city. These are not, therefore, displaced
rural laborers who have come to the city for a brief period prior to
international departure.
The number of outside migrants at the time of the survey con-
stituted approximately 11% of the active labor force of Santiago
not even including those cases where families left without leaving
household members behind. Santiago is also an important reset-
-tlement zone for return migrants who is 1980 constituted roughly
7% of the economically active of Santiago.
The typical Dominican migrant is a relatively young male who
has in many cases departed from the household of his parents.
The migrant does have a somewhat greater chance of being
unemployed than does the population as a whole. One can not
conclude, however, that outmigration represents principally a
reduction in the size of a hard-core, unskilled, unemployed
population. Rather these migrants represented an "apparent
surplus" in the sense that they constitute the type of "human
capital" necessary to any meaningful type of expanded in-
dustrialization; they are relatively well-educated, from relatively
skilled occupation, especially at the lower levels of the profes-
sional ranks. Moreover, their last jobs were typically in industrial
sections of the economy noted for lower than average levels of
unemployment. They therefore represent a rather inelastic supply
of labor.
In addition to sending remittances, the migrants have played an
important role in stimulating the construction of moderate in-
come housing. The adjustment problems migrants face upon
returning, especially the tendency either not to find desirable
employment or to start small businesses which fail, have meant
that in many cases they return once more to the U.S. to become
absentee landlords for homes they had originally built for
In rural communities it was found that the impact of outmigra-
tion on the community varied according to the infrastructural
conditions of the area. In the context of low returns to farming in-
vestments, poor soil and high population growth, migration had
contributed to the unproductive use of land because migrant
households tended to reduce farming activities. Migrants came
from families of median to large-size land holding who in becom-
ing dependent on remittances had thereby undermined the
productive base of the community and exacerbated income in-
equality (Pessar, 1982). Alternatively, in a more soil rich com-
munity with better road transportation and marketing facilities,
production had not been hurt by remittance income.
These findings underscore the extent to which out-migration
expresses not the lack of development but rather the paradoxes
of uneven development. Dominican labor exports fall somewhere
in between the categories of unskilled labor and professional
workers. The Dominican Republic is one of the most developed
of the Caribbean nations. Yet, in the 1972-76 period it accounted
for 7.9% of all America's migrants to the United States (Kritz,
1981:215). This outmigration occurred on the heels of tremen-
dous economic growth, the expansion of higher education, and
significant growth in technological infrastructure. Not only has this

kind of development not been able to absorb the unskilled,
manual work force, but a growing percentage of the relatively
educated, lower level professional workers have been unable to
find employment.

The following is an excerpt from Dr. Bonilla's paper
Frank Bonilla City University
of New York
For about ninety seconds in Ana Maria Garcia's moving new
film on the sterilization of Puerto Rican women (La Operacion),
the mayor of a small island town, Barceloneta, proudly takes
stock of his role in bringing Puerto Rico's population into line with
the needs of the new industrial order. After more than twenty
years of emigration and persistent promotion of sterilization, he
says, the municipality finally registered a decline in population in
the 1970 census. Several primary schools have been closed since
there are now so few children. Women, no longer burdened with
child-rearing, are busy at work in local factories, whose*owners,
with enlightened self-interest allow them to receive birth control
counseling on factory time. At the camera follows the mayor on
his self-congratulatory stroll through the town's streets, he is
finally constrained to comment on the dozens of male idlers
observing his passage. The men, he says, have already com-
pleted their daily duties elsewhere and are partaking of the
pleasures of small town sidewalk conviviality. In a flash the reality
of how a population may even in a relatively short run be molded
to the passing convenience of a particular form of capital is un-
equivocally brought home.
The transnational movement of workers is a constitutive
feature of capitalist relations and their expansion. Puerto Rico,
has passed in about a hundred years and under the aegis of two
metropolitan powers from the beginnings of agrarian capitalism
through its consolidation and decline, through forced draft exter-
nally financed industrialization, and on to become a high
technology, service and finance oriented "post-industrial"
dependency of the United States. (History Task Force 1979). On
a world scale this process occupied two to three centuries and, of
course, uprooted and totally reshuffled hundreds of the world's
population. It should come as no surprise that in this short span
Puerto Ricans have experienced in especially intense and visible
ways all the forms of population change and displacement
associated with the course of capitalism to the present day (Krip-
pendorff, 1976).
A reversal in the proportions in productive as against un-
productive labor is a key indicator of how far Puerto Rico has
gone in assuming the social configuration of the most advanced
capitalism formations. The reduction of agricultural production in
inconsequential proportions, technological change and the
export of manufacturing jobs area are all elements in the ebbing
of productive work. Fewer and fewer workers are engaged in the
production of commodities while more and more are in demand
in finance, transport, distribution, merchandising and security.
The social repercussions of these changes are far reaching. It not
only generates major social and ideological divisions within the
working class but enlarges so-called middle sectors and alters ex-
pectations of future development as more and more productive
tasks are exported. Illusions of mounting flourishing transnational
service platforms, centers of technology and culture, much in the
style of a Venetian princely commercial state, are as infectious in
the Caribbean as in lower Manhattan. Much harder to face is the
reality of having to extract even larger quanta of surplus value
from fewer and fewer productive workers to maintain an expan-
ding unproductive class and provide minimal subsistence to a
bloated reserve of unused labor. The present situation of Puerto
Rico may be taken as paradigmatic of the contradictions arising in
the transition to a service based economy.
Among the more significant outcomes of our continuing con-
cern with this participal case and its ramifications in the U.S. and
elsewhere has been the persistent reconfirmation of the underly-
ing structural unity of the social inequality borne by working
classes and their national, ethnic and sexually defined com-

ponents. The potential for a political expression of that unity is to-
day more apparent than ever despite the multi-ethnic-national
fragmentaion of the working class observable the world over. In
the U.S. setting, growing contingents of workers from Spanish-
speaking countries are coming into close relation with similarly
situated groups while maintaining their ties with the working
classes in their countries of origin as well as with more advan-
tageously place state of workers in the metropolis. The coming
struggle for the creation of jobs to fill the looming void of pro-
longed joblessness may serve as a unifying force for all workers as
it exposes the permanent contradiction of capitalism and its in-
ability to recover impetus or survive except at increasing costs in
real income to workers everywhere.

Five University of Florida Doctoral Candidates affiliated with
the Center for Latin American Studies have been awarded fund-
ing to do field work in Latin American and the Caribbean. They
include: John Butler, Anthropology (USDE Fulbright, Brazilian
Amazonia); John Wilson, Anthropology (National Science Foun-
dation and ARTP, Brazilian Amazonia); Jean Gearing,
Anthropology (ITE Fulbright, St. Vincent); Joe Scarpaci,
Geography (ITE Fulbright, Chile) and David Sowell, History
(Doherty Foundation, Colombia).
The Amazon Research and Training Program awarded seed
grants for field research to three University of Florida Students.
They are: Richard Pace, Anthropology; Claudia Tavera, Florida
State Museum; and Sandra Witt,, Anthropology. Allyn Stearman
(Anthropology, Central Florida University) has also received par-
tial funding from the ARTP to support her research in Bolivia.
Other fellowship recipients affiliated with the Center for Latin
American Studies include: Christine Horak, MALAS (Inter-
American Foundation and ARTP, Brazilian Amazonia) and Rober-
ta Goldman, Anthropology (Inter-American Foundation, Peru).
MALAS Candidates in the Conservation Program receiving fund-
ing from the World Wildlife Fund were: Mariella Leo (Peru);
Gustavo Fonseca (Brazil); and Jody Stallings (Paraguay). These
students will carry out research on primate conservation this

Dr. Helen I. Safa, Director of the Center for Latin American
Studies at the University of Florida, will assume the Presidency of
the Latin American Studies Association in July. In September,
Dr. Safa will be presiding over the first LASA Congress to be held
outside of the continental United States. The Congress, which
will be held in Mexico City from September 29 through October 1,
features approximately 250 sessions with over 1400 participants.
It is anticipated that this will be the largest meeting in the
organization's history. The conference will also be noteworthy in
that an attempt will be made to conduct the majority of the panels
in Spanish and Portuguese. A Latin American film festival will
also be featured with a total of 18 hours of festival films.
Numerous faculty members from the University of Florida will
attend the conference.

Dr. Raul Moncarz has accepted an invitation to be Visiting
Scholar in the Caribbean Migration Program for the Fall
Semester, 1983-1984. Dr. Moncarz is Professor of Economics at
Florida International University and has published numerous
articles on Caribbean migration and the integration of Hispanic
professionals into the U.S. labor market. This fall he will be
leading a seminar on "The Economics of Caribbean Migration".
The Caribbean Migration Program Committee recently met and
selected 5 candidates to receive Tinker Foundation fellowships
for the Hispanic Caribbean and two candidates to receive Ford
Foundation fellowships for the English/French/Dutch speaking
Caribbean. The candidates nominated come from the Dominican
Republic, Colombia, Barbados, Jamaica, Guyana, and the United

Helen Safa, Director of CLAS and David Bray, Visiting Assis-
tant in the Caribbean Migration Program, attended a seminar on
Dominican migration to the United States sponsored by the
Center for Latin American and Caribbean Studies, New York
University and the Museo del Hombre Dominicano. The seminar
was held in Santo Domingo April 27-29. Safa presented a paper
entitled "La Migracion Caribena a los Estados Unidos: Identidad
Cultural el Processo de Asimilacion" and Bray presented
"Agricultura de Exportacion, Formacion de Clases y Mano de
Obra Excedente: El Caso de la Fuerza Laboral en La Republica
Dominicana". The seminar brought together Dominican and U.S.
scholars who have been working on problems associated with
migration and development in the Dominican Republic

The A. Curtis Wilgus fellowship for 1983-1984 has been award-
ed to James Roberson, an M.A. candidate in the Department of
Anthropology at the University of Florida. The Wilgus Fellowship
is offered in honor of the late founding director of the School of
Inter-American Studies at UF, the predecessor to the CLAS. The
fellowship, which was initiated this year, will be offered annually
to graduate students affiliated with CLAS and provides funding
for initial field work. Roberson plans to use the fellowship to
study the impact of unemployment on bauxite workers in
Jamaica. Mrs. Curtis Wilgus visited the University of Florida in
early April to help launch the program.

The major summer outreach program will be the Summer
Institute for teachers (June 12-June 17). The Institute is spon-
sored by the Center for African Studies, the Center for Latin
American Studies, and the Department of Subject Specialization
(College of Education). Twenty participants from Alabama,
Georgia, North Carolina, and Florida will attend. Presentations
will be made by the following members of CLAS: Cesar Caviedes
(Geography), Terry McCoy (Political Science), Helen Safa (An-
thropology), Charles Wagley (Anthropology), and Doyle Casteel
Terry Trimble, social studies supervisor of Collier County, and a
staff of teachers are designing a new course in world studies.
Beginning in August the CLAS will assist in its implementation.
Clinton Rouse, social studies supervisor of Volusia County, and
a staff of teachers are developing a guide for teachers of the
world culture course they offer. During June and July, the CLAS
will provide technical assistance.
The Florida legislature is in the process of increasing re-
quirements for high school graduation. As currently written in the
Senate, two years of foreign language and three years of social
science, which will include world history and comparative
economic and political systems, are to be required. The Outreach
Coordinator, Doyle Casteel, is consulting with Randy Felton,
state social studies supervisor, concerning the service implica-
tions of this legislation.

From February through April, 1983 the colloquim series of the
Center for Latin American Studies presented various speakers
and activities. Sidney Mintz, Professor of Anthropology Johns
Hopkins University, gave a talk entitled "The Pause that
Refreshes" on February 1st. Sponsored by the Department of
Anthropology and CLAS, Frank Cancian on February 7 spoke on
"Changing Patterns of Stratification in Zinacantan." Dr. Cancian
is a Professor of Anthropology at the University of California,
Irvine. On February 14 Randal Johnson, Assistant Professor of
Portuguese at Rutgers University lectured on "Political Aspects
of the Brazilian Cinema." That evening, Paul Doughty, UF Pro-
fessor of Anthropology, presented the Grinter Gallery Exhibition
"Living through Tragedy: The Callejon de Huaylas, Peru."
General Valencia, Director of History, Universidad E Rosario,

Colombia, lectured on the movie "La Ultima Ruta de Bolivar" on
February 16. On February 17, the Brazilian movie "Antonio das
Mortes" was sponsored by the Amazon Research and Training
Program. Jose de Souza Martins, Professor of Sociology,
Universidade de Sao Paulo and Visiting Professor with the
Amazon Research and Training Program, spoke on Participant
Research/Resherche-Action/Investigacion-Accion: Common
People as Sociologists of Themselves," on February 23. On
February 24, Terry McCoy, Andres Suarez and Ceasar Caviedes
participated in the forum entitled "Internamerican Security:
Lessons from the South Atlantic".
A lecture entitled "Yuqui Indians of Eastern Bolivia: Learning
to be Peasants" was presented by Allyn Stearman, from Central
Florida University on February 28. Albert Mangones, Director of
ISPAN, Haiti, spoke on "Conservation of Cultural Patrimony and
the Heritage of Henri Christophe" on March 1st. On March 3rd
the Brazilian film "How Tasty was my Little Frenchman" was
shown. Anibal Quijano, Professor of History, University of San
SMarcos, Lima, and Edward Larocque Tinker Visiting Professor,
Colombia University, Institute of Latin American and Iberian
Studies spoke on "Campesinado y Movimientos Campesinos en
America Latina" on March 9. On March 12 the Grupo Amayra
performed Aymaran music and dance. Louis Perez, Historian,
University of South Florida, lectured on "The Enterprise of
History in Socialist Cuba" on March 23.
On April 4, Raymond Crist, Professor Emeritus of Geography,
-University of Florida, presented a lecture entitled "A Half Century
of Development along the Llanos-Andes Border in Venezuela".
Lidia Falcon, a Spanish feminist lawyer and writer lectured on
April 12. Her lecture "Writers and the Women's movement in
Spain" was sponsored by CLAS and the Department of Romance
Languages. On April 13, Paulo de Tarso Alvim, Technical-
Scientific Director of the Cacao Development Program in Brazil,
spoke on the "Challenge of Agricultural Development in the
Amazon Region." Alvim is a visitor at UF through the Amazon
Research and Training Program and IFAS.
Gustavos Wis More, Architect and Visiting Fulbright Scholar
from UNPHU, Dominican Republic, presented a slide lecture on
"La Identidad Nacional en la Arquitenture de la Era de Trujillo" on
April 20.

Mrs. Vivian Nolan, who has been a member of the staff of the
Center for Latin American Studies for twenty-two years, will
retire as administrative assistant in May 1983. Throughout the
years the faculty and students at the Center for Latin American
Studies have carried out research, traveled and resolved financial
matters thanks to Vivian Nolan's excellent administrative skills
and caring personal attention. The faculty, staff and students,
both past and present, are indebted to Mrs. Nolan for her
patience, perserverence and for assisting them in everything from
securing major research grants to finding housing in Gainesville.
They demonstrated this appreciation at a surprise picnic at the
home of Felicity Trueblood where they presented her with a
check for over 1,200 dollars and urged her to use it towards a trip
through Latin America. In Mrs. Nolan's own words, "I'm no
expert on Latin America after all of this time, but it is much more
than a drawing on a map now, for I've met and loved so many
warm and beautiful people from there and others whose interests
lie in so many parts of it."

Dr. Carter receives President's Medallion.

Dr. William Carter, Director of the Center of Latin American Studies from 1968 to 1977, was recently awarded the University of Florida
President's Medallion by President Robert Marston for his outstanding contribution and service to the Center for Latin American Studies. Dr.
Carter, a faculty member at the University of Florida for 17 years, was instrumental in establishing ties with many Latin American Institu-
tions, increasing the holdings of Latin American Collection in the University of Florida Library and securing federal funding for the CLAS.
Currently, Dr. Carter is Chief of the Hispanic Division of the Librpry of Congress.


Andres Avallaneda, Associate Professor of
Romance Languages and Literature recently published a
book entitled El habla de la ideologia. Historia y
literature en la obra de Borges, Bioy Casares, Martinez
Estrada, Cortazar y Anderson Imbert (Buenos Aires:
Sudamericana, 1983), and three articles: "Decir, Des-
decir," Ibero-Amerikanisches Archiv, IX, 1 (1983);
"Best-seller y codigo represivo en la narrative argentina
contemporanea, "Revista lberoamericana, XLIX, 123
(1983); and "Borges-Bioy: modelo para descifrar," in
Homenaje a Ana Maria Barrenechea (Madrid: Castalia.
1983). Professor Avellaneda also attended a meeting
sponsored by the American Jewish Committee and Pre-
sent Tense Review on the topic of Jewish Identity in
Argentine Literature, held in NYC on March 17. He also
read a paper in the Sixth Annual Meeting of the Con-
ference on Latin American Literature organized by the
Department of Spanish and Italian, the School of
Humanities and the Social Sciences Department of
Montclair State College (New Jersey, March 18-19,
1983). The title of his paper was "Current Situation of
Argentine Exile Literature."
David Niddrie, Professor of Geography contributed
a chapter to the revised edition of H. Blakemore and C.
Smith (eds) Latin America: A geographical perspective
1983. The chapter is entitled "The Caribbean."
Marianne Schmink, Executive Director of the
Amazon Research and Training Program, published
"Households Headed by Women and Urban Poverty in
Brazil" (with Tom Merrick) in Women and Poverty in the
Third World, Mayra Buvinic, Margaret Lycette and
William McGreebey (eds.). Baltimore and London:
Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983. Schmink also
presented a paper entitled "Household Economic
Strategies: A Review and Agenda for Research" at the
conference on Women and Men in Contemporary Pro-
duction: Capital Mobility and Labor Migration, Center
for U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of California, San
Diego, March 16, 1983. She also traveled to Jamaica,
Mexico and Peru in conjunction with the Population
Councial/AID Project on Women, Low Income
Households and Urban Services in Latin America and
the Caribbean, for which she is currently overseeing
nine research-action projects.

Yolando Lopez, Aymara Instructor, recently
presented a paper entitled "Aymara Riddles" at the

LAILA/ALILA first annual meeting at the University of
Pittsburg. April 22-23, 1983.

Richard R. Renner, Foundations of Education, will
be in Latin America for several weeks in May giving talks
on various educational topics. Lectures are scheduled in
Nassau, Quito, Buenos Aires, Santiago del Estero and
San Juan (Costa Rica). He is sponsored by the Inter-
national Communications Agency.

Adolfo Prieto, Graduate Research Professor of
Romance Languages and Literature, recently traveled to
the Staatsbibliotek, West Berlin, West Germany. His
trip was sponsored by the Department of Romance
Languages, CLAS, The Graduate School and the Col-
lege of Liberal Arts and Sciences. During his trip, Prieto
presented the following lectures: "El Fondo
bibliografico Lehmann-Nitsche" (Freie Universitat
Berlin); "El primer Modernismo" (Universite de
Rennes); "De la biblioteca total a la biblioteca de Babel"
(Universit$ de Caen); "Cinco lectures de El Sur"
(Universitede Paris III, Sorbonne Nouvelle); "Borges, El
pasaje del ensayo a la ficclon" (Universite de Paris X
Nanterre) and "Argentina, Mapa de lecture: 1880-1910"
(Centre D Etudes des Litteratures at des Civilisations du
Rio de la Plata, Paris).
Associate Professor of Art, John P. Scott, was
elected Vice-President for Pre-Colombian Art at the an-
nual meeting of the Association for Latin American Art
held in Philadelphia this past February. The Association
coordinates research efforts in the art history of the pre-
sent Latin American republics. Scott was also named
the President of the newly established Gainesville
chapter of the Archaeological Institute of America,
which will have its first meeting this fall.
Charles Burke, Associate Professor of Broadcasting
of the College of Journalism and Communications par-
ticipated in the "Journalits' and Editors' Workshop on
the Caribbean" held in Miami. Burke also submitted a
paper on "Idealogical bias in Nicaraguan newspapers"
to Gazette. It is under consideration, as is a modified
version of the same topic submitted to the Association
for Education in Journalism convention.
Christina H. Gladwin, Assistant Professor of Food
and Resource Economics recently published an article
entitled "Contributions of Decision Tree Methodology

to a Farming Systems Program" in Human Organization
M. W. Gordon, Professor of Law and Latin
American Studies, lectured on multinational corpora-
tions in the third world at the annual meeting of the
Wisconsin Bar Association in Milwaukee in April.
Gordon was also appointed Consulting Editor for the
Commercial, Business & Trade Laws series for Oceana
Publications, New York and to the Advisory Board of
the Professional Seminar Consultants, Inc., New York.
He received a Fulbright appointment to teach at the
University of Frankfort in Germany from April to July
1984, and will be a Visiting Professor at the Law School
of Duke University in the winter term, teaching Inter-
national Business and Comparative Law.
Maxine Margolis, Associate Professor of
Anthropology, is Director of this year's summer Por-
tuguese Language Program. She will accompany the
students on the University of Florida Program to Rio de
Janeiro in June and will be consulting with Brazilian
scholars regarding future research activities.

Emilio Bejel, Associate Professor of Romance
Languages and Literature recently attended a number of
conferences where he presented the following papers:
"Imagen y posibilidad en Lezama Lima", Symposium on
JosS Lezama Lima, Universite de Poitiers, France;
"Historia y Ficcion de America Latina en Lezama Lima,"
Symposium in honor of Augusto Roa Bastos, University
of Maryland; "El neobarroco y la imagen de
Latinoamerica en Lezama Lima." Symposium on the
Baroque and the Neo-baroque, Yale University; "Teorig
del arte y critical literaria en la Revoluclon Cubana,"
Symposium on Literary Criticism, University of Min-
nesota; and "La novel testimonial cubana," Caribbean
Student Association, Santo Domingo. Bejel recently
published two books entitled Huellas/Footprints
(Poetry) University Park: Hispamerica, 1982 and
Literature de Nuestra America (essays) Xalapa, Mexico:
Centro de Investigaciones Lingiusticas-Literarias, 1983.
Bejel's most recent articles include: "L'histoire at I'im-
age de I'Amerique latine selon Lezama Lime" ORACL
Poiters, France, 1983; "La transferencia dialetica en El
robo del cochino de Estorico," Inti, no.2, 1982, and
"Culture, hisoria y escritura en Lezama Lima, "Sym-
posium: Literature in translation: The Many Voices of
the Caribbean Area, University Park: Hispamerica, 1982.

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