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ANALYSIS OF A PLANNED AGROFORESTRY SYSTEM IN
AMAZON URBAN RESETTLEMENT: A CASE STUDY OF THE POLO
MUNICIPAL DE PRODUC(AO AGROFLORESTAL OF ACRE,
BRAZIL
By
VANESSA ANNE VERE SLINGER
A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1996
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I am very grateful to my advisory committee, Drs. Marianne Schmink, Peter
Hildebrand and Nigel Smith, for their critical support throughout the period of my
master's coursework and fieldwork. I am especially thankful to Dr. Schmink for her
inspiration and suggestion to work in this region of the world. The field research for this
thesis was funded by grants from the Charles Wagley Endowed Fellowship Fund and the
Tinker Foundation, both through the Center for Latin American Studies at the University
of Florida. I wish also to thank the Tropical Conservation and Development Program for
generous financial support throughout the past two years.
I wish to thank my parents for their unselfish act of sending me to Florida from
my country of Trinidad, so that I could achieve this level of education. My siblings have
been exceptionally loving and supportive when I have felt frustrated and lonely. I have
made many friends in Gainesville who deserve recognition and thanks for their help in
the past two years. These include Michelle Zacks, Jon Dain, Karen Kainer, Connie
Campbell, Kevin Veach, Ronaldo Weigand, Christina Allen, Katie Lynch and Amanda
Stronza. I have been blessed also by the love and support of Patrick Meegan and his
family.
Through my field research in Brazil I came into contact with many wonderful and
helpful people in Rio Branco. I wish to thank my very competent research assistant Paula
Silveira. Several people from the NGO, PESACRE helped me in numerous ways, from
linking me up with a research assistant to being an intermediary contact to the Municipal
government of Rio Branco. Everyone with whom I came into contact at the Municipal
Secretary of Agriculture in Rio Branco was exceptionally helpful and giving. I especially
wish to thank John Haydu and his family for their hospitality and strength through a very
difficult time. Most of all, I wish to thank the participants of the Municipal Pole of
Agroforestry Production who graciously gave of their precious time, knowledge and
hospitality. I am full of respect and gratitude for every one of them.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS....................................................................................... ii
LIST OF ACRON YM S.......................................................................................... vi
A B STRA CT........................................................................................................... viii
CHAPTERS
I INTRODUCTION........................................................................... 1
Urbanization of the Brazilian Amazon. .................................... ......... 1
A Look at Urbanization of the Capital City of Rio Branco, Acre, Brazil... 5
The Agroforestry Pole Project.......................................................... 8
Interest Sparked by the Agroforestry Pole Project.................................. 9
Objective of the Study...................................................................... 10
M ethodology................................................... ................................ 12
II THE POLO MUNICIPAL DE PRODU(AO AGROFLORESTAL......... 16
Initiation of the Agroforestry Pole...................................... .......... 16
Objectives and Goals of the Municipal Government for the Agroforestry
Pole.................................................................................................. 17
Selection of the Participants for the Agroforestry Pole........................ 20
Implementation of the Agroforestry Pole.............................. .......... 21
Marketing of Production from the Agroforestry Project...................... 22
The Provision of Technical Assistance for the Agroforestry Pole.......... 23
The Predicted Potential for Agroforestry in the Pole............................ 24
Sum m ary......................................................... .............................. 27
III THE IMPACT OF THE AGROFORESTRY POLE ON THE LIVES OF
THE PARTICIPANTS................................................................... 28
Introduction.................................................... .............................. 28
The Population of the Agroforestry Pole.............................. .......... 28
A Day in the Life of a Typical Family................................. .......... .. 31
Production Systems................................................ ....................... 34
M marketing Tactics................................................. ......................... 38
Community Development in the Agroforestry Pole............................ 40
Physical Development.................................................................... 45
'Hidden' Subsidies............................................... .......................... 46
Quality of Life and Future Perspectives.............................. .......... 47
C onclusion.................................. ....... .................................... ........ 51
IV PROJECTING PRODUCTION BASED ON LINEAR MODELS......... 55
Introduction............................................................ ............................ 55
The Linear Programming Model........................................ ........... 55
Description of the Linear Programming for a Typical Farm in the Pole... 56
R esults............................................................................................ .... 62
Sum m ary Points................................................... .......................... 67
V THE POTENTIAL OF THE AGROFORESTRY POLE AS AN
ANSWER TO URBANIZATION PROBLEMS IN THE BRAZILIAN
A M A ZO N ........................................................... .............................. 69
The Agroforestry Pole as an "Alternative".......................... ......... 69
Sum m ary.................................... .................. .................................. 71
C onclusions............................. ........................................... ......... 74
The Agroforestry Pole a Solution for Other Cities in the Brazilian
Am azon...................................................... ................................... 77
Concerns........................................................ ................................ 78
Suggestions.................................................... ................................ 81
APPENDIX
SA CROP PLANTS FOUND IN THE AGROFORESTRY POLE............. 83
B RESOURCES AND CONSTRAINTS, AND ACTIVITIES FOR THE
LINEAR PROGRAM MODEL............................................................ 85
G L O SSA R Y ..................................................................................................................... 87
BIBLIOGRAPHY....................................................... .......................................... 88
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH................................................................................. 91
LIST OF ACRONYMS
ABC Associacdo Brasileira de COHABs (conjuntos habitacionais)
Brazilian Association of low-income housing complexes
COPAF Cooperativa P6lo Agroflorestal
Agroforestry Pole Cooperative
EMBRAPA Empresa Brasileira de Pesquisa Agropecudria
Brazilian Enterprise for Agricultural Research
EMATER Empresa Brasileira de Assistencia Ticnica de Extensdo Rural
Brazilian Enterprise for Technical Assistance for Rural Extension
FUNTAC Fundacdo de Tecnologia do Estado do Acre
Technological Foundation of the State of Acre
IBGE Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatistica
Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics
IMAC Instituto de Meio Ambiente do Acre
Environmental Institute of Acre
INCRA Instituto Nacional de Colonizagdo e Reforma Agrdria
National Institute of Colonization and Agrarian Reform
INPA Instituto Nacional de Pesquisas da Amaz6nia
National Institute for Amazon Research
NGO Non-governmental organization
PESACRE Pesquisa e Extensao em Sistemas Agroflorestais do Acre
Research and Extension in Agroforestry Systems of Acre
RECA Projeto Reflorestamento Economico Consorciado e Adensado
Economic Reforestation Partnership Project
Secretaria Municipal de Agricultura
Municipal Secretary of Agriculture
SEMTRABES
SINPASA
SUDAM
UFAC
Secretaria Municipal do Trabalho e Bem Estar Social
Municipal Secretary of Work and Social Well Being
Sindicato do Pequenes Produtores e Assalariados do Acre
Union of Small Producers and workers of Acre
Superintendencia Para 0 Desenvolvimento da Amazonia
Superintendent for the Development of the Amazon
Universidade Federal do Acre
Federal University of Acre
SEMAG
Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts
ANALYSIS OF A PLANNED AGROFORESTRY SYSTEM IN
AMAZON URBAN RESETTLEMENT: A CASE STUDY OF THE POLO MUNICIPAL
DE PRODU(7,O AGROFLORESTAL OF ACRE, BRAZIL
By
Vanessa Anne Vere Slinger
August, 1996
Chairperson: Dr. Marianne Schmink
Major Department: Latin American Studies
The increasing urbanization of the Amazon frontier poses a real challenge to the
capacity of urban areas to provide employment and infrastructure. As the Amazon has
become increasingly urbanized, efforts to sustainably manage and conserve the rainforest
have also been strengthened in the last 20 years. The two processes of increased
urbanization and the search for sustainable development together define a major
challenge in the Amazon. That challenge is to accommodate the expansion of the urban
population while creating and maintaining sustainable production systems that can both
feed the people and sustainably manage the forest.
This study analyzes the impact and potential of an agroforestry project
implemented by the Municipal government of Rio Branco, which is addressing the
challenges of urbanization created by the influx of agriculturalists from the rural areas
viii
and former forest-dwelling extractive producers. Through interviews with government
officials and project participants, measurements were made of several variables that
indicate changes in the quality of the participants' lives. In addition, information from
survey questionnaires was used to construct a linear programming model that predicts the
potential output of the small farms once the systems are in full production. This model
was used to determine if the expectations that Municipal government has for the
participants are feasible.
Measurements indicate that the project participants' quality of life, in terms of
food consumption, health situation and perception about changes in quality of life, has
improved significantly since arriving at the Pole. Also, the participants' commitment to
the project was apparent by the low rate of abandonment. Comparison of the results from
the linear programming model and the government's expectations showed that the
Municipal government's expectations for the participants in terms of income earning
power are feasible. Comparison of the Pole with a low-income housing project in Rio
Branco, possibly one of the only other alternatives for the poor rural migrants, showed
that while cost per resident in the two projects was similar, the Pole was a better
alternative.
The results of this research suggest that the Agroforestry Pole project could be a
significant option for other Amazonian cities that are experiencing increasing
urbanization and associated problems. However, if adopted as a measure to address
urbanization problems, project administrators need to understand and take into
consideration the requirements and limitations of the project.
ix
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Urbanization of the Brazilian Amazon
The colonization of the Brazilian Amazon has been the subject of extensive
research and writing over the last 25 years. However, many studies on frontiers of
colonization do not consider simultaneous urban developments that take place in the
Amazon (Volbeda, 1984). Despite massive governmental investment in rural
development, the population in Amazonia is predominately urban (Godfrey, 1990). The
region, although referred to as the 'Great frontier', has not acted as a 'sponge', absorbing
excess population that would have otherwise migrated to the large urban regions of Sao
Paulo and Rio de Janeiro in the 1970s. While the region is thought of as an 'agricultural
frontier', in reality the population of the Amazon is mainly concentrated in cities
(Martine, 1993).
Figures from the demographic censuses of 1970 and 1980, along with the research
of Sawyer (1990), indicate an increasing degree of urbanization in the Amazon area from
35.6% in 1970 to 58.7% in 1990. Figures for the Western Amazon state of Acre, the
focus of this thesis, show an increase from 27.5% in 1970 to 55.0% in 1990.
From the 1950s, major spatial movements in the population in the Amazon region
toward the urban areas have occurred. Especially during the 1970s, '80s and '90s some
urban areas grew rapidly from towns to cities. In all the States in the Amazon the
1
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Urbanization of the Brazilian Amazon
The colonization of the Brazilian Amazon has been the subject of extensive
research and writing over the last 25 years. However, many studies on frontiers of
colonization do not consider simultaneous urban developments that take place in the
Amazon (Volbeda, 1984). Despite massive governmental investment in rural
development, the population in Amazonia is predominately urban (Godfrey, 1990). The
region, although referred to as the 'Great frontier', has not acted as a 'sponge', absorbing
excess population that would have otherwise migrated to the large urban regions of Sao
Paulo and Rio de Janeiro in the 1970s. While the region is thought of as an 'agricultural
frontier', in reality the population of the Amazon is mainly concentrated in cities
(Martine, 1993).
Figures from the demographic censuses of 1970 and 1980, along with the research
of Sawyer (1990), indicate an increasing degree of urbanization in the Amazon area from
35.6% in 1970 to 58.7% in 1990. Figures for the Western Amazon state of Acre, the
focus of this thesis, show an increase from 27.5% in 1970 to 55.0% in 1990.
From the 1950s, major spatial movements in the population in the Amazon region
toward the urban areas have occurred. Especially during the 1970s, '80s and '90s some
urban areas grew rapidly from towns to cities. In all the States in the Amazon the
1
population grew at an elevated rate (Table 1). The processes of urbanization of the
frontier are intimately connected to the situation in rural areas. In the 'agricultural
frontier', the expulsion of the population is being promoted by various factors. One of
these factors has been the concentration of land in the hands of large property holders.
This has caused conflict over the land between these 'latifundiarios' (large landholders)
and colonists, rubber tappers, brazilnut collectors, Indians and small holders, leaving as
the only alternative for the population without land, migration to the urban nucleus
(Ramos de Castro, 1989, Schmink & Wood, 1992).
The growth of big and small cities in the Amazon is occurring through different
types of migration. New cities are being influenced by the accumulation of migrants
from other regions who are looking for land, or who were expelled from land that they
occupied for too short a period. Interregional migrants, with previous urban living
experience, are also contributing to the increasing size of the cities. Migration in the
Amazon can no longer be characterized as only being rural-rural.
Another form of migration is occurring in the western Amazon where economic
stagnation is occurring in areas of previous extraction and agriculture. This type of
migration influences the cities ofManaus, Belem, and Rio Branco (Sawyer, 1989). In
Acre, the decline of rubber tapping has been an important factor in rural to urban
migration. Schmink and Cordeiro (1992) point out that from 1978 to 1989 the city of Rio
Branco experienced an increase from 33.8% to 60.2% of the respondents who had
previously lived in a rubber tapping area.
TABLE 1
AMAZON REGION: Population of the principal cities
1980-1988
(1000 inhabitants)
State / City 1980 Urban pop. 1988 Urban pop. % GROWTH
PARA 1670 3148 88.5
Bel6m 827 1168 41.23
Santarem 102 180 76.47
Maraba 42 170 304.76
Castanhal 52 96 84.62
ACRE 132 169 28.13
Rio Branco 88 114 29.55
AMAZONAS 858 1131 31.72
Manaus 613 1084 76.84
RORAIMA 49 72 46.94
Boa Vista 44 72 63.64
RONDONIA 233 408 75.11
Porto Velho 104 237 127.88
AMAPA 104 138 32.54
Macap6 93 136 46.24
MARANHAO 1257 1564 24.42
Sao Luis 248 321 29.44
GOIAS 2403 2962 23.26
Goidnia 704 1169 66.05
MATO GROSSO 657 955 45.36
Cuiaba 198 360 81.82
source: Estatisticas Demograticas do Estado do Para. IDESP, Anuario Estatistico do
Brasil, 1971, 1981 and 1985. IBGE, Censo Demografico do Estado do Para. 1980.
IBGE
The consequence of high urbanization rates is that the Brazilian Amazon is
experiencing many of the same urban problems that affect the three-quarters of the
Brazilian population living in cities. Given the high rate of population growth, migrants
are excluded from access to government and state resources and services. Spontaneous
urban periphery 'invasions' are a reaction to the shortage of housing, and a high level of
unemployment or informal sector employment occur in response to the lack of
employment opportunities. The periphery areas of Amazon cities often lack access to
basic services such as piped water, sewage treatment, electricity and garbage disposal.
The increasing urbanization poses a real challenge to the capacity of the Amazon's urban
areas to provide adequate education and health services.
It is expected that the process of urbanization in the Brazilian Amazon will
continue into the future. The number of cities in the Amazon attaining a population of
more than 20,000 inhabitants increased from 7 to 20 between 1970 and 1980 (Ramos de
Castro, 1989). By the year 2000 it is estimated that 65% of the Brazilian population will
be urbanized (Fox, 1975). One implication of this trend in Brazil, as indicated by
previous developments in other countries, is that it challenges the validity of the often-
repeated rationale for continued rapid population growth: that vast extensions of territory
still await colonization. Instead, the present and projected trends in both high and low
population growth countries suggest that most if not all of their net population increases
accrue to the cities.
Researchers such as Schmink (1992) and Sawyer (1990) refer to the 'closing
down' or 'closing off of certain parts of Brazil's frontier for poor agriculturalists and
extractivists and foresee a further rise of the already strong tendency for pioneers to live
in boom towns rather than in the countryside. Certainly, if plans for the paving of BR-
364 and BR-317 to Acre's Bolivian borders continue there will be even greater access to
the Amazonian urban centers of Rio Branco, Senador Guiomard, Plicido de Castro, Sena
Madureira, Xapuri and Brasileia by rural migrants and greater pressure on these cities to
meet the needs of their growing populations.
As the Amazon has become increasingly urbanized, efforts in the last 20 years to
sustainably manage the rainforest have also been strengthened. Widespread
acknowledgment of the potential lack of sustainability and the destructive consequences
of current major forms of Amazon land use such as slash-and-bum agriculture, cattle
production, and logging (Smith, 1995, Anderson, 1990, Uhl et al., 1990), has resulted in a
search for alternative land-use systems that combine economic, social, and ecological
sustainability. The two processes of increased urbanization and the search for sustainable
development together define a major challenge in the Amazon. This challenge is to
accommodate the expansion of the urban population while creating and maintaining
sustainable production systems that can both feed the people and sustainably manage the
forest.
A Look at Urbanization of the Capital city of Rio Branco. Acre. Brazil
The process of urbanization discussed above and its associated consequences are
very evident in the region in which the fieldwork for this thesis was carried out. The
capital city of Rio Branco shelters more than half of the total population of the western-
most Amazon State of Acre, Brazil. Close to 80% of the inhabitants are migrants from
the rural zone (Schmink & Cordeiro, 1992). In the decades of the 1970s and 1980s in
particular, due to large increases in deforestation and the decline of extractivism, these
people left the countryside (Secretaria Municipal de Agricultura e Abastecimento, 1993).
As Schmink and Cordeiro (1992) suggest, the bulk of migration to Rio Branco
that occurred in the 1980s was as a consequence of the decline of rubber and the
penetration of cattle ranching in the state of Acre. The migration of agriculturalists from
the rural areas to the city, in addition to the migration of rubber tappers due to the
decreasing opportunities in the rubber extraction economy, resulted in a process of
swelling of the city of Rio Branco.
At the beginning of the 1970s the city of Rio Branco had close to 35,000
inhabitants and in the present decade these numbers already exceed 190,000. The number
of neighborhoods has increased from 23 to more than 120. This situation has given rise
to 'pockets of misery' in the city of Rio Branco. Results of a study performed by
Schmink and Cordeiro show that most (54.8%) of the migrants to Rio Branco, upon their
arrival did not have the resources to maintain themselves for one month and 23.3% more
of the respondents had enough for only one to two months (Schmink & Cordeiro, 1992).
Unemployment and underemployment are on the rise, a situation in which
workers cannot guarantee the minimal conditions of survival for their families. In 1979
the number of people employed in legally registered establishments in Rio Branco, was
approximately 13,000. In contrast, the potentially active population ( between 15 and 64
years) in the city at that time was about 45,000 people (Pinto De Oliveira, 1982). A
comparison of data from two studies in Rio Branco conducted by Schmink and Cordeiro
in 1989 and 1994' showed that of the population interviewed there has been a percentage
increase in the number of households in which someone was looking for work, from
23.8% in 1989 to 31.6% in 1994.
The limits of the formal market are immediately apparent. The estimated active
population in the city is roughly three times more than the population effectively
occupied in the established work market. Certainly, this relationship between the
potential work force and the established work market is not distinct from other urban
centers in Brazil, where urbanization does not correspond to the growth of productive
activities. This disparity is even more acute in Rio Branco due to its relative geographic
and economic isolation.
For the most part the inhabitants of the poorer districts of Rio Branco, of which a
large proportion consist of ex-rubber tappers and agriculturalists, have low incomes and
lack professional qualifications. It is estimated that 38% of the resident workers in these
areas receive a minimum salary; another 27% in the informal sector earn even less
(Secretaria Municipal de Agricultura e abastecimento, Rio Branco, Acre, 1993). Jorge
Ney Viana Macedo Neves, the Mayor of Rio Branco, spoke of 'urban rubber tappers' and
the fact that while they were not disqualified for the work market in Rio Branco, their
qualifications, based on life in the forest, were mostly unadaptable in the urban
environment (Alves, 1995).
'Data from the 1994 study have not yet been published
Data from the study by Schmink and Cordeiro in 1994 indicated that of the
population surveyed approximately 56% obtained their water from sources outside of
their houses, including from their neighbors' wells. While 75% of the respondents stated
that they placed their garbage in a sack for collection the questionnaire did not specify the
reliability of the collection system. Almost 22% of those surveyed disposed of their
garbage through either burning, burying, or throwing it in a vacant lot in the street or in
the river.
The rural-urban exodus also has placed additional burdens on the urban
provisioning system. Data from the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture and Provisions
indicate that almost 80% of the commercial products in the markets of Rio Branco
originate in neighboring states and from the central/south areas of Brazil. The state of
Acre, and more especially the city of Rio Branco, is heavily reliant on these imports.
In light of this picture the municipal government of Rio Branco developed a
strategy to generate jobs, produce food, and combat hunger and other social problems
experienced in the urban area. The method that they adopted was the creation of the
"P61o Municipal de Produgao Agroflorestal" (Municipal Agroforestry Pole).
The Agroforestry Pole Project
The Municipal Agroforestry Pole, initiated in November of 1993, was seen as an
important alternative way to provide a home, work and income for needy families
existing in the periphery of the city. The project entailed the settlement of urban
households, of ex-agriculturalists and former forest-dwelling extractive producers, to
underutilized, already degraded, land on the outskirts of the municipality of Rio Branco,
for habitation, the production of food and raising of animals destined for subsistence and
to supply markets in Rio Branco.
The design of the project was based on an agroforestry system considered to be
sustainable. As planned by the Rio Branco Municipal government the Agroforestry Pole
Project is an agrosilvopastoral system combining the following components: annual
crops, perennial fruit trees and shrubs, and small animals. The land designated for the
project, previously a cattle ranch, was considered degraded. It was felt that the outcome
of this project could be an improved quality of life for the participants, and at the same
time development of a more harmonious relationship between the small producer and
nature.
Much has been said about the promise of agroforestry production systems
(Current et al., 1995, Anderson, 1990). Indeed information coming from research on
intensive agroforestry systems such as those in Tome-Acu (Uhl et al., 1990), and on
extensive systems of forest management by indigenous groups and other forest
inhabitants, provides promising new directions in the search for ecologically sustainable
land-use alternatives for Amazonia (Anderson, 1990). While agroforestry systems do not
maintain the original natural vegetation, they do provide many recognized benefits for the
soil, crops and participants within the systems. It was in the hope of attaining these
benefits that the Municipal government based their project on this system of production.
Interest Sparked by the Agroforestry Pole Project
The Agroforestry Pole has attracted much attention on both a local and national
scale. From its initiation up to the period of my field research several newspapers had
written articles pertaining to the project (A Gazeta, 1993 & 1995, O Rio Branco, 1993).
One of these articles detailed the visit of the First lady of Brazil (A Gazeta, 16 May
1995). Ruth Cardoso, wife of President Fernando Henrique Cardoso, had breakfast with
a participant family during a visit to Acre.
Other interest in the Pole came from a magazine, Nossa Amazona, based in
Brasilia. During my field work the magazine sent a writer to do research for an article.
Also, a demonstration model of the Pole was displayed at an annual exhibition of
products and programs from the Amazon to create interest about the project and to
advertizee' the Municipal governments' attempts to deal with problems in Rio Branco.
Interest for the Pole seemed to focus on the Pole as an innovative way to address the
problems encountered in the city of Rio Branco. The reviews about the Pole given by
every article so far have been very positive.
Objective of the Study
In this study, I assessed the feasibility of the planned agroforestry project,
designed and implemented by the Municipal government of Rio Branco, Acre, Brazil, as
an 'alternative' measure to address some of the problems being experienced as a result of
increased urbanization in the Brazilian Amazon.
The feasibility of the project as an alternative was based on both quantitative and
qualitative data collected through interviews with the participants of the project, and
assessment of whether the goals set out at the beginning of the project have already been
met or will be met in the future. This assessment was made through the use of a linear
programming model. Based on the linear programming model and several other
11
qualitative criteria, I analyze the feasibility of this relatively young and innovative project
in terms of its potential to meet the needs of the participants and the goals of the
municipal administration.
Using questionnaires and semi-structured interviews, I examined the following
quantitative and qualitative variables: (1) perception about changes in quality of life, (2)
food consumption, (3) health situation, and, (4) rate of abandonment of the project. These
variables were used as indicators of the participants' satisfaction with the project, their
commitment to the project and the success of the project in meeting the participants'
daily needs. They reflect the goals of the Municipal government which are to improve
the quality of life of the participants and to create production systems giving the
participants subsistence and providing food to the city of Rio Branco.
Structured interviews with the representatives of the Agroforestry Pole in the
Municipal government provided information on the initiation of the Pole and the
expectations of the municipal government for the project.
In this first chapter I discuss in more detail the pattern of urbanization as it is
taking place in the Brazilian Amazon and the consequences of these patterns for Rio
Branco.
In Chapter II, I describe the initiation of the Agroforestry Pole by the Municipal
government, including the selection process for the participants. The Municipal
government's expectations for the participants and their production systems are detailed.
Also in this chapter I explore the basic tenets of the agrosilvopastoral agroforestry system
as they apply to the agroforestry systems of the participants of the Pole.
The third chapter reports the results of my fieldwork including data from the
interviews with the participants and the representatives from the Municipal government.
The production systems of the Agroforestry Pole are described in detail. Also,
demographic data on the participants is presented. The development of the Pole, with
reference to social, physical and economic aspects is explored.
Chapter IV comprises the results of the linear programming model based on the
production systems of the Agroforestry Pole. The linear programming model attempts to
simulate the development of the farm systems and then predict output of the small farms
once the agroforestry systems are in full production.
In the final chapter a comparison is done between the Pole and a low-income
housing complex in Rio Branco, one of the few alternatives for low-income families in
the city. I conclude by summarizing my findings and analyzing the Agroforestry Pole as
an alternative for dealing with the problems of urbanization in the Brazilian Amazon
region.
Methodology
The fieldwork for this thesis was carried out from May through August of 1995.
During this period I divided my research time between the urban area of Rio Branco and
the Agroforestry Pole, located less than half an hour from the center of Rio Branco. In
Rio Branco I visited the offices of the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture and Provisions
and the Prefeitura to interview representatives of these institutions responsible for the
administration of the Pole. I utilized the resources in the libraries of UFAC
(Universidade Federal do Acre), IMAC (Instituto de Meio Ambiente do Acre) and IBGE
13
(Instituto Brasileiro de Geographia e Estatistica). The list of Acronyms give a description
of these institutions. In Rio Branco I also visited the tenda set up by the Municipal
government for the sale of the participants' produce, and the local produce market.
My contact with a local NGO called PESACRE in Rio Branco was invaluable to
my securing a local agronomist, Adaildes Maria de Paula Silveira, as an assistant for my
research and, also in becoming familiar and comfortable in the area. The research
assistant accompanied me on most of the interviews and visits to the participants' lots and
assisted me as necessary when I had difficulties in Portuguese.
During the initial weeks of the field research I established contact with the
administration responsible for the Agroforestry Pole. I began to observe the dynamics
and activities of the municipal government with respect to the Agroforestry Pole. I
conducted several short informal interviews with the administration involved with the
Agroforestry Pole in the course of my research, as well as two in-depth structured
interviews with key administrators. I reviewed and collected documents pertaining to the
Agroforestry Pole, including newspaper articles, official proposals and maps of the area.
Every Tuesday and Friday the participants of the Agroforestry Pole gathered at a
community meeting to discuss concerns and, while I was there, the initiation of a
cooperative. My introduction to the community occurred at one such meeting within the
first two weeks I was in Rio Branco. It was a great opportunity to introduce myself
personally, explain my research and answer questions. Throughout the period of my
fieldwork I was able to attend several of these meetings and found them to be
informative and useful in discovering the problems and concerns experienced in the
community, as well as a good way to get to know participants.
During the first two weeks I was also able to get an idea of the logistics of the
participants' lots. I completed my pre-test questionnaire and administered it to one
family. Based on the pre-test survey and the recommendations of members of the
administration of PESACRE and the municipal government, I modified my
questionnaire.
My focus then shifted primarily to the community as I administered the
questionnaire to every lot (a total of 44) excluding those that were vacant or still in the
very preliminary stages of being settled (no living quarters). The decision to interview
every lot was based on the relatively manageable size of the region and the population.
The data collected centered on information pertaining to the participants' subsistence,
production for the Rio Branco market and the quality of the participants' life, as well as
the participants' motivation and level of commitment to the Agroforestry Pole. Most
interviews were conducted in the presence of the entire family.
Several families were selected to complete an in-depth study in which detailed
information on the farm production system was acquired in order to construct the linear
programming model. A considerable amount of time was spent with each of these
selected families both in the formal interviewing process as well as through participant
observation, and open-ended conversations. I was able to participate in their daily
household and farm activities. All of the participants were aware of my presence and fully
cooperative in the interviews.
Throughout the entire research process I was able to obtain data from the local
markets on prices of the products sold by the participants as well as information on
another urban housing project comparable to the Agroforestry Pole. I was also able to
visit a family in the process of being interviewed to be selected as participants. This was
very interesting as I was able to see the procedure in its entirety.
Before leaving Rio Branco I was able to compile and present data collected from
the participants on food production, collection and sale to the municipal government and
to the community. In a follow-up meeting with the municipal government at the end of
my field research, I made some verbal suggestions referring to some of the concerns that
my research assistant and I had heard expressed by the participants.
CHAPTER II
THE POLO MUNICIPAL DE PRODUCAO AGROFLORESTAL
Initiation of the Agroforestry Pole
The Municipal Pole for Agroforestry Production grew out of the Municipal
governments' recognition of the need to address the problems in the city of Rio Branco
associated with the increasing immigration of rural people. The Municipal government
felt that the poverty in the periphery of the city created a situation in which the population
who originated in the rural zone looked for opportunities to return to their origins.
In many cases, migrants to the city of Rio Branco moved because a particular
situation arose which made their former occupation infeasible or impossible, as was the
case of many rubber tappers when the price for natural rubber declined. The decline in
the price of natural rubber from Brazil was initially a result of the production of rubber on
plantations in Asia, followed by mass production of synthetic rubber. Given the chance
and a better situation, many of them would return to the rural area and to their former
lives and occupations. Furthermore, as explained by the Mayor of Rio Branco, Jorge Ney
Viana Macedo Neves, there existed a perception that agriculture and the rural zone had
not been given enough attention.
If we do not resolve the problems of the countryside, we will never resolve
the problems of the city. The only way that we will efficiently combat
hunger is through the production of food. But, more than this, we have to
CHAPTER II
THE POLO MUNICIPAL DE PRODUCAO AGROFLORESTAL
Initiation of the Agroforestry Pole
The Municipal Pole for Agroforestry Production grew out of the Municipal
governments' recognition of the need to address the problems in the city of Rio Branco
associated with the increasing immigration of rural people. The Municipal government
felt that the poverty in the periphery of the city created a situation in which the population
who originated in the rural zone looked for opportunities to return to their origins.
In many cases, migrants to the city of Rio Branco moved because a particular
situation arose which made their former occupation infeasible or impossible, as was the
case of many rubber tappers when the price for natural rubber declined. The decline in
the price of natural rubber from Brazil was initially a result of the production of rubber on
plantations in Asia, followed by mass production of synthetic rubber. Given the chance
and a better situation, many of them would return to the rural area and to their former
lives and occupations. Furthermore, as explained by the Mayor of Rio Branco, Jorge Ney
Viana Macedo Neves, there existed a perception that agriculture and the rural zone had
not been given enough attention.
If we do not resolve the problems of the countryside, we will never resolve
the problems of the city. The only way that we will efficiently combat
hunger is through the production of food. But, more than this, we have to
increase the number of arms in the countryside and decrease the number of
mouths in the city. (Diniz, 1995. p.1)'
There had been other projects in the 1970s, known as PAD's (Projetos de
Assentamentos Dirigidos), whose principal objective was to settle people in the
countryside to produce food (Schmink &Wood, 1992). With the passing of time the
negative results of these projects became evident: concentration of land, and the
accelerated expansion of extensive cattle ranching whose consequences in the region are
already well known. The Agroforestry Pole was promoted as a better alternative.
While the Municipal Secretary for Agriculture and Provisions is responsible for
the coordination of the Agroforestry Pole, the project was jointly funded by SUDAM
(Superintendencia Para o Desenvolvimento da Amazonia), PMACI (Programa Protecao
ao Meio Ambiente para os Communidades Indigenous) and the Prefeitura of Rio Branco.
The location of the Agroforestry Pole was identified after preliminary studies, in which
the conditions of the area were considered, such as agricultural potential, water resources
and the ecosystem of the region. The area selected, about sixteen kilometers from the
city of Rio Branco, had previously been a cattle ranch and was considered to be degraded.
It was bought by the Municipal government from three prominent families.
Objectives and Goals of the Municipal Government for the Agroforestry Pole
The general objectives of the Municipal government in creating the Agroforestry
Pole were the following: (1) to encourage the resettlement of urban populations,
originating in the countryside, to the areas of agricultural production, (2) to create
'Translation of this and all other quotations is by the author, unless otherwise noted.
adequate conditions for establishing the participants in the countryside, (3) to combat
poverty in the peripheral areas of the city, (4) to encourage the production of food as a
means to improve the provisioning of the city of Rio Branco, (5) to promote the
occupation and utilization of under-utilized "peri-urban" areas that were in the process of
degradation, (6) to create a new proposal for agricultural settlement, based not on the
ownership of land, but on the value of its use and productivity, (7) to improve the quality
of life and income of needy populations, (8) to generate new job opportunities and
income sources in the peri-urban zone, (9) efficiently and effectively to establish
schooling and marketing of agricultural products, (10) to promote the organization and
autonomy of participants in the project.
With a total cost of US$410,524.00, the Agroforestry Pole project aimed to settle
between 60 and 80 needy families on land with a minimum of three and maximum of five
hectares. The projected cost of each family to be placed in the Pole is approximately
US$5,132 6,842. This cost was very favorable in comparison to the cost of other
assentamentos implemented in Amazonia by INCRA. It was anticipated that these
families, aided by a program of permanent technical assistance and rural extension, would
produce in the first few years a total of 64 tons per year of grains such as rice, beans and
corn and 400 tons per year of manioc roots for subsistence living and sale. According to
the expectations of the Municipal government it was hoped that eventually the raising of
small animals in the Pole would yield 45 tons per year of animal products and, that by the
beginning of the third year of production the fruit trees would yield 500 tons per year of
tropical fruit. Because one of the Municipal governments' goals for the project was to
supply the local market of Rio Branco with production from the Pole, they anticipated
that during the initial years 80% of production would be consumed internally; and the
remaining 20% would be sold in the city's markets. Later, as production increased, the
Municipal government expected that 80% of the produce would be sold externally.
The Agroforestry Pole is considered by the Municipal government of Acre to be
daring in all of its dimensions because it intends to solve various problems at the same
time. The problem of lack of housing is being addressed by guaranteeing a house for
every family. The families are ensured a piece of land where they can work and in this
way unemployment is lowered. In addition, by providing employment for these families
delinquency is attacked at the root as these families are taken from the urban periphery,
where there are no jobs for the children.
The Municipal government goes so far as to suggest that the Agroforestry Pole is
a form of agrarian reform, even though the participants are not given permanent title to
the land. The following statement, found in an official publication, attests to this
sentiment.
These projects (the Agroforestry Poles) could serve as a model of agrarian
reform in Acre because they allow the families, originating from a rural
area, an opportunity to return to produce with dignity. They are unheard
of projects and dare to combat hunger, unemployment and lack of housing
(Prefeitura de Rio Branco, 1993).
The project is viewed as a way not only to give these families a better quality of
living, but also to attack the problems of poverty and hunger by decreasing the number of
mouths in the city and increasing local provision of food. As an incentive for these
families to stay in the area, the Prefeitura provided every family rural electrification and
conditions for year-around transportation so that all surplus produce could be brought to
the market in Rio Branco.
Selection of the Participants for the Agroforestry Pole
The implementation of the Agroforestry Pole project comprised three phases:
(1)selection of participants and informing them about the project, (2)implementation of
the project, and, (3)marketing of agricultural products from the project. The selection of
the participants for the project occurred in two phases. The pre-selection was done by
using the censuses already carried out by SEMTRABES (Municipal Secretary of Work
and Social Well Being) and by SINPASA (Union of Small Producers and Workers of
Acre). These censuses were used to identify periphery areas containing families with the
characteristics that were prioritized for selection as a participant in the Agroforestry Pole.
These characteristics are discussed in the following paragraphs.
For the second part and actual selection of participants, individual interviews were
carried out in the periphery neighborhoods with the pre-selected producers. In the
selection process 48 families were identified to settle an area of 210 hectares. The
selection of the participants was done by SEMTRABES, SINPASA, SEMAG (Municipal
Secretary of Agriculture and Provisions), and the Municipal Advisory Group for Planning
and General Coordinator.
During the selection process priority was given to families that met certain
criteria. These included that the family possess some tradition in agro-extractive activity
21
and originate from a rural environment, and that the family live in the peripheral districts
of Rio Branco, particularly those locations susceptible to flooding, invasions, or on the
banks of rivers. Families that did not possess property, in the rural or urban area, were
given priority. The participants were either unemployed or employed in the informal
sector. The families chosen in general had a family income of less than two minimum
salaries. The minimum salary in 1993 was roughly US $70.00. Families with available
labor in the form of two or more children between the ages of seven and fourteen were
also favored.
An absolute necessity for selection was that the family be willing to return to the
rural zone and furthermore showed their interest by participating in all the meetings
called by SEMAG to explain the project and define the obligations of the participants.
During these meetings the participants received training in management, production and
marketing provided by the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture through technical
exchanges with the project RECA and other research institutions in the region. RECA,
located on the boundary of the states of Acre and Rondonia, has experience in setting up
agroforestry systems.
Implementation of the Agroforestry Pole
The implementation of the Agroforestry Pole project was carried out by the
Municipal Secretary of Agriculture with the support of the Assessoria Municipal de
Planejamento e Coordenadoria Geral and the participation of other research institutions.
In this phase a survey of the area for the Pole was completed. At this point, machines and
equipment for the Pole were acquired, the land was parceled and zoned according to base
22
studies of the soil, and a system of lines for electricity was erected. Two buildings were
constructed, one for the storage of machinery and equipment, and another for rearing
pigs. The participants chosen for placement in the agroforestry Pole were distributed lots
on a random basis, and terms of concession for the use of the soil were signed by the
participants. The participates of the project were given use of the land for five to ten
years, and longer if the present government administration stayed in power. The
participants were not given actual title to the land. The land could therefore not be sold
by the families. The participants could build only one house on the property because of
the limited size of the parcels. However, families would be allowed to add on to and
expand their house over time. To maintain their position in the Pole, families had to be
working on their lots, developing them and producing food.
In the implementation phase, seeds, seedlings and animals were acquired by the
Municipal government for use in the project. Furthermore, the participants, manually
and/or with the use of a tractor, prepared the soil for cultivation of annual and perennial
crops. After the participants had been on the lot for six months living in a temporary
house made from material taken from the surrounding forest, the Municipal government
provided construction material and helped to build a permanent dwelling.
Marketing of Production from the Agroforestry Project
The Municipal government planned for an 'efficient and effective' system of
marketing of production, to be administered by the producers. The surplus produce was
to be marketed through wholesale, retail and street markets in Rio Branco, particularly
those under the coordination and administration of the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture
and Provisions. Other sales could also be directed towards the private market. The
project budget allowed for the provision of a six-ton truck that would be the initial form
of transportation for the participants' produce.
Three distinct types of production exist in the Pole. The first type, known as
"temporary crops," including rice, maize, beans and manioc, are grown in association
with perennial tropical fruits. These crops are mainly for subsistence. However, it is
expected that surplus production will be sold. The second type of production is the
cultivation of tropical fruits and more permanent cultivation. It is anticipated that once
the production of the fruit trees is in full swing the resultant produce will be marketed
outside the Pole. The third kind of production is the raising of small animals for
consumption and for sale. Manure from these animals would be used to fertilize the
perennial crops and the vegetables.
With reference to marketing, it was assumed by the Municipal government that
any surplus production had a guaranteed market given the structure of public and private
demand in the neighboring municipalities of Placido de Castro, Senador Guiomard, Feij6,
Xapuri, and Tarauci. The state of Rondonia was also considered to be a potential market
due to the size of its population and the presence of conditions for year-around
transportation.
The Provision of Technical Assistance for the Agroforestry Pole
Technical assistance for the Agroforestry Pole was to be provided by technical
people from the department of vegetal and animal production in the Municipal Secretary
of Agriculture and Provisions. Other technical monitoring of the project was to come
from research institutions such as UFAC, FUNTAC (Fundagao de Tecnologia do Acre),
EMBRAPA (Empresa Brasileira de Pesquisa AgropecuAria), EMATER (Empresa
Brasileira de Assistencia T6cnica de Extensao Rural), INPA (Instituto Nacional de
Pesquisas da Amaz6nia), and, PESACRE (Research and Extension in Agroforestry
Systems of Acre).
The Municipal government also considered that the success of the project
depended on the organization and effective participation of the beneficiaries. They
wanted to encourage a structured, legal administration mechanism for the management of
the Pole. This mechanism was to be defined by the participants themselves and could
perhaps take the form of an association or a cooperative. This structure would be internal
and created by the small producers.
The Predicted Potential for Agroforestry in the Pole
The Municipal government considered the proximity of the Agroforestry Pole to
the center of Rio Branco and its easy access by road to be important factors in the success
of the project. These conditions would allow for easier marketing of any surplus produce.
In a similar way the Municipal government expected that since the project was based on
an agroforestry system, certain benefits would be derived from this form of agriculture
that would help the project flourish.
In recent times agroforestry systems have been linked to the concept of
sustainable development. Solutions to some environmental and production problems are
being sought in agroforestry systems. Agroforestry involves the deliberate growing of
woody perennials on the same area of land as annual crops or animals, in a spatial
25
arrangement or time sequence, with significant interaction between the tree and non-tree
components of the system (Young, 1987). The aim of these systems is to optimize
positive economic and ecological interactions between components of the systems, and
between components and the physical environment in order to obtain higher total, more
diversified, and more sustainable production from available resources than is possible
with other land use forms (Lundgren and Raintree, 1983).
While there are many different forms of agroforestry systems, the Agroforestry
Pole is based on an agrosilvopastoral system combining perennial trees and shrubs with
animals and annual crops. These components are generally found in a multi-storied
configuration and associated with high species diversity. It is this multi-storied, complex,
diverse nature that allows the agrosilvopastoral systems to fulfill many important
economic, ecological and social functions that contribute to their being considered
sustainable systems.
Agrosilvopastoral systems, besides providing food production for subsistence
living and sale, give several secondary functions. Generally stable yields, varied products
and continuous production throughout the year are important facets of agrosilvopastoral
systems. These facets are attractive features for small farmers who tend to be risk
adverse. By planting a combination of crops with different production cycles and
rhythms, not only is an uninterrupted supply of food products maintained, but a certain
level of protection is built into the system against a wipe-out by pests, diseases,
unfavorable market prices for a product, and other unpredictable events.
The importance of agroforestry systems as a nutrient source for the human diet
has been recognized. Many studies have detailed the regular quantities of minerals,
vitamins and plant protein derived from these systems (Haryadi, 1975). The various food
components of agrosilvopastoral systems provide a significant amount of the energy and
nutritive requirement of the local diet.
Agrosilvopastoral systems can also contribute to water conservation and
management, for example through the use of windbreaks, moisture conservation by tree
litter mulch, and the reduction of runoff for erosion control. As well as preventing soil
erosion, agrosilvopastoral systems can contribute to environmental protection by
improving soil fertility by maintaining high levels of recycling of organic matter and
nutrients from household refuse, crop residues and animal manure. With the recycling of
organic matter and nutrients, soil fertility is enhanced by the nitrogen fixing capacity of
certain species. Waste materials from the system may also be used to feed animals that in
turn provide manure to return to the soil.
Agroforestry systems do modify the original vegetation and therefore will not
sustain primary forest. Perhaps agroforestry systems are most appropriate in exactly such
situations as that found in the Agroforestry Pole project of the Municipal government of
Rio Branco, where the land is already deforested and degraded. It should be stressed also
that while agroforestry systems aim to be sustainable, the wrong choice of species
combinations, management practices, and lack of peoples' motivation and understanding
may cause agroforestry to fail just like any other form of land use may fail (Nair, 1993).
Summary
This thesis examines the potential for the Pole project to improve the quality of
life for the participants and to contribute to the market economy of Rio Branco. The
success of the Pole, in so far as these goals are to be achieved, will be determined
strongly by the ability of the participants to bring their crops to harvest and to market
surplus. While almost all of the participants have some agricultural tradition, some are
not experienced in agroforestry. Along these lines, the financial support and technical
assistance given by the Municipal government will be important to provide the
participants with the knowledge and materials for the agroforestry systems.
The participants' capacity to market surplus relies on the presence of the
following conditions:- excess produce after subsistence needs are met, available
transportation to market areas and demand for their produce. These conditions will also
allow for the city market to receive produce that is fresher and, hopefully, cheaper due to
lower transportation costs. Any produce sold will add to the participants' cash flow and
in turn increase their standard of living by allowing them to pay for better health care and
food products outside of those produced on farm.
In the following chapter I will explore in detail the results of my findings, in
particular as they relate to answering the question of the potential of the Pole to meet the
expectations of the Municipal government and provide for the livelihoods of its
participants.
CHAPTER III
THE IMPACT OF THE AGROFORESTRY POLE ON THE LIVES OF THE
PARTICIPANTS
Introduction
In this chapter I discuss the findings of my research at the Agroforestry Pole, with
attention to the demographics of the participants, physical and community development
and the progress of the production systems. A brief look at an actual family is used to
depict the circumstances under which the participants came to the Pole and the conditions
in which they live. This chapter also contains information relevant to the discussion of
the ability of the Pole to meet the goals set by the Municipal government and the
expectations of the participants. Quantitative and qualitative information, concerning
food consumption, health, commitment to the project and finally, perceptions about
changes in quality of life, is provided and used in the analysis of the Pole.
The Population of the Agroforestry Pole
The Agroforestry Pole is located on 210 hectares of land outside the city of Rio
Branco. The participants' lots range in size from 2.2 to 4.3 hectares with an average of
3.6 hectares. There were 48 families placed in the Agroforestry Pole at the time of my
research. My aim was to include every family in my study, and I interviewed 44 of these
families. Two of the participant families were absent from their lots on every occasion I
went to do the interview (six visits for each of these lots). The other two lots were so
CHAPTER III
THE IMPACT OF THE AGROFORESTRY POLE ON THE LIVES OF THE
PARTICIPANTS
Introduction
In this chapter I discuss the findings of my research at the Agroforestry Pole, with
attention to the demographics of the participants, physical and community development
and the progress of the production systems. A brief look at an actual family is used to
depict the circumstances under which the participants came to the Pole and the conditions
in which they live. This chapter also contains information relevant to the discussion of
the ability of the Pole to meet the goals set by the Municipal government and the
expectations of the participants. Quantitative and qualitative information, concerning
food consumption, health, commitment to the project and finally, perceptions about
changes in quality of life, is provided and used in the analysis of the Pole.
The Population of the Agroforestry Pole
The Agroforestry Pole is located on 210 hectares of land outside the city of Rio
Branco. The participants' lots range in size from 2.2 to 4.3 hectares with an average of
3.6 hectares. There were 48 families placed in the Agroforestry Pole at the time of my
research. My aim was to include every family in my study, and I interviewed 44 of these
families. Two of the participant families were absent from their lots on every occasion I
went to do the interview (six visits for each of these lots). The other two lots were so
CHAPTER III
THE IMPACT OF THE AGROFORESTRY POLE ON THE LIVES OF THE
PARTICIPANTS
Introduction
In this chapter I discuss the findings of my research at the Agroforestry Pole, with
attention to the demographics of the participants, physical and community development
and the progress of the production systems. A brief look at an actual family is used to
depict the circumstances under which the participants came to the Pole and the conditions
in which they live. This chapter also contains information relevant to the discussion of
the ability of the Pole to meet the goals set by the Municipal government and the
expectations of the participants. Quantitative and qualitative information, concerning
food consumption, health, commitment to the project and finally, perceptions about
changes in quality of life, is provided and used in the analysis of the Pole.
The Population of the Agroforestry Pole
The Agroforestry Pole is located on 210 hectares of land outside the city of Rio
Branco. The participants' lots range in size from 2.2 to 4.3 hectares with an average of
3.6 hectares. There were 48 families placed in the Agroforestry Pole at the time of my
research. My aim was to include every family in my study, and I interviewed 44 of these
families. Two of the participant families were absent from their lots on every occasion I
went to do the interview (six visits for each of these lots). The other two lots were so
recently settled that no planting had occurred on the land and there were no data to be
collected.
The entire population accommodated in the Agroforestry Pole is 276 people.
Adults, above the age of fifteen, comprise 44.6% of this population, and children the
remaining 55.4%. The gender breakdown shows that 54.7% are male and 45.3% female.
The average number of people per household is six. This usually includes the most
immediate members of the family; father, mother and children, however, extended family
members live in the family units, including grandparents, in-laws and cousins.
These families came to the city of Rio Branco mainly from rubber tapper areas
and agricultural colony areas, 54.5% and 38.6% respectively. One participant had come
from an indigenous tribe and two participants had always lived in Rio Branco
(Table 3-1).
Table 3-1: Location of Participants Before Moving to Rio Branco
Percentage of responses (n=44)
Origin Percent
Seringal (rubber tapper area) 54.5
Colony (various) 38.6
Indigenous tribe 2.3
Always lived in Rio Branco 4.5
TOTAL 100.0
The majority of the participants (83.3%) had migrated from rural areas between
the years of 1980 and 1995. Some had migrated to Rio Branco as far back as the 1950s.
30
The rate of migration to Rio Branco has increased during the period 1950 to 1995 (Table
3-2).
Table 3-2: Year in Which Participants Moved to Rio Branco
Percentage of the responses (n=42')
Year Percent
1950-1959 2.4
1960-1969 2.4
1970-1979 11.9
1980-1989 40.5
1990-1995 42.8
TOTAL 100.0
When asked why they chose to leave the rural area that they had previously
inhabited, 30.9% of the participants answered that it was due to lack of schools, poor
health, and no infrastructure. Worldwide, the process of rural to urban migration is
motivated by these factors. More than 24% of the participants said that it was in search
of employment or that rubber tapping was no longer feasible as a way of life for them.
Personal motives or presence of family in Rio Branco was the response of 16.7% of those
being interviewed. Fourteen percent of the participants moved to Rio Branco because
they did not own the property where they had lived in the rural region and 7.1% moved to
improve their lives (Table 3-3).
'Two of the participants had always lived in Rio Branco.
Table 3-3: Reason Why Participants Went to Live in Rio Branco
% of answers (n=42)
Reason Percent
Gain employment 16.6
Lack of ownership of the property where they lived 14.3
Family in Rio Branco 11.9
Malaria/health problems 11.9
Lack of access to school 9.5
Lack of infrastructure 9.5
To improve life in general 7.1
Personal reasons 4.8
No future in rubber tapping 4.8
Conflicts with indigenous people 2.4
House burnt 2.4
Religion 2.4
Obtained a house in Rio Branco 2.4
TOTAL 100.0
A Day in the Life of a Typical Family
It is 9 a.m. and Pedro, 49 years old, and his family are sitting on the small porch
of their house. Pedro is dripping with sweat. He woke up at sunrise to water the fruits
around the house and the vegetable garden, as well as tend to his animals. His wife,
Maria, and their children were also involved in the early morning farm activities. In
addition to working on the lot, Maria had prepared breakfast for the family. A light meal
of fruit and a fruit juice drink was on the menu for that day.
32
The noise of the chickens and ducks around the house mixes with the sound of a
radio in the background. The family is busy but they are graciously willing to take time
out to answer my questions and tell me about their life in the Pole. Like the other 47
families that live in the Pole, Pedro and Maria came from the periphery of Rio Branco
with their 4 children and 2 grandchildren. As in the case of 54.5% of the families of the
Pole, their previous origin is a rubber tapper area.
In 1990, Pedro and his family made the move to Rio Branco and then in May
1994 they moved to the Agroforestry Pole. The family has been settled in the Pole for
fourteen months. Because of this, and their hard work, their lot is one of the most
organized and productive. Some of the trees in the system are more than a meter in
height. While the fruit tree species are not yet producing, it is anticipated that in about a
year from now production will begin. Meanwhile, the family maintains itself through
planting beans, corn, manioc and rice, raising chickens, ducks, guinea pigs and pigs, in
addition to keeping a vegetable garden. It is uncommon to find people in lowland
Amazonia raising guinea pigs. This is the only family in the Pole with guinea pigs. This
subsistence cultivation in the first stages of the project is very important to guarantee
food for the family and generate some income.
Maria gets up from her seat on the porch and begins to move around in the kitchen
preparing a lunch of rice and beans for the family. This is a typical meal for all of the
families living in the Pole, as it is for many Brazilian families. Maria still participates in
the conversation, adding her responses when she feels it appropriate. The house, like the
majority of homes in the Pole, is a simple construction of wooden floors and walls and an
33
aluminum roof. On their arrival at the lot in the Pole, like the other families, they built a
makeshift house out of materials from the surrounding forest. The trunk of Paxiuba, a
palm, was split and used to make the walls, thatched palm was woven together for the
roof, and the floor was left as bare earth. It was only after being in the Pole for six
months, that the Municipal government provided the materials and assistance to build a
more permanent dwelling.
After I finish talking to the family, normal everyday activities resume. Pedro still
has to tend to the fruit tree seedlings placed in small black bags and located in a secluded
area on the property to protect them from attacks by roaming chickens. He also goes
through the area, placing fallen vegetation litter around the base of the fruit trees and
picking off any ripe produce. Anything that he collects goes to the house for immediate
consumption or temporary storage until it can be taken to market.
After lunch and a rest, Maria collects the dirty kitchen utensils and the family's
clothes and takes a short walk to the side of the lake in front of the house. Here she does
the washing while the children play and bathe in the lake. Upon completing the washing,
Maria might take a quick bath and then hurry up to the house to begin the preparations for
dinner. On days that she does not do the washing Maria goes into Rio Branco to sell
some of the surplus production from the farm and to complete the necessary grocery
shopping for the family. There are some products, such as salt, sugar, milk, soap, pasta,
tooth paste and shampoo, that cannot be produced on the land and that must be bought.
Around five thirty in the afternoon, as the sun sets, the whole family is at the
house. Dinner is served, a tasty plateful of rice and beans with a piece of manioc on the
34
side. Once again, the sound of the radio comes through the noise of the quieting animals
and the voices of the family conversing. In a couple of hours, at about eight o'clock, the
family will retire to bed in order to get enough rest to rise early for yet another busy day.
Production Systems
The Agroforestry Pole was initiated in December, 1993. In the summer of 1995,
at the time of the field research for this thesis, the first participants had been settled for 18
months. All of the participants had not arrived simultaneously. Some had arrived as
recently as April, 1995. This created a situation where every lot was at a different stage
of development. Longest settled lots showed signs of vigorous growth of the perennial
fruits, such as peach palm (Bactris gasipaes), cupuaqu (Theobroma grandiflorum) and
barbados cherry (Malpighia glanbra), as well as the annual crops, while on the most
recently settled lots there was more focus on getting production from the annual crops
immediately while the fruit trees were being planted (see Appendix A). The initial focus
on annual crops is to create a food supply within the first six months for subsistence
living for the participant families. The fruit trees will not come into production until the
third or fourth year after planting.
The production systems of the participants in the project center around perennial
tree crops, palms, shrubs, vines and other perennials, along with annual crops such as
grains, tubers, fibers, and vegetables. More than 30 perennials and 28 annuals can be
found in the systems of the participants (Table 3-4). While the original plan for the Pole
had not considered that vegetable gardens would be planted, 72.7% of the participants
were involved in cultivating vegetables. These vegetable gardens are grown mainly
during October through March.
Labor for each lot was being supplied by the members of the family. An average
of 2.9 people worked on the lot that surrounds the family house. Given that the
production systems have been in place for less than two years there was very little
production from the perennial fruit trees. Many of the annual crops had already produced
and been harvested. Likewise, in some of the lots, chickens, ducks and their eggs had
already were being consumed.
Water from several lakes within the Pole and wells dug within the participants'
lots by the participants themselves was used to water the fruit crops. The participants
also bathed and washed their clothes at the lake side. For household consumption most
of the participants bought natural water or filtered water through a filtration device. The
participants generally cooked meals on gas stoves that they brought from Rio Branco in
their move.
There is quite a difference between the quantity of perennial fruit crop seedlings
that the Municipal government anticipated distributing to the participants and the number
of perennial fruit crop seedlings actually planted in the participants' lots (Table 3-5).
The cause for this difference is not entirely clear. It may be that the Municipal
government actually did distribute the anticipated number of seedlings but the
participants chose not to plant all. The lots also appear to have a greater variety of fruit
tree crops than initially planned by the Municipal government (see Table 3-4).
The remaining quantity of perennial fruit crops could have been made up by other
Table 3-4 Crop Plants Found on the Farms of the Agroforestry Pole Project
English name Portuguese name Scientific name Use
Perennials:
Trees
Palms
Araga-boi
Avacado
Bacuri
Breadfruit
Cacao
Caimito
Cashew
Cupua9u
Ingdi
Jackfruit
Jambo
Lime
Mahogany
Mango
Orange
Papaya
Pitinga
Soursop
Star fruit
Tangerine
Agai
Bacaba
Coconut
Peach palm
Araga-boi
Abacate
Bacuri
Fruta Pao
Cacao
Abiu
Caju
Cupua9u
IngA
Jaca
Jambo
Limao
Mogno
Manga
Laranja
Mamdo
Pitinga
Graviola
Carambola
Tangerina
Agai
Bacaba
C6co
Pupunha
Shrubs, vines and other perennials
Annatto Urucu
Banana Banana
Barbados cherry Acerola
Black pepper Pimenta do reino
Coffee Cafe
Passion fruit Maracuji
Pineapple Abacaxi
Eugenia stipitata fruit
Persea americana Mill. fruit
Platonia insignis Mart. fruit
Artocarpus altilis fruit
Theobroma cacao chocolate
Pouteria caimito Radik fruit
Anacardium occidentale fruit
Theobroma grandiflorum fruit
Inga spp. fruit
Artocarpus heterophyllus fruit
Eugenia malaccensis fruit
Citrus aurantifolia fruit
Swietenia macrophylla wood
Mangifera indica fruit
Citrus sinensis fruit
Carica papaya fruit
Eugenia uniflora fruit
Annona muricata fruit
Averrhoa carambola fruit
Citrus reticulata fruit
Euterpe oleracea
Oenocarpus mapora
Cocos nucifera
Bactris gasipaes
Bixa orellana
Musa spp.
Malpighia glabra
Piper nigrum
Coffea spp.
Passiflora edulis
Ananas comosus
fruit
fruit
fruit
fruit,oil
food,dye
fruit
fruit
spice
coffee
fruit
fruit
Table 3-4 Continued...
English name Portuguese name Scientific name Use
Annuals:
Cabbage
Manioc
Cauliflower
Chard
Chicory
Common bean
Corn
Cotton
Cucumber
Eggplant
Lettuce
Mustard
Okra
Onion
Parsley
Pepper
Radish
Rice
Spring greens
Sugar cane
Sweet potato
Repolho
Mandioca
Couve floor
Acelga
Chicoria
Feijao
Milho
Algodao
Pepino
Beringela
Alface
Mustarda
Quiabo
Cebola
Salsa
Pimento
Rabonete
Arroz
Couve
Cana de acucar
Batata doce
Brassica oleracea vegetable
Manihot esculenta tuber
Brassica oleracea botrytis vegetable
Beta vulgaris vegetable
Cichorium intybus vegetable
Phaseolus vulgaris vegetable
Zea mays grain
Gossypium fiber
Cucumis melo fruit
Solanum melongena vegetable
Lactuca sativa
Brassica juncea
Hibiscus esculentus
Allium cepa
Petroselinum crispum
Capsicum spp.
Raphanus sativus
Oryza sativa
Brassica oleracea
Succharium
Ipomoea batatas
vegetable
vegetable
fruit
vegetable
herb
vegetable
herb
grain
vegetable
juice
vegetable
Tomato Tomate Lycopersicon esculentum vegetable
Sources: Cavalcante (1976), Purseglove (1968), Stephens (1988), Agricultural Research
Service.
Table 3-5 Contrast between anticipated quantity of seedlings of perennial crops
to be distributed and seedlings planted in the lots.
Perennial Fruit Crop Anticipated No Seedlings Planted N Seedlings
Peach palm 14,000 4,570
Passion fruit 12,000 1,360
Cupuaqu 6,000 5,437
Banana 7,000 3,480
Mango 500 150
Agai 4,900 758
Barbados cherry 2,700 661
perennial fruit crops that had not been in the original plan. This could indicate the
participants' desire to have a number of different types of fruit crops on their lots.
Variety could provide some security for the participants, for instance if a certain crop
produces poorly or is attacked by a pest or disease. Reliance on a variety of fruit trees
might also protect the farmer from market saturation and low prices.
Marketing Tactics
As anticipated by the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture, the participants, after
fulfilling subsistence needs, sold surplus produce outside the Pole. In order to
accommodate this sale the Municipal government created a tenda in a neighborhood of
Rio Branco, specifically for the sale of the participants' produce. This local street-side
stall consisted of a water proof plastic cover held up by four metal poles and
accommodated four to six producers at a time. The Municipal government promoted the
tenda as a place where the consumers of Rio Branco could buy, at low prices, vegetables,
poultry, eggs, and other agricultural products such as pineapples, corn and fruits. The
participant's produce was expected to sell at lower prices because there was no added
cost of a middle person. All in all the tenda was to be of "commercial advantage" to both
the consumer, who could shop close to the home, and the producer, who was provided
with a market structure specifically for their own benefit.
Participants also found a market in local restaurants and the street markets. A
small amount of produce was being bought by a third party, or 'middleman' at the lot in
the Pole. During the discussions about the creation of a cooperative, participants
expressed the desire to market through the cooperative in order to achieve better prices
and secure markets.
Most of the production was being consumed by the families themselves; however,
in most of the cases, the participants have sold to the external market more than the
anticipated 20 percent of the annual crops harvested expected in the initial years of the
project by the Municipal government (Table 3-6). Rice, beans, eggs, and pineapples are
among the few staple products of which less than 20% was sold.
Seventy-five percent of the participants have sold some surplus. There are several
methods by which the produce sold in Rio Branco was transported. A truck and driver,
provided with funds for the project from the Municipal Secretary for Agriculture, had
been used by 39.4% of the participants who had sold outside the Pole. More than 27% of
the participants who had sold to the external market had used the tractor, available to
clear the land, to transport their produce to Rio Branco. Another 21.2% took their
produce to the market via bus at a cost of $0.89 U.S. ($0.80 centavos) for a round-trip.
40
For those who used the truck there was no cost associated with transportation of produce,
while the cost of using the tractor varied based on the amount of produce being
transported. The cost was approximately 20% of the cash made on the sale of the
produce.
Only two of the participant families, who sold produce, used a car for transport.
The drivers of the cars charged by the kilogram and the price was roughly $11.11 U.S. for
ten kilograms. One family had sold their produce at a market on the periphery of Rio
Branco. The produce had been carried on the participant's back with no transportation
costs involved. Finally, one family had sold some produce to a second party from outside
the Pole. The second party organized the transportation of the produce so there was no
transport cost for the family. There was no trend indicating that those participants who
sold outside the Pole received a higher price.
Community Development in the Agroforestry Pole
In keeping with the plan to provide the participants with technical assistance, the
Municipal Secretary of Agriculture held community meetings. Participation in these
meetings, held every Tuesday and Friday, was not obligatory. Attendance varied
throughout the period in which I did my field research. However, I noted that men,
women and children came to the meetings. These meetings were occasions for the
residents to receive technical training on matters of production and express their concerns
about any matters relating to the Pole. Such issues as the cleanliness of the school
bathroom and the initiation of the merenda (school lunch) were topics of conversation
during these meeting.
Table 3-6: Percentage of total production of the Pole being sold
Product Harvested Sold Percentage
Perennials:
Trees:
Araga boi (unit) 9 0 0
Lime (unit) 900 0 0
Mango(unit) 300 0 0
Papaya (kg) 2,839 1,235 43.5
Soursop (unit) 50 0 0
Shrubs, vines and other perennials:
Annato (kg) 6 0 0
Banana (bunches) 149 47 31.5
Black pepper (bundle) 3 0 0
Passion fruit (unit) 4,556 3,300 72.4
Pineapple (unit) 91 10 10.9
Annuals:
Acelga (unit) 30 0 0
Almeirao (unit) 100 50 50
Manioc (kg) 34,950 22,545 64.5
Cauliflower (unit) 2,000 2,000 100
Chicory (unit) 9,525 3,080 32.3
Chili Pepper (kg) 691.5 492 71.1
Coentro (unit) 25,696 12,300 47.9
Common bean (kg) 2,190 170 7.8
Corn (kg) 26,232 8,346 31.8
Cucumber (unit) 763 320 41.9
Eggplant (kg) 30 30 100
Jambu (unit) 13,104 11,065 84.4
Jilo (kg) 30 30 100
Onion (unit) 24,766 21,420 86.5
Lettuce (unit) 21,392 16,670 77.9
Maxixe (unit) 2,774 2,150 77.5
Mostreiz (unit) 80 50 62.5
Mustard (unit) 26 0 0
Okra (unit) 270 175 64.8
Pepper (unit) 1,068 0 0
Rabonete (unit) 55 0 0
Rice (kg) 11,160 1,336 11.9
Table 3-6 Continued...
Product Collected Sold Percentage
Annuals continued
Salsa (unit) 5,095 2,000 39.3
Spring greens (unit) 11,149 10,470 93.9
Sugar cane (unit) 10,125 5,200 51.4
Sweet Potato (kg) 5 0 0
Tomato (unit) 141 0 0
Animals and animal products:
Chickens (unit) 282 125 44.3
Ducks (unit) 31 0 0
Eggs (unit) 15,263 96 0.63
The community meetings were held in the school building. Eventually, the
teacher complained that the meetings disrupted classes and the meetings were moved to a
shaded area behind the house of one of the participants. In later meetings the community
and the representatives from the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture discussed the setting
up of a cooperative or an association by the participants. Over the course of several
weeks the idea of a cooperative was examined. The Municipal government, through
examining the role and function of a cooperative with the participants, tried to help the
community decide if it was something that they wanted, and how to organize and define
the purpose of the participant organization.
Results were eventually achieved from these meetings, despite complaints on the
side of both the community and the representatives of the Municipal Secretary of
Agriculture. In June the merenda program was established in which each school day,
women from different lots, would come to a room converted into a kitchen in the back of
the school, to cook a midday meal for the students. The midday meal consisted mainly of
rice, beans and manioc. The need for this system arose because of the distance and time
it took some of the children to go home for lunch and return to school.
A decision was also made to create a cooperative run by the participants. During
the final weeks of my fieldwork official elections took place in which the president of the
cooperative was elected by the community. Through a vote the cooperative was named
'Cooperativa Polo Agroflorestal' (COPAF). The focus of the cooperative was
determined to be the general issues of production, marketing, transportation and
investment. Another concern of the participants that was discussed at the community
meetings was the fact that they did not have title to the land and that there was the
possibility that they could be taken off the land after 5 to 10 years.
The main concern over giving the land to individual participants was that the
participants would sell their lots and return to the city. Title to the land could not be
given to the participants by the Municipal government. Only INCRA, and not the
Municipal government, can carry out agrarian reform. The Municipal government hoped
that if the community showed strength through organization in a cooperative, eventually
INCRA would give the land to the cooperative. This idea was only just being considered
during the end of my field research.
The community had mobilized in other ways. Several leaders were chosen among
the participants to lead by example, to attend community meetings and be aware of all
activities in the Pole. I became aware of at least two community fairs that had taken
place in the Pole under the organization of the participants. In addition, a woman's group
had formed primarily for the function of learning how to prepare and process products
from their lots. Representatives from EMATER came to the Pole to give the woman's
group technical assistance. On another occasion a group of hairdressers from a teaching
school in Rio Branco was transported out to the Pole by the Municipal Secretary of
Agriculture to go from house to house cutting the participants' hair in a volunteer
exercise.
As the participants have become established in their permanent houses and
production is firmly underway, they appear to focus more on the area around their houses.
Several families have undertaken "beautification projects" in which they have improved
their living area by planting flowers, painting their houses and building fences. The
participants have a deep sense of pride in their lots. Besides the community fairs, social
and leisure activities in the Pole take the form of church on Sundays and soccer during
the weekend.
Physical Development
Besides the participants' lots, the Pole has other lots with a variety of purposes.
For example, lot number 15 is an area of 4.38 hectares of legumes. Lot 32, with an area
of 4.68 ha, is part of a reserve and lot 33, with 4.09 ha, is available for experiments by
other local institutions. An area of 3.75 hectares is being used for leisure activities, such
as soccer. At the time of the research, lot 25 was vacant; however, the representatives
from the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture suggested that eventually a family would be
placed on it or the land would be used for another purpose.
In the period since the Agroforestry Pole project was initiated, three lots have
been 'abandoned', meaning that the participants left or were forced to leave. In the case
of two lots, there was an internal conflict between the participants, resulting in the woman
from one attacking and paralyzing the man from the other. The family of the paralyzed
man decided that they wanted to return to Rio Branco, while the woman was asked to
vacate the lot since her actions had not been in keeping with community development.
Another family left because a family member had cancer and had to be hospitalized in
Rio Branco.
Central to the Pole, a wooden school building was constructed to accommodate
classes for the children of the Pole. A teacher from Rio Branco was hired by the
46
Municipal government. Children attend the school four hours a day on week days and the
school timetable is split into morning and afternoon classes.
Part of the Municipal government's plan is to supply each family with a couple of
pigs. The pigs are being kept and bred in a construction near to the center of the Pole.
Two of the closest residents are responsible for the upkeep of the pigs, feeding them grain
provided by the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture.
Across from the pig building is a large barn for the storage and protection of
certain processing equipment bought by the Municipal government for use by the
participants. This equipment includes a gasoline-powered dehusker for rice, an electric
sugar cane processor, a processor for cassava and a construction to dry cassava and make
flour.
'Hidden' Subsidies
During the implementation stage of the Agroforestry Pole electricity lines were
installed. Every house, with the exception of one which did not yet have lines installed,
received electricity and had the capacity for electric lights, use of an electric stove and
other appliances. The electricity was being provided to the families at a subsidized rate
of $0.78 U.S. ($0.70 centavos) per month.
Some of the subsidies provided by the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture were
not as readily evident as that for electricity. For instance, every day a truck from the
Municipal Secretary of Agriculture went out to the pole, often transporting both
participants and their produce. On countless mornings I arrived in the offices of the
Municipal Secretary of Agriculture to find participants waiting to see representatives
47
about their concerns, questions or need for seeds. This technical support was in addition
to the technical assistance given in the weekly community meetings. Monthly, a truck
load of green manure in the form of cuttings from parks in Rio Branco, would arrive in
the Pole for use by the participants.
These 'hidden' subsidies, were not counted in the costs of the project. As already
mentioned, the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture, through project funds, also provided
seeds, processing machinery and an enclosure, feed for the pigs, material and assistance
to build the participants' houses, and the tractor.
Quality of Life and Future Perspectives
Table 3-7: Reason for Moving to the Agroforestry Pole
% responses (n=44)
Reason Percent
Did not have own house 30.7
No work or conditions to survive in Rio Branco 30.7
Desire to plant/work on the land 23.9
Improve life in general 8.0
Tranquility 3.4
Better than working for others 2.2
Able to leave the Pole if the participant does not like it 1.1
TOTAL 100.0
The two main reasons stated by the participants when asked why they moved to
the Pole were that they did not own their own house (30.7%) and 30.7% did not have
work or the condition to survive in Rio Branco (Table 3-7). In fact, only 59% of the
48
households had heads with any form of employment, temporary, part time or permanent.
This contrasts with the situation in the Pole where all of the household heads stated that
they have a job. Likewise, before moving to the Pole only 34% of the participants owned
their own house whereas each family in the Pole indicated that they were the owners of
the house in which they lived.
The participants' overall perception of the change in their quality of life since
arriving at the Pole was measured. More than 89% of the participants indicated that the
situation of the family had improved and almost 98% said that they felt that the Pole is
going to improve their lives in the future.
When questioned about their desire to return to Rio Branco to work or live in the
future, 90.9% of the participants responded that they had no intention of returning to the
city. The remaining 9.1% of the participants stated that it was possible that they would
return to Rio Branco depending on certain conditions. Two of the four participant
families gave as their prerequisite to return, the presence of favorable conditions in Rio
Branco to make a living and support their families, whereas the other two families said
that if conditions in the Pole were not good they would consider returning to Rio Branco.
The same question was posed with reference to their children. Out of the 42
families that have children in the Pole, 61.9% stated that under no condition did they
anticipate their children would leave the Pole to live or work in Rio Branco. Another
14.3% said that they could not answer the question with any certainty, while 23.8% of the
respondents felt that their children would eventually return to Rio Branco to work or go
to school. These data indicate a high level of commitment on the part of the participants
to the Pole and an expectation that their future will be based on life in the Pole.
Furthermore, this desire to be permanently settled can be seen in the improvements
participants have made on their houses and surrounding areas.
Changes in the quality of life are difficult to measure since they depend on each
person's perception or decision about which factors contribute to improving or
deteriorating a person's standard of living. Therefore I looked at basic necessities of life
such as food intake and health. Respondents' recall from the surveys indicated that since
arriving at the Pole 52.3% of the participants had experienced an increase in the number
of meals eaten per day, while 29.5% stated that the number of meals per day had
remained the same. More significantly, 47.7% of the participants reported eating more
food and 45.4% said they had experienced an increase in the variety of meals since
arriving at the Pole.
Overall, three-quarters of the families felt that since arriving at the Pole their
meals had improved. Many participants said that their meals had improved, although
they might have noted a decrease in the number of meals, quantity of food or variety.
The reason for this was in the participants belief that by living in the Pole they were
assured of something to eat even if they did not have cash to buy goods. I suspect that
meals will improve even more for the participants as more time passes and production
increases. This will also have a positive effect on variety of food consumed as all of the
produce annuals, perennials and livestock come into full production. The diversity of
species in the agroforestry systems will contribute to this increase in variety of produce
collected and also allow for a continuous, year around supply of food for subsistence and
sale by the participants. Several of the perennial species grown have different peak
bearing months (Table 3-8).
Table 3-8 Fruit bearing calender for some perennial species of the Agroforestry Pole
Local Name Ja Fe Ma Ap My Ju Jl Au Se Oc No De Ja
Bacuri X X
Soursop X X
Jackfruit X X
Jambo X X
Cupuaqu X X X
A9ai X X
Carambola X X
Mahogany X X
Cashew X X
Breadfruit X X
Bacaba X X
Jambo X X X X
Mango X X
Caimito X X
Peach palm X X
Sources: Parque Zoobotanico, Universidade Federal do Acre (1995) & Cavalcante
(1976).
With regards to participants' health, 77% answered that the health of the family
had improved since entering the project. The clearest indicator of improvement in health
was a reported decrease in the number of illnesses experienced in the family. The most
frequent health complaint among the participants was the common cold. More than 45%
51
of the participants responded that they used natural medicines, such as bush tea, collected
mainly from the area surrounding their lot. Another 20.5% had not needed medicines and
22.7% had obtained treatments from a pharmacy.
Over 68% of the participants said that they had not experienced any negative
factors in the Pole that had affected their quality of life. The factors that had negatively
affected some of the participants included a shortage of water (13.6%), a lack of unity
among neighbors (11.3%), not being able to sell goods other than crops in the Pole
(2.3%), the rules established by the Municipal government (2.3%), and, concern about the
food supply (2.3%).
Almost 73% of the participants said that the money that entered the house every
month met the expenses of the household. Manioc appears to be a very important
survival crop for the families because 20.4% responded that they ate manioc when the
money that entered the home every month did not meet expenses (Table 3-9). Another
20.5% answered that they ate or sold some type of produce off the land in such times.
Conclusion
The two main reasons that the participants gave for moving to Rio Branco
initially, and then to the Pole were the same; lack of ownership of property and seeking
job opportunities. The move to Rio Branco did not provide the participants with the
property ownership and employment that they were seeking. The desire to obtain these
same needs prompted the participants to move once again, this time to the Pole project.
In this chapter it was demonstrated that the Pole was already providing the participants
with employment and a home.
Table 3-9: Actions Taken When the Money Does Not Meet Monthly Expenses
% of responses (n=44)
Action Percent
Eat manioc 20.4
Eat off of the land 15.9
Economize 15.9
Borrow from family/friends 15.9
Buy on credit 9.1
Work externally 6.8
Always meets expenses 6.8
Pass the time poorly 4.6
Sell some produce 4.6
TOTAL 100.0
There was an overwhelming positive response from the participants about their
lives since arriving in the Pole and almost every participant anticipated further
improvement in the future. The participants' satisfaction with the improvement in their
lives and the project so far is apparent from the low rate of 'abandonment'. The cases of
'abandonment' were not caused by dissatisfaction with the Pole, but personal conflict
between participants, and health problems. Furthermore, a large majority of the
participants had no intention of returning to Rio Branco. Likewise, a majority of the
participants felt that their children would continue to live in the Pole in the future.
However, the fact that almost 24% of the participants felt that their children would
eventually return to Rio Branco points to a future when space in the Pole may be limited
and the participants' offspring must return to Rio Branco to make a living. The
difference at that point may be that the city will be better equipped infrastructurally to
handle the population increase and the migrants will be better prepared for employment
in an urban area due to the availability of education. The creation of other Poles is also
an alternative that has strong possibilities. This idea is discussed in more detail in chapter
five.
The perception that their situation had improved was tied into the perception that
since arriving at the Pole, their meals and the health of the family had improved. I
believe that the quantitative data on the number of meals eaten, the quantity and variety
of food, as well as the decrease in the number of illnesses show reality coinciding with
the participants' perceptions. After only one and a half years, still in the early stages of
the project, participants are able to meet expenses. And when household expenses cannot
be met there are options for the participants. They can eat off the land. Subsistence
needs of the participants were being met.
The fact that the participants were meeting their subsistence needs meant that the
market of Rio Branco was relieved of that responsibility. In this way the project was
already contributing to the local market economy. Additionally, the surplus that the
participants sold in the markets of Rio Branco added to the local produce available and
the capacity of the urban provisioning system was increased. The participants' farms are
more diverse and complex than originally anticipated by the Municipal government.
Twenty-four more types of perennial tree crops were planted in the farming systems than
originally planned in the project specifications.
It would seem that the outlook for the Pole in the up coming years, at the time
when the fruit trees are being harvested, is promising. The scenario could be that the
market of Rio Branco would reduce the imports of produce from other states, while the
participants meet subsistence needs and have a steady cash flow. However, the
administrative structure of the Pole appears to be top-down. It is also a highly subsidized
operation. The implications for the sustainability of the Pole, in the light of such heavy
external investment needs to be discussed. This discussion can be found in Chapter V.
In chapter four, with the use of linear programming, I explore the potential outcome of
these production systems in four years when all of the activities in the production system
are fully functional.
CHAPTER IV
PROJECTING PRODUCTION BASED ON LINEAR MODELS
Introduction
In this chapter I will simulate the actual farm situation and explore the future
production, income and consumption of the lots in the Agroforestry Pole Project using
linear programming. From its first application by Hildebrand on Michigan dairy farms in
1959, linear programming has been used to study the effect of resource constraints and
management strategies. In 1961, Clayton used linear programming on peasant farms in
Kenya (Clayton, 1961). In this thesis, linear programming is used to determine the future
outcome of a relatively young system. The information from using linear programming
in this way can be invaluable in helping the administrators of the Pole to make
adjustments earlier on in the project. It can also allow administrators to consider various
agricultural options with the participants before these options are actually implemented.
Heyer (1971) identified the value of linear programming as a basic research tool and in
producing extension recommendations for groups of farms.
The Linear Programming Model
Linear programming uses sets of linear equations in an optimization procedure
that allocates scarce resources among competing alternatives to maximize specified
objectives. The standard form of a linear programming model is composed of three
sections: (1) the objective function, (2) resource constraints, (3) activities or competing
55
CHAPTER IV
PROJECTING PRODUCTION BASED ON LINEAR MODELS
Introduction
In this chapter I will simulate the actual farm situation and explore the future
production, income and consumption of the lots in the Agroforestry Pole Project using
linear programming. From its first application by Hildebrand on Michigan dairy farms in
1959, linear programming has been used to study the effect of resource constraints and
management strategies. In 1961, Clayton used linear programming on peasant farms in
Kenya (Clayton, 1961). In this thesis, linear programming is used to determine the future
outcome of a relatively young system. The information from using linear programming
in this way can be invaluable in helping the administrators of the Pole to make
adjustments earlier on in the project. It can also allow administrators to consider various
agricultural options with the participants before these options are actually implemented.
Heyer (1971) identified the value of linear programming as a basic research tool and in
producing extension recommendations for groups of farms.
The Linear Programming Model
Linear programming uses sets of linear equations in an optimization procedure
that allocates scarce resources among competing alternatives to maximize specified
objectives. The standard form of a linear programming model is composed of three
sections: (1) the objective function, (2) resource constraints, (3) activities or competing
55
CHAPTER IV
PROJECTING PRODUCTION BASED ON LINEAR MODELS
Introduction
In this chapter I will simulate the actual farm situation and explore the future
production, income and consumption of the lots in the Agroforestry Pole Project using
linear programming. From its first application by Hildebrand on Michigan dairy farms in
1959, linear programming has been used to study the effect of resource constraints and
management strategies. In 1961, Clayton used linear programming on peasant farms in
Kenya (Clayton, 1961). In this thesis, linear programming is used to determine the future
outcome of a relatively young system. The information from using linear programming
in this way can be invaluable in helping the administrators of the Pole to make
adjustments earlier on in the project. It can also allow administrators to consider various
agricultural options with the participants before these options are actually implemented.
Heyer (1971) identified the value of linear programming as a basic research tool and in
producing extension recommendations for groups of farms.
The Linear Programming Model
Linear programming uses sets of linear equations in an optimization procedure
that allocates scarce resources among competing alternatives to maximize specified
objectives. The standard form of a linear programming model is composed of three
sections: (1) the objective function, (2) resource constraints, (3) activities or competing
55
56
alternatives. The model used in this thesis is a maximization procedure whose objective
function maximizes cash income. In matrix notation the objective of the model is to:
MAX Z = Ej"= (PjXj CjXj), where
Pj is the price received per unit of activity Xj, and Cj is the cash cost or cash income per
unit of activity Xj. The number of activities is n. The objective function is subject to
constraints (Appendix B) in the following manner:
Ejn1, aij Xj : bi (i =1, 2, 3...m), where
aij equals the quantity of resources i used per unit of activity j, and bi equals the set of
available resource i for the Xj activities. One further restriction in the model, known as
the non-negativity restraint assures a rational solution in that all activities must be
positive quantities (Appendix B). It states that:
Xj 0.
The objective function of the model is a linear expression for profit maximization.
Although the assumption is often made that farmers behave as profit maximizers, it has
rarely been proven to be true (Dehm, 1984). The diverse and complex attitudes and
practices of farmers sometimes defy explanation. However, linear program models can
be more realistic and flexible if the farmers' non-pecuniary goals are taken into
consideration. These goals can be built into the model, for instance through the use of
constraints.
Description of the Linear Programming for a Typical Farm in the Pole
The linear programming model simulating a typical farm in the Pole was based on
data collected from interviews with the participants and information about production of
57
certain fruit trees in the state of Acre. It was essential that the model closely resemble the
actual situation in the lots, for the first year and a half in order to have confidence in its
predicting ability in future years. The model of the typical farm is a dynamic multiple
year (4) model that maximizes cash income over the four year period.
Among the major criteria for adequate simulation of a farm from the Agroforestry
Pole were the (1) meeting of minimum family food needs; (2) representativeness of the
acreage and output of different crops; (3) diversity of activities that reflect actual
practices; (4) satisfaction of requirements for labor time for a range of agricultural and
nonagricultural activities, such as cooking, child rearing, washing and socializing. Per
hectare yields for the fruit trees in the third and fourth years had to be estimated using
figures from already established fruit systems in Acre (Table 4-1). Constraints were built
into the model to reflect resource restrictions such as the availability of land and labor.
The linear programming model was based on a schematic model for the farm
production systems in the Agroforestry Pole (Figure 4-1). Labor needs were met by the
family members themselves, with the two adult parents being the main sources.
Available farm labor was derived from the man working roughly six hours per day for six
days a week and the woman working for approximately three hours per day for six days a
week. This labor time was only for farm activities such as preparing the land, planting,
manuring, watering, cleaning, harvesting, processing, transportation and sale of surplus.
Aside from labor, other inputs used by the participants such as seeds, seedlings, a
tractor, and tools, were provided by the Municipal government. Thus, no associated input
cost was put in the model. Therefore, the results of these findings depend on the
Figure 4-1 Schematic Model for a Farm Production System in the Municipal Pole
for Agroforestry Production, Acre (Brazil)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT
I
HOUSE & LAND
TRASPOTTIO
TRANSPORTATION
MACHINERY & TOOLS
TECHNICAL HELP
GREEN MANURE
Table 4-1 Per hectare yield for annuals, perennials and chickens used in the linear
programming model of a typical farm in the Agroforestry Pole.
Crop Year 1 Year 2 Year 3 Year 4
Cassava' [kg] 2,000 2,000 -
Cassava2 [kg] 800 800 -
Corn' [kg] 1,400 1,400 -
Corn 3 [kg] 350 350 -
Beans [kg] 400 400 -
Pineapple [kg] 360 360 360
Sugarcane [kg] 700 700 700
Passion fruit [fruit] 250 6,000 12,500 6,000
Banana [bundles] 50 160 320 160
Papaya [kg] 0 1,400 3,500 1,400
Citrus [fruit] 10,000 10,000
Pupunha [kg] 1,500
Cupuaqu [fruit] 1,000
Soursop [fruit] 1,200
A9ai [kg] 1,365
Acerola [kgl 800 1.200
assumption of continued future subsidies to the producers. The removal of one or more
of the subsidies would require a new solution.
The most common systems found on the participants' lots were selected as
production activities for the linear program. These included the following activities or
crop combinations: manioc and corn; peach palm, cupuaqu, rice, beans and manioc;
banana and citrus; papaya, acai and barbados cherry; peach palm, cupuaqu and sugarcane;
'cassava and corn
2pupunha/cupuagu/rice/beans/cassava
3pupunha/cupualu/rice/cor
. .. .. ... L-- ,I
,-
61
peach palm, cupua9u, rice and corn; passion fruit, soursop and pineapple; chickens; and
vegetables.
An activity that was limited in the model was the production of chickens. Since
chickens fetch a good price on the market, the model would choose to produce chickens
to the exclusion of every other activity. This would not accurately reflect the farmers'
behavior. The LP limits the number of chickens per lot by the maximum number of
chickens able to fit in one typical henhouse. This number was twenty. Every lot with
chickens did have a henhouse, and while the chickens were allowed to roam the lot to
look for food and contribute manure to the lot, they were also secured at night.
Participants mentioned the fact that chickens could become a pest if they attacked the
young crops.
Another constraint or requirement in the model was consumption in the second,
third and fourth years the participants had estimated minimum levels, and any surplus
produced would be sold at the market. These consumption levels were based on
participants' expectations for future consumption. Figures for consumption in the first
year were taken from actual data collected in the surveys (Table 3-5).
Gender differentiation of control and access over resources and labor can affect
the amount of income derived by different members of the family and the manner in
which this income is spent. For instance, it is often documented that the female adult of
the family is more likely to spend money on health care, schooling and food for the
family. In the case of the participant families in the Pole, however, there was a tendency
for shared income distribution. The majority of the income went to basic household
62
needs. Both male and female adults of the family shared the decision making processes.
This sharing is reflected by the use of a single, family income objective.
The LP model does not allow for the stochastic nature of the environment and
production factors. This limitation can be overcome by including a certain measure of
'uncertainty' in the model by using random weather patterns and discounting over the
years. For simplicity, these variables were not included in the model for this research.
Results
According to the linear programming model, in the first year all the available land
was put under cultivation. In the third year the land that had been totally under annual
crop production, the land under cassava and corn, was converted into vegetable
production. After the second year this land, depleted of certain nutrients and minerals,
would no longer be able to support a good yield of annual subsistence crops. The fields
that were intercropped with fruit trees and annual crops are, in the third year, totally
cultivated with fruit trees as annual crops cannot exist due to the shading by the perennial
crops.
Results of the linear programming model simulating a typical farm in the
Municipal Pole for Agroforestry Production showed that income from the sale of surplus
steadily increases from year to year as the agroforestry system matures. In the first year
only approximately U.S.$35.89 ($33.30 reis) is made from selling surplus cassava,
banana and papaya (Table 4-2). Again in the second year the surpluses of these crops are
sold along with surplus passion fruit and chickens. The total income expected from sales
in the second year is roughly U.S. $1,352.55.
In the third year of the linear program annual subsistence crops are no longer
grown due to the lack of land to expand upon and the lower production on the established
land due to the previous two years of planting. Surplus banana, papaya, acerola, passion
fruit, pineapple, chickens and vegetables would bring in an income of about
U.S.$4,120.03.
In the fourth year there is surplus produce from many of the fruit trees that finally
come into production. Pupunha, cupuaqu, agai, acerola, soursop, banana, papaya, passion
fruit, pineapple, chickens and vegetables are potentially sold for cash income of
U.S.$13,088.73.
In the third and fourth year, when land that has been under annual crops is
converted to vegetable production, the participants will use the cash income from the sale
of surplus to buy food goods. Vegetable production is only for consumption in the first
two years of the LP, but when the land that has been under annual crops is converted to
vegetable production there is sale of surplus vegetables. The cost of these food goods is
subtracted from the gross cash income derived from the sale of surplus to give the total
net cash income.
The Municipal government anticipated that within the first year and a half the
participants would be making three to four minimum salaries per month, the equivalent of
U.S. $300 $400. Furthermore, they anticipated that when the integrated system was
producing plentifully the farmers would be making an income of approximately U.S.
$11,000 13,000 per year (ten to twelve thousand reis).
Table 4-2 Results of a simulated model for a typical farm in the Municipal Pole
for Agroforestry Production
ACTIVITY Year 1 Year 2 Year 3 Year 4
Manioc and corn (ha) 0.156071 0.156071
manioc production (kg) 312.1 312.1
manioc buy 0 0 660 660
corn production (kg) 218.5 218.5 -
corn buy 0 0 390 390
Peach palm. cupuacu. rice
beans and manioc (ha) 0.465 0.465 0.465 0.465
peach palm production (kg) 0 0 0 697.5
cupuaqu production (fruit) 0 0 0 465
rice production (kg) 139.5 139.5 -
bean production (kg) 186 186 -
manioc production (kg) 372 372 -
Banana and citrus (ha) 0.2 0.2 0.2 0.2
banana production (bundles) 10 32 64 32
citrus production (fruit) 0 0 2,000 2,000
Papaya, acai and barbados
cherry (ha) 0.61 0.61 0.61 0.61
papaya production (kg) 24.2 847.8 2,119.6 847.8
agai production (kg) 0 0 0 826.6
barbados cherry production (kg) 0 0 484.5 726.7
Peach palm. cupuagu
and sugarcane (ha) 0.5 0.5 0.5 0.5
peach palm production (kg) 0 0 0 750
cupuaqu production (kg) 0 0 0 500
sugarcane production (kg) 350 350 350 -
Peach palm. cupuacu. rice
and corn (ha) 0.49 0.49 0.49 0.49
peach palm production (kg) 0 0 0 735
cupuaqu production (kg) 0 0 0 490
rice production (kg) 220.5 220.5 -
corn production (kg) 171.5 171.5
Table 4-2 Continued...
ACTIVITY Year 1 Year 2 Year 3 Year 4
Passion fruit, soursop and
pineapple (ha) 0.75 0.75 0.75 0.75
passion fruit production (fruit) 187.5 4,500 9,375 4,500
soursop production (fruit) 0 0 0 900
pineapple production (kg) 0 270 270 270
Chickens (chicken house) 0.45 1 1 1
chicken production 9 20 20 20
chicken home consumption 9 9 9 9
Vegetables (ha) 0.33 0.33 0.49 0.49
vegetable production (kg) 200 200 293.6 293.6
Sales
peach palm sell (kg) 0 0 0 1882.5
cupuaqu sell (fruit) 0 0 0 1255
cassava sell (kg) 24.1 24.1 -
corn sell (kg) 0 0 -
rice sell (kg) 0 0 -
beans sell (kg) 0 0 -
banana sell (bundle) 1 5.4 10.8 5.4
citrus sell (fruit) 0 0 0 0
papaya sell (kg) 14.2 567.8 1,419.6 567.8
agai sell (kg) 0 0 0 553.6
barbados cherry sell (kg) 0 0 324.5 486.7
sugarcane sell (kg) 0 0 0 -
passion fruit sell (fruit) 0 3,300 6,875 3,300
soursop sell (fruit) 0 0 0 660
pineapple sell (kg) 0 0 198 198
chicken sell 0 11 11 11
vegetable sell (kg) 0 0 93.6 93.6
Gross cash income for first year = $32.30 (U.S.$35.89)4
Gross cash income for second year = $1,217.30 (U.S.$1,352.55)
Gross cash income for third year = $3,708.03 (U.S.$4,120.03)
Gross cash income for fourth year = $11.779.86 (U.S.$13,088.73)
Gross cash income for four years = $16,737.49 (U.S.$18,597.21)
Costs for rice, beans, corn, cassava= $1,511.40 (U.S.$1,679.33)
Total net cash income over four years = $15,226.09 (U.S.$16,917.88)
The results from the LP appear to suggest that the Municipal government could
have a realistic goal for the expected amount of income that the participants will be
making per year when the agroforestry systems are in full production. In the first year
income from sales of surplus is low. The Municipal government's short term expectation
for the participants seems to be overly optimistic since in the linear program, the
participants were not yet making as much as three to four minimum salaries per month in
the first year and a half. Production and sale of the perennial tree crops are not high
enough in the first year and a half to allow for this amount of income return.
A comparison between the actual seedlings planted in the participants' lots and
the number of trees anticipated by the LP model was completed (Table 4-3). In contrast
to the difference between the quantity of perennial fruit crop seedlings that the Municipal
government anticipated distributing to the participants and the number of perennial fruit
crop seedlings actually planted in the participants' lots (Table 4-3), there is a greater
similarity in the quantities. Once again, the differences can be accounted for by the
presence of other minor perennial fruit crops on the participants' lots.
4Currency conversion was based on U.S.$1.00 being equal to 0.90 Brazilian cents.
Table 4-3 Contrast between anticipated number of seedlings by the Municipal
government, anticipated quantity of trees of perennial crops in the LP
and actual seedlings planted in the lots (average size = 3.5 ha)
Perennial Fruit Crop Anticipated No Trees expected in Planted No
Seedlings (MG) LP Seedlings
Peach Palm 14,000 5,826 4,570
Passion fruit 12,000 1,650 1,360
Cupuaqu 6,000 5,332 5,437
Banana 7,000 1,408 3,480
Agai 4,900 1,526 758
Barbados cherry 2,700 1,073 661
The similarity in quantities of perennial fruit trees grown by the participants and
anticipated by the LP model indicates the simulation power of the LP model and provides
confidence in its future predicting of production, income and consumption.
Summary Points
(1) The Linear programming model was a multiple year model that closely simulated the
situation on the participant's lots and then predicted future production, income and consumption.
(2) The linear programming model of a typical farm in the Agroforestry Pole indicates
that the Municipal government's goal for the participants' income level within the first year and
a half is overly optimistic. The Municipal government's long term goals, however, are shown to
be feasible according to the LP model.
(3) A comparison between the actual quantity of seedlings planted in the participants' lots
and the number of perennial fruit trees anticipated by the LP model showed that these quantities
68
were similar. This comparison indicated that the LP model has simulated the actual farm
situation accurately and that I can have confidence in the future predicting power of the model.
CHAPTER V
THE POTENTIAL OF THE AGROFORESTRY POLE AS AN ANSWER
TO URBANIZATION IN THE BRAZILIAN AMAZON
The Agroforestry Pole as an "Alternative"
The administration for the Agroforestry Pole promoted the Pole as an 'alternative'
way of dealing with the problems of lack of housing, unemployment and hunger. They
made a comparison between the Pole and COHABs (low-income housing complexes).
This system of providing 'mass' housing for lower income families is used by the
Associagio Brasileira de COHABs (ABC) in many states in Brazil. Acre has fourteen
low-income housing complexes. The first one was funded by the Federal government
and constructed in 1971. Usually the residents of group housing are given electricity,
telephones, water, and sewers. In addition, the area is paved and drainage is provided. A
plaza for recreation is built into the area and a school is constructed for the residents'
children.
The selection criteria for the residents of group housing are based on the number
of children in a family, the present habitation of the person, and the family's economic
situation. At the time of the research for this thesis all group housing projects in Acre,
except for one, required that the residents earn at least between three and four minimum
salaries, the equivalent of U.S. $300 400 per month. Thirty percent of their salary goes
CHAPTER V
THE POTENTIAL OF THE AGROFORESTRY POLE AS AN ANSWER
TO URBANIZATION IN THE BRAZILIAN AMAZON
The Agroforestry Pole as an "Alternative"
The administration for the Agroforestry Pole promoted the Pole as an 'alternative'
way of dealing with the problems of lack of housing, unemployment and hunger. They
made a comparison between the Pole and COHABs (low-income housing complexes).
This system of providing 'mass' housing for lower income families is used by the
Associagio Brasileira de COHABs (ABC) in many states in Brazil. Acre has fourteen
low-income housing complexes. The first one was funded by the Federal government
and constructed in 1971. Usually the residents of group housing are given electricity,
telephones, water, and sewers. In addition, the area is paved and drainage is provided. A
plaza for recreation is built into the area and a school is constructed for the residents'
children.
The selection criteria for the residents of group housing are based on the number
of children in a family, the present habitation of the person, and the family's economic
situation. At the time of the research for this thesis all group housing projects in Acre,
except for one, required that the residents earn at least between three and four minimum
salaries, the equivalent of U.S. $300 400 per month. Thirty percent of their salary goes
toward payment for the apartment in the building. This payment is made for 26 years,
after which the resident owns the apartment'.
At present, only one group housing project in Acre can be compared as an
alternative type of housing for the people that participate in the Pole. As stated before,
there is a minimum salary requirement to be placed in a group housing project. Most, if
not all, of the participants of the Agroforestry Pole would not have been able to meet this
requirement with the limited employment opportunities available to them in Rio Branco.
Oscar Passos is the only group housing project with lower financial requirements for
entry. Residents in this housing project need to make one and a half minimum salaries
(U.S. $150). Even this could have been considered high for the participants of the Pole.
Oscar Passos is different from the other group housing projects in several ways.
Initiated in 1987, the project placed families on a piece of land 250 square meters (one
quarter of a hectare) with only a structure for a bathroom with a toilet and sink. It was
left up to the residents to build a house. One hundred and ninety-four of these lots were
provided for families. A school was built in the area in 1992. The residents of Oscar
Passos have to pay approximately U.S. $16 22 ($15 20 reis) per month for twenty-five
years to own the area.
A cost comparison between the Agroforestry Pole and Oscar Passos showed that
the cost of settling a resident in both of the projects was almost equal. In the case of the
Pole the cost per family was approximately U.S. $5,132 6,842. With an overall cost of
'Interview with Maria L6a Ferreira Germono de Araujo, representative of the Ministry of
Urban Housing.
U.S. $1,099,239.00, the cost per family for Oscar Passos was approximately U.S.
$5,552.00.
Despite the similarity in the cost per resident for the two projects, there are other
non-monetary differences that are worth noting. Oscar Passos, like the Agroforestry
Pole, addressed the problems of shortage of housing and services, such as water
provision, electricity, and sewage disposal. However, the residents of Oscar Passos,
unlike the participants of the Pole, were not provided with employment opportunities or a
way to achieve subsistence living. The participants of the Agroforestry Pole were
provided with the means to feed themselves and make a steady income using skills with
which they were already familiar. The Agroforestry Pole project decreased the
population stress on Rio Branco, while at the same time, it created food for the
inhabitants of the city. Oscar Passos created urban housing but did not consider the lack
of opportunities for migrants with rural skills.
The fact that Oscar Passos was the only minimum income housing in Rio Branco
that might have been available to the migrant families from rural areas of the Amazon
indicates the very limited options for migrants. These migrants often have no choice but
to rely on family members, already in the city, for a temporary or permanent place to live.
The other 'option' for migrants is to crowd into small houses in precarious locations in
the periphery of the city.
Summary
In this thesis the Agroforestry Pole project was assessed as an alternative measure
to address some of the problems being experienced as a result of increased urbanization
in the Brazilian Amazon. The study also set out to describe and document this planned
agroforestry system.
The information and results presented in this thesis were based on primary data
obtained in 1995. The whole population of the Agroforestry Pole was considered for the
study. The absence of participants in two lots every time an attempt was made to
complete an interview prevented these two lots from being included in the study. With
this exception, the results and information in this thesis reflect the experience of all of the
participants in the Pole since the survey was administered to the universal population.
Secondary information was also obtained from official publications of the Municipal
government and local institutions such as UFAC, IMAC and IBGE. Consistent with the
work done in the Rio Branco region by Schmink and Cordeiro (1992), a large percentage
of the rural migrants, reflected in the population of the Pole, were from rubber tapping
areas. All indications point to an increasing rate of rural to city migration in future
decades.
This study used four indicators to assess the improvement in the quality of the
participants' lives and their commitment to the project. These four indicators were the
participants' perception about changes in quality of life, food consumption, health
situation, and rate of abandonment of the project.
The participants' perception of the changes in their quality of life since arriving at
the Pole was very positive. Already, only after approximately a year and a half, more
than 89% of the participants stated that their family's situation had improved and 98%
said that they felt that the Pole is going to improve their lives in the future. The strength
of this response is apparent when the response of Schmink and Cordeiro's sample from
Rio Branco to the question in relation to the city's ability to improve their lives is
considered. The results from the questionnaire administered by Schmink and Cordeiro in
1994 showed that only 35% of the respondents in Rio Branco said that their situation had
improved and 54% said that they felt that the city was going to improve their lives in the
future (Schmink & Cordeiro, 1992).
The rate of abandonment of the Agroforestry Pole was very low and the majority
of the participants stated that they did not intend to move back to Rio Branco nor did they
anticipate that their children would return. The major reasons that caused the participants
to migrate to Rio Branco and then to the Pole, the need for employment and ownership of
a house, were being addressed.
Other quantitative measures used to determine improvement in the quality of life
were data on food consumption and the participants' health situation. More than 75% of
the participants indicated that since arriving at the Pole the family's health and meals had
improved. For some of the participants meals had improved due to an increase in the
number of meals eaten per day, the quantity of food eaten per day and an increase in the
variety of foods eaten.
In trying to determine the likely output of the agroforestry systems in
approximately four years when the fruit trees will be producing, a simulation linear
program model was developed. The linear optimizer function of the Quattro Pro version
6.0 computer software program was employed for the linear programming solution,
which tried to simulate as closely as possible an actual farming household in the
Agroforestry Pole and then predict production over four years.
Conclusions
The farms in the Agroforestry Pole were found to be diverse and complex
agricultural systems based on agroforestry principles. The diversity of the systems in fact
exceeded the initial plan of the Municipal government. Another activity, not anticipated
by the Municipal government, that was taking place on the participants' lots was the
growing of vegetables for consumption and sale.
In measuring the feasibility of the Pole as an alternative measure to address some
of the problems being experienced as a result of increased urbanization in the Brazilian
Amazon this study looked at quantitative and qualitative data collected from the
participants and used linear programming. Linear programming was used to determine
whether the initial production goals of the Municipal government were being met and if
these systems had the potential to meet their future production goals.
Results from the questionnaires pertaining to these four indicators, outlined
above, suggest that since arriving in the Agroforestry Pole the quality of the participants'
lives has improved, both in the participants' perception and in the measurements
determined to reflect an improvement in the quality of life. Quantitative data on the
participants' sales of surplus show that the participants had been adding to the
provisioning system of Rio Branco at amounts greater than the expectations of the
Municipal government. Results from the linear programming model showing a typical
farm from the Pole indicate that the Municipal government's long term goals for the
participants' income are potentially achievable.
In the linear programming model the objective function of family cash income
was maximized subject to a range of constraints designed to emulate real participants'
farms. Data from the participant questionnaire were used to construct a representative
household model. The resulting linear programming model was determined to closely
resemble the actual situation on the participants' lots to date. Based on this simulation,
the linear programming model predicting the outcome after four years of production
showed that the Municipal government's long term expectations for the participants were
feasible. These results, however, depend on the presence of the subsidies provided by the
government.
Finally, the Agroforestry Pole was considered as an alternative way for addressing
the problems associated with increasing urbanization in a comparison with a low-income
housing complex. Results of a cost comparison between the Pole and the low-income
housing complex showed that while the cost per participant in both projects was similar,
there were several other benefits derived by the participants of the Pole project. These
benefits included an opportunity for self-employment, subsistence, and the ability to earn
a steady income. The Agroforestry Pole appears to be a viable and preferable alternative
for resource poor rural migrants.
Reflecting on the Municipal government's specific goals for the Agroforestry
Pole, it is possible to see that many of them have been achieved. The project has allowed
for the resettlement of urban populations, originating in the countryside, to an area of
agricultural production that was under-utilized and in the process of degradation.
Adequate conditions were created for these participants to remain permanently in the
countryside. These conditions included the creation of agroforestry systems that gave the
participants new job opportunities and a source of income. The ability to rely on produce
from off the land in times of hardship should not be underrated. Furthermore, the use of
diverse, multi-specied agroforestry systems provided the participants with a certain
amount of security against low product prices and pest attacks.
Other conditions created to encourage the participants to stay with the project
included a school and help with the marketing of their surplus produce. The Municipal
government also aimed to promote the organization and autonomy of the participants in
the project. This was being attempted through the creation of a community cooperative,
to be run by the participants.
The Municipal government also had the goal to combat poverty in the peripheral
areas of the city and to encourage the production of food as a means to improve the
provisioning for Rio Branco. The success of the government in achieving these two
goals, at the time of the research, could not be ascertained and was beyond the scope of
this thesis. Most certainly the participants were contributing to the provisioning system
of Rio Branco, however, I was unable to assess the real impact that they were having, or
could have in the future, on the local market. There was a lack of data about importation
of produce from other states and total consumption data for Rio Branco. This
information would be beneficial in determining future trends in produce importation and
the impact that the supply of produce from the Pole has on the local provisioning system.
77
The total population of the Pole, 276 people, is debatably too small for it to have a
large impact on combating poverty in the peripheral areas of Rio Branco. On the other
hand, it could be taken as an optimistic sign that at least some action was being taken to
address the problems associated with peripheral areas. The perceived success of the Pole
project has led to plans for the creation of at least two similar projects. Wider adoption of
the project could have a considerable impact on combating poverty in the peripheral areas
of the city. From a comparison of cost and non-pecuniary benefits I would suggest that
the Pole addresses the problems of low-income, peripheral residents many of whom are
migrants from the rural zone more effectively than low-income housing projects, one of
the few options available for some of the migrants.
Having completed the research for this thesis, I feel that linear programming
could play a crucial role in project planning, allowing administrators and participants to
determine the potential impact of policies and alternatives before they are put into effect.
Linear programming could be most potentially useful at the initial stages of project
planning.
The Agroforestry Pole a Solution for Other Cities in the Brazilian Amazon?
The decline of traditional extractive activities and conflicts over land have
triggered the process of urbanization in many Amazonian cities. The migrants, like those
in Rio Branco, come to the cities without much education and lacking the skills for
anything besides rural employment. The Agroforestry Pole project could have
significance for these Amazonian cities experiencing problems associated with increasing
urbanization without a concurrent increase in infrastructure and services. If the
Agroforestry Pole is to be adopted as a strategy to address problems connected to
urbanization of Amazon cities there are some issues that should be considered. The
ability of the participants to make the income anticipated by the Municipal government
and the linear programming model is based on the following conditions: (1) the subsidies
provided by the government, and (2) the proximity of the project to the market and the
ease and low cost of transportation.
Typically, resource-poor rural inhabitants in the Amazon do not have the option to
be involved in a program like the Agroforestry Pole. The Pole is being used to address
the specific problems created in the city by increasing urbanization. At present, it is not
the goal of the Municipal government to use this project to address the broader problems
of poor rural inhabitants. However, it is important that the problems of the rural
resource-poor inhabitant are addressed if the flow of migrants from the rural areas to the
city is to decrease.
Concerns
While the Agroforestry Pole appears to be meeting with much success there are
certain aspects about the project that need to be examined in order to completely assess
the project as an alternative to address the problems of urbanization in the Brazilian
Amazon. The participants were not given title to the land and the amount of time that
they can be on the land could be limited from five to ten years. The continued presence
of the participants on the land may depend on the maintenance of the present
administration in a position of power. As documented in other situations where there has
been lack of title to land, there is the possibility the participants might go for the short
term gains and grow quickly maturing crops, including more annuals, and forego the
benefits of the longer term perennial fruit trees. People with no secure tenure to land are
less likely to put long term investment into conserving the land. Without assured title to
land, the participants might have higher discount rates. They might tend to discount the
future to a large extent just to maximize their immediate gain. The land, under
continuous production of annuals, would deteriorate even more instead of regenerating as
planned under trees crops.
A return of the participants to Rio Branco after a few years would defeat the
purpose of the project and prevent the Municipal government from achieving the goals
that they created for the project. During the final days of my field research the Municipal
government was talking about the possibility of turning over the land to the community
cooperative. In this way the land still could not be sold but the participants would have a
greater legal bond to the land. However, the success of this plan relies on the creation
and maintenance of a effective cooperative.
The project and the participants rely on the subsidies provided by the Municipal
government. In particular there is a reliance on the Municipal government for
transportation, machinery, green manure and technical assistance. During the period that
the Municipal government is active in the Pole these subsidies are guaranteed; however,
once the government decreases its involvement in the area there could be an associated
decrease in these subsidies. For instance, there would be a decrease in the amount of trips
made by the truck from the Secretary of Agriculture. This truck often transports
80
participants' produce to and from Rio Branco. The Municipal government also maintains
the processing equipment presently used by the participants.
It was suggested by the participants and the Municipal government that these
problems might be addressed, once again, through the cooperative which would get
control of the tractor and the truck. The cooperative could then charge the participants a
percentage of their sales to pay for the maintenance of the machinery and vehicles.
Another aspect of the project that needs to be considered is the limited area on
which the project was located. The demographic breakdown in the Pole shows that
children comprise more than 50% of the population. This suggests that in the future there
might be some concern over the limitations in the capacity of the Pole to provide a home
for the expanding population. In the case that participants' children return to live in Rio
Branco, it is hoped that access to education at school will allow the children to obtain the
necessary skills to obtain employment in the city. I am also concerned about the
possibility that the population will overflow into reserve areas surrounding the Pole.
The representatives of the Municipal government that were responsible for the
Agroforestry Pole had created a 'topdown' administration for the Pole. The community
meetings were primarily led by the representatives of the Municipal government and the
plans and goals for the Pole were determined by the Municipal government. This
approach could isolate the participants and make them feel as if they do not have control
over their lots.
Suggestions
The following are some suggestions regarding the administration of the Pole that I
made to the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture of Rio Branco on completion of the field
research for this thesis. Following more complete analysis of the Pole, as contained in
this thesis, these suggestions still hold:
(1) Allow the participants themselves to run the weekly community meetings the
weekly meetings were a very useful time for the community to get together and discuss
issues of concern. At the time of the field research the meetings were being led by
representatives from the Municipal Secretary of Agriculture and the town hall. I
suggested that it would be beneficial for participants to lead some of the meetings. There
were already established 'leaders' in the community who could possibly take on this role.
Getting the community involved in the leadership of the meetings and of the community
is important considering that eventually the Secretary of Agriculture will be leaving the
project to run on its own.
(2) Provide the participants with knowledge and lessons from experience of
starting a cooperative I gathered from the meetings that the participants were still
unclear on the implementation and function of a cooperative. I suggested that the
Municipal government could arrange for some of the participants to visit groups that had
already attempted to create a cooperative, for example RECA and the rubber tapper
cooperative in Xapuri. These groups could demonstrate how they went about setting up
their cooperative, the kind of financial resources that were needed to initiate a cooperative
and the type of benefits that can be realized through a cooperative.
82
(3) Record discussions and decisions of the weekly meeting during one of the
weekly meetings participants complained that the group was repeating the same
discussions every week because people would forget what had been covered in the
previous meetings. It might therefore be useful for someone from the community to act
as secretary at each meeting, recording decisions and discussions on issues. At the
following meeting the secretary could read a brief summary of the notes of the previous
meeting. In this way there would be less repetition and hopefully, more follow up on
issues
APPENDIX A
CROP PLANTS FOUND ON THE FARMS OF THE
PROJECT
English name Portuguese name
Perennials:
Trees:
Araga-boi
Avacado
Bacuri
Breadfruit
Cacao
Caimito
Cashew
Cupuaqu
Ingi
Jackfruit
Jambo
Lime
Mahogany
Mango
Orange
Papaya
Pitinga
Soursop
Star fruit
Tangerine
Palms:
Agai
Bacaba
Coconut
Peach palm
Shrubs, vines and other perennials:
Annatto
Banana
Barbados cherry
Araga-boi
Abacate
Bacuri
Fruta Pao
Cacao
Abiu
Caju
Cupuaqu
Ingi
Jaca
Jambo
Limio
Mogno
Manga
Laranja
Mamao
Pitinga
Graviola
Carambola
Tangerina
A9ai
Bacaba
C8co
Pupunha
Urucu
Banana
Acerola
AGROFORESTRY POLE
Scientific name
Eugenia stipitata
Persea americana Mill.
Platonia insignis Mart.
Artocarpus altilis
Theobroma cacao
Pouteria caimito Radik
Anacardium occidentale
Theobroma grandiflorum
Inga spp.
Artocarpus heterophyllus
Eugenia malaccensis
Citrus aurantifolia
Swietenia macrophylla
Mangifera indica
Citrus sinensis
Carica papaya
Eugenia uniflora
Annona muricata
Averrhoa carambola
Citrus reticulata
Euterpe oleracea
Oenocarpus mapora
Cocos nucifera
Bactris gasipaes
Bixa orellana
Musa spp.
Malpighia glabra
APPENDIX A CONTINUED...
English name
Portuguese name
Scientific name
Shrubs, vines and other perennials continued:
Black pepper Pimenta do reino
Coffee Cafe
Passion fruit Maracuji
Pineapple Abacaxi
Annuals:
Cabbage Repolho
Cassava Mandioca
Cauliflower Couve floor
Chard Acelga
Chicory Chicoria
Common bean Feijao
Corn Milho
Cotton Algodao
Cucumber Pepino
Eggplant Beringela
Lettuce Alface
Mustard Mustarda
Okra Quiabo
Onion Cebola
Parsley Salsa
Pepper Pimentao
Radish Rabonete
Rice Arroz
Spring greens Couve
Sugar cane Cana de acucar
Sweet potato Batata doce
Tomato Tomate
Sources: Cavalcante (1976), Purseglove (1968), Stephens
Service.
Piper nigrum
Coffea spp.
Passiflora edulis
Ananas comosus
Brassica oleracea
Manihot esculenta
Brassica oleracea botrytis
Beta vulgaris
Cichorium intybus
Phaseolus vulgaris
Zea mays
Gossypium
Cucumis melo
Solanum melongena
Lactuca sativa
Brassica juncea
Hibiscus esculentus
Allium cepa
Petroselinum crispum
Capsicum spp.
Raphanus sativus
Oryza sativa
Brassica oleracea
Succharium
Ipomoea batatas
Lycopersicon esculentum
(1988), Agricultural Research
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