Title Page
 Table of Contents
 Liber I: Capitula I-LX
 Liber XXI: Capitula I-IV, VI-XII,...
 Liber XXII: Capitula I-IX, XII-XIII,...
 Liber XXVI: Capitula I, IV-XV,...
 Liber XXVII: Capitula XXXVI, XXXIX-XL,...
 Liber XXX: Capitula XIX-XX,...

Group Title: Allyn and Bacon's college Latin series
Title: Livy
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00065156/00001
 Material Information
Title: Livy Book I, complete; books XXI and XXII, with omissions; and selections from books XXVI, XXVII, and XXX
Physical Description: 431 p. : illus. ; 19 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Titus Livius ( Livy ), 59 BC - AD 17
Westcott, John Howell, 1858-
Publisher: Allyn and Bacon
Place of Publication: Boston
Publication Date: 1924
Genre: non-fiction   ( marcgt )
Statement of Responsibility: Introduction and notes by J. H. Westcott.
Bibliography: Bibliography: p. xxxii-xxxiii.
Bibliography: Allyn and Bacon's college Latin series
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00065156
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: George A. Smathers Libraries, University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: aleph - 001723925
oclc - 00414464
notis - AJD6440
lccn - 04022259


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Table of Contents
    Title Page
        Title 1
        Title 2
        Page i
        Page ii
    Table of Contents
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        Page iv
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    Liber I: Capitula I-LX
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Full Text

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orfootb 1res
J. S. Gushing Co. Berwick & Smith Co.
Norwood, Mass., U.S.A.


THIS volume is an attempt to present in simple and
convenient form the assistance needed by young stu-
dents making their first acquaintance with Livy. Much
has been stated that would seem unnecessary, had not
the editor's experience in the class-room shown him the
There has been no attempt to make the orthography
absolutely uniform, or to adopt always the so-called
"classical" spelling. Such an orthography represents a
state of things which never existed in ancient times; and
the very variety of spelling should be instructive to the
student who has progressed far enough to read Livy.
The selection of the books contained in this volume is
not merely sanctioned by long usage, but rests upon good
reason. Book I forms a unit by itself, a "prose epic,"
dealing with the mythical age of the Roman kings, while
Books XXI-XXX not only exhibit the author's style
in its mature perfection, but also deal with the most thrill-
ing and momentous crisis of the Roman republic.

LXIII . 76

NOTES . 213


VICINITY OF ROME . Frontispiece






1. Late Development of Roman Literature. The life
of the Romans was intensely practical. Their national
career was extraordinarily active and strenuous. After a
long struggle for existence, and then for supremacy in
Italy, Rome suddenly found herself engaged in a series of
foreign wars, which erelong made her mistress of the world.
The Romans had been so busy making history that they
had not had time to write it or, indeed, for any form of
literature. The nation's best days were over before its
literature fairly began. When the nation at last became
conscious of its imperial destiny, it desired to read the
story of its growth and its triumphs. Thus the spirit of
the Roman writers, at once patriotic and matter of fact,
made them find in history a congenial field for their labors.
But unfortunately most of the history of the early cen-
turies had faded, ages before, from the memory of men.
The Romans of the early time had not dreamed of the
greatness that was to come. The larger part of the earlier
history had, therefore, to be invented by the patriotic
imagination of a later, a literary age.

2. The Earliest Records. It is not to be understood
that there were no records at all before the time of the his-
torians. At an unknown date the chief pontiffs had begun
to keep official calendars. At the beginning of each year
they hung up at the Regia, the official residence of the
chief pontiff, a whitened tablet tabulaa pontificis) bear-


ing the names of the magistrates of the year. On
this tablet, during the course of the year,, events
of religious significance such as eclipses, pesti-
lences, famines, and other prodigies were recorded,
with the dates of their occurrence. At the end of the
year the tablet was laid away with its predecessors, and
a new one took its place. It may be that, as time went on,
these priestly records grew somewhat fuller, but they
always remained meagre enough. About the time of the
Gracchi the practice of keeping the tabulae pontificis seems
to have been discontinued. P. Mucius Scaevola, pontifex
maximus, about 120 B.C. collected them in book form,
making the so-called Annales Maximi, in eighty books.
But as the pontiff's residence with all its contents doubt-
less perished in the burning of Rome by the Gauls in
387 or 390 B.C., some suppose that the archives for a few
years anterior to that date may have been restored from
memory, but that all the rest perished irrevocably.
Others, more sceptically inclined, think that the tabulae
pontificis were never begun before the third century B.C.
We hear something of libri lintei, linen books," con-
taining lists of magistrates from the time before the Gallic
conflagration, preserved in the temple of Juno Moneta on.
the Capitol, which escaped the general destruction; but
there are grave doubts of their genuineness, which are not
allayed by the knowledge that this temple was dedicated
in 344 B.C., nearly a half-century after the fire.
Inscriptions, which form so extensive a portion of the
memorials of later times, were very scanty before the devel-
opment of literature.
The family records and traditions of noble houses doubt-
less constituted an important, though unreliable, element
in the formation of the national history; and other im-
portant elements were the oral traditions of the people and
the metrical lays sung at feasts, whereby the legends of


the olden time were half-unconsciously preserved from
age to age.

3. Historical Poetry: Naevius and Ennius. About
two hundred years B.C. the earliest poets, Naevius and
Ennius, treated in epic form themes taken from the
national history, the one dealing thus with the First Punic
War, the other with the period from Aeneas to his own

4. The Annalists. -About the same time began the
practice of writing prose annals, that is, histories in strictly
chronological arrangement, with the events of each year
placed by themselves.
Nearly contemporary with Ennius was Q. Fabius Pictor,
one of the first annalists, whose grandfather had gained
this curious surname by painting a battle picture in the
temple of Salus, and who was himself a prominent public
man at the time of the Hannibalic war.
After this war was over he wrote in Greek an account of
it, addressed to the educated among his own countrymen
and to the Hellenic public, intended to offset the account
given by Silenus, Hannibal's Greek historiographer, which
he regarded as too favorable to the Carthaginians, and in-
tended also to glorify the achievements of his famous
kinsman, Fabius the Dictator. A general sketch of the
national history constituted the introductory portion of
this work, which was, upon the whole, of such a char-
acter that Fabius was not undeservedly called the father
of Roman history. Livy highly respected him and often
quoted his statements, but apparently at second hand
out of later annalists.
Contemporary with Fabius was L. Cincius Alimentus,
who likewise wrote in Greek. Latin prose had not yet
been developed into a fit vehicle of literary expression.


This writer was praetor in 211 B.C., and, having been
taken prisoner by Hannibal, had exceptional opportuni-
ties to inform himself with regard to the facts of the
Second Punic War, which was the subject of the more de-
tailed part of his work, though he also began at the foun-
dation of Rome.
L. Calpurnius Piso, the opponent of the Gracchi, con-
sul in 133 B.c., wrote Annales, from the earliest period
to his own time. Though he was one of the older annal-
ists, the Vetustiores, he showed a critical spirit, endeav-
oring to distinguish the historical from the mythical
elements in the accounts of the earliest times. He de-
serves especial respect for the soberness of his view, but
his style was dry and unattractive.
Q. Claudius Quadrigarius and Valerius Antias lived in
the time of Sulla. The former wrote annals beginning at
the destruction of Rome by the Gauls and extending, prob-
ably, to Sulla's death. Valerius Antias is responsible, per-
haps, for more invention than any other writer of Roman
history. His Annales, in at least seventy-five books, cov-
ered the whole period from the earliest times down to his
own day. Where the story seemed bare and bald he
adorned it with the creations of his own lively imagina-
tion. Fact and fiction flow along together in the stream
of his narrative; and as his style was attractive, his work
found many readers. Unfortunately it was much used
as an authority by later writers. Livy was often led
astray by him, and sometimes expressed his irritation
at this agreeable but unsafe guide.1
Two others of the later annalists were C. Licinius Macer,
father of the poet Licinius Calvus, and Q. Aelius Tubero,
the accuser of Ligarius, and later in life a distinguished
jurist; both were contemporaries of Cicero.
1But see A. A. Howard, Valerius Antias and Livy, Harvard Studies,
xvii, 161.


Macer was an ardent democrat, whose passionate hatred
of aristocrats strongly colored his writings, making them
the more interesting to his readers, but likewise causing
them to be looked on with disapproval and therefore to
be comparatively little quoted by later historians, most of
whom had aristocratic sympathies.
Tubero's Historiae were highly praised for their accuracy
by his friend Dionysius of Halicarnassus, the learned Greek
who wrote a history of Rome down to the First Punic War.
Tubero's narrative began with the landing of Aeneas, and
its title seems to imply that it extended to the author's
own time; for it was customary to call histories of past
times Annales, and those dealing with contemporary
events Historiae.
These are the names of a few of the best known of the
many annalists of the last two centuries of the republic,
whose works we know for the most part only in quotations
by later writers.

5. Anti-annalistic Writers.- Early in this period,
however, M. Porcius Cato, the Censor, who had been the
first to write history in Latin, also took the initiative
in breaking away from the annalistic method. In his
Origines he treated of Rome under the kings and of
the early history of the Italian nations; then he wrote the
later history, from the First Punic War almost to the end
of his own lifetime.
Some years later L. Caelius Antipater (after 120 B.c.)
wrote his account of the Second Punic War independently
of the annalists. He was a man of culture and learning,
a friend of C. Gracchus and the younger Scipio and
Laelius. Dissatisfied with previous accounts of the war,
written entirely from the Roman point of view, he con-
sulted the history of Silenus, and compared it with the
accounts given by his own countrymen.


He tried also to introduce a better literary.style, and
inserted speeches into the course of his narrative, not
merely to explain it, but also as a means of giving ex-
pression to his own reflections and the supposed views of
the actors in the story.
Though there were other writers who decidedly opposed
the annalistic method, yet it seems, on the whole, to have
retained its popularity with both authors and readers.

6. Special Works, but no Great General History. At
the end of the republic, besides general histories, there were
numerous biographies, memoirs, and monographs, dealing
with the careers of individuals or with short periods or
episodes in the career of the nation. The catalogue of
historical writers in the various departments is a long one.
Yet Cicero (de Leg. i. 5) laments Abest historic litteris
nostris," for none of the histories that had then appeared
were worthy as literature of a place beside the poetry and
oratory of the age. Even when Sallust and Caesar had
published their works, which have been recognized ever
since as models of Latin prose, there was still no great
general history in Roman literature. The troublous times
of the civil wars were not favorable to the production of
such a work. The proper surroundings and inspiration
were to come in the next generation, in the calm after the
storm, in the peace and repose of the Augustan Age. And
when Cicero wrote the words there was a boy growing up
to manhood who was to remove forever the cause of his

1. Birthplace. Titus Livius Patavinus was born in
59 B.C., the year of Julius Caesar's first consulship, at
Patavium, now Padua, the ancient capital of the Veneti.
The city, so tradition said, had been founded by Antenor,


the companion of Aeneas. At all events, it was proud
of its early relations with Rome, of which it had always
been a staunch friend, notably during the Hannibalic
War. But as it lay for the most part out of the way of
wars and in the way of commerce," the city had. grown
populous and wealthy. In the time of Strabo (Livy's
contemporary) it was one of the most important cities of
the empire, having five hundred citizens of equestrian
census, ranking in this respect next to Capua and third in
Italy. Yet with all this prosperity the inhabitants were
celebrated for their antique virtue and pure morals. The
town received Roman citizenship by the lex Julia in 49
B.C., and was incorporated into the Fabian tribe.

2. Family and Education. Life at Rome. We do
not know when Livy's family had settled at Patavium,
but there is evidence that it was a noble family and in easy
circumstances. Our author doubtless received the edu-
cation usual for young Romans of rank, and we know
that he made a special study of rhetoric and philosophy.
The time and circumstances of his removal to the capital
are not known, but probably it occurred about the time
of the battle of Actium. While still a young man he was
in high favor with Augustus, and a member of the brilliant
literary circle that was the chief ornament of the emperor's
court. He seems to have enjoyed intimate friendship
with the family of the Caesars, and even to have had
apartments in the palace. He informs us that Augustus
took a personal interest in the composition of his history,
and perhaps his undertaking was largely due to the in-
fluence of the emperor, who had made an epic poet of
Vergil almost in spite of.himself.
Suetonius says it was by the advice of Livy that the
young Claudius, afterward emperor, took to writing his-
tory. Yet Livy was too candid to be a flatterer, and it


was not altogether a jest when Augustus called him a
Pompeian; for, while admitting the great qualities of
Julius Caesar, he openly questioned whether it would not
have been better for the state if he had never been born.

3. Scanty Biographical Details. About Livy's private
life we possess very few details. He had a son, and a
daughter who married a rhetorician named L. Magius.
He never held office or took any part in politics, but lived
a life of scholarly quiet, steadily engaged upon the history
that was his life work. We do not know whether his
occasional absences from Rome were long continued or
whether his residence there was permanent. He may
have retired to spend his last years in his native town, for
he died there in 17 A.D., surviving Augustus three years.
In 1413 some workmen, making excavations at Padua,
discovered a coffin which was thought to contain the bones
of the historian, and the city erected a sumptuous tomb in
his honor. But subsequent investigation showed that the
remains were those of a freedman whose patron had hap-
pened to bear the name of the historian.

4. First Works. Livy's earliest writings were philo-
sophical and rhetorical. They have not been preserved.
Whether he was actually a teacher of rhetoric is doubtful,
but it is evident that he was a master-of the art so highly
prized by the Romans, and never more prized than after
free speech had become a thing of the past.

5. Scope of his History. The Extant and the Lost
Books. Livy's great history extended from the landing
of Aeneas in Latium to the death of Drusus in 9 B.c.
The latter event is hardly important enough to form a
fitting close to such a work, and it is possible that the
author would have continued it to the death of Augustus


if his own life had been spared a few years longer. In
that case he would have reached the point where the
Annals of Tacitus begin.
Of the entire one hundred and forty-two books, there
are extant, besides scanty fragments of others, in partic-
ular of the gist and i20th, but thirty-five, viz. i-io and
21-45, and of these the 41st and 43d are incomplete. No
more than these were extant in the Middle Ages; and as
no trace of the lost books has been discovered since the
seventh century, the often-excited, long-cherished hopes of
finding them will probably never be realized. The missing
portions were not only far greater in quantity than what
has been preserved, but they possessed greater historical
value. By way of compensation we have only the meagre
summaries (not directly of Livy's books, but of an
epitome),1 periochae, as they are called, written by a later
hand, probably in the fourth century. For some periods
these are the only authority that we possess.

6. Date of Composition. Division into Decades. -
The work seems to have been begun about 27 B.c. (not
earlier), when the historian was in his thirty-third year,
and it was continued steadily through the rest of his life,
more than forty years. The books must have been pub-
lished in instalments; for the author enjoyed in his life-
time the most extensive fame, as appears from Pliny's
story of the man who travelled from Cadiz to Rome for
the sole purpose of seeing his face. But the division into
decades (i.e. groups of ten books), so convenient for pur-'
poses of reference, was in all probability not made by
Livy himself, though there are various groups of five, ten,
or fifteen books which form units within the limits of the
1 H. A. Sanders, The Lost Epitome of Livy, University of Michigan Stud-
ies, Humanistic Series, Vol. I (1904), 149-260.


Book I covers two hundred and forty-four years, the
time of the kings, besides the brief summary of the Trojan
and Alban myths; the first decade extends to the close
of the Second Samnite War; the lost second decade told
of the Third Samnite, the Pyrrhic, and the First Punic
War and the interval before the Second; the entire third
decade is devoted to the Second Punic or Hannibalic War.
Book XLV brings us to the year 167 B.C., and the triumph
of Paulus after the conquest of Macedonia; so that the
remainder of the history, ninety-seven books, covered one
hundred and fifty-eight years, less than two years to a
book, showing that the lost portions were much more
detailed than the extant portions.

7. Treatment of the Legendary Period. The legend
of the foundation of the city, which many annalists,had
treated at great length and adorned with later. fables of
Greek invention, Livy gives in short and simple form.
Similar in spirit is his treatment of the history of the kings,
in which he followed such annalists as Piso and Tubero,
doubtless borrowing some features of the story from the
poet Ennius. Throughout the first decade he followed
various annalists, and here he was led into some blunders,
as he afterward discovered, by Valerius Antias.

8. Authorities for the Third Decade. On coming to
the Second Punic War, Livy found contemporary author-
ities to draw upon. All through the third decade there
are traces of a considerable use of Caelius Antipater. In
Books XXI and XXII he expressly cites Fabius Pictor and
Cincius Alimentus, and it is evident that he consulted a
number of other annalists, to whom he refers by general

9. Relation to Polybius. In this decade Livy had at
his command the great Greek historian, Polybius, whose


universal history, in forty books, extended from the be-
ginning of the Second Punic War to the destruction of
Carthage and Corinth. Polybius was one of the thousand
Achaeans exiled to Italy in 167 B.C. He lived on intimate
terms with the younger Scipio and his friends, and sup-
plemented his exceptional opportunities for gathering
information by extensive travel in the east and west. He
treated his subject in a critical and philosophic spirit, was
impartial in his attitude and sure in his judgment. His
style was clear, simple, and unadorned, his matter ad-
mirably arranged; and though his work is in some places
dry reading, it was a most excellent source of information
for subsequent writers.
From the beginning of the third decade many passages
of Livy correspond with Polybius, some of them exactly;
but it would not be safe to conclude that this was due to
direct copying. There has been much controversy about
the relation of our author to his Greek predecessor. Some
have thought that he followed Polybius directly, from the
beginning of this decade, wherever it suited his purpose;
others, that he was simply following Caelius, who drew
from the same source as Polybius, namely, Silenus; others,
again, that he was following continually through this
decade the account of Claudius Quadrigarius, and that
certain passages taken from Polybius were inserted after-
ward. The dependence on Polybius, direct or indirect,
is greater after the affairs of Greece and Macedonia be-
come involved in the story, namely, from Book XXIII
onward, but Polybius is never quoted by name before
Book XXX, chapter 45.

10. Livy's Uncritical Methods. It is not fair, in
charging Livy with negligence and credulity, to judge
him by the standard of modern methods. The classical
and medieval historians, in treating of times prior to


their own, were usually content to take the writings of
previous chroniclers as the basis of their own work, -
to transcribe bodily without naming the earlier author,
and to amend or modify if they saw fit.'
It was only when they reached contemporary events
that their labor became original and independent. A
critical investigator of facts, like Polybius, was a rare
exception. The physical difficulty of a thorough colla-
tion of authorities in antiquity was a serious obstacle to
critical research. The most industrious of modern in-
vestigators, if deprived of printed books, catalogued li-
braries and carefully arranged state archives freely opened
to students, could accomplish comparatively little. Few
of the ancients could possibly have made thorough pre-
liminary studies of their subjects, in any such sense as
we now understand the words. Besides, a searching ex-
amination of all authorities was foreign to Livy's purpose,
which was moral and artistic, not critical. It was to a
large extent impossible under the conditions of his age,
and was not desired by his contemporaries. Therefore
when he is accused of writing from chroniclers and not
from documents, while we must admit that he made no
effort to discover new documents and did not even take
the trouble to examine those that were within his reach,
we must also remember that this was the fashion of his
age, not his peculiar fault. We should be doing him great
injustice if we failed to recognize his sincere desire to tell
the truth, which he regarded as the first duty of the histo-
rian, and of which he continually gave evidence. In
those days, history that was already ancient was regarded
as closed and settled. People expected to find in the
annalists all there was to know of the subject, and so,
for the early times, Livy looked upon them as his only
1 See Soltau, Livius' Geschichtswerke, etc., cited on page xxxii.


11. Impossibility of Estimating Livy as an Original
Historian.- The result of this ancient method was, of
course, much confusion and contradiction, most of which
will never be satisfactorily elucidated. It is peculiarly
unfortunate that, through the loss of all the later books,
which treated of recent and contemporary events and
were addressed to a public able to detect errors of fact or
deficiency of information, we are not in a position to es-
timate Livy as an original historian.
He has been reproached, moreover, with having con-
fined himself too exclusively to the narration of events,
and with having neglected all that concerned civilization,
institutions, laws, manners, literature, and the arts. It
is true that in describing wars he appears as the most un-
military of historians; that he had no adequate under-
standing of legal institutions and of constitutional de-
velopment; that he was confused in chronology, careless
in topography in short, indifferent about details of
fact. Moreover, like most of the ancients, he had little
idea of the philosophy of history, cared not for abstract
discussion, and preferred, when he had to explain the
causes of events, to put his reflections into the mouths
of his personages. This practice was not natural, to be
sure, but its improbability was atoned for by the great
oratorical beauties of which it was the occasion.

12. His Character as Shown in His Work. -Though we
know so little about Livy's life, in his works we learn to
know and love him. His central theme is the grandeur of
eternal Rome. He gives the index to his mental attitude
in his preface. It is evident that he took a patriotic pleas-
ure in his work, as a consolation for the death of republi-
can freedom and for the existing conditions which con-
tained so much that was saddening to his heart.
Moral Earnestness..- He had an earnest moral purpose,


- to hold up before the degenerate Romans of his own
day the picture of the virtues of their ancestors, which
had made the brave days of old so truly glorious. This
he was able to do better than any of his predecessors, by
his poetic instinct, by his rare rhetorical and dramatic
talent, and by his.unusual power of sympathetic treatment,
which renders all that is high and noble so attractive to
his readers. His ethical purpose is all the better fulfilled
because he does not stop to moralize.
He had a lofty if the word be not too modern, a
romantic conception of the Roman virtues, forti-
tude, valor, magnanimity, candor, obedience to authority,
self-restraint, incorruptible integrity, self-sacrificing pa-
triotism, which led him often to idealize the heroes of
the olden time. When forced to disapprove of the con-
duct of his countrymen, he condemns it as un-Roman.
We realize his firm belief in Rome's destiny to dominion
and permanence, a destiny resting upon the national
character. He deeply regretted the decay of the old-
fashioned sturdy virtues and the ancient religious faith
of the people, and felt, with Augustus and with Horace,
the necessity for their revival. He had probably no dis-
tinct religious belief, but his nature was pious and rev-
Republican and Aristocratic Sympathies. Though he
accepted the imperial rule as established by Augustus, and
lived: on friendly terms with the emperor, it was rather
with resignation than with enthusiasm. The. existing
state of. things was the best. possible under the circum-
stances, but not the ideally best. His heart was with the
older, better time of liberty- the only condition worthy,
inhis view, of men of self-respect. And by liberty he did
not.understand the license of the many, the mob rule of
democracy, but the tempered, self-restrained, law-abiding
freedom of the best days of the aristocracy, when the


counsels of the state were really directed by her wisest
and best citizens. His admiration for the Pompeian party,
whose side Patavium had espoused in the civil war, was
based upon an ideal conception of its aim as an attempt
to restore that long-perished condition of the republic.
Though his sympathies are essentially aristocratic, he so
disliked all that was violent or subversive of the peace
and order of society that he hated an aristocrat like
Appius Claudius, the decemvir, as heartily as he despised
the most turbulent tribune of the plebs.
Conservatism and Piety. His temperament was in-
tensely conservative, and therefore, with poetic apprecia-
tion, he repeated the legends of the early days which had
long ago become a part of the national memory, not con-
cealing the fact that they contained a large mythical
element, but presenting them in their main features, with
simplicity and dignity, doing away with a great accumu-
lation of inappropriate additions of later times. But
we are not to understand him as vouching for the truth
of every story he relates. In this same conservative
spirit he reports prodigies and miracles, realizing that
they were in great part the creations of excited imagina-
tion, but not feeling called upon to question what the
best men had believed and acted upon in the past, and
considering them also an important feature in the pic-
tures he drew of by-gone times part of the scenery, so
to speak, amid which the actors had moved. Remember-
ing the age in which he lived, it is evident that, though
he was devout and imaginative, with a profound reverence
for the mighty past and for the powers of the unseen
world, he could not possess the childlike credulity of a
primitive civilization.
The kindliness of his nature appears in sympathy for the
oppressed and unfortunate; his indignation at wrong,
deceit, and oppression is honest and spontaneous.-


Patriotic Bias. The warmth of his patriotism was
such that it sometimes betrayed him into partiality to his
countrymen and injustice toward their opponents: but
this fault is only the excess of a virtue, and we can regard
it more charitably than the cold impartiality of those who
have no patriotism to bias their judgments; and the
essential candor of his disposition led him to appreciate
what was great or good wherever he found it.1

13. Literary Excellence. However Livy has been
criticised for his historical methods, as a writer he has met
with nothing but praise. His language is rich, clear,
harmonious, -in its higher flights comparable to the
eloquence of the greatest orators. Quintilian, the prince
of ancient critics, characterizes it most happily by the
phrases lactea ubertas and "clarissimus candor "
(x. I, 32 and 1oi). In ordinary narrative, simple and
easy, at times even careless, he rises without effort to
eloquence, and his tone is always proportioned to the
nature of his subject. He excels in painting the great
scenes in the nation's life, the bitterness of party struggles,
the passions of the masses, the joy and dread of multi-
tudes. Stroke by stroke his periods seem to grow under
his hand till he finally makes us almost see with our bodily
eyes the scenes he portrays. To read his pictured page "
is like wandering down a long, stately gallery, the walls
all glowing with the rich colors of historical paintings.
He lives with his characters, and makes their feelings his
own. In the extant books there are over four hundred
speeches. He is a dramatist as well as an orator. In
the expression of emotions, and especially of pathos, he
is unequalled.
Patavinity." His modern admirers cannot fail to re-
1 R. B. Steele, The Historical Attitude of Livy, American Journal of Phi-
lology, xxv (1904), 15-44.


joice that he enjoyed the good fortune of being appre-
ciated by his contemporaries. So far as we know, there
was but one dissenting voice, perhaps the voice of jeal-
ousy,' amid the universal chorus of admiration. Quin-
tilian says (viii. i, 3), In Tito Livio putat inesse
Pollio Asinius quandam Patavinitatem." Evidently this
was a charge of provincialism, which may have been
intelligible at the time, but which to modern scholars has
proved a subject of much inquiry, more curious than

14. Livy Marks a Transition in the Latin Language. -
In point of language, Livy, together with Sallust and
Nepos, is the connecting link between the golden and
silver ages of Latinity: he possesses the qualities of the
latter in such degree only as to enhance -the beauties of
the former. He is the one great prose writer among the
poets of the Augustan Age, as Catullus and Lucretius
were the only great poets amid the prose authors of the
Ciceronian period.
We must beware of being misled by that convention
which has fixed upon the prose of the Ciceronian Age,
and rightly so, as the highest standard of Latinity. We
do find the sermo urbanus, the style of the cultured Roman
gentleman, in its purity and austerity, in the prose of
Cicero and Caesar, but it would have been neither possible
nor desirable for later writers to go on forever conforming
strictly to their canons. Life in language and literature
means change and development. Latin had an imperial
destiny, it was to throw off the restraints proper to the
language of a cultured caste in a single city, and to become
the language of the civilized Western World. What it
lost in simplicity and severity, it gained in richness and
1 It is evident, from the amusing story in Seneca Rhetor, Suas. VI. 27,
that Pollio was jealous of Cicero, at any rate.


variety. We find in the syntax of the Imperial prose
greater flexibility and freedom; in the diction, greater.
richness and splendor. Let us say that Livy's Latin is
different from Cicero's and Caesar's, rather than that it is
Without speaking of new words and new turns of ex-
pression, his syntax is already sensibly modified, partly in
consequence of natural development, partly through the
influence of the language of poetry, and perhaps of the
language of the people, both of which, in the imperial
epoch, penetrated more and more into the structure of
prose. This mixture, showing a little in Livy, is a sign
of approaching change; another sign is that certain words
and certain forms have in his'diction already lost their
proper sense. His style, in short, with all its brilliancy
and all its charm, has not the severity and simplicity of
the preceding age.'

15. Peculiarities of Style. The peculiarities of the
style of Tacitus have been conveniently put under three
heads, brevitas, varietas, color poeticus. Livy has the
last two, as decidedly as he lacks the first. In the periods
of Cicero's rhetorical prose we find a carefully adjusted
balance of the parts, perfect symmetry of clauses and
phrases. In Livy and in Sallust there is a constant
variety in the coordinate elements, and an intentional
lack of symmetry, which, a century later, in Tacitus de-
velops into the most pronounced peculiarity.

16. Essentially a Ciceronian. Yet essentially Livy
is a Ciceronian in style: his sustained elevation, abun-
dance, at times a little excessive, rich coloring, vivid
imagination, seem to be the actual fulfilment of Cicero's
1 J. W. Mackail, Latin Literature, N.Y., 1895, pages I45-I55.


own ideal of the historical style, which, he says (Orator,
xx. 66), differs from the oratorical almost as much as the
poetic style." Quintilian declares (x. i, 31) that history
is like an epic in prose," having the right to borrow of
poetry some of its liberties. This theory Livy appears
to have put into practice. In fact, next to the oratorical
form of thought and expression, his most salient charac-
teristic is the poetic coloring he assumes from time to
time, consisting in the employment of words or con-
structions rare in prose, in the boldness of his images,
and in turns of phrase unlike the ordinary manner of

17. Livyf in Ancient, Mediaeval, and Modern Times. -
Apparently Livy was more read by the Romans than any
other author except Vergil. His history was the source
of material for countless later writers, and, for the con-
venience of readers, extracts and abridgments without
number were made. Like Vergil he was idealized in the
Middle Ages, and we find Dante speaking of him as Livio
che non erra. By the great scholars of the Renais-
sance he was eagerly and affectionately studied, and
earnest efforts were made to find his lost books. Modern
scholarship has always been busy with Livy. The first
great critical edition of the text was that of Gronovius
(Leyden, 1644). In the nineteenth century the two men
who did most to place the study of Livy on a solid scien-
tific basis and to ensure it substantial advancement were
Nicholas Madvig, who died in 1886, and Wilhelm Weissen-
born, who died in 1878. Their work is being carried on
to-day by a host of scholars, whose labors are continually
helping to establish a more correct text and to attain a
better knowledge of a thousand matters which are im-
portant for a complete understanding of the contents of
Livy's great history.



Much of the effect produced by Livy's style is due to
the skilful arrangement of his periods. The order of
words in a Latin sentence is often too subtle to be ap-
preciated without careful study and long experience. But
there are many obvious features of Livy's diction and
syntax which even a beginner can readily observe.

1. Nouns. General Uses

a. Concrete singulars are much used for collectives or
eques habitually for equitatus, e.g. page 47, line 18; similarly
pedes, miles, Romanus, Poenus; e.g. Poenus' for exercitus
Punicus, page 82, line 22; vestis in a collective sense, page
100, line 20.
b. Abstract for concrete substantives.
servitia for servos, page 51, line 16; remigio for remigibus, page
92, line 29; dignitates, page 153, line 15..

c. Fondness for verbals in -us.
traiectu, page 6, line 14; saltatu, page 26, line 8; ductu, page
77, line 7; vestitus, page 79, line 12.
d. Fondness for verbals in -tor and -sor, used both sub-
stantively and adjectively.
exercitu victor, page 14, line 31; ostentator, page 15, line i;
liberator animus, page 70, line 15.

e. Appositive nouns equivalent to attributive adjec-
tives or phrases.
pastor accola, page o1, line 12.
f. Attributive phrases consisting of a noun and a prep-
ex minoribus castris aquatores, page 158, line 7; ex laetitia
epulis, page 163, line 12; line 7.


2. Genitive
a. Possessive, used predicatively.
tutelae essent, page 9, line 19; alterius morientis prope totus
exercitus fuit, page 163, line 8.
b. Partitive with adjectives.
in inmensum altitudinis, page 103, line 6; aestatis reliquom,
page 143, line 29; ad multum diei, page 158, line 5.
3. Dative
a. "Predicative or of service."
diis cordi esset, page 50, line 22; usui essent, page 96, line 20.
b. Instead of the accusative or ablative with a prep-
osition, especially after compounded verbs. This usage
is more free and less precise than that of strict prose; it is
characteristic of poetic style.
adequitando portis, page 19, line 19; mare flunminibus invexit,
page 136, line 22.
c. Extensive use of the dative of reference and of
agency with the involved idea of interest.
quaerentibus ratio initur, page 29, line 32.
d. The use of the dative with adjectives is very free.
absonum fidei, page 20, line 22.
4. Accusative
a. Adverbial or synecdochical.
cetera egregium, page 41, line 12; adversum femur ictus, page
81, line 9.
b. Omission of direct object, especially with
ducere (exercitum), page 29, line 4; tenere (cursum), page 3,
line 16.
5. Ablative
a. Extensively used without prepositions where they
would normally be expected -the local ablative con-
stantly shading off into the modal or instrumental.


(in) carpento sedenti, page 45, line 16; profectus (cum) sexa-
ginta longis navibus, page 94, line 21; lapides (de) caelo
cecidisse, page 131, line 5.
But it is common in other authors, in military expressions
to omit cum.

b. Names of towns from which motion occurs regularly
take ab.
c. Comparatio compendiaria.
omnium spe celerius, page 80, line 6.

6. Adjectives

a. Fondness for adjectives ending in -bundus.
b. For the adjective ingens, a favorite with poets.
c. Use of adjectives as substantives, with or without
ellipsis of a substantive.
Vestalem (virginem), page 6, line 26.

d. Predicate adjectives in an adverbial sense.
mitem praebuisse, page 7, line 16; prosper evenissent, page 91,
line 26.

e. In the sense of objective genitives.
consularibus inpedimentis, page 128, line 7.

f. In the neuter, with or without a partitive genitive
(see 2, b), in the sense of an abstract noun.
ex infimo, page 12, line 28; pro indignissimo, page 51, line Ii.

7. Particles

a. Fondness for adverbs in -im.
gravatim, page 4, line 30; pedetemptim, page 97, line 30.

b. Adverbs with the function of attributive adjectives.
quadraginta deinde annos, page 20, line 26; omnium circa
populorum, page 74, line 23.


c. Peculiar use of certain adverbs.
circa for time as well as place; ceterum = sed; sometimes it is
not perceptibly adversative, but merely has the force of the
French du reste; iuxta = pariter; adhuc for past time;
unde, ibi, inde, istic, referring to persons; admodum with
d. Adverbial phrases consisting of an adjective or parti-
ciple with a preposition.
ex insperato, page 32, line 12; ab destinato, page. 122, line II;
in aperto, page 135, line 4.
e. Adeo is much used to introduce an explanation of a
preceding statement; e.g. page 84, line 27.
f. There are many parenthetical clauses introduced by
g. The preposition ab is very frequently used in this
form, rather than a, before consonants.

8. Verbs

a. Excessive use of iteratives or intensive, often with
the precise meaning of the simple verbs.
imperitabat, page 27, line 29.
b. Simple verbs for compounds, as in the poets.
in maius veroferri, page o10, line 23 ; missum, page 12i, line 26.
c. Fui and fueram as auxiliaries instead of sum and
eram. Forem for essem.
d. Frequent appearance of primary tenses of the sub-
junctive in dependent clauses of oratio obliqua, where the
rule of sequence would call for secondary tenses (re-
E.g. Tarquin's speech, page 64, lines 5 sqq.
This must not be confused with the use of the perfect
subjunctive in the aorist sense, corresponding to the
indicative indefinite or historical perfect.


e. The iterative use of the imperfect and pluperfect sub-
junctive is frequent.
ubi dixisset, page 43, line 8; ut destitueret, page 97, line 7.
f. Passive in middle or reflexive sense.
demissa, page 45, line 17; perfunderis, page 57, line 14; pandi,
page 135, line 13.
g. Neuter verbs impersonally used in compound tenses
of the passive.
tumultuatum (erat), page 88, line 13; perventum (est), page 103,
line 23; est cessatum, page 163, line 5.

9. Participles

a. Ablative absolute without a substantive.
inaugurate, page 47, line 22; inexplorato, page 135, line ii.
b. Past passive participle for verbal abstract noun.
iram praedae amissae, page 8, line 6; degeneratum in aliis,
page 65, line 25.
c. Participles of deponent verbs in a passive sense.
experts, page 45, line 35.
d. Present participle as a substantive.
legentium, page i, line 14; ab circumstantibus, page 77, line 20;
scribentis, page i, line 21; inferentis vim, page Iio, line 31.
e. The past participle is often used without any feeling
of tense.
moritur uxore relicta, page 44, line 25.
f. The use of participles instead of developed clauses is
carried to an advanced degree and is a decided charac-
teristic of our author.
deditos adfecturi fuerunt, page iii, line 3; increpans
quidem ceterum, page 141, line 13.
Sometimes they are introduced by a particle.
velut trepidante equitatu, page 19, line 23.


g. Participle omitted.
aqua ex opaco specu (sc. profluens), page 27, line 4; pugna ad
Trebiam (sc. commissa), page 28, line 28. Cf. i, f.

h. Participles in the comparative and superlative de-
occultiores, page ioi, line 30; extentissima valle, page 102,
line 4.

i. Gerund and gerundive in the ablative, modal or in-
miscendo, page 2, line 2; quaerendis vadis, page 97, line 30.
Notice Book XXII, chap. 14, in which there are nine ablative

k. In general, Livy's use of participles is very highly
developed, and shows extraordinary skill and variety.
Study, for example, Book XXII, chap. 7, which contains nearly
thirty participles.

10. Figures of Rhetoric and Grammar

a. Alliteration.
Romulus, rex, regia, page 15, line 6.
There are six examples in Book XXII, chap. 39.

b. Anacoluthon.
Anci filii duo inpensius iis indignitas crescere, page 51,
lines I1-14; also, perhaps, In Hasdrubalis locum haud
dubia res fuit, quin favor plebis sequebatur, page 77,
line 29 to page 78, line 3.

c. Anaphora.
Hic terminum dedit, hic mercedem dabit, page 1og, lines 29, 30.

d. Anastrophe of prepositions.
Faesulas inter Arretiumque, page 133, line 17.

e. Asyndeton.
di homines, page 84, line 4; nautarum militum, page 96, line
25; comminus eminus, page 104, line 9.


f. Brachylogy.
ad fidem promissorum, page 103, line 30.
g. Chiasmus.
Rebus perpetratis vocataque multitudine, page II, line 23.
h. Comparatio compendiaria. See 5, c.
mutatam secum, page 112, line 16.
i. Construction ad sensum (synesis).
Magna pars raptae (i.e. virgines), page 13, line 24; omnis aetas
.obvii, page 211, line 8.
k. Ellipsis.
ne errarent, page 66, line 18; ni intervenissent, page 61, line 17;
At enim, e.g. page 90, line 15.
1. Inversion in familiar phrases.
bello domique, page 45, line 35; Vere primo, page 91, line 22.
m. Paronomasia.
consilio auxilioque, page 68, line 7; hostis pro hospite, page 73,
line 6.
n. Pleonasm.
long ante alios acceptissimus, page 20, line 28; Itaque ergo,
page 31, line 17; nova de integro, page 136, line 18, and page
224, line 13.

The text of the first decade comes to us through recen-
sions by Victorianus (fourth century) and two Nicomachi
(fifth century). The best MSS. representing them are the
Codex Mediceus (M) (eleventh century), at Florence and
the Codex Parisinus (P) No. 5725 (tenth century) in the
Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris. Earlier MSS. once
known to scholars have disappeared.
For the third decade the chief source of the text is the
Codex Puteanus (P) No. 5730 (sixth century), at Paris.
As several leaves at the beginning are missing, we are
reduced, for the first two-thirds of Book XXI, to two


MSS. derived from the Puteanus, the Colbertinus
No. 5731 (C) (tenth or eleventh century), at Paris, and
the Mediceus (M) (eleventh century), at Florence.
The text of Livy was first printed at Rome in 1469. The
first great critical edition was that of Gronovius, Leyden,
1644, which remained the standard for nearly two cen-
turies. A number of excellent editions have appeared
since 1830, and the first rank among annotated modern ones
is held by those of Madvig (Copenhagen) and Weissen-
born 1 (Berlin). Probably the best editions of the text
of the books in this volume are those of Conway and
Walters, Books I-V, Oxford, 1914, and Luchs, Berlin,
Vol. III, Books XXI-XXV, 1888, Vol. IV, Books XXVI-
XXX, 1889.
There is no annotated edition of the whole of Livy in
English. The annotated editions of parts of our author in
America, England, Germany, and France are too numer-
ous to mention here, but I may make an exception of
Seeley, Book I, Oxford, I881, with valuable introduc-
tion long out of print.

Besides the numerous editions of various parts of Livy
there has been for many years great activity in the study
of the text, grammar and style, sources, topography, and
other matters connected with the complete illustration of
our author. The results have appeared not only in books
but in countless articles in classical periodicals, German,
French, Italian, English, American.2
1 Weissenborn, annotated edition (by j. J. Muller), Weidmann, Berlin.
The whole of Livy is issued -in parts, new editions appearing as the old
ones are exhausted. -
2 For annual reports of such publications the student should refer, for
example, to H; J. Miller's Jahresberichte-des Philologischen Vereins, Berlin,
and to the Year's Work in Classical Studies, London.


Out of a very large number of works useful for refer-
ence, the following is a partial list: -

Language and Style

L. C. Kiihnast. Die Hauptpunkte der Livianischen Syntax. Berlin,
1872. Contains matter of great value, but is difficult to use on
account of its confused arrangement. For practical purposes
it is to a great extent superseded by
O. Riemann. Etudes sur la Langue et Grammaire de Tite-Live.
Thorin, Paris, 1885.
E. Ballas. Die Phraseologie des Livius. Jolowicz, Posen, 1885.
S. G. Stacey. Die Entwickelung des Livianischen Stiles. Teubner,
Leipzig, 1896. Also in Archiv fir lateinische Lexicographie X.
A. M. A. Schmidt. Der Sprachgebrauch des Livius in den Biichern
I, II, XXI, XXII. Fock, Leipzig, 1894.
E. B. Lease. Introduction to his Livy I, XXI, XXII, New York,
1905 should be studied by teachers.
M. H. Morgan. Hidden Verses in Livy. Harvard Studies, IX, 61.
F. Fiigner. Lexicon Livianum. Teubner, Leipzig. Fasciculi I-VI.
A-BUSTUM. 1889-1893.
A valuable work, unfortunately abandoned after the appear-
ance of the 6th part, and later published as "Vol I," 1897.
F. Fiigner. Livius, XXI-XXIII, mit Verweisungen auf Cdsars
Bellum Gallicum, grammatisch untersucht. Weidmann, Berlin,


H. A. Sanders. Die Quellenkontamination im 21 u. 22 Buche des
Livius. Mayer & Miller, Berlin, 1897.
J. Fuchs. Der 2te punische Krieg und seine Quellen, Polybius und
Livius. Vienna (Neustadt), 1894.
W. Soltau. Livius' Geschichtswerk, seine Komposition u. seine
Quellen. Dieterich'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, Leipzig, 1897.
This author has devoted much study to the relations of Livy to
earlier writers of Roman history, especially to Polybius, the re-
sults of which appeared in various periodicals, especially in
Philologus and afterwards in several books.
H. Hesselbarth. Historisch- Kritische Untersuchungen zur 3ten
Dekade des Livius. Waisenhaus, Halle, 1889.



S. B. Platner. Topography and Monuments of Ancient Rome. Allyn
and Bacon, Boston, 1904.
J. Fuchs, Sagunt, eine historische Skizze, Btickeburg, 1864.
Hannibal's Route over the Alps.
Hermann Schiller gave a convenient summary of what was
known about the subject forty years ago in the Berliner Philolo-
gische Wochenschrift, IV (1884), 705, 737, 769.
W. Osiander. Der Hannibalweg. Weidmann, Berlin, 19oo.
Perrin. La Marche d'Hannibal. E. Dubois, Paris, 1887.
W. H. Bullock Hall. The Romans on the Riviera. and the Rhone.
Macmillan, London, 1898. These all favor the Mt. Cenis route.
J. Fuchs. Hannibals Alpeniibergang. Vienna, 1897.
G. E. Marindin. Hannibal's Route over the Alps. Classical Review,
XIII (1899), 238: argue for the Mt. Genevre route.
K. Lehmann. Die Angriffe der drei Barkiden auf Italien. Leipzig,
1905. The Little St. Bernard.
Spenser Wilkinson. Hannibal's March through the Alps. Oxford,
1911. The Col du Clapier.
Tenney Frank. Placentia and the Battle of the Trebia. Journal of
Roman Studies, IX, 202. 1919.
G. B. Grundy. The Trebbia and Lake Trasimene. Journal of
Philology, XXIV (1896), 83.
B. W. Henderson. The Site of the Battle of Lake Trasimene. Journal
of Philology, XXV (1897), ii2.
IT. Hesselbarth. Quoted above, under Sources."
;. Hesselbarth. De pugna Cannensi. G6ttingen, 1874.
A. Wilms. Die Schlacht bei Cannae. Hamburg, 1895.
P. F. Fried. Uber die Schlacht bei Cannae. Leipzig, 1898.
Solbiski. Die Schlacht bei Cannae. Weimar, 1888.
O. Schwab. Das Schlachtfeld von Cannae. 1898.
G. Wissowa. Religion und Kultus der Rdmer. Beck, Munich, 1902.


L. W. Collins. Livy (" Ancient Classics for English Readers"),
Macmillan, London; Lippincott, Philadelphia.
T. A. Dodge. Hannibal (" Great Captains Series). Houghton,
Mifflin & Co., Boston, 1893.
H. Taine, Essai sur Tite Live. Hachette, Paris.

hr I





The motives of the author in writing the history of the Roman
people, and the plan and aim of the work.

Facturusne operate pretium sim, si a primordio urbis
res populi Romani perscripserm, nec satis scio, nec, si
sciam, dicere ausim, quippe qui cum veterem turn vul-
gatam esse rem videam, dum novi semper scriptores aut
in rebus certius liquid allaturos se aut scribendi arte s
rudem vetustatem superaturos credunt. Utcumque erit,
iuvabit tamen rerum gestarum memorial principis terra-
rum populi pro virili parte et ipsum consuluisse; et si
in tanta scriptorum turba mea fama in obscure sit, no-
bilitate ac magnitudine eorum me, qui nomini efficient 1o
meo, consoler. Res est praeterea et inmensi operis, ut
quad supra septingentesimum annum repetatur, et quae
ab exiguis profecta initiis eo creverit, ut iam magnitu-
dine laboret sua; et legentium plerisque haud dubito
quin primae origins proximaque briginibus minus prae- Is
bitura voluptatis sint festinantibus ad haec nova, quibus
iam pridem praevalentis populi vires se ipsae conficiunt.
Ego contra hoc quoque laboris praemium petam, ut me
a conspectu malorum, quae nostra tot per annos vidit
aetas, tantisper certe, dum prisca tota illa mente repeto, 2o
avertam, omnis experts curae, quae scribentis animum etsi
non flectere a vero, sollicitum tamen efficere posset.
Quae ante conditam condendamve urbem poeticis ma-
gis decora fabulis quam incorruptis rerum gestarum mo-


numentis traduntur, ea nec adfirmare nec refellere in
animo est. Datur haec venia antiquitati, ut miscendo
humana divinis primordia urbium augustiora faciat. Et
si cui populo licere oportet consecrare origins suas et
s ad deos referred auctores, ea belli gloria est populo Ro-
mano, ut, cum suum conditorisque sui parentem Martem
potissimum ferat, tam- et hoc gentes humanae patiantur
aequo animo quam imperium patiuntur. Sed haec et
his similia, utcumque animadversa aut existimata erunt,
iohaud in magno equidem ponam discrimine: ad illa mihi
pro se quisque acriter intendat animum, quae vita, qui
mores fuerint, per quos viros quibusque artibus domi
militiaeque et partum et auctum imperium sit; labente
deinde paulatim discipline velut desidentes primo mores
issequatur animo, deinde ut magis magisque lapsi sint,
turn ire coeperint praecipites, done ad haec tempora,
quibus nec vitia nostra nec remedia pati possumus, per-
ventum est.' Hoc illud est praecipue in cognitione re-
rum salubre ac frugiferum, omnis te exempli document
20 in inlustri posita monument intueri; inde tibi tuaeque
rei publicae quod imitere capias, inde foedum inceptu,
foedum exitu, quod vites. Ceterum aut me amor ne-
gotii suscepti fallit, aut nulla umquam res public nec
maior nec sanctior nec bonis exemplis ditior fuit, nec in
25 quam civitatem tam serae avaritia luxuriaque inmigrave-
rint, nec ubi tantus ac tam diu paupertati ac parsimoniae
honos fuerit: adeo quanto rerum minus, tanto minus
cupiditatis erat. Nuper divitiae avaritiam et abundantes
voluptates desiderium per luxum atque libidinem pereundi
30 perdendique omnia invexere. Sed querellae, ne turn qui-
dem gratae future, cum forsitan necessariae erunt, ab
initio certe tantae ordiendae rei absint: cum bonis potius
ominibus votisque et precationibus deorum dearumque,
si, ut poetis, nobis quoque mos esset, libentius incipere-
35 mus, ut orsis tantum operis successus prosperos darent.



At the fall of Troy Aeneas and Antenor escape to Italy. The
latter settles in Venetia; the former in Latium, where he
marries and founds a city.

I. Iam primum omnium satis constat Troia capta in
ceteros saevitum esse Troianos; duobus, Aeneae Anteno-
rique, et vetusti iure hospitii et quia pacis reddendae-
que Helenae semper auctores fuerunt, omne ius belli
Achivos abstinuisse.i Casibus deinde variis Anteniorem 5
cum multitudine Enetum, qui seditione ex Paphlagonia
pulsi et sedes et ducem rege Pylaemene ad Troiam
amisso quaerebant, venisse in intumum maris Adriatici
sinum; Euganeisque, qui inter mare Alpesque incolebant,
pulsis Enetos Troianosque eas tenuisse terras. Et in 1o
quem primum egressi sunt locum Troia vocatur, pagoque
inde Troiano nomen est; gens universe Veneti appellati.
Aeneam ab simili clade domo profugum, sed ad ma-
iora rerum initial ducentibus fatis primo in Macedoniam
venisse, inde in Siciliam quaerentem sedes delatum, ab 1s
Sicilia classes ad Laurentem agrum tenuisse. Troia et
huic loco nomen est. Ibi egressi Troiani, ut quibus
ab immense prope errore nihil praeter arma et naves
superesset, cum praedam ex agris agerent, Latinus rex
Aboriginesque, qui tum ea tenebant loca, ad arcendam 20
vim advenarum armati ex urbe atque agris concurrunt.
Duplex inde fama est: alii proelio victum Latinum pa-
cem cum Aenea, deinde adfinitatem iunxisse tradunt,
alii, cum instructae acies constitissent, priusquam sign


canerent, processisse Latinum inter primores ducemque
advenarum evocasse ad conloquium; percunctatum de-
inde, qui mortales essent, unde aut quo casu profecti
domo,- quidve quaerentes in agrum Laurentem exissent,
spostquam audierit multitudinem Troianos esse, ducem
Aeneam filium Anchisae et Veneris, cremata patria domo
profugos sedem condendaeque urbi locum quaerere, et
nobilitatem admiratuni gentis virique et animum vel bello
vel paci paratum dextra data fidem future amicitiae
iosanxisse.. Inde foedus ictum inter duces, inter exerci-
tus salutationem factam; Aeneam apud Latinum fuisse
in hospitio. Ibi Latinum apud penates deos domesticum---
publico adiunxisse foedus filia Aeneae in matrimonium
data. Ea res utique Troianis spem adfirmat tandem
Is stabili certaque sede finiendi errors. Oppidum condunt;
Aeneas ab nominee uxoris Lavinium appellate. Brevi
stirpis quoque virilis ex novo matrimonio fuit, cui Asca-
nium parenjes dixere nomen.

Victory of the Latins and Trojans over the Rutulians and
Etruscans. Death of Aeneas.

II. Bello deinde Aborigines Troianique simul petiti.
20 Turnus rex Rutulorum, cui pacta Lavinia ante adven-
tum Aeneae fuerat, praelatum sibi advenam aegre pati-
ens, simul Aeneae Latinoque bellum intulerat. Neutra
acies laeta ex eo certamine abiit: victim Rutuli, victories
Aborigines Troianique ducem Latinum amisere. Inde
2sTurnus Rutulique diffisi rebus ad florentes opes Etrus-
corum Mezentiumque regem eorum confugiunt, qui Caere,
opulento turn oppido, imperitans, iam inde ab initio
minime laetus novae origine urbis, et turn nimio plus
quam satis tutum esset accolis rem Troianam crescere
30 ratus, haud gravatim socia arma Rutulis iunxit. Aeneas,
adversus tanti belli terrorem ut animos Aboriginum sibi


conciliaret, nec sub eodem iure solum sed etiam nominee
omnes essent, Latinos utramque gentem appellavit. Nec
deinde Aborigines Troianis studio ac fide erga regem
Aeneam cessere. Fretusque his animis coalescentium in
dies magis duorum populorum Aeneas, quamquam tanta s
opibus Etruria erat, ut iam non terras solum sed mare
etiam per totam Italiae longitudinem ab Alpibus ad
fretum Siculum fama nominis sui implesset, tamen, cum
moenibus bellum propulsare posset, in aciem copies
eduxit. Secundum inde proelium Latinis, Aeneae etiam o
ultimum operum mortalium fuit. Situs est, quemcum-
que eum dici ius fasque est, super Numicum fluvium;
lovem indigetem appellant.

Regency of Lavinia, the widow of Aeneas. Their son Ascanius
founds Alba Longa. One of their descendants, Amulius,
usurps the throne of his elder brother, Numitor, whose male
offspring he kills, and whose daughter he makes a Vestal

III. Nondum maturus imperio Ascanius Aeneae filius
erat; tamen id imperium ei ad puberem aetatem inco- s
lume mansit. Tantisper tutela muliebri, tanta indoles in
Lavinia erat, res Latina et regnum avitum paternumque
puero stetit. Haud ambigam -quis enim rem tam
veterem pro certo adfirmet? -hicine fuerit Ascanius, an
maior quam hic, Creusa matre Ilio incolumi natus co- 20
mesque inde paternae fugae, quem Iulum eundem Iulia
gens auctorem nominis sui nuncupat. Is Ascanius, ubi-
cumque et quacumque matre genitus certe natum
Aenea constat abundante Lavini multitudine florentem
iam, ut tum res erant, atque opulentam urbem matri 25
seu novercae reliquit, riovam ipse aliam sub Albano monte
condidit, quae ab situ porrectae in dorso urbis Longa
Alba appellate./ .


Inter Lavinium et Albam Longam coloniam deductam
triginta ferme interfere anni. Tantum tamen opes cre-
verant maxime fusis Etruscis, ut ne morte quidem Aeneae,
nec deinde inter muliebrem tutelam rudimentumque
s primum puerilis regni movere arma aut Mezentius Etrus-
cique aut ulli alii accolae ausi sint. Pax ita convenerat,
ut Etruscis Latinisque fluvius Albula, quem nunc Tiberim
vocant, finis esset. Silvius deinde regnat, Ascani filius,
casu quOdam in silvis natus., Is Aeneam Silvium create;
iois deinde Latinum Silvium. /Ab eo coloniae aliquot
deductae, Prisci Latini appellati. Mansit Silviis postea
omnibus cognomen, qui Albae regnaverunt. Latino
Alba ortus, Alba Atys, Atye Capys, Capye Capetus,
Capeto, Tiberinus, qui in traiectu Albulae amnis sub-
is mersus celebre ad posters nomen flumini dedit. Agrippa
inde Tiberini filius, post Agrippam Romulus Silvius a
patre accept imperio regnat. Aventino fulmine ipse
ictus regnum per manus tradidit. Is sepultus in eo
colle, qui nunc pars Romanae est urbis, cognomen colli
20 fecit. Proca deinde regnat. Is Numitorem atque Amu-
lium procreat; Numitori, qui stirpis maximus erat,
regnum vetustum Silviae gentis legat. Plus tamen vis
potuit quam voluntas patris aut verecundia aetatis.
Pulso fratre Amulius regnat. Addit sceleri scelus:
25 stirpem fratris virilem interimit, fratris filiae Reae Silviae
per species honors, cum Vestalem eam legisset, perpetua
virginitate spem parts adimit.

The birth of Romulus and Remus. Exposed by order of the
king, they are nursed by a she wolf, and finally rescued
and brought up by the shepherd Faustulus.

IV. Sed debebatur, ut opinor, fatis tantae origo urbis
maximique secundum deorum opes imperil principium.
3oVi compressa Vestalis cum geminum partum edidisset,


seu ita rata, seu quia deus auctor culpae honestior erat,
Martem incertae stirpis patrem nuncupat. Sed nec dii
nec homines aut ipsam aut stirpem a crudelitate regia
vindicant. Sacerdos vincta in custodiam datur, pueros
in profluentem aquam mitti iubet. s
SForte quadam divinitus super ripas Tiberis effusus
lenibus stagnis nec adiri usquam ad iusti cursum poterat
amnis, et posse quamvis languida mergi aqua infants
spem ferentibus dabat. Ita, velut defunct regis imperio,
in proxima eluvie, ubi nunc ficus Ruminalis est --o
Romularem vocatam ferunt pueros exponunt. Vastae
turn in his locis solitudines erant. Tenet fama, cum
fluitantem alveum, quo expositi erant pueri, teniuis in
sicco ~auadestituisset, lupam sitientem ex montibus qui
circa sunt ad puerilem vagitum cursum flexisse; earn s
summissas infantibus adeo mitem praebuisse mammas, ut
lingua lambentem pueros magister regii pecoris invenerit.
Faustulo fuisse nomen ferunt. Ab eo ad stabula La-
rentiae uxori educandos datos. Sunt qui Larentiam
vulgato corpore lupam inter pastores vocatam putent; 20
inde locum fabulae ac miraculo datum.
Ita geniti itaque educati, cum primum adolevit aetas,
nec in stabulis nec ad pecora segnes venando peragrare
saltus. Hinc robore corporibus animisque sumpto iam
non feras tantum subsistere, sed in latrones praeda onustos 25
impetus facere, pastoribusque rapta dividere, et cum
his crescente in dies grege iuvenum seria ac iocos celebrare.

Remus's identity is accidentally discovered, and the two broth-
ers, assisted by their friends, the shepherds, attack and slay
the usurper Amulius.

V. Iam tur in Palatio monte Lupercal hoc fuisse
ludicrum ferunt, et a Pallanteo, urbe Arcadica, Pallan-
tium, dein Palatium montem appellatum. Ibi Euandrum, 30


qui ex eo genere Arcadum multis ante tempestatibus
tenuerit loca, sollemne allatum ex Arcadia instituisse, ut
nudi iuvenes Lycaeum Pana venerantes per lusum atque.
lasciviam currerent, quem Romani deinde vocaverunt
sInuum. Huic deditis ludicro, cum sollemne notum es-
set, insidiatds ob iram praedae amissae latrones, cum
Romulus vi se defendisset, Remum cepisse, captum regi
Amulio tradidisse ultro accusantes. Crimini maxime
dabant in Numitoris agros ab iis impetus fieri; inde
ioeos collect iuvenum manu hostile in modum praedas
agere. Sic Numitori ad supplicium Remus deditur.
Iam inde ab initio Faustulo spes fuerat regiam stir-
pem apud se educari: nam et expositos iussu regis in-
fantes sciebat, et tempus, quo ipse eos sustulisset, ad
1sid ipsum congruere; sed rem inmaturam nisi aut per
occasionem aut per necessitatem aperire noluerat. Ne-
cessitas prior venit. Ita metu subactus Romulo rem
aperit. Forte et Numitori, cum in custodia Remum ha-
beret, audissetque geminos esse fratres, comparando et
2oaetatem eorum et ipsam minime servilem indolem teti-
gerat animum memorial nepotum; sciscitandoque eodem
pervenit, ut haud procul esset, quin Remum agnosceret.
Ita undique regi dolus nectitur. Romulus non cum
globo iuvenum, nec enim erat ad vim apertam par, sed
25aliis alio itinere iussis certo tempore ad regiam venire
pastoribus ad regem impetum facit, et a domo Numi-
toris alia comparata manu adiuvat Remus. Ita regem

The kingdom of Alba is restored to Numitor. Romulus and
Remus, desiring to found a city where they had grown up,
contend for the preeminence.

VI. Numitor inter primum tumultum hostis invasisse
30 urbem atque adortos regiam dictitans, cum pubem Alba-

Gte-olli Ga

ell Itinal
o / o G ate

(Campus Martius) I
I (S I Es qullne


11 -


I (Suburana), III (Esquilina) tThe four regions of Servius Tullius.
II (Palatina), IV (Collina)
1. Citadel (Arx). 4. Citadel on the Janiculum. 7. Senate House (Curia)
2. TempleofJupiter (Capitolinus). 5. Old Wall of Romulus. 8. Comitium.
8. Quays of the Tarquins. 6. Temple of Vesta.


nam in arcem praesidio armisque obtinendam avocasset,
postquam iuvenes perpetrata caede pergere ad se gratu-
lantes vidit, extemplo advocate concilio scelus in se
fratris, originem nepotum, ut geniti, ut educati, ut cogniti c
essent, caedem deinceps tyranni seque eius auctorems
ostendit. Iuvenes per mediam contionem agmine in-
gressi cum avum regem salutassent, secuta ex omni
multitudine consentiens vox ratum nomen imperiumque
regi efficit.
Ita Numitori Albana-re permissa Romulum Remumque io
cupido cepit in iis locis, ubi expositi ubique educati erant,
urbis condendae. Et supererat multitude Albanorum
Latinorumque, ad id pastores quoque accesserant, qui
omnes facile spem facerent parvam Albam, parvum
Lavinium prae ea urbe, quae conderetur, fore. Interve- s
nit deinde his cogitationibus avitum malum, regni cupido,
atque inde foedum certamen coortuim a satis miti prin-
cipio. Quoniam gemini essent, nec aetatis verecundia
discrimen facere posset, ut dii, quorum tutelae ea loca
essent, auguriis legerent, qui nomen novae urbi daret, 20
qui conditam imperio regeret, Palatium Romulus, Remus
Aventinum ad inaugurandum templa capiunt.

Remus is slain. Romulus founds Rome on the Palatine Hill.
The legend of Hercules, Cacus, and Evander.

VII. Priori Remo augurium venisse fertur sex vultu-
res, iamque nuntiato augurio cum duplex numerous Ro-
mulo se ostendisset, utrumque regem sua multitudo 2
consalutaverat. Tempore illi praece6tO, at hi numero
avium regnum trahebant. Inde cum altercation con-
gressi certamine irarum ad caedem vertuntur. Ibi in
turba ictus Remus cecidit. Vulgatior fama est ludibrio
fratris Remum novos transiluisse muros; inde ab irato 30
Romulo, cum verbis quoque increpitans adiecisset "Sic


deinde quicumque alius transiliet moenia mea!" inter-
fectum. Ita solus potitus imperio Romulus; condita
\urbs conditoris nominee appellate.
Palatium primum, in quo ipse erat educatus, muniit.
Ss Sacra diis aliis Albano ritu, Graeco Herculi, ut ab Eu-
andro institute erant, facit. Herculem in ea loca Gery-
one interempto boves mira specie abegisse memorant, ac
prope Tiberim fluvium, qua prae se armentum agens :-
nando traiecerat, loco herbido, ut quite et pabulo laeto i
ioreficeret boves, et ipsum fessum via procubuisse. Ibi
cum eum cibo vinoque gravatum sopor oppressisset,-'
.pastor accola eius loci nominee Cacus, ferox viribus, captus
pulchritudine bourn cum avertere earn praedam vellet,
quia, si agendo armentum in speluncam compulisset,
'5 ipsa vestigia quaerentem dominum eo deductura erant,
Saversos boves, eximium quemque pulchritudine, caudis
in speluncam traxit. Hercules ;ad primam aurorami
somno excitus cum gregem perlustrasset oculis et
partem abesse numero sensisset, pergit ad proximam
20speluncam, si forte eo vestigia ferrent. Quae ubi om-
nia foras versa vidit nec in partem aliam ferre, confu-
sus atque incertus animi ex loco infesto agere porro
'- armentum occepit. Inde cum actae boves quaedam ad
desiderium, ut fit, relictarum mugissent, reddita inclusa-
25 rum ex spelunca bourn vox Herculem convertit. Quem
cum vadentem ad speluncar Cacus vi prohibere cona-
tus esset, ictus clava fidem pastorur nequiquam invocans
morte occubuit.,
Euander tur ea profugus ex Peloponneso auctoritate
omragis quam imperio regebat loca, venerabilis vir mira-
Sculo litterarum, rei novae inter rudes artium homines,
venerabilior divinitate credit Carmentae matris, quam
Sfatiloquam ante Sibyllae in Italiam adventum mrirtae
eae gentes fuerant. Is turn Euander,;,concursu pastorum
35 trepidantium circa advenam manifestae reum caedis ex-


citus postquam facinus facinorisque causam audivit, habi-
tum f6rmamque viri aliquantum ampliorem augusti-
oremque hiimana intuens rogitat, qui vir esset. Ubi
nomen patremque ac patriam accept, "Iove riate, Her-
cules, salve" inquit. "Te mihi mater, veridica interpres 5
deufm aucturum caelestium numerum cecinit, tibique
aram hic dictum nr, quam opulentissima 61im in terris
gens maximam vocet tuoque ritii colat." Dextra Hercules
data accipere se omen inpleturumque fata ara condita ':
ac dicata ait. Ibi tur primum bove eximia capta de 1o
grege sacrum Herculi adhibitis ad ministerium dapemque
Potitiis ac Plnariis, quae tum familiar maxime inclitae
ea loca incolebant, factum. F6rte ita evenit, ut Potitii
- ad tempus praestb essent, iisque exta apponerentur,
Pinarii extis adesis ad ceteram venirent dapem. Inde 1s
S-institutum mansit, d6nec Pinarium genus fuit, ne extis A
eorum sollemnium vescerentur. Potitii ab Euandro
edocti antistites sacri eius per multas aetates fuerunt,
d6nec tradito servis piiblicis sollemni familiar ministerio
genus omne Potitiorum interiit. Haec turn sacra Romulus 20
una ex omnibus peregrina suscepit, iam turn inmortalitatis
virtute partae, ad quam eum sua fata diicebant, fautor.

Romulus makes laws, establishes the Senate, assumes kingly
state, and opens an asylum for strangers.

VIII. Rebus divinis rite perpetratis vocataque ad
concilium multitudine, quae coalescere in populi iunius
corpus nulla re praeterquam legibus poterat, iira dedit; 25
quae ita sancta generi hominum agresti fore ratus, si se
ipse venerabilem insignibus. imperii fecisset, cum cetero
habitii se augustiorem, tum mnaxime lictoribus duodecim
siumptis fecit. Alii ab numero avium, quae augurio
regnum portenderant, eum secutum numerum putant; 30
me haud paenitet eorum sententiae esse, quibus et ap-


paritores hoc genus ab Etriscis finitimis, unde sella
curflis, unde toga praetexta suimpta est, et numerum
quoque ipsum ductum place; et ita habuisse Etriscos,
quod ex duodecim populis comminiter creEto r-ge sin-
s gulps singuli populi lictores dederint.j
Crescebat interim urbs mUnitionibus alia atque alia
adpetendo loca, cum in spem magis futtirae multitudi-
nis quam ad id, quod tur hominum erat, minirent.
Deinde ne vdna urbis magnitiid6 esset, adiciendae mul-
iotitudinis causa vetere c6nsilio condentium urbes, qui
obscilram atque humilem conciendo ad se multitudinem
natam e terra sibi problem Ementiebantur, locum, qui
nunc saeptus descendentibus inter duos licos est, asylum J'
aperit. Eo ex finitimis populis turba omnis sine discri-
Is mine, liber an servus esset, avida novarum rerum per-
fugit, idque primum ad coeptam magnitudinem roboris
fuit. Cum iam virium haud paenit6ret, consilium deinde !,..,
viribus parat: centum create senatores, sive quia is nu- .
merus satis erat, sive quia s6li centum erant, qui creari ,
20 patres possent: patres certe ab honore, patriciique pri-
genies eorum appellati.

In order to obtain wives, the Romans invite their neighbors to
witness games, and seize the maidens who come with their

IX. Iam res Romana adeo erat valida, ut cuilibet
finitimarum civitatum bello par esset; sed penfiria mu-
lierum hominisaetatem diirattira magnitude erat, quippe
s2 quibus nec domi spes prblis nec cum finitimis c6ntibia
essent. Tum ex consilio patrum Romulus legatos circa
vicinas gentes misit, qui societatem confibiumque novo
populo peterent: |urbes quoque ut cetera ex infimo nasci;
dein, quas sua virtus ac dii iuvent, magnas opes sibi
30 magnumque n6men facere. Satis scire orgini Romanae


et deos adfuisse et non defuturam virtutem. Proinde, "'?
ne gravarentur homines cum hominibus sanguinem ac
genus miscere. Nusquam benign legatib audita est:
ade6 simul spernebant, simul tantam in medio crescentem
molem sibi ac posters suis metuebant; a plerisque rogi- s
tantibus dimissi,ecquod feminis quoque asylum aperuis-
-sent: id enim demum conpar c6nubium fore. Aegre
id Romana piibes passa, et haud dubie ad vim spectare
res coepit. /
tu tempus locumque aptum ut daret Romulus, ae-xo
gritudinem animi dissimulans ludos ex industrial part
Neptuno Equestri sollemnis; Consualia vocat. Indici
deinde finitimis spectaculum iubet, quantoque apparatu
tum sciebant aut poterant concelebrant, ut rem claram
exspectAtamque facerent. Multi mortales convenere, stu- Is
dio etiam videndae novae urbis, maxime proximi quique,
Caeninenses Crustumini Antemnates; iam Sabinorum om-
nis multitude cum liberis ac coniugibus venit. Invitati
hospitaliter per domos cum situm moeniaque et fre-
quentem tectis urbem vidissent, mirantur tam brevi rem 20
Romanam crevisse. '/Ubi spectaculi tempus venit, dedi-
taeque eo mentes cum oculis erant, tum ex composite
orta vis, signoque dato iuventuis Romana ad rapiendas
virgines discurrit. Magna pars f6rte, in quem quaeque'
inciderat, raptae; quasdam forma excellentes prim6ribus 25
patrum destinatas ex plebe homines, quibus datum ne-
gotium erat, domos deferebant. Unam long ante alias
specie ac pulchritudine insignem a globo Talassii cuius-
dam raptam ferunt, multisque scTscitantibus, cuinam
eam ferrent, identidem, ne quis violaret, Talassio ferriso
clamitatum: inde niuptialem hanc vocem factam. Tur-
bato per metum liidicro maesti parents virginum profugi-
unt, inciisantes violati hospitii foedus deumque invocantes,
cuius ad sollemne lidosque per fas ac fidem decepti
venissent. Nec raptis aut spes de se melior aut indig-35


natio est minor. Sed ipse Romulus circumibat, docebat-
que patrum id superbia factumn" qui conubium finitimis
nega'sent. IiIas tamen in matrimonio, in societate fdr-
ttinarum omnium civitatisque, et, quo nihil carius hifmano
5 generic sit, liberim fore. Mollirent modo iras, et quibus
fors corpora dedisset, darent animos. Saepe ex, iniiria
postmodum.gratiiam ortam, eque melioribus usuras viris,
quod adnisiurus pro se quisque sit, ut, cum suam vicem !-
fiinctus officio it, parentium etiam patriaeque expleat ,
Io desiderium. Accedebant blanditiae virorum factum pur- '
gantium cupiditate atque more, quae maxime ad mulie-
bre ingenium efficaces preces sunt. :

Romulus defeats the people of Caenina, slays their king, and
dedicates the first "spolia opima."

X. Iam admodum mitigati animi raptis erant. At
raptarum parents tum maxime sordida veste lacrimisque
is et querellis civitates concitabant. Nec domi tantum
indignationes continebant, sed congregabantur undique
ad Titum Tatium,, regem Sabinorum, et legationes eo,
quod maximum Tatii nomen in iis regionibus erat, con-
veniebant. Caeninenses Crustuminique et Antemnates
2oerant, ad quos eius iniuriae pars pertinebat. Lente
agere his Tatius Sabinique visi sunt; ipsi inter se tres
populi communiter bellum parent. Ne Crustumini qui-
dem atque Antemnates pro ardore iraque Caeninensium
satis se inpigre movent: ita per se ipsum nomen Caeni-
25num in agrum Romanum impetum facit. Sed effuse
vastantibus fit obvious cum exercitu Romulus, levique
certamine docet vanam sine viribus iram esse. Exerci-
tum fundit ftgatque, fusum persequitur; regem in proe-
lio obtruncat et spoliat; duce hostium occiso urbem
30 primo impetu capit.
SInde exercitu victor reducto ipse, cum factis vir mag-


nificus tum factorum ostentator haud minor, spolia ducis
hostium caesi suspense fabricate ad id apte ferculo gerens
in Capitolium escendit, ibique ea cum ad quercum pastori-
bus sacram deposuisset, simul cum dono designavit
temple lovis finis, cognomenque addidit deo. "Iuppiter s
Feretri" inquit, "haec tibi victor Romulus rex regia arma
fero, templumque his regionibus, quas modo animo
metatus sum, dedico, sedem opimis spoliis, quae regibus
ducibusque hostium caesis me auctorem sequentes poster
ferent." Haec templi est origo, quod primum omnium io
Romae sacratum est. Ita deinde diis visum, nec inritam
conditoris templi vocem esse, qua laturos eo spolia posters
nuncupavit; nec multitudine conpotum eius doni vulgari
laudem. Bina postea inter tot annos, tot bella opima
parta sunt spolia: adeo rara eius fortune decoris fuit. 15

Easy victories over Antemnae and Crustumerium. The Sa-
bines gain the Roman citadel by bribing Tarpeia.

XI. Dum ea ibi Romani gerunt, Antemnatium exer-
citus per occasionem ac. solitudinem hostiliter in fines
Romanos incursionem facit. Raptim et ad hos Romana
legio ducta palatos in agris oppressit. Fusi igitur primo
impetu et clamore hostes, oppidum captum; duplicique 20
victoria ovantem Romulum Hersilia coniunx precibus
raptarum fatigata orat, ut parentibus earum det veniam
et in civitatem accipiat: ita rem coalescere concordia
posse. Facile impetratum. Inde contra Crustuminos
profectus bellum inferentes. Ibi minus etiam, quod alie- 2
nis cladibus ceciderant animi, certaminis fuit. Utroque
coloniae missae; plures inventi, qui propter ubertatem
terrae in Crustuminum nomina darent. Et Romam inde
frequenter migratum est, a parentibus maxime ac propin-
quis raptarum. 30
Novissimum ab Sabinis bellum ortum, multoque id


maximum fuit: nihil enim per iram aut cupiditatem ac-
tum est, nec ostenderunt bellum prius quam intulerunt.
Consilio etiam additus dolus. Spurius Tarpeius Romanae
praeerat arci. Huius filiam virginem auro corrumpit
s Tatius, ut armatos in arcem accipiat aquam forte ea
tum sacris extra moenia petitum ierat; accept obru-
tam armis necavere, seu ut vi capta potius arx videre-
tur, seu prodendi exempli causa, ne quid usquam fidum
proditori esset.J Additur fabula, quod vulgo Sabini au-
1o reas armillas magni ponderis brachio laevo gemmatosque
magna specie anulos habuerint, pepigisse ear quod in
sinistris manibus haberent; eo scuta illi pro aureis donis
congesta. Sunt qui earn ex pacto tradendi quod
in sinistris manibus esset derecto arma petisse dicant,
5s et fraude visam agere sua ipsam peremptam mercede.

A battle ensues in the valley where was afterward the Forum.
Romulus averts defeat by vowing a temple to Jupiter

XII. Tenuere tamen arcem Sabini, atque inde postero
die, cum Romanus exercitus instructus quod inter Pala-
tinum Capitolinumque collem campi est complesset, non
prius descenderunt in aequum, quam ira et cupiditate
20 recuperandae arcis stimulante animos in adversum Romani
subiere. Principes utrimque pugnam ciebant: ab Sabinis
Mettius Curtius, ab Romanis Hostius Hostilius. Hic
rem Romanam iniquo loco ad prima signa animo atque
audacia sustinebat. Ut Hostius cecidit, confestim Ro-
25mana inclinatur acies, fusaque est ad veterem portam
Palatii. Romulus et ipse turba fugientium actus arma
ad caelum tollens "Iuppiter, tuis" inquit, "iussus avibus
hic in Palatio prima urbi fundamental ieci. Arcem iam
scelere emptam Sabini habent; inde huc armati superata
30 media valle tendunt. At tu, pater deum hominumque hinc


saltem arce hostes, deme terrorem Romanis fugamque
foedam siste. Hic ego tibi templum Statori Iovi, quod
monumentum sit posters tua praesenti ope servatam
urbem esse, voveo." Haec precatus, velut si sensisset
auditas preces, "Hinc" inquit, "Romani, Iuppiter opti- s
mus maximus resistere atque iterare pugnam iubet."
Restitere Romani tamquam caelesti voce iussi; ipse ad
primores Romulus provolat. Mettius Curtius ab Sabinis
princeps ab arce decucurrerat, et effusos egerat Romanos
toto quantum foro spatium est, nec procul iam a porta 1o
Palatii erat, clamitans "Vicimus perfidos hospites, inbelles
hostes. Iam sciunt long aliud esse virgines rapere,
aliud pugnare cum viris." In eum haec gloriantem
cum globo ferocissimorum iuvenum Romulus impetum
facit. Ex equo tum forte Mettius pugnabat; eo pelli s
facilius fuit. Pulsum Romani persequuntur, et alia Ro-
mana acies audacia regis accensa fundit Sabinos. Met-
tius in paludem sese strepitu sequentium trepidante equo
coniecit; averteratque ea res etiam Sabinos tanti peri-
culo viri. Et ille quidem adnuentibus ac vocantibus 20
suis favore multorum addito animo evadit: Romani Sa-
binique in media convalle duorum montium redintegrant
proelium; sed res Romana erat superior.

The Sabine women entreat their fathers and husbands to be rec-
onciled. The Romans and Sabines unite into one com-
munity under the joint rule of Romulus and Tatius.

XIII. Tum Sabinae mulieres, quarum ex iniuria bel-
lum ortum erat, crinibus passis scissaque veste victo 25
malis muliebri pavore ausae se inter tela volantia inferre,
ex transverso impetu facto dirimere infestas acies, diri-
mere iras, hinc patres hinc viros orantes, ne se sanguine
nefando soceri generique respergerent, ne parricidio ma-
cularent parts suos, nepotum illi, hi liberum progeniem. 30


"Si adfinitatis inter vos, si conubii piget, in nos vertite
iras. Nos causa belli, nos vulnerum ac caedium viris
ac parentibus sumus. Melius peribimus quam sine
alteris vestrum viduae aut orbae vivemus." Movet res
5 cum multitudinem tum duces. Silentium et repentina
fit quies; inde ad foedus faciendum duces prodeunt,
nec pacem modo sed civitatem unam ex duabus faciunt,
regnum consociant, imperium omne conferunt Romam.
Ita geminata urbe, ut Sabinis tamen liquid daretur,
io Quirites a Curibus appellati. Monumentum eius pugnae
ubi primum ex profunda emersus palude equus Cur-
tium in vado statuit, Curtium lacum appellarunt.
Ex bello tam tristi laeta repente pax cariores Sabi-
nas viris ac parentibus et ante omnes Romulo ipsi fecit.
5s Itaque, cum populum in curias triginta divideret, nomina
earum curiis imposuit. Id non traditur, cum haud dubie
aliquanto numerous maior hoc mulierum fuerit, aetate
an dignitatibus suis virorumve an sorte lectae sint, quae
nomina curiis darent. Eodem tempore et centuriae tres
2oequitum conscriptae sunt: Ramnenses ab Romulo, ab
T. Tatio Titienses appellati; Lucerum nominis et origins
causa incerta est. Inde non modo commune sed concors
etiam regnum duobus regibus fuit.

Tatius is slain by the Laurentians, and Romulus reigns alone.
The Romans attack and capture Fidenae.

XIV. Post aliquot annos propinqui regis Tatii legatos
2sLaurentium pulsant, cumque Laurentes iure gentium
agerent, apud Tatium gratia suorum et preces plus po-
terant. Igitur illorum poenam in se vertit: nam La-
vini, cum ad sollemne sacrificium eo venisset, concursu
facto interficitur. Eam rem minus aegre quam dignum
soerat tulisse Romulum ferunt, seu ob infidam societatem
regni, seu quia haud iniuria caesum credebat. Itaque


bello quidem abstinuit: ut tamen expiarentur legatorum
iniuriae regisque caedes, foedus inter Romam Lavini-
umque urbes renovatum est.
Et cum his quidem insperata pax erat; aliud multo
propius atque in ipsis prope portis bellum ortum. Fide- s
nates nimis vicinas prope se convalescere opes rati, prius-
quam tantum roboris esset, quantum futurum apparebat,
occupant bellum facere. Iuventute armata immissa
vastatur agri quod inter urbem ac Fidenas est. Inde
ad laevam versi, quia dextra Tiberis arcebat, cum magna 1o
trepidatione agrestium populantur; tumultusque repens
ex agris in urbem inlatus pro nuntio fuit. Excitus
Romulus neque enim dilationem pati tam vicinum
bellum poterat exercitum educit, castra a Fidenis mille
passuum locat. Ibi modico praesidio relicto egressus s
omnibus copiis partem militum locis circa densa vir-
gulta obscuris subsidere in insidiis iussit; cum parte
maiore atque omni equitatu profectus, id quod quaere-
bat, tumultuoso et minaci genere pugnae adequitando
ipsis prope portis hostem excivit. Fugae quoque, quae 20
simulanda erat, eadem equestris pugna causam minus
mirabilem dedit. Et cum velut inter pugnae fugaeque
consilium trepidante equitatu pedes quoque referred gra-
dum, plenis repente portis effusi hostes impulsa Romana
acie studio instandi sequendique trahuntur ad locum insi- 25
diarum. Inde subito exorti Romani transversam inva-
dunt hostium aciem; addunt pavorem mota e castris
signa eorum, qui in praesidio relicti fuerant: ita mul-
tiplici terrore perculsi Fidenates prius paene quam Ro-
mulus quique cum eo equites erant circumagerent frenis 30
equos, terga vertunt multoque effusius, quippe vera fuga,
qui simulantes paulo ante secuti erant, oppidum repete-
bant. Non tamen eripuere se hosti: haerens in tergo
Romanus priusquam forces portarum obicerentur velut ag-
mine uno inrumpit. 35


Conquest of part of the Veientine territory. Popularity of
Romulus with the lower classes and the soldiers.

XV. Belli Fidenatis' contagione inritati Veientium
animi et consanguinitate nam Fidenates quoque Etrusci
fuerunt, et quod ipsa propinquitas loci, si Romana
arma omnibus infesta finitimis essent, stimulabat, in fines
s Romanos excucurrerunt populabundi magis quam iusti
more belli. Itaque non castris positis, non expectato
hostium exercitu raptam ex agris praedam portantes
Veios rediere. Romanus contra, postquam hostem in
agris non invenit, dimicationi ultimate instructus inten-
1o tusque Tiberim transit.. Quem postquam castra ponere et
ad urbem accessurum Veientes audivere, obviam egressi,
ut potius acie. decernerent, quam inclusi de tectis moeni-
busque dimicarent. Ibi viribus nulla arte adiutis tantum
veteran robore exercitus rex Romanus vicit, persecutusque
s fusos ad moenia hostes urbe valida muris ac situ ipso
munita abstinuit; agros rediens vastat ulciscendi magis
quam praedae studio. Eaque clade haud minus quam
adversa pugna subacti Veientes pacem petitum oratores
Romam mittunt. Agri parte multatis in centum annos
20 indutiae datae.
Haec ferme Romulo regnante domi militiaeque gesta,
quorum nihil absonum fidei divinae origins divinitatisque
post mortem creditae fuit, non animus in regno avito
recuperando, non condendae urbis consilium, non bello
25 ac pace firmandae. Ab illo enim profecto viribus datis
tantum valuit, ut in quadraginta deinde annos tutam
pacem haberet. Multitudini tamen gratior fuit quam
patribus, long ante alios acceptissimus militum animis:
trecentosque armatos ad custodiam corporis, quos Cele-
30 res appellavit, rlon in bello solum sed etiam in pace habuit.


During a review in the Campus Martius Romulus mysteri-
ously disappears from the earth. Reappearing in deified
form, he predicts Rome's future glory.

/XVI. His immortalibus editis operibus cum ad exer-
citum recensendum conti6hem in campo ad Caprae
paludem haberet, subito coorta tempestas cum magno
fragore tonitribusque tam denso regem operuit nimbo,
ut conspectum eius conti6ni abstulerit. Nec deinde in s
terris Romulus fuit. Romana pubes sedato tandem
pavore, postquam ex tam turbido die serena et tran-
quilla lux rediit, ubi vacuam sedem regiam vidit, etsi
satis credebat patribus, qui proxumi steterant, subliinem
raptum procella, tamen velut orbitatis metu icta mae- o
stum aliquamdia silentium obtinuit. Deinde a paucis
initio facto deum deo natum, regem parentemque urbis
Romanae salvere finiversi Romulum iubent; p-acem pre-
cibus exposcunt, uti volens propitius suam semper sos-
pitet progeniem. Fuisse credo tur quoque aliquos, 15
qui discerptum regem patrum manibus taciti arguerent
manavit enim haec quoque sed perobscura fama; -
illam alteram admiratio viri et pavor praesens nobilita-
vit. Et consilio etiam unius hominis addita rei dicitur
fides. Namque Proculus Iulius, sollicita civitate deside- 20
rio regis et infensa patribus, gravis, ut traditur, quamvis
magnae rei auctor in contionem prodit. "Romulus"
inquit "Quirites, parents urbis huius, prima hodierna luce
caelo repente delapsus se mihi obvium dedit. Cum
perfusus horror venerabundus adstitissem, petens preci- 25
bus, ut contra intueri fas esset: "Abi, nuntia" inquit,
"Romanis, caelestes ita velle, ut mea Roma caput orbis
terrarum sit: proinde rem militarem colant, sciantque
et ita posters tradant nullas opes humans armis Ro-
manis resistere posse." "Haec" inquit, "locutus subli-so
mis abiit." Mirum quantum illi viro nuntianti haec fides


fuerit, quamque desiderium Romuli apud plebem exerci-
tumque facta fide inmortalitatis lenitum sit.

Interregnum, during which the senators rule in rotation. Dispute
between the two parts of the nation as to the choice of a king.
Discontent of the lower orders. The election is referred
to the people, subject to confirmation by the Senate.

XVII. Patrum interim animos certamen regni ac cu-
pido versabat. Necdum ad singulos, quia nemo magno-
spere eminebat in novo populo, pervenerat; factionibus
inter ordines certabatur. Oriundi ab Sabinis, ne, quia
post Tatii mortem ab sua parte non erat regnatum, in
societate aequa possessionem imperii amitterent, sui cor-
poris creari regem volebant; Romani veteres peregrinum
ioregem aspernabantur. In variis voluntatibus regnari
tamen omnes volebant libertatis dulcedine nondum expert.
Timor deinde patres incessit, ne civitatem sine imperio,
exercitum sine duce, multarum circa civitatium inritatis
animis- vis aliqua externia adoriretur. Et esse igitur ali-
s1 quod caput placebat, et nemo alteri concedere in ani-
mum inducebat. Ita rem inter se centum patres decem
decuriis factis singulisque in singulas decurias creatis,
qui summae rerum praeessent, consociant. Decem im-
peritabant, unus cum insignibus imperii et lictoribus
20erat; quinque dierum spatio finiebatur imperium ac per
omnes in orbem ibat; annuumque intervallum regni fuit.
Id ab re, quod nunc quoque tenet nomen, interregnum
appellatum. Fremere deinde plebs, multiplicatam servi-
tutem, centum pro uno dominos factos; nec ultra nisi
25 regem et ab ipsis creatum videbantur passuri. Cum
sensissent ea moveri patres, offerendum ultro rati quod
amissuri erant, ita gratiam ineunt summa potestate populo
permissa, ut non plus darent iuris quam retinerent.
Decreverunt enim, ut, cum populus regem iussisset, id


sic ratum esset, si patres auctores fierent. Hodie quo-
que in legibus magistratibusque rogandis usurpatur idem
ius vi adempta: priusquam populus suffragium ineat, in
incertum comitiorum eventum patres auctores fiunt.
Tur interrex contione advocate "Quod bonum faustum s
felixque sit" inquit, "Quirites, regem create: ita patribus
visum est. Patres deinde, si dignum qui secundus ab
Romulo numeretur crearitis, auctores fient." Adeo id
gratum plebi fuit, ut, ne victi beneficio viderentur, id
modo sciscerent iuberentque, ut senatus decerneret qui 1o
Romae regnaret. /

Numa Pompilius, a Sabine renowned for piety and justice, is
elected king and inaugurated upon the Capitoline Hill.

XVIII. Inclita iustitia, religioque ea tempestate Nu-
mae Pompili erat. Curibus Sabinis habitabat, consul-
tissimus vir, ut in illa quisquam esse aetate poterat,
omnis divini atque human iuris. Auctorem doctrinae s
eius, quia non extat alius, falso Samium Pythagoram
edunt, quem Servio Tullio regnante Romae centum am-
plius post annos in ultima Italiae ora circa Metapontum
Heracleamque et Crotona iuvenum aemulantium studia
coetus habuisse constat. Ex quibus locis, etsi eiusdem 20
aetatis fuisset, quae fama in Sabinos, aut quo linguae
commercio quemquam ad cupiditatem discendi excivis-
set, quove praesidio unus per tot gentes dissonas ser-
mone moribusque pervenisset? Suopte igitur ingenio
temperatum animum virtutibus futsse opinor magis, in- 25
structumque non tam peregrinis artibus quam discipline
tetrica ac tristi veterum Sabinorum, quo genere nullum
quondam incorruptius fuit.
Audito nominee Numae patres Romani, quamquam
inclinari opes ad Sabinos rege inde sumpto videbantur, 30
tamen neque se quisquam nec factions suae alium nec


denique patrum aut civium quemquam praeferre illi viro
ausi ad unum omnes Numae Pompilio regnum deferen-
dum decernunt. Accitus, sicut Romulus augurato urbe
condenda regnum adeptus est, de se quoque deos con-
5 suli iussit. Inde ab augure, cui deinde honors ergo
publicum id perpetuumque sacerdotium fuit, deductus in
arcem in lapide ad meridiem versus consedit. Augur
ad laevam eius capite velato sedem cepit, dextra manu
baculum sine nodo aduncum tenens, quem lituum ap-
iopellarunt. Inde ubi prospect in urbem agrumque capto
deos precatus regions ab oriented ad occasum determi-
navit, dextras ad meridiem parties, laevas ad septem-
trionem esse, dixit, signum contra, quoad longissime con-
spectum oculi ferebant, animo finivit; turn lituo in
1s laevam manum translate dextra in caput Numae impo-
sita precatus ita est: "Iuppiter pater, si est fas hunc
Numam Pompilium, cuius ego caput teneo, regem Ro-
mae esse, uti tu signa nobis certa adclarassis inter eos
fines, quos feci." Tur peregit verbis auspicia, quae
20 mitti vellet; quibus missis declaratus rex Numa de temple

Numa founds the temple of Janus, reigns in unbroken peace,
inculcates fear of the gods, and establishes the calendar.

) XIX. Qui regno ita potitus urbem novam, conditam
vi et armis, iure ear legibusque ac moribus de integro
condere parat. Quibus cum inter bella adsuescere vide-
25 ret non posse, quippe efferari militia animos, mitigandum
ferocem populum armorum desuetudine r.atus Ianum ad
infimum Argiletum indicem pacis bellique fecit, apertus
ut in armis esse civitatem, clausus pacatos circa omnes
populos significaret. Bis deinde post Numae regnum
30clausus fuit, semel T. Manlio consule post Punicum
primum perfectum bellum, iterum, quod nostrae aetati


dii dederunt ut videremus, post bellum Actiacum ab
imperatore Caesare Augusto pace terra marique parta.
Clauso eo cum omnium circa finitimorum societate ac
foederibus iunxisset animos, positis externorum periculo-
rum curis ne luxuriarent otio animi, quos metus hostium s
disciplinaque militaris continuerat, omnium primum rem
ad multitudinem inperitam et illis saeculis rudem effica-
cissimam, deorum metum iniciendum ratus est. Qui
cum descendere ad animos sine aliquo comment mira-
culi non posset, simulat sibi cum dea Egeria congres- o
sus nocturnos esse; eius se monitu, quae acceptissima
diis essent, sacra instituere, sacerdotes suos cuique de-
orum praeficere.
Atque omnium primum ad cursus lunae in duodecim
menses describit annum; quem, quia tricenos dies singu- s1
lis mensibus luna non explet, desuntque dies solido
anno, qui solstitiali circumagitur orbe, intercalariis men-
sibus interponendis ita dispensavit, ut vicesimo anno ad
metam eandem solis, unde orsi essent, plenis omnium
annorum spatiis dies congruerent. Idem nefastos dies 20
fastosque fecit, quia aliquando nihil cum populo agi
utile futurum erat.

Institution of the great Flamens, the Vestals, the Salii, and
the Pontifex Maximus.

XX. Tum sacerdotibus creandis animum adiecit,
quamquam ipse plurima sacra obibat, ea maxime quae
nunc ad Dialem flaminem pertinent. Sed quia in civitate 25
bellicosa plures Romuli quam Numae similes reges pu-
tabat fore, iturosque ipsos ad bella, ne sacra regiae vicis
desererentur, flaminem lovi adsiduum sacerdotem creavit,
insignique eum veste et curuli regia sella adornavit.
Huic duos flamines adiecit, Marti unum, alterum Quirino; 30
virginesque Vestae legit, Alba oriundum sacerdotium et


genti conditoris haud alienum. Iis, ut adsiduae templi
antistites essent, stipendium de public statuit, virginitate
aliisque caerimoniis venerabiles ac sanctas fecit. Salios
item duodecim Marti Gradivo legit, tunicaeque pictae
s insigne dedit et super tunicam aeneum pectori tegumen,
caelestiaque arma, quae ancilia appellantur, ferre ac per
urbem ire canentes carmina cum tripudiis sollemnique
saltatu iussit.
Pontificem deinde Numam Marcium, Marci filium ex
iopatribus legit, eique sacra omnia exscripta exsignataque
adtribuit, quibus hostiis, quibus diebus, ad quae templa
sacra fierent, atque unde in eos sumptus pecunia ero-
garetur. Cetera quoque omnia public privataque sacra
pontificis scitis subiecit, ut esset, quo consultum plebes
is veniret, ne quid divini iuris neglegendo patriots ritus pe-
regrinosque adsciscendo turbaretur; nec caelestes modo
caerimonias sed iusta quoque funebria placandosque
manes ut idem pontifex edoceret, quaeque prodigia ful-
minibus aliove quo visu missa susciperentur atque cura-
20 rentur. Ad ea elicienda ex mentibus divinis Iovi Elicio
aram in Aventino dicavit, deumque consuluit auguriis,
quae suscipienda essent.

Peaceful reign of the pious king. His meetings with the goddess
Egeria. Institution of the worship of Fides.

XXI. Ad haec consultanda procurandaque multitudine
omni a vi et armis conversa et animi liquid agendo
2s5.occupati erant, et deorum adsidua insidens cura, cum
interesse rebus humans caeleste numen videretur, ea
:pietate omnium pectora imbuerat, ut fides ac ius iu-
randum pro anxio legum ac poenarum metu civitatem
regerent. Et cum ipsi se homines in regis, velut unici
soexempli, mores formarent, tum finitumi etiam populi,
qui antea castra non urbem positam in medio ad solli-


citandam omnium pacem crediderant, in earn verecun-
diam adducti sunt, ut civitatem totam in cultum versam
deorum violare ducerent nefas. Lucus erat, quem me-
dium ex opaco specu fons perenni rigabat aqua. Quo
quia se persaepe Numa sine arbitris velut ad congres-5
sum deae inferebat, Camenis eum lucum sacravit, quod
earum ibi concilia cum coniuge sua Egeria essent. Et
Fidei sollemne instituit. Ad id sacrarium flamines bigis
curru arcuato vehi iussit, manuque ad digitos usque in-
voluta rem divinam facere, significantes fidem tutandam io
sedemque eius etiam in dexteris sacratam esse. Multa
alia sacrificia locaque sacris faciendis, quae Argeos pon-
tifices vocant, dedicavit. Omnium tamen maximum eius
operum fuit tutela per omne regni tempus haud minor
pacis quam regni. 15
Ita duo deinceps reges, alius alia via, ille bello hic
pace, civitatem auxerunt. Romulus septem et triginta
regnavit annos, Numa tres et quadraginta. Cum valida
tum temperata et belli et pacis artibus erat civitas.

Tullus Hostilius is chosen third king. War is declared against
Alba Longa.

XXII. Numae morte ad interregnum res rediit. Inde 20
Tullum Hostilium, nepotem Hostili, cuius in infima arce
clara pugna adversus Sabinos fuerat, regem populus ius-
sit; patres auctores facti. Hic non solum proximo regi
dissimilis sed ferocior etiam quam Romulus fuit. Cum
aetas viresque tur avita quoque gloria animum stimu- 25
labat. Senescere igitur civitatem. otio ratus undique
material excitandi: belli quaerebat. Forte event, ut
agrestes Romani ex Albano agro, Albani ex Romano
praedas in vicem agerent. Imperitabat tum Gaius Clu-
ilius Albae. Utrimque legati fere sub idem tempus ad 30
res repetendas missi. :Tullus prseceperat .suis, ne quid


prius quam mandate agerent. Satis sciebat negaturum
Albanum: ita pie bellum indici posse. Ab Albanis
socordius res acta; except hospitio ab Tullo blande
ac benigne, comiter regis convivium celebrant. Tanti-
s sper Romani et res repetiverant priores et neganti Albano
bellum in tricesimum diem indixerant. Haec renuntiant
Tullo. Turn legatis Tullus dicendi potestatem, quid pe-
tentes venerint, facit. Illi omnium ignari primum pur-
gando terunt tempus: se invitos quicquam, quod minus
ioplaceat Tullo, dicturos, sed imperio subigi; res repetitum
se venisse; ni reddantur, bellum indicere iussos. Ad
haec Tullus "Nuntiate" inquit, "regi vestro, regem
Romanum deos facere testes, uter prius populus res
repetentes legatos aspernatus dimiserit, ut in eum omnes
5s expetant huiusce clades belli."

When the armies meet, the Alban dictator deprecates a pitched
battle as fatal to both parties.

XXIII. Haec nuntiant domum Albani. Et bellum
utrimque summa ope parabatur, civil simillimum bello,
prope inter parents natosque, Troianam utramque pro-
lem, cum Lavinium ab Troia, ab Lavinio Alba, ab Alba-
20 norum stirpe regum oriundi Romani essent. Eventus
tamen belli minus miserabilem dimicationem fecit, quod
nec acie certatum est, et tectis modo dirutis alterius
urbis duo populi in unum confusi sunt.
Albani priores ingenti exercitu in agrum Romanum
2simpetum fecere. Castra ab urbe haud plus quinque
milia passuum locant, fossa circumdant: fossa Cluilia ab
nominee ducis per aliquot saecula appellate est, done
cum re nomen quoque vetustate abolevit. In his cas-
tris Cluilius Albanus rex moritur; dictatorem Albani
3o Mettium Fufetium creant. Interim Tullus ferox prae-
cipue morte regis, magnumque deorum numen, ab ipso


capite orsum, in omne nomen Albanum expetiturum
poenas ob bellum inpium dictitans, nocte praeteritis ho-
stium castris infesto exercitu in agrum Albanum pergit.
Ea res ab stativis excivit Mettium. Ducit quam prox-
ume ad hostem potest. Inde legatum praemissum nunti- s
are Tullo iubet, priusquam dimicent, opus esse colloquio:
si secum congressus sit, satis scire ea se allaturum, quae
nihilo minus ad rem Romanam quam ad Albanam per-
tineant. Haud aspernatus Tullus, tamen, si vana adfe-
rantur, in aciem educit. Exeunt contra et Albani. Post- To
quam structi utrimque stabant, cum paucis procerum
in medium duces procedunt. Ibi infit Albanus: "Iniu-
rias et non redditas res ex foedere quae repetitae sint,
et ego regem nostrum Cluilium causam huiusce esse
belli audisse videor, nec te dubito, Tulle, eadem prae is
te ferre. Sed si vera potius quam dictu speciosa di-
cenda sunt, cupido imperil duos cognatos vicinosque
populos ad arma stimulate. Neque, recte an perpe-
ram, interpreter; fuerit ista eius deliberatio, qui bellum
suscepit; me Albani gerendo bello ducem creavere. 20
Illud te, Tulle, monitum velim: Etrusca res quanta
circa nos teque maxime sit, quo propior es Tuscis, hoc
magis scis. Multum illi terra, plurimum maria pollent.
Memor esto, iam cum signum pugnae dabis, has duas
acies spectaculo fore, ut fessos confectosque simul vic- 25
torem ac victum adgrediantur. Itaque si nos di amant,
quoniam non content libertate certa in dubiam imperii
servitiique aleam imus, ineamus aliquam viam, qua, utri
utris imperent, sine magna clade, sine multo sanguine
utriusque populi decerni possit." Haud displicet res 3o
Tullo, quamquam cum indole animi tum spe victoria
ferocior erat. Quaerentibus utrimque ratio initur, cui
et fortune ipsa praebuit material.


The contestants agree to decide the war by a combat of three
champions from each army.

XXIV. Forte in duobus tur exercitibus erant. trige-
mini fratres nec aetate nec viribus dispares. Horatios
Curiatiosque fuisse satis constat, nec ferme res antiqua
alia est nobilior. Tamen in re tam clara nominum error
s manet, utrius populi Horatii, utrius Curiatii fuerint.
Auctores utroque trahunt;- plures tamen invenio, qui Ro-
manos Horatios vocent; hos ut sequar, inclinat animus.
Cum trigeminis agunt reges, ut pro sua quisque patria
dimicent: ferro: ibi imperium fore, unde victoria fuerit.
roNihil recusatur. Tempus et locus convenit. Priusquam
dimicarent, foedus ictum inter Romanos et Albanos est
his legibus, ut, cuius populi cives eo certamine vicissent,
is alteri populo cum bona pace imperitaret.
Foedera alia aliis legibus, ceterum eodem modo omnia
isfiunt. Turn ita factum accepimus, nec ullius vetustior
foederis memorial est. Fetialis regem Tullum ita roga-
vit: "Iubesne me, rex, cum patre patrato populi Albani
foedus ferire ?." lubente rege Sagmina inquit, te, rex,
posco." Rex ait "Puram tollito." Fetialis ex arce gra-
20minis herbam puram attulit. Postea regem ita rogavit:
'Rex, facisne me tu regium nuntium populi Romani
Quiritium, vasa comitesque meos?" Rex respondit:
"Quod sine fraude mea populique Romani Quiritium
fiat, facio." Fetialis erat M. Valerius. Is patrem patra-
25 tum Spurium Fusium fecit, verbena caput capillosque
tangens. Pater patratus ad ius iurandum patrandum, id
:est sanciendum fit foedus, multisque id verbis, quae
long effata carmine non operate est referred, peragit.
Legibus deinde recitatis, "Audi" inquit, "Iuppiter, audi,
30pater patrate populi Albani, audi tu, populus Albanus:
ut illa palam prima postrema ex illis tabulis cerave re-
citata sunt sine dolo malo, utique ea hic hodie rectis-


sime intellecta sunt, illis legibus populus Romanus prior
non deficit. Si prior defexit public consilio dolo
malo, turn tu, ille Diespiter, populum Romanum sic ferito,
ut ego hunc porcum hic hodie feriam, tantoque magis ferito,
quanto magis potes pollesque." Id ubi dixit, porcum 5
saxo silice percussit. Sua item carmina Albani suumque
ius iurandum per suum dictatorem suosque sacerdotes

Victory of the Horatii over the Curiatii, in consequence of which
Alba becomes subject to Rome.

XXV. Foedere icto trigemini sicut convenerat arma
capiunt. Cum sui utrosque adhortarentur, deos patriots 1o
patriam ac parents, quicquid civium domi, quicquid
in exercitu sit, illorum tunc arma, illorum intueri manus,
feroces et suopte ingenio et pleni adhortantium vocibus
in medium inter duas acies procedunt. Consederant
utrimque pro castris duo exercitus periculi magis prae-5I
sentis quam curae experts: quippe imperium agebatur
in tam paucorum virtute atque fortune positum. Itaque
ergo erecti suspensique in minime gratum spectaculum
animos intendunt. Datur signum, infestisque armis,
velut acies, terni iuvenes magnorum exercituum animos 20
gerentes concurrunt. Nec his nec illis periculum suum,
publicum imperium servitiumque obversatur animo fu-
turaque ea deinde patriae fortune, quam ipsi fecissent.
Ut primo statim concursu concrepuere arma micantesque
fulsere gladii, horror ingens spectantis perstringit, et neutro 25
inclinata spe torpebat vox spiritusque. Consertis deinde
manibus cum iam non motus tantum corporum agitatioque
anceps telorum armorumque, sed vulnera quoque et
sanguis spectaculo essent, duo Romani super alium alius
vulneratis tribus Albanis expirantes corruerunt. Ad 30
quorum casum cum conclamasset gaudio Albanus exercitus,


Romanas legiones iam spes tota, nondum tamen cura
deseruerat, exanimes vice unius, quem tres Curiatii circum-
steterant. Forte is integer fuit, ut universis solus nequa-
quam par, sic adversus singulos ferox. Ergo ut segregaret
s pugnam eorum, capessit fugam, ita ratus secuturos, ut
quemque vulnere adfectum corpus sineret. Iam ali-
quantum spatii ex eo loco, ubi pugnatum est, aufugerat,
cum respiciens videt magnis intervallis sequentes, unum
haud procul ab sese abesse. In eum magno impetu
io rediit; et dum Albanus exercitus inclamat Curiatiis,
uti opem ferant fratri, iam Horatius caeso hoste victor
secundam pugnam petebat. Tunc clamore, qualis ex
insperato faventium solet, Romani adiuvant militem
suum, et ille defungi proelio festinat. Prius itaque quam
1s alter, nec procul aberat consequi posset, et alterum
Curiatium conficit. Iamque aequato Marte singuli super-
erant, sed nec spe nec viribus pares. Alterum intactum
ferro corpus et geminata victoria ferocem in certamen
tertium dabat, alter fessum vulnere, fessum cursu trahens
20corpus, victusque fratrum ante se storage victor obicitur
hosti. Nec illud proelium fuit. Romanus exultans
"Duos "inquit, "fratrum Manibus dedi, tertium causae
belli huiusce, ut Romanus Albano imperet, dabo." Male
sustinenti arma gladium superne iugulo defigit, iacentem
25 spoliat. Romani ovantes ac gratulantes Horatium acci-
piunt eo maiore cum gaudio, quod prope metum res fuerat.
Ad sepulturam inde suorum nequaquam paribus animis
vertuntur, quippe imperio alteri aucti, alteri dicionis
alienae facti. Sepulcra extant quo quisque loco cecidit,
30 duo Romana uno loco propius Albam, tria Albana Romam
versus, sed distantia locis, ut et pugnatum est.


The only surviving Horatius slays his sister, who bewails the
death of her lover, one of the Curiatii; being tried for this
crime, he is saved by an appeal to the people.

XXVI. Priusquam inde digrederentur, roganti Mettio,
ex foedere icto quid imperaret, imperat Tullus, uti iu-
ventutem in armis habeat, usurum se eorum opera, si
bellum cum Veientibus foret. Ita exercitus inde domos
abducti. s
Princeps Horatius ibat trigemina spolia prae se gerens.
Cui soror virgo, quae desponsa uni ex Curiatiis fuerat,
obvia ante portam Capenam fuit; cognitoque super
umeros fratis paludamento sponsi, quod ipsa confecerat,
solvit crines et flebiliter nominee sponsum mortuum ap- o
pellat. Movet feroci iuveni animum conploratio sororis
in victoria sua tantoque gaudio public. Stricto itaque
gladio simul verbis increpans transfigit puellam. "Abi
hinc cum inmaturo more ad sponsum" inquit, "oblita
fratrum mortuorum vivique, oblita patriae. Sic eat 1s
quaecumque Romana lugebit hostem." Atrox visum id
facinus patribus plebique, sed recens meritum facto
obstabat. Tamen raptus in ius ad regem. Rex, ne ipse
tam tristis ingratique ad vulgus iudicii ac secundum
iudicium supplicii auctor esset, concilio populi advocate, 20
"Duumviros" inquit, "qui Horatio perduellionem iudi-
cent secundum legem facio." Lex horrendi carminis
erat: Duumviri perduellionem iudicent. Si a duumviris
provocarit, provocatione certato. Si vincent, caput
obnubito, infelici arbori reste suspendito, verberato 2
vel intra pomerium vel extra pomerium." Hac lege
duumviri creati, qui se absolvere non, rebantur ea
lege ne innoxium quidem posse, cum condemnassent,
turn alter ex iis "Publi Horati, tibi perduellionem
iudico" inquit. "I, lictor, conliga manus." Accesseratso
lictor iniciebatque laqueum. Turn Horatius auctore


Tullo, clemente legis interpreted, "provoco" inquit.
Ita provocatione certatum ad populum est. Moti homines
sunt in eo iudicio maxime Publio Horatio patre procla-
mante, se filiam iure caesam iudicare; ni ita esset, patrio
s iure in filium animadversurum fuisse. Orabat deinde, ne
se, quem paulo ante cum egregia stirpe conspexissent,
orbum liberis facerent. Inter haec senex iuvenem am-
plexus, spolia Curiatiorum fixa eo loco,, qui nunc Pila
Horatia appellatur, ostentans, "Huncine" aiebat, "quem
1o modo decoratum ovantemque victoria incedentem vidistis,
Quirites, eum sub furca vinctum inter verbera et cruciatus
videre potestis, quod vix Albanorum oculi tam deforme
spectaculum ferre possent? I, lictor, conliga manus,
quae paulo ante armatae imperium populo Romano
s pepererunt. I, caput obnube liberatoris urbis huius;
arbore infelici suspended, verbera vel intra pomerium,
modo inter illa pila et spolia hostium, vel extra pome-
rium, modo inter sepulcra Curiatiorum. Quo enim: du-
cere hunc iuvenem potestis, ubi non sua decora eum a
20tanta foeditate supplicii vindicent?" Non tulit popu-
lus nec patris lacrimas nec ipsius parem in omni peri-
culo animum; absolveruntque admiration magis virtutis
quam iure causae. Itaque, ut caedes manifesta aliquo
tamen piaculo lueretur, imperatum patri, ut filium expi-
25aret pecunia public. Is quibusdam piacularibus sacri-
ficiis factis, quae deinde genti Horatiae tradita sunt,
transmisso per viam tigillo capite adoperto velut sub
iugum misit iuvenem. Id hodie quoque public sem-
per refectum manet; sororium tigillum vocant. Hora-
30tiae sepulcrum, quo loco corruerat icta, constructum est
saxo quadrato.


Treachery of Mettius Fufetius, the Alban dictator, in the war
against Fidenae.
XXVII. Nec diu pax Albana mansit. Invidia vulgi,
quod tribus militibus fortune public commissa fuerit,
vanum ingenium dictatoris corrupt, et, quoniam recta
consilia haud bene evenerant, pravis reconciliare popu-
larium animos coepit. Igitur ut prius in bello pacem, s
sic in pace bellum quaerens, quia suae civitati animo-
rum plus quam virium cernebat esse, ad bellum palam
atque ex edicto gerundum alios concitat populos, suis
per speciem societatis proditionem reservat. Fidenates,
colonia Romana, Veientibus sociis consilii adsumptis pacto 1o
transitionis Albanorum ad bellum atque arma incitantur.
Cum Fidenae aperte descissent, Tullus Mettio exercitu-
que eius ab Alba accito contra hostes ducit. Ubi
Anienem transit, ad confluentis collocat castra. Inter
eum locum et Fidenas Veientium exercitus Tiberim s
transierat. Hi in acie prope flumen tenure dextrum
cornu, in sinistro Fidenates propius montes consistent.
Tullus adversus Veientem hostem derigit suos; Albanos
c(.ntra legionem Fidenatium conlocat. Albano non plus
animi erat quam fidei. Nec manere ergo nec transire 20
aperte ausus sensim ad montes succedit. Inde, ubi satis
subisse sese ratus est, erigit totam aciem, fluctuansque
animo, ut tereret tempus, ordines explicat. Consilium
erat, qua fortune rem daret, ea inclinare vires. Mira-
culo primo esse Romanis, qui proximi steterant, ut nudari 25
later sua sociorum digressu senserunt; inde eques citato
equo nuntiat regi, abire Albanos. Tullus in re trepida
duodecim vovit Salios fanaque Pallori ac Pavori. Equitem
clara increpans voce, ut hostes exaudirent, redire in proelium
iubet, nihil trepidatione opus esse; suo iussu circumduci 30
Albanum exercitum, ut Fidenatium nuda terga invadant.
Item imperat, ut hastas equites erigerent. Id fac-
tum magnae parti peditum Romanorum conspectum


abeuntis Albani exercitus intersaepsit; qui viderant, id
quod ab rege auditum erat rati, eo acrius pugnant. Terror
ad hostes transit; et audiverant clara voce dictum, et
magna pars Fidenatium, ut qui coloni additi Romanis
s essent, Latine sciebant. Itaque, ne subito ex collibus
decursu Albanorum intercluderentur ab oppido, terga
vertunt. Instat Tullus fusoque Fidenatium cornu in
Veientem alieno pavore perculsum ferocior redit. Nec illi
tulere impetum, sed ab effusa fuga flumen obiectum ab
o tergo arcebat. Quo postquam fuga inclinavit, alii arma
foede iactantes in aquam caeci ruebant, alii, dum cunc-
tantur in ripis, inter fugae pugnaeque consilium oppressi.
Non alia ante Romana pugna atrocior fuit.

Mettius is denounced by Tullus, and put to death in the pres-
ence of the Alban and Roman armies.

XXVIII. Tum Albanus exercitus, spectator certami-
s5 nis, deductus in campos. Mettius Tullo devictos hostes
gratulatur, contra Tullus Mettium benigne adloquitur.
Quod bene vertat, castra Albanos Romanis castris iun-
gere iubet; sacrificium lustrale in diem posterum parat.
Ubi inluxit, paratis omnibus, ut adsolet, vocari ad con-
20 tionem utrumque exercitum iubet. Praecones ab extreme
orsi primos excivere Albanos. Hi novitate etiam rei
moti, ut regem Romanum contionantem audirent, prox-
imi constitere. Ex composite armata circumdatur Ro-
mana legio. Centurionibus datum negotium erat, ut
25 sine mora imperial exequerentur. Tum ita Tullus infit:
"Romani, si umquam ante alias ullo in bello fuit, quod
primum dis inmortalibus gratias ageretis, deinde vestrae
ipsorum virtuti, hesternum id proelium fuit. Dimicatum
est' enim non magis cum hostibus quam, quae dimica-
30 tio maior atque periculosior est, cum proditione ac per-
fidia sociorum. Nam, ne vos falsa opinion teneat, iniussu


meo Albani subiere ad montes, nec imperium illud meum
sed consilium et imperil simulatio fuit, ut nec vobis,
ignorantibus deseri vos, averteretur a certamine animus,
et hostibus circumveniri se ab tergo ratis terror ac fuga
iniceretur. Nec ea culpa, quam arguo, omnium Alba- s
norum est: ducem secuti sunt, ut et vos, si quo ego inde
agmen declinare voluissem, fecissetis. Mettius ille est
ductor itineris huius, Mettius idem huius machinator
belli, Mettius foederis Romani Albanique ruptor. Au-
deat deinde talia alius, nisi in hunc insigne iam docu-io
mentum mortalibus dedero." Centuriones armati Met-
tium circumsistunt. Rex cetera ut orsus erat peragit:
"Quod bonum faustum felixque sit populo Romano ac
mihi vobisque, Albani, populum omnem Albanum Romam
traducere in animo est, civitatem dare plebi, primores s
in patres legere, unam urbem, unam rem publicam
facere. Ut ex uno quondam in duos populos divisa
Albana res est, sic nunc in unum redeat." Ad haec
Albana pubes inermis ab armatis saepta in variis volun-
tatibus communi tamen metu cogente silentium tenet. 20
Tum Tullus "Metti Fufeti," inquit, "si ipse discere
posses fidem ac foedera servare, vivo tibi ea discipline
a me adhibita esset: nunc, quoniam tuum insanabile in-
genium est, at tu tuo supplicio doce humanum genus
ea sancta credere, quae a te violata sunt. Ut igitur 25
paulo ante animum inter Fidenatem Romanamque rem
ancipitem gessisti, ita iam corpus passim distrahendum
dabis." Exinde duabus admotis quadrigis in currus
earum distentum inligat Mettium, deinde in diversum
iter equi concitati lacerum in utroque curru corpus, qua 30
inhaeserant vinculis membra, portantes. Avertere omnes
ab tanta foeditate spectaculi oculos. Primum ultimum-
que illud supplicium apud Romanos exempli parum me-
moris legum humanarum fuit. In aliis gloriari licet
nulli gentium mitiores placuisse poenas. 35


Alba is destroyed and its population removed to Rome.

XXIX. Inter haec iam praemissi Albam erant equites,
qui multitudinem traducerent Romam. Legiones deinde
ductae ad diruendam urbem. Quae ubi intravere por-
tas, non quidem fuit tumultus ille nec pavor, qualis
s captarum esse urbium solet, cum effractis portis stratisve
ariete muris aut arce vi capta clamor hostilis et cursus
per urbem armatorum omnia ferro flammaque miscet,
sed silentium triste ac tacita maestitia ita defixit om-
nium animos, ut prae metu quid relinquerent, quid se-
io cum ferrent, deficiente consilio rogitantesque alii alios
nunc in liminibus starent, nunc errabundi domos suas
ultimum illud visuri pervagarentur. Ut vero iam -equi-
tum clamor exire iubentium instabat, iam fragor tectorum
quae diruebantur ultimis urbis partibus audiebatur, pul-
5s visque ex distantibus locis ortus velut nube inducta om-
nia impleverat, raptim quibus quisque poterat elatis, cum
larem ac penates tectaque, in quibus natus quisque
educatusque esset, relinquentes exirent, iam continens
agmen migrantium impleverat vias. Et conspectus alio-
20rum mutua miseratione integrabat lacrimas; vocesque
etiam miserabiles exaudiebantur mulierum praecipue, cum
obsessa ab armatis templa augusta praeterirent ac velut
captos relinquerent deos. Egressis urbe Albanis Ro-
manus passim public privataque omnia tecta adaequat
25 solo, unaque hora quadringentorum annorum opus, qui-
bus Alba steterat, excidio ac ruinis dedit; templis tamen
deum ita enim edictum ab rege fuerat temperatum

Growth of the city. War against the Sabines.

XXX. Roma interim crescit Albae ruinis: duplicatur
socivium numerous; Caelius additur urbi mons, et quo


frequentius habitaretur, ear sedem Tullus regiae capit,
ibique deinde habitavit. Principes Albanorum in patres,
ut ea quoque pars rei publicae cresceret, legit, Iulios,
Servilios, Quinctios, Geganios, Curiatios, Cloelios, tem-
plumque ordini ab se aucto curiam fecit, quae Hostilias
usque ad patrum nostrorum aetatem appellate est. Et
ut omnium ordinum viribus liquid ex novo populo
adiceretur, equitum decem turmas ex Albanis legit, le-
giones et veteres eodem supplement explevit et novas
scripsit. Io
Hac fiducia virium Tullus Sabinis bellum indicit, genti
ea tempestate secundum Etruscos opulentissimae viris
armisque. Utrimque iniuriae factae ac res nequiquam
erant repetitae: Tullus ad Feroniae fanum mercatu fre-
quenti negotiators Romanos conprehensos querebatur; s
Sabini suos prius in lucum confugisse ac Romae reten-
tos. Hae causae belli ferebantur. Sabini, haud parum
memories et suarum virium partem Romae ab Tatio
locatam et Romanam rem nuper etiam adiectione po-
puli Albani auctam, circumspicere et ipsi externa auxilia. 20
Etruria erat vicina, proximi Etruscorum Veientes. Inde
ob residuas bellorum iras maxime sollicitatis ad defectio-
nem animis voluntarios traxere, et apud vagos quosdam
ex inopi plebe etiam merces valuit: public auxilio nullo
adiuti sunt, valuitque apud Veientes nam de ceteris 25
minus mirum est pacta cum Romulo indutiarum fides.
Cum bellum utrimque summa ope pararent, vertique in
eo res videretur, utri prius arma inferrent, occupat Tul-
lus in agrum Sabinum transire. Pugna atrox ad Silvam
Malitiosam fuit, ubi et peditum quidem robore, ceterum 30
equitatu aucto nuper plurimum Romana acies valuit.
Ab equitibus repente invectis turbati ordines sunt Sabi-
norum; nec pugna deinde illis constare nec fuga explicari
sine magna caede potuit.


A shower of stones is expiated by a nine days' feast. Dur-
ing a pestilence Tullus falls a prey to superstitious terrors,
and is finally destroyed by a thunderbolt.

XXXI. Devictis Sabinis cum in magna gloria magnis-
que opibus regnum Tulli ac tota res Romana esset, nuntia-
tum regi patribusque est in monte Albano lapidibus
pluvisse. Quod cum credit vix posset, missis ad id visen-
s dum prodigium in conspectu haud aliter, quam cum gran-
dinem venti glomreratam in terras agunt, crebri cecidere
caelo lapides. Visi etiam audire vocem ingentem ex
summi cacuminis luco, ut patrio ritu sacra Albani facerent,
quae velut diis quoque simul cum patria relictis oblivioni
o dederant, et aut Romana sacra susceperant aut fortunate,
ut fit, obirati cultum reliquerant deum. Romanis quoque
ab eodem prodigio novendiale sacrum public susceptum
est, seu voce caelesti ex Albano monte missa nam id
quoque traditur seu haruspicum monitu; mansit certe
s5sollemne, ut, quandoque idem prodigium nuntiaretur,
feriae per novem dies agerentur.
Haud ita multo post pestilentia laboratum est. Unde
cum pigritia militandi oreretur, nulla tamen ab armis
quies dabatur a bellicoso rege, salubriora etiam credente
20omilitiae quam domi iuvenum corpora esse, done ipse
quoque longinquo morbo est implicitus. Tunc adeo
fracti simul cum corpore sunt spirits illi feroces, ut,
qui nihil ante ratus esset minus regium quam sacris dedere
animum, repente omnibus magnis parvisque superstitioni-
25 bus obnoxius degeret, religionibusque etiam populum
impleret. Vulgo iam homines, eum statum rerum, qui
sub Numa rege fuerat, requirentes, unam opem aegris
corporibus relictam, si pax veniaque ab diis impetrata
esset, credebant. Ipsum regem tradunt volventem com-
3omentarios Numae, cum ibi quaedam occulta sollemnia
sacrificia Iovi Elicio facta invenisset, operatum iis sacris


se abdidisse; sed non rite initum aut curatum id sacrum
esse, nec solum nullam ei oblatam caelestium speciem,
sed ira Iovis sollicitati prava religion fulmine ictum cum
domo conflagrasse. Tullus magna gloria belli regnavit
annos duos et triginta. 5

Ancus Marcius is elected fourth king. His character. Reg-
ulation of the ceremonies to be observed in declaring war.

XXXII. Mortuo Tullo res, ut institutum iam inde ab
initio erat, ad patres redierat, hique interregem nomina-
verant. Quo comitia habente Ancum Marcium regem
populus creavit; patres fuere auctores. Numae Pompili
regis nepos filia ortus Ancus Marcius erat. Qui ut regnare j0
coepit, et avitae gloriae memor, et quia proximum regnum,
cetera egregium, ab una parte haud satis prosperum
fuerat aut neglectis religionibus aut prave cultis, long
antiquissimum ratus sacra public ut ab Numa institute
erant facere, omnia ea ex commentariis regis pontificem in ,5
album relata proponere in public iubet. Inde et civibus
otii cupidis et finitimis civitatibus facta spes in avi imores
atque institute regem abiturum. Igitur Latini, cum
quibus Tullo regnante ictum foedus erat, sustulerant
animos; et, cum incursionem in agrum Romanum fecis- 20
sent, repetentibus res Romanis superbe responsum reddunt,
desidem Romanum regem inter sacella et aras acturum esse
regnum rati. Medium erat in Anco ingenium, et Numae
et Romuli memor; et praeterquam quod avi regno magis
necessariam fuisse pacem credebat cum in novo tur feroci 25
populo, etiam quod illi contigisset otium, sine iniuria id se
haud facile habiturum; temptari patientiam et temptatam
contemni, temporaque esse Tullo regi aptiora quam
Numae. Ut tamen, quoniam Numa in pace religiones
instituisset, a se bellicae caerimoniae proderentur, nec 3o
gererentur solum sed etiam indicerentur bella aliquo


ritu, ius ab antiqua gente Aequiculis, quod nunc fetiales
habent, descripsit, quo res repetuntur.
Legatus ubi ad fines eorum venit, unde res repetun-
tur, capite velato filo-lanae velamen est -"Audi,
s Iuppiter," inquit, "audite fines" -cuiuscumque gentis
sunt, nominat, "audiat fas! ego sum publicus nuntius
populi Romani; iuste pieque legatus venio verbisque
meis fides sit." Peragit inde postulata. Inde Ibvem tes-
tem facit: "Si ego iniuste inpieque illos homines illasque
io res dedier mihi exposco, tur patriae compotem me num-
quam siris esse." Haec, cum fines suprascandit, haec,
quicumque ei primus vir obvious fuit, haec portam ingre-
diens, haec forum ingressus paucis verbis carminis concipi-
endique iuris iurandi mutatis peragit. Si non deduntur
15 quos exposcit, diebus tribus et triginta tot enim sollem-
nes sunt peractis bellum ita indicit: "Audi Iuppiter et
tu lane Quirine diique omnes caelestes vosque terrestres
vosque inferni audite! Ego vos testor, populum illum"
quicumque est, nominat "iniustum esse, neque ius
20persolvere. Sed de istis rebus in patria maiores natu
consulemus, quo pacto ius nostrum adipiscamur." Tur
nuntius Romam ad consulendum redit. Confestim rex
his ferme verbis patres consulebat: "Quarum rerum
litium causarum condixit pater patratus populi Romani
2s Quiritium patri patrato Priscorum Latinorum hominibus-
que Priscis Latinis, quas res nec dederunt nec solverunt
nec fecerunt, quas res dari solvi fieri oportuit, dic," inquit
ei, quem primum sententiam rogabat, "quid censes?"
Tum ille: "Puro pioque duello quaerendas censeo, itaque
30consentio consciscoque." Inde ordine alii rogabantur,
quandoque pars maior eorum qui aderant in eandem
sententiam ibat, bellum erat consensus. Fieri solitum,
ut fetialis hastam ferratam aut praeustam sanguineam
ad fines eorum ferret, et non minus tribus puberibus
35 praesentibus diceret: "Quod populi Priscorum Latinorum


hominesque Prisci Latini adversus populum Romanum
Quiritium fecerunt, deliquerunt, quod populus Romanus
Quiritium bellum cum Priscis Latinis iussit esse, senatus-
que populi Romani Quiritium censuit, consensit, conscivit,
ut bellum cum Priscis Latinis fieret, ob earn rem ego s
populusque Romanus populis Priscorum Latinorum ho-
minibusque Priscis Latinis bellum indico facioque." Id
ubi dixisset, hastam in fines eorum emittebat. Hoc tur
modo ab Latinis repetitae res ac bellum indictum, morem-
que eum poster acceperunt. Io

Capture of Politorium, settlement of the Aventine Hill, war
with the Latins, fortification of the Janiculum, and exten-
sion of the frontiers.

XXXIII. Ancus demandata cura sacrorum flaminibus
sacerdotibusque aliis exercitu novo conscripto profectus
Politorium urbem Latinorum vi cepit, secutusque more
regum priorum, qui rem Romanam auxerant hostibus in
civitatem accipiendis, multitudinem omnem Romam tra- i
duxit. Et cum circa Palatium, sedem veterum Romano-
rum, Sabini Capitolium atque arcem, Caelium montem
Albani inplessent, Aventinum novae multitudini datum.
Additi eodem baud ita multo post Tellenis Ficanaque
captis novi cives. Politorium inde rursus bello repeti- 20
tum, quod vacuum occupaverant Prisci Latini. Eaque
causa diruendae urbis eius fuit Romanis, ne hostium
semper receptaculum esset.' Postremo omni bello Latino
Medulliam conpulso aliquamdiu ibi Marte" incerto varia
victoria pugnatum est: nam et urbs tuta munitionibus 25
praesidioque firmata valido erat, et castris in aperto po-
sitis aliquotiens exercitus Latinus comminus cum Roma-
nis sign contulerat. Ad ultimum omnibus copiis conisus
Ancus acie primum vincit, inde ingenti praeda potens
Romam redit, tum quoque multis milibus Latinorum in 30


civitatem accepts, quibus, ut iungeretur Palatio Aventi-
num, ad Murciae datae sedes. Ianiculum quoque ad-
iectum, non inopia loci, sed ne quando ea arx hostium
esset. Id non muro solum, sed etiam ob commodita-
stem itineris ponte Sublicio, turn primum in Tiberi
facto, coniungi urbi placuit. Quiritium quoque fossa,
haud parvum munimentum a planioribus aditu locis,
Anci regis opus est. Ingenti incremento rebus auctis cum
in tanta multitudine hominum discrimine recte an per-
ioperam facti confuso facinora clandestine fierent, career
ad terrorem increscentis audaciae media urbe inminens
foro aedificatur. Nec urbs tantum hoc rege crevit sed
etiam ager finesque: silva Mesia Veientibus adempta
usque ad mare imperium prolatum, et in ore Tiberis
5s Ostia urbs condita, salinae circa factae; egregieque re-
bus bello gestis aedis lovis Feretrii amplificata.

Tarquinius Priscus comes from Etruria to Rome, where he
gains the affections of the people and the confidence of the

XXXIV. Anco regnante Lucumo, vir inpiger ac divi-
tiis potens, Romam commigravit cupidine maxime ac spe
magni honors, cuius adipiscendi Tarquiniis nam ibi
20 quoque peregrina stirpe oriundus erat facultas non fu-
erat. Demarati Corinthii filius erat, qui ob seditiones
domo profugus cum Tarquiniis forte consedisset, uxore
ibi ducta duos filios genuit. Nomina his Lucumo atque
Arruns fuerunt. Lucumo superfuit patri bonorum om-
25nium heres, Arruns prior quam pater moritur uxore
gravida relicta. Nec diu manet superstes filio pater;
qui cum ignorans nurum ventrem ferre inmemor in te-
stando nepotis decessisset, puero post avi mortem in
nullam sortem bonorum nato ab inopia Egerio inditum
30 nomen. Lucumoni contra omnium heredi bonorum cum


divitiae iam animos facerent, auxit ducta in matrimonium
Tanaquil summo loco nata, et quae haud facile his, in
quibus nata erat, humiliora sineret ea, quo innupsisset.
Spernentibus Etruscis Lucumonem exule advena ortum,
ferre indignitatem non potuit, oblitaque ingenitae erga s
patriam caritatis, dummodo virum honoratum videret,
consilium migrandi ab Tarquiniis cepit. Roma est ad
id potissimum visa: in novo populo, ubi omnis repen-
tina atque ex virtute nobilitas sit, futurum locum forti
ac strenuo viro; regnasse Tatium Sabinum, arcessitum 1o
in regnum Numam a Curibus, et Ancum Sabina matre
ortum nobilemque una imagine Numae esse. Facile
persuade ut cupido honorum, et cui Tarquinii materna
tantum patria esset.
Sublatis itaque rebus migrant Romam. Ad Iani- 5
culum forte ventum erat. Ibi ei carpento sedenti cum
uxore aquila suspensis demissa leniter alis pilleum aufert,
superque carpentum cum magno clangore volitans rursus,
velut ministerio divinitus missa, capiti apte reponit, inde
sublimis abit. Accepisse id augurium laeta dicitur Ta-20
naquil, perita, ut vulgo Etrusci, caelestium prodigiorum
mulier. Excelsa et alta sperare complex virum iubet:
ear alitem, ea region caeli et eius dei nuntiam venisse,
circa summum culmen hominis auspicium fecisse, levasse
human superpositum capiti decus, ut divinitus eidem 25
redderet. Has spes cogitationesque secum portantes ur-
bem ingressi sunt, domicilioque ibi comparato L. Tar-
quinium Priscum edidere nomen. Romanis conspicuum
eum novitas divitiaeque faciebant, et ipse fortunam be-
nigno adloquio, comitate invitandi beneficiisque quos po- 30
terat sibi conciliando adiuvabat, done in regiam quoque
de eo fama perlata est. Notitiamque eam brevi apud
regem liberaliter dextreque obeundo official in familiaris
amicitiae adduxerat iura, ut publicis pariter ac privatis
consiliis bello domique interesset, et per omnia ex- 3


pertus postremo tutor etiam liberis regis testamento insti-

At the death of Ancus he is chosen fifth king. He establishes
the "gentes minores," conquers Apiolae, lays out the Circus
Maximus, and institutes the "ludi Roniani."

XXXV. Regnavit Ancus annos quattuor et viginti,
cuilibet superiorum regum belli pacisque et artibus et
5 gloria par. Iam filii prope puberem aetatem erant. Eo
magis Tarquinius instare, ut quam primum comitia regi
creando fierent; quibus indictis sub tempus pueros ve-
natum ablegavit. Isque primus et petisse ambitiose
regnum et orationem dicitur habuisse ad conciliandos
ioplebis animos compositam: se non rem novam petere,
quippe qui non primus, quod quisquam indignari mirarive
posset, sed tertius Romae peregrinus regnum adfectet;
et Tatium non ex peregrino solum sed etiam ex hoste
.regem factum, et Numam ignarum urbis non petentem
5 in regnum ultro accitum: se, ex quo sui potens fuerit,
Romam cum coniuge ac fortunis omnibus commigrasse;
maiorem partem aetatis eius, qua civilibus officiis fungan-
tur homines, Romae se quam in vetere patria vixisse; domi
militiaeque sub haud paenitendo magistro, ipso Anco
20 rege, Romana se iura, Romanos ritus didicisse; obsequio
et observantia in regem cum omnibus, benignitate erga
alios cum rege ipso certasse:- haec eum haud falsa
memorantem ingenti consensus populus Romanus regnare
iussit. Ergo virum cetera egregium secuta, quam in
2spetendo habuerat, etiam regnantem ambitio est; nec
mihus regni sui firmandi quam augendae rei publicae
memor centum in patres legit, qui deinde minorum gentium
sunt appellati, factio haud dubia regis, cuius beneficio in
curiam venerant. Bellum primum cum Latinis gessit,
30 et oppidum ibi Apiolas vi cepit, praedaque inde maiore,


quam quanta belli fama fuerat, revecta ludos opulentius
instructiusque quam priores reges fecit. Tunc primum
circo, qui nunc Maximus dicitur, designatus locus est.
Loca divisa patribus equitibusque, ubi spectacular sibi
quisque facerent, fori appellati. Spectavere furcis duo-s
denos ab terra spectacular alta sustinentibus, pedes.
Ludicrum fuit equi pugilesque ex Etruria maxime acciti.
Sollemnes deinde annui mansere ludi, Romani Magnique
varie appellati. Ab eodem rege et circa forum, privatis
aedificanda divisa sunt loca, porticus tabernaeque factae. ro

War with the Sabines. Increase of the equites despite the op-
position of the augur Attus Navius.

XXXVI. Muro quoque lapideo circumdare urbem pa-
rabat, cum Sabinum bellum coeptis intervenit. Adeoque
ea subita res fuit, ut prius Anienem transirent hostes,
quam obviam ire ac prohibere exercitus Romanus pos-
set. Itaque trepidatum Romae est. Et primo dubia vic- 1s
toria magna utrimque caede pugnatum est. Reductis
deinde in castra hostium copiis datoque spatio Romanis
ad comparandum de integro bellum, Tarquinius, equitem
maxime suis deesse viribus ratus, ad Ramnes Titienses
Luceres, quas centuries Romulus scripserat, addere alias 20
constituit, suoque insignis relinquere nominee. Id quia
inaugurate Romulus fecerat, negare Attus Navius, incli-
tus ea tempestate augur, neque mutari neque novum
constitui, nisi aves addixissent, posse. Ex eo ira: regi
mota, eludensque artem ut ferunt, "Age dum" inquit, 25
"divine tu, inaugura, fierine possit, quod nunc ego mente
concipio." Cum ille augurio rem experts profecto fu-
turam dixisset, "Atqui hoc animo agitavi" inquit, "te
.novacula cotem discissurum: cape haec et perage, ,quod
aves tuae fieri posse portendunt." Tum illum haud3o
cunctanter discidisse cotem ferunt. Statua Atti. capite


velato, quo in loco res acta cst, in comitio, in gradibus
ipsis ad laevam curiae fuit, cotem quoque eodem loco
sitam fuisse memorant, ut esset ad posters miraculi
eius monumentum. Auguriis certe sacerdotioque augurum
5 tantus honos accessit, ut nihil belli domique postea nisi
auspicato gereretur, concilia populi, exercitus vocati,
summa rerum, ubi aves non admisissent, dirimerentur.
Neque tum Tarquinius de equitum centuries quicquam
mutavit, numero alterum tantum adiecit, ut mille et
o octingenti equites in tribus centuries essent. Posteriores
modo sub isdem nominibus qui additi erant appellati
sunt, quas nunc, quia geminatae sunt, sex vocant centuries.

The Sabines are defeated and their spoils offered to Vulcan.

XXXVII. Hac parte copiarum aucta iterum cum Sa-
binis confligitur. Sed praeterquam quod viribus creverat
s1 Romanus exercitus, ex occulto etiam additur dolus, mis-
sis qui magnam vim lignorum in Anienis ripa iacentem
ardentem in flumen conicerent; ventoque iuvante ac-
censa ligna, et pleraque in ratibus inpacta sublicis cum
haererent pontem incendunt. Ea quoque res in pugna
20terrorem attulit Sabinis, et fusis eadem fugam inpediit,
multique mortales, cum hostem effugissent, in flumine
ipso periere; quorum fluitantia arma ad urbem cognita
in Tiberi prius paene, quam nuntiari posset, insignem
victoriam fecere. Eo proelio praecipua equitum gloria
25 fuit: utrimque ab cornibus positos, cum iam pelleretur
media peditum suorum acies, ita incurrisse ab lateribus
ferunt, ut non sisterent modo Sabinas legiones ferociter
instantes cedentibus, sed subito in fugam averterent.
Montes effuso cursu Sabini petebant; et pauci tenure;
3o maxima pars, ut ante dictum est, ab equitibus in flu-
men acti sunt. Tarquinius instandum perterritis ratus,
praeda captivisque Romam missis, spoliis hostium id


votum Vulcano erat ingenti cumulo accensis pergit
porro in agrum Sabinum exercitum inducere; et quam-
quam male gestae res erant, nec gestures melius spe-
rare poterant, tamen, quia consulendi res non. dabat
spatium, iere obviam Sabini tumultuario milite; iterum- s
que ibi fusi perditis iam prope rebus pacem petiere.

Surrender of Collatia. Victories. over the Latins. Public works
at Rome.

XXXVIII. Collatia et quidquid citra Collatiam agri
erat Sabinis ademptum, Egerius fratris hic filius erat
regis Collatiae in praesidio relictus. Deditosque Col-
latinos ita accipio eamque deditionis formula esse: o
rex interrogavit "Estisne vos legati oratoresque missi a
populo Conlatino, ut vos populumque Conlatinum dede-
retis?" "Sumus." "Estne populus Conlatinus in sua
potestate?" "Est." "Deditisne vos populumque Con-
latinum, urbem, agros, aquam, terminos, delubra, utensi- Is
lia, divina humanaque omnia in meam populique Romani
dicionem ?" "Dedimus." "At ego recipio." Bello
Sabino perfect Tarquinius triumphans Romam redit.
Inde Priscis Latinis bellum fecit. Ubi nusquam ad
universae rei dimicationem ventum est; ad singula op- 20
pida circumferendo arma omne nomen Latinum domuit.
Corniculum, Ficulea vetus, Cameria, Crustumerium, Ame-
riola, Medullia, Nomentum, haec de Priscis Latinis aut
qui ad Latinos defecerant capta oppida. Pax deinde
est facta. 25
Maiore inde animo pacis opera inchoata quam quanta
mole gesserat bella, ut non quietior populus domi es-
set, quam militia fuisset: nam et muro lapideo, cuius
exordium operis Sabino bello turbatum erat, urbem, qua
nondum munierat, cingere parat; et infima urbis loca30
circa forum aliasque interiectas collibus convalles, quia


ex plans locis haud facile evehebant aquas, cloacis fa-
stigio in Tiberim ductis siccat; et aream ad aedem in
Capitolio Iovis, quam voverat bello Sabino, iam praesa-
giente animo futuram olim amplitudinem loci occupat
s fundamentis.

A flame appears upon the head of Servius Tullius, a young
boy asleep in the palace of Tarquin. The queen predicts
his future eminence.

XXXIX. Eo tempore in regia prodigium visu even-
tuque mirabile fuit: puero dormienti, cui Servio Tullio
fuit nomen, caput arsisse ferunt multorum in conspectu.
Plurimo igitur clamore inde ad tantae rei miraculum
ioorto excitos reges, et, cum quidam familiarium aquam
ad restinguendum ferret, ab regina retentum, sedatoque
ear tumultu moveri vetuisse puerum, done sua sponte
experrectus esset. Mox cum somno et flammam abisse.
Tum abducto in secretum viro Tanaquil "Viden tu pu-
xs erum hunc" inquit, "quem tam humili cultu educamus?
Scire licet hunc lumen quondam rebus nostris dubiis
futurum praesidiumque regiae adflictae: proinde mate-
riam ingentis public privatimque decoris omni indul-
gentia nostra nutriamus." Inde puerum liberum loco
2ocoeptum haberi erudirique artibus, quibus ingenia ad
magnae fortunae cultum excitantur. Evenit facile, quod
diis cordi esset. luvenis evasit vere indolis regiae, nec
cum quaereretur gener Tarquinio, quisquam Romanae
iuventutis ulla arte conferri potuit, filiamque ei suam
25 rex despondit.
Hic quacumque de causa tantus illi honos habitus
credere prohibet serva natum eum parvumque ipsum
servisse. Eorum magis sententiae sum, qui Corniculo
capto Servi Tulli, qui princeps in illa urbe fuerat, gra-
3ovidam viro occiso uxorem, cum inter reliquas captivas


cognita esset, ob unicam nobilitatem ab regina Romana
prohibitam ferunt servitio partum Romae edidisse Prisci
Tarquini in domo. Inde tanto beneficio et inter mulieres
familiaritatem auctam, et puerum, ut in domo a parvo
eductum, in caritate atque honor fuisse; fortunam ma- s
tris, quod capta patria in hostium manus venerit, ut
serva natus crederetur fecisse.

Tarquin is murdered at the instigation of the sons of Ancus

XL. Duodequadragesimo ferme anno, ex quo regnare
coeperat Tarquinius, non apud regem modo sed apud
patres plebemque long maximo honore Servius Tullius o
erat. Tur Anci filii duo, etsi antea semper pro indi-
gnissimo habuerant se patrio regno tutoris fraude pulsos,
regnare Romae advenam non modo vicinae sed ne Italicae
quidem stirpis, tum inpensius iis indignitas crescere,
si ne ab Tarquinio quidem ad se rediret regnum, sed 5s
praeceps inde porro ad servitia caderet, ut in eadem
civitate post centesimum fere annum quod: Romulus,
deo prognatus, deus ipse, tenuerit regnum, done in
terris fuerit, id servus, serva natus, possideat. Cum
commune Romani nominis tur praecipue id domus 20
suae dedecus fore, si Anci regis virili stirpe salva non
modo advenis sed servis etiam regnum Romae pateret.
Ferro igitur eam arcere contumeliam statuunt. Sed et
iniuriae dolor in Tarquinium ipsum magis quam in Ser-
vium eos stimulabat, et quia gravior ultor caedis, si25
superesset, rex futurus erat quam privatus; tur Servio
occiso quemcumque alium generum delegisset, eundem
regni heredem facturus videbatur: -ob haec ipsi regi
insidiae parantur. Ex pastoribus duo ferocissimi delecti
ad facinus, quibus consueti erant uterque agrestibus ferra- 30
mentis, in vestibulo regiae quam potuere tumultuosissime


specie rixae in se omnes apparitores regios convertunt.
Inde, cum ambo regem appellarent clamorque eorum
penitus in regiam pervenisset, vocati ad regem pergunt.
Primo uterque vociferari et certatim alter alteri obstre-
spere. Coerciti ab lictore et iussi in vicem dicere tan-
dem obloqui desistunt; unus rem ex composite orditur.
Dum intentus in eum se rex totus averteret, alter elatam
securim in caput deiecit, relictoque in vulnere telo ambo
se foras eiciunt.

His death is concealed until, by the assistance of Tanaquil,
Servius Tullius is established as sixth king.

o1 XLI. Tarquinium moribundum cum qui circa erant
excepissent, illos fugientes lictores comprehendunt. Cla-
mor inde concursusque populi mirantium, quid rei esset.
Tanaquil inter tumultum claudi regiam iubet, arbitros
eicit; simul quae curando vulneri opus sunt, tamquam
1s spes subesset, sedulo conparat, simul, si destituat spes,
alia praesidia molitur. Servio proper accito cum paene
exsanguem virum ostendisset, dextram tenens orat, ne
inultam mortem soceri, ne socrum inimicis ludibrio esse
sinat. "Tuum est" inquit, "Servi, si vir es, regnum,
2onon eorum, qui alienis manibus pessimum facinus fe-
cere. Erige te deosque duces sequere, qui clarum hoc
fore caput divino quondam circumfuso igni portende-
runt. Nunc te illa caelestis excitet flamma, nunc ex-
pergiscere vere. Et nos peregrini regnavimus. Qui sis,
2snon unde natus sis, reputa. Si tua re subita consilia
torpent, at tu mea consilia sequere." Cum clamor
impetusque multitudinis vix sustineri posset, ex superi-
ore parte aedium per fenestras in Novam Viam versas
habitabat enim rex ad Iovis Statoris populum Ta-
3onaquil adloquitur. Iubet bono animo esse: sopitum
fuisse regem subito ictu, ferrum haud alte in corpus


descendisse, iam ad se redisse; inspectum vulnus abs-
terso cruore; omnia salubria esse. Confidere propediem
ipsum eos visuros; interim Servio Tullio iubere populum
dicto audientem esse; eum iura redditurum obiturumque
alia regis munia esse. Servius cum trabea et lictoribus s
prodit, ac sede regia sedens alia decernit, de aliis con-
sulturum se regem esse simulat. Itaque per aliquot
dies, cum iam exspirasset Tarquinius, celata morte per
speciem alienae fungendae vicis suas opes firmavit.
Tur demum palam factum est conploratione in regia 1o
orta. Servius praesidio firmo munitus primus iniussu
populi voluntate patrum regnavit. Anci liberi iam tum
conprensis sceleris ministris, ut vivere regem et tantas
esse opes Servi nuntiatum est, Suessam Pometiam exu-
latum ierant. 15

Servius marries his daughters to the sons of Tarquin. War
with Veii. Institution of the census.

XLII. Nec iam publicis magis consiliis Servius quam
privatis munire opes, et ne, qualis Anci liberum animus
adversus Tarquinium fuerat, talis adversus se Tarquini
liberum esset, duas filias iuvenibus regiis Lucio atque
Arrunti Tarquiniis iungit. Nec rupit tamen fati neces-20
sitatem humans consiliis, quin invidia regni etiam inter
domesticos infida omnia atque infesta faceret. Perop-
portune ad praesentis quietem status bellum cum Vei-
entibus iam enim indutiae exierant aliisque Etruscis
sumptum. In eo bello et virtues et fortune enituit Tulli; 25
fusoque ingenti hostium exercitu haud dubius rex, seu
patrum seu plebis animos periclitaretur, Romam rediit.
Adgrediturque inde ad pacis long maximum opus,
ut, quem ad modum Numa divini auctor iuris fuisset,
ita Servium conditorem omnis in civitate discriminis 30
ordinumque, quibus inter gradus dignitatis fortunaeque


liquid interlucet, posteri fama ferrent. Censum enim
instituit, rem saluberrimam tanto future imperio, ex quo
belli pacisque munia non viritim ut ante, sed pro habitu
pecuniarum fierent. Tum classes centuriasque et hunc
s ordinem ex censu discripsit vel paci decorum vel bello.

The reformed constitution and the Comitia Centuriata.

XLIII. Ex iis, qui centum milium aeris aut niaiorem
censum haberent, octoginta confecit centuries, quadrage-
nas seniorum ac iuniorum: prima classics omnes appellati;
seniors ad urbis custodiam ut praesto essent, iuvenes
1o ut foris bella gererent. Arma his imperata galea, clipeum,
c$reae, lorica, omnia ex aere; haec ut tegumenta corpo-
ris essent: tela in hostem hastaque et gladius. Additae
huic classic duae fabrum centuriae, quae sine armis stipen-
dia facerent; datum munus ut machines in bello ferrent.
5s Secunda classics intra centum usque ad quinque et septua-
* ginta milium censum institute, et ex iis, senioribus
iunioribusque, viginti conscriptae centuriae. Arma
imperata scutum pro clipeo, et praeter loricam omnia
eadem. Tertiae classics quinquaginta milium censum
2oesse voluit. Totidem centuriae et hae eodemque dis-
crimine aetatium factae; nec de armis quicquam muta-
tum, ocreae tantum ademptae. In quarta classes census
quinque et viginti milium; totidem centuriae factae;
arma mutata, nihil praeter hastam et verutum datum.
25 Quinta classics aucta, centuriae triginta factae. Fundas
lapidesque missiles hi secum gerebant. His accensi cor-
nicines tubicinesque, in duas centuries distribute. Un-
decim milibus haec classics censebatur. Hoc minor
census reliquam multitudinem habuit: inde una centuria
3ofacta est immunis militia. Ita pedestri exercitu ornato
distributoque equitum ex primoribus civitatis duodecim
scripsit centuries. Sex item alias centuries, tribus ab


Romulo institutes, sub isdem, quibus inauguratae erant,
nominibus fecit. Ad equos emendos dena milia aeris
ex public data, et quibus equos alerent, viduae adtri-
butae, quae bina milia aeris in annos singulos penderent.
Haec omnia in dites a pauperibus iiclinata onera. s
Deinde est honos additus,: non enim, ut ab Romulo
traditum ceteri servaverant reges, viritim suffragium ea-
dem vi eodemque iure promise omnibus datum est;
sed gradus facti, ut neque exclusus ,quisquam suffragio
videretur, et vis omnis penes primores civitatis esset. 0o
Equites enim vocabantur primi, octoginta inde primae
classics centuriae; ibi si variaret, quod raro incidebat,
secundae classics; nec fere umquam infra ita descenderunt
ut ad infimos pervenirent. Nec mirari oportet hunc
ordinem, qui nunc est post expletas quinque et triginta Is
tribus duplicate earum numero centuries iuniorum senior-
umque, ad institutam ab Servio Tullio summam non con-
venire. Quadrifariam enim urbe divisa regionibus col-
libusque, qui habitabantur, parties eas tribus appellavit,
ut ego arbitror ab tribute nam eius quoque aequaliter 20
ex censu conferendi ab eodem inita ratio est; neque
Seae tribus ad centuriarum distributionem numerumque
quicquam pertinuere.

The ceremonies of the Lustrum. The seven hills of the city
are enclosed with a ring-wall.
XLIV. Censu perfect, quem maturaverat.metu legis
de incensis latae cum vinculorum minis mortisque, edixit 25
ut omnes cives Romani, equites peditesque, in suis quis-
que centuries in Campo Martio prima luce adessent.
Ibi instructum exercitum omnem suovetaurilibus lustravit,
idque conditum lustrum appellatum, quia is censendo
finis factus est. Milia LXXX eo lustro civium censa so
dicuntur. Adicit scriptorum antiquissimus Fabius Pictor
eorum qui arma ferre possent eum numerum fuisse.


Ad earn multitudinem urbs quoque amplificanda visa
est. Addit duos colles, Quirinalem Viminalemque; inde
deinceps auget Esquilias, ibique ipse, ut loco dignitas
fieret, habitat. Aggere et fossis et muro circumdat
s urbem; ita pomerium profert. Pomerium, verbi vim
solam intuentes, postmoerium interpretantur esse; est
autem magis circamoerium, locus, quem in condendis
urbibus quondam Etrusci, qua murum ducturi erant,
certis circa terminis inaugurate consecrabant, ut neque
iointeriore part aedificia moenibus continuarentur, quae
nunc vulgo etiam coniungunt, et extrinsecus puri liquid
ab human cultu pateret soli. Hoc spatium, quod ne-
que habitari neque arari fas erat, non magis quod post
murum esset, quam quod murus post id, pomerium
5 Romani appellarunt, et in urbis incremento semper,
quantum moenia processura erant, tantum termini hi
consecrati proferebantur.

A temple to Diana is built on the Aventine Hill as a common
sanctuary for Rome and Latium.
XLV. Aucta'civitate magnitudine urbis, formatis om-
nibus domi et ad belli et ad pacis usus, ne semper armis
20oopes adquirerentur, consilio augere imperium conatus
est, simul et aliquod addere urbi decus. Iam tur erat
inclitum Dianae Ephesiae fanum. Id communiter a
civitatibus Asiae factum fama ferebat. Eum consensum
deosque consociatos laudare mire Servius inter proceres
2sLatinorum, cum quibus public privatimque hospitia
amicitiasque de industrial iunxerat. Saepe iterando eadem
perpulit tandem, ut Romae fanum Dianae populi Latini
cum populo Romano facerent. Ea erat confessio caput
rerum Romam esse, de quo totiens armis certatum fuerat.
30 Id quamquam omissum iam ex omnium cura Latino-
rum ob rem totiens infeliciter temptatam armis videba-
tur, uni se ex Sabinis fors dare visa est private consilio


imperil recuperandi. Bos in Sabinis nata cuidam patri
familiar dicitur miranda magnitudine ac specie. Fixa
per multas aetates cornua in vestibulo templi Dianae
monumentum ei fuere miraculo. Habita, ut erat, res
prodigii loco est; et cecinere vates, cuius civitatis earns
cives Dianae immolassent, ibi fore imperium; idque car-
men pervenerat ad antistitem fani Dianae, Sabinusque,
ut prima apta dies sacrificio visa est, bovem Romam
actam deducit ad fanum Dianae et ante aram statuit.
Ibi antistes Romanus, cum eum magnitude victumae o
celebrate fama movisset, memor response Sabinum ita
adloquitur: "Quidnam tu, hospes, paras," inquit, "in-
ceste sacrificium Dianae facere? Quin tu ante vivo
perfunderis flumine? Infima valle praefluit Tiberis."
Religione tactus hospes, qui omnia, ut prodigio respon-Is
deret events, cuperet rite facta, extemplo descendit ad
Tiberim. Interea Romanus immolat Dianae bovem. Id
mire gratum regi atque civitati fuit.

Servius' daughter and her husband Lucius Tarquinius con-
spire against him.
XLVI. Servius quamquam iam usu haud dubie
regnum possederat, tamen, quia interdum iactari voces a 20
iuvene Tarquinio audiebat se iniussu populi regnare,
conciliata prius voluntate plebis agro capto ex hostibus
viritim diviso ausus est ferre ad populum, vellent iube-
rentne se regnare; tantoque consensus, quanto haud
quisquam alius ante, rex est declaratus. Neque ea res 25
Tarquinio spem adfectandi regni minuit: immo eo in-
pensius, quia de agro plebis adversa patrum voluntate
senserat agi, criminandi Servi apud patres crescendique
in curia sibi occasionem datam ratus est, et ipse iuvenis
ardentis animi et domi uxore Tullia inquietum animum 30
stimulante. Tulit enim et Romana regia sceleris tragici
exemplum, ut taedio regum maturior veniret libertas,


ultimumque regnum esset, quod scelere partum foret.
Hic L. Tarquinius Prisci Tarquini regis filius neposne
fuerit, parum liquet; pluribus tamen auctoribus
filium ediderim fratrem habuerat Arruntem Tarqui-
s nium, mitis ingenii iuvenem. His duobus, ut ante dictum
est, duae Tulliae regis filiae nupserant, et ipsae long dis-
pares moribus. Forte ita inciderat, ne duo violent
ingenia matrimonio iungerentur, fortune credo populi
Romani, quo diuturnius Servi regnum esset, constituique
iocivitatis mores possent. Angebatur ferox Tullia nihil
material in viro neque ad cupiditatem neque ad auda-
ciam esse; tota in alterum aversa Tarquinium eum.
mirari, eum virum dicere ac regio sanguine ortum; spernere
sororem, quod virum nacta muliebri cessaret audacia.
is Contrahit celeriter similitudo eos, ut fere fit; malum
malo aptissimum; sed initium turbandi omnia a femina
ortum est. Ea secrets viri alieni adsuefacta sermoni-
bus nullis verborum contumeliis parcere de viro ad
fratrem, de sorore ad virum; et se rectius viduam
20 et illum caelibem futurum fuisse contender quam cum
inpari iungi, ut elanguescendum aliena ignavia esset.
Si sibi eum, quo digna esset, dii dedissent virum, domi
se prope diem visuram regnum fuisse, quod apud patrem
videat. Celeriter adulescentem suae temeritatis implet.
2sLucius Tarquinius et Tullia minor prope continuatis
funeribus cum domos vacuas novo matrimonio fecissent,
iunguntur nuptiis magis non prohibente Servio quam

Tarquin, incited by his wife to seize the throne, goes with armed
men to the Forum, summons the Senate, and inveighs vio-
lently against Servius.

XLVII: Tum vero in dies infestior Tulli senectus,
30infestius coepit regnum esse. Iam enim ab scelere ad


aliud spectare mulier scelus, nec nocte nec interdiu vi-
rum conquiescere pati, ne gratuita praeterita parricidia
essent: non sibi defuisse cui nupta diceretur, nec cum
quo tacita serviret; defuisse qui se regno dignum pu-
taret, qui meminisset se esse Prisci Tarquini filium, qui 5
habere quam sperare regnum mallet. "Si tu is es cui
nuptam esse me arbitror, et virum et regem appello;
sin minus, eo nunc peius mutata res est, quod istic cum
ignavia est scelus. Quin accingeris? Non tibi ab
Corintho nec ab Tarquiniis, ut patri tuo, peregrina regna io
moliri necesse est; di te penates patriique et patris imago
et domus regia et in domo regale solium et nomen Tar-
quinium create vocatque regem. Aut si ad haec parum est
animi, quid frustraris civitatem? Quid te ut regium
iuvenem conspici sinis? Facesse hinc Tarquinios aut s5
Corinthum, devolvere retro ad stirpem, fratris similior
quam patris." His aliisque increpando iuvenem instigat,
nec conquiescere ipsa potest, si, cum Tanaquil, peregrina
mulier, regna viro ac deinceps genero dedisset, ipsa, region
semine orta, nullum momentum in dando adimendoque 20
regno faceret. His muliebribus instinctus furiis Tarquinius
circumire et prensare minorum maxime gentium patres,
admonere paterni beneficii, ac pro eo gratiam repetere;
allicere donis iuvenes; cum de se ingentia pollicendo
tum regis criminibus omnibus locis crescere. Postremo, 25
ut iam agenda rei tempus visum est, stipatus agmine
armatorum in forum inrupit. Inde omnibus perculsis
pavore in regia sede pro curia sedens patres in curiam per
praeconem ad regem Tarquinium citari iussit. Convenere
extemplo, alii iam ante ad hoc praeparati, alii metu, ne 30
non venisse fraudi esset, novitate ac miraculo attoniti et
iam de Servio actum rati. Ibi Tarquinius maledicta ab
stirpe ultima orsus: servum servaque natum post mortem
indignam parents sui, non interregno, ut antea, into,
'non comitiis habitis, non per suffragium populi, non 3


auctoribus patribus, muliebri dono regnum occupasse.
Ita natum, ita creatum regem, fautorem infimi generis
hominum, ex quo ipse sit, odio alienae honestatis ereptum
primoribus agrum sordidissimo cuique divisisse; omnia
sonera, quae communia quondam fuerint, inclinasse in
primores civitatis; instituisse censum, ut insignis ad
invidiam locupletiorum fortune esset, et parata unde,
ubi vellet, egentissimis largiretur.

Servius is murdered, and his daughter drives over his body.
The length of his reign. His character.

XLVIII. Huic orationi Servius cum intervenisset tre-'
o pido nuntio excitatus, extemplo a vestibulo curiae magna
voce "Quid hoc" inquit, "Tarquini, rei est? Qua tu
audacia me vivo vocare ausus es patres aut in sede
consider mea?" Cum ille ferociter ad haec: se pa-
tris sui tenere sedem, multo quam servum potiorem,
Ssfilium regis, regni heredem; satis illum diu per licen-
tiam eludentem insultasse dominis; clamor ab utriusque
fautoribus oritur, et concursus populi fiebat in curiam,
apparebatque regnaturum qui vicisset. Tum Tarquinius,
necessitate iam etiam ipsa cogente ultima audere, multo
20 et aetate et viribus validior medium arripit Servium,
elatumque e curia in inferiorem partem per gradus deficit;
inde ad cogendum senatum in curiam redit. Fit fuga regis
apparitorum atque comitum. Ipse prope exsanguis ab
iis, qui missi ab Tarquinio fugientem consecuti erant,
25 interficitur. Creditur, quia non abhorret a cetero scelere,
admonitu Tulliae id factum. Carpento certe, id quod
satis constat, in forum invecta nec reverita coetum
virorum evocavit virum e curia, regemque prima ap-
pellavit. A quo facessere iussa ex tanto turmultu cum se
sodomum reciperet, pervenissetque ad summum Cyprium
vicum, ubi Dianium nuper fuit, flectenti carpentum dextra


in Urbium clivum, ut in collem Esquiliarum eveheretur,
restitit pavidus atque inhibuit frenos is qui iumenta
agebat, iacentemque dominae Servium trucidatum osten-
dit. Foedum inhumanumque inde traditur scelus monu-
mentoque locus est: Sceleratum vicum vocant, quo amens s
agitantibus furiis sororis ac viri Tullia per patris corpus
carpentum egisse fertur, partemque sanguinis ac caedis
paternae cruento vehiculo contaminate ipsa respersaque
tulisse ad penates suos virique sui, quibus iratis malo
regni principio similes prope diem exitus sequerentur. io
Servius Tullius regnavit annos IIII et XL ita, ut bono
etiam moderatoque succedenti regi difficilis aemulatio
esset. Ceterum id quoque ad gloriam accessit, quod cum
illo simul iusta ac legitima regna occiderunt. Id ipsum
tam mite ac tam moderatum imperium tamen, quia Is
unius esset, deponere eum in animo habuisse quidam
auctores sunt, ni scelus intestinum liberandae patriae
consilia agitanti intervenisset.

Tarquin, surnamed the Proud, becomes the seventh and last
king. He mistrusts his subjects, weakens the Senate, but
conciliates the Latins.

XLIX. Inde L. Tarquinius regnare occepit, cui Su-
perbo cognomen fact indiderunt, quia socerum gener 20
sepultura prohibit, Romulum quoque insepultum perisse
dictitans; primoresque patrum, quos Servi rebus favisse
credebat, interfecit; conscious deinde male quaerendi
regni ab se ipso adversus se exemplum capi posse, armatis
corpus circumsaepsit. Neque enim ad ius regni quic- 2s
quam praeter vim habebat, ut qui neque populi iussu
*neque auctoribus patribus regnaret. Eo accedebat, ut
in caritate civium nihil spei reponenti metu regnum
tutandum esset. Quem ut pluribus incuteret, cognitiones
capitalium rerum sine consiliis per se solus exercebat, 30


perque ear causam occidere, in exilium agere, bonis
multare poterat non suspects modo aut invisos, sed
unde nihil aliud quam praedam sperare posset. Praecipue
ita patrum numero imminuto statuit nullos in patres
s legere, quo contemptior paucitate ipsa ordo esset, minusque
per se nihil agi indignarentur. Hic enim regum primus
traditum a prioribus morem de omnibus senatum con-
sulendi solvit, domesticis consiliis rem publicam admi-
nistravit, bellum, pacem, foedera, societates per se ipse
o cum quibus voluit, iniussu populi ac senatus fecit di-
remitque. Latinorum sibi maxime gentem conciliabat, ut
peregrinis quoque opibus tutior inter civis esset, neque
hospitia modo cum primoribus eorum sed adfinitates
quoque iungebat. Octavio Mamilio Tusculano is
islonge princeps Latini nominis erat, si famae credimus,
ab Ulixe deaque Circa oriundus, ei Mamilio filiam
nuptum dat, perque eas nuptias multos sibi cognatos
amicosque eius conciliat.

Turnus *Herdonius of Aricia at a meeting of the Latin league
attacks Tarquin in a violent harangue.

L. Iam magna Tarquini auctoritas inter Latinorum
20proceres erat, cum in diem certam ut ad lucum Feren-
tinae convenient indicit: esse quae agere de rebus com-
munibus velit. Conveniunt frequentes prima luce. Ipse
Tarquinius diem quidem servavit, sed paulo ante quam
sol occideret, venit. Multa ibi toto die in concilio
2svariis iactata sermonibus erant. Turnus Herdonius ab
Aricia ferociter in absentem Tarquinium erat invectus:
haud mirum esse Superbo inditum Romae cognomen--
iam enim ita clam quidem mussitantes, vulgo tamen
eum appellabant; an quicquam superbius esse quam
soludificari sic omne nomen Latinum? Principibus long
ab domo excitis, ipsum, qui concilium indixerit, non

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