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Group Title: Don Andres de Arriola and the occupation of Pensacola bay ...
Title: Don Andrés de Arriola and the occupation of Pensacola bay ..
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Title: Don Andrés de Arriola and the occupation of Pensacola bay ..
Physical Description: 26 p. : ; 25cm.
Language: English
Creator: Leonard, Irving Albert, 1896-
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Publication Date: 1932]
 Subjects
Subject: Pensacola Bay, Fla   ( lcsh )
History -- Florida -- Spanish colony, 1565-1763   ( lcsh )
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General Note: Caption title.
General Note: Reprinted from New Spain and the Anglo-American west, 1932."
General Note: No. 1 in a volume with binder's title: Biographical pamphlets: Spain.
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Table of Contents
    Introduction
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
    Documents
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
Full Text
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SCARCELY any region within the present boundaries of
the United States has had Aivaried and as interesting a
history as that which fringes the Gulf of Mexico. It is the
story of an international borderland whose possession pre-
occupied the council chambers of the dominant nations of Eu-
rope for centuries, and the varying fortunes of these powers,
especially in the eighteenth century, were reflected in the
changing ownership of this debatable frontier. Particularly
from the time that La Salle began his ill-fated attempt to
plant a French colony at the mouth of the Mississippi River
it was destined to be a tri-cornered bone of contention between
Spain, France and Great Britain with the prize finally falling
to a late comer, the first young nation to rise to power in the
New World. In this tangled tale it must appear to the
modern student that the establishing of a settlement at Pen-
sacola Bay was but an insignificant incident in that dramatic
interplay of national aspirations. Yet, for a short period at
least, the possession of this seaport was deemed of paramount
importance and possibly a key position of the whole Gulf
1A traveling fellowship granted by the America Coucil of Learned 8-
cieties of Washington, D. C, for the year 193o-193s, pernfued the writer t
utilize original documents preserved in the archives of Simaicas, Madrid and
Seville.


Reprinted from N1 MN A"b T 9B0




Don An d e Arriola and the

Occupation of Pensacola Bay'

Contributed by
IRVING A. LEONAND
Thi Uaiwsrity of Clifersi

I
INTRODUCTION


1


1,- I .


L^/
~~~








NEW SPAIN AND THE WEST


region. This momentary conviction led to what was to all
intents and purposes a race to occupy it by Spain and France
at the dose of the seventeenth century.
After the disastrous expeditions of De Soto, whose lieu-
tenant, Maldonado, is said to have spent the winter of I539-
1540 at Pensacola," and of Tristin de Luna y Arellano,s who
established a garrison in the same place for a short while, the
bay itself and the northern littoral of the Gulf in general fell
back into oblivion and was practically forgotten for a century
and a quarter. La Salle's bold attempt to establish a settle-
ment in the region suddenly aroused Spanish officials both in
Mexico City and Madrid to a panicky fear for the security
of the mines of northern New Spain and that shadowy hinter-
land lying mis alid.
Two projects were hastily set on foot to combat the threat-
ening intrusion; one was the establishing of the Texas missions
and the other was the oc4 action of Pensacola Bay. The
latter was actively promoted by an ambitious adventurer, Cap-
tain Andres de Pez, who seems to have aspired to the gover-
norship of this port which, it was thought, would become the
gateway to a great new empire.'
Expeditions by land and sea had been dispatched in search
of the rumored French settlement,and the first of these by
water in 1686 had resulted in the re-discovery of Pensacola
Bay whose natural advantages were highly praised.* When
the quest for La Salle's colony was successfully concluded in
1689, Don Andris de Pez immediately set about arousing
official interest in his pet project. Though he himself had
not visited it in person at the time, he was loud in his praises
of it as a site for a settlement and was able to enlist the sup-
SWoodbury Lowery, The Spanisk Settlements within the present limits
of the United States, 1513-1561 (New York and London, 190o), as6.
See Herbert Ingram Priestley, The Lana Papers, a vols. (Deland, z19a).
SJournal of SigOenza y G6ngora, dated May 5z, 1693, in Testimonio de
las Dilixencias exerntadas en Firtud de R1 Zedsla de S. Mf*. Sobre El re-
eneeilitesto de la Bahia de Santa Maria de Galve, (antes Panuacola) Y las
Disprsicides Para su abri o Y defense. Archive General de Indias, Sevilla,
Andiencia de Mixico, '617.
SWilliam Edward Dunn, Spanisk and French Rivalry in the Gulf Regies
of the United States, f678-r17o (Austin, 1917), 6z.








DON ANDRES DE ARRIOLA


port and enthusiasm of the chief cosmographer of New Spain
and one of the most outstanding figures of colonial Mexico,
Don Carlos de Sigiienza y G6ngora.
A student of the latter, Juan Barroto, had been one of the
leaders of the expedition that re-discovered Pensacola and had
supplied his teacher with a map and detailed information re-
garding the bay. With these data Sigiienza y G6ngora drew
up a memorial reciting the advantages of Pensacola and ad-
vocating the withdrawal of the presidio at San Agustin in
Florida to this point. Pez appropriated this as his own and,
after winning the support of the viceroy, the Conde de Galve,
went to Spain to lay the proposal before the Council of the
Indies. There the matter dragged for some three years when
it was finally decided to send a scientific expedition to make
a careful examination before proceeding upon the actual oc-
cupation.
Upon Pez' return to New Spain late in 1692 he was ap-
pointed leader of the expedition by the viceroy, and the cos-
mographer, Sigiienza y G6ngora, was instructed to accompany
him and take charge of the scientific details. Early in the
spring of 1693 the voyage was made to Pensacola which was
rechristened "La Bahia de Santa Maria de Galve" and
twenty days were spent in exploring and mapping the whole.
The Mexican scientist submitted a carefully drawn map and
a full report emphasizing the capacity and natural advantages
of the bay, including among the latter its proximity to the
" Rio de la Palizada (Mississippi). This fact, Sigiienza y
G6ngora insisted prophetically, could not fail to cause it to be
coveted by foreign nations, particularly France.'
Although authority had been given to proceed at once to
the occupation if the report proved favorable, the chronic
A copy of this memorial, dated June a, 1689, is preserved in the Bancroft
Library of the University of California, Berkeley (MS. No. zx6). There is a
copy also in the Boturini Collection and a duplicate in the Muflo Collection
(Vol. II) of the Library of the Academia de la Historia in Madrid. This
report and others of Sigienza y G6ngora will be published in a forthcoming
work.
7 Reproduced in Dunn, of. cit., opposite page x60.
*A. G. I., Mixico, 617, Letter of Siguenza to the viceroy, Mexico City,
June 4, x693, in Testimesio de las Dilixencias ....








NEW SPAIN AND THE WEST


emptiness of the treasury made it impossible to establish a
strong colony immediately. Pez himself, now elevated to
the rank of Admiral of the Windward Fleet, counseled delay
until sufficient aid could be procured from Spain for the
purpose and suggested that he might return to the motherland
to further the matter. His opinions were so highly valued
by the viceroy and other officials that he was commissioned to
push the project personally before the authorities in Madrid
and was voted a substantial salary and expense account. He
at once sailed for Spain.
The only result of this expensive mission seems to have
been a royal decree, dated June 13, 1694, instructing the vice-
roy to begin the occupation and fortification of Pensacola Bay
and promising two hundred men, supplies and money to help
him. The Conde de Galve, probably tutored by long experi-
ence regarding the value of royal promises, took no steps.
After a year and a half of vain expectancy, the viceroy sent
a gentle reminder stating that he could do nothing until the
promised aid was forthcoming. His death and the preoccu-
pation with another war with France caused the War Com-
mittee in Madrid to neglect the matter entirely.
The Treaty of Ryswick in 1698, declaring a truce, merely
shifted the fears of the Spanish crown from immediate matters
to those more remote but of capital importance to the security
of royal possessions. Early that year authentic bits of evi-
dence of French intentions were brought before the Spanish
government and bestirred it almost frantically into action on
the Pensacola project. As if to compensate for past delin-
quencies,- the War Committee put into operation three dif-
ferent expeditions 1 to converge upon Pensacola Bay and one
of which, at least, was expected to make the long projected
occupation a reality and-what was of vital importance-an
immediate reality.
A new viceroy, the Conde de Montezuma, at once set
about carrying out his orders. He called a consultation of
9 Capitulo de librillo en q se exprrea el intent q tienm franceses en tomar
pie en el Seno Mexicano, 1698. MS., Bancroft Collection, University of Cali-
fornia.
10 Dunn, op. cit., 175.








DON ANDRIS DE ARRIOLA


those competent to give advice on the question, one of whom
was Sigiienza y G6ngora, now retired from the University
of Mexico because of his physical afflictions. The arch-pro-
moter of the project, Admiral Pez, was at this moment un-
available as he was under a cloud for alleged neglect of duty."
In this dilemma the viceroy turned to a naval officer who had
recently covered himself with glory in a spectacular voyage
across the Pacific and the mantle of leadership in the long
deferred Pensacola project was placed upon his unwilling
shoulders. It was the irony of fate, perhaps, that this coura-
geous and distinguished individual, Don Andres de Arriola,
who, from the outset, manifested strong disapproval of the
whole enterprise and with undisguised aversion accepted the
task of planting a colony and the office of governor of it,
should be the one to receive the honor for which Admiral Pez
had so long coveted and striven. But such was the case and
to Arriola came the unwelcome distinction of establishing one
more settlement for Spain on the unfriendly northern shore
of the Gulf of Mexico.
The career of Don Andrbs de Arriola y Guzmin is a pic-
turesque one and would lend itself admirably to the modern
taste for colorful biography. His adventures and rise to fame
and fortune are typical of those of a large number of Span-
iards of his day who found in the New World a more advan-
tageous outlet for their energy and ambition and who, in many
instances, faithfully if less spectacularly, carried on the tradi-
tions of the first conquistadores.
Like many another adventurer in Spain's ultramarine pos-
sessions Arriola was of Basque descent. His grandfather,
a native of the town of Elgoibar, had migrated to that flourish-
ing metropolis of Spain, Seville, early in the seventeenth cen-
tury and there the family resided permanently." Andr6s de
Arriola was born in Seville about the middle of the seven-
1A. G. I., Santo Domiuo, 467, Exspdiewte sobre la camuse risid del
general de la armada de barlowesto d D. Andris de Pes y el Almirute Ds.
Guillermo Molfi, 1696-17o.
12 Alberto y Arturo Garcia Carraffa, Exciclopedia herAldica y Geseal6Uic
Hispano-Americana (Madrid, 1919-), XII, 7x.








NEW SPAIN AND THE WEST


teenth century and the importance of that port in the maritime
trade of Castile probably influenced him in his choice of a
naval career.
The first of his meritorious services recorded I" is his par-
ticipation in the relief expedition sent to Algeria in 1675 when
that city was besieged by the Turks. From there he returned
to Cartagena and went thence with some infantry recruits
to Barcelona. In the latter port he embarked in the Dutch
fleet under General Ruiter to fight the French in Sicily where
he was cited for bravery under fire. As a reward for these
services he was made an ensign in the royal ocean fleet, and in
1681, sailing from the Canary Islands, the direction of the
fleet devolved upon him through the illness of the command-
ing general who died upon their arrival at Cartagena de
Indias. His skill as a navigating officer on this occasion won
for him the loud praise of the president of Panama, Don
Pedro de Pontefranca. In 1682 he was an infantry captain
in the Windward Fleet that patroled the coasts of the Gulf
of Mexico and four years later he was captain of the frigates
Nuestra Seiora de Regla and San Nicolds."
One of the earliest references to Arriola in the correspond-
ence of the viceroys is, perhaps somewhat prophetically, con-
nected with Pensacola Bay. After the rediscovery of the port
in 1686, the viceroy, the Conde de Monclova, set about or-
ganizing another expedition by sea to be made in two pirogues
propelled by oars and manned by a crew of sixty-five men each.
The viceroy reported to the king on December 30, 1686, that
he had given orders that the best men and officers of the Wind-
ward Fleet should be detailed for this duty. Although it
was my intention to send Captain Juan Duo and Captain
Andris de Arriola in the pirogues because they were young
men of spirit," wrote the viceroy,1" "I was disappointed in
this through the death of Captain Duo and because Captain
1s A. G. I, Mexico, 61-1-19, Relacidn de servicios de Dn. Andris de Arri-
ela, dated October 25, z695. Copy procured from the Library of the University
of Texas.
14 bid.
15 A. G. I., Mixico, 6x6, Conde de Monclova to the king, Mexico City,
December 30, x686.







DON ANDROS DE ARRIOLA


Arriola was so ill that it came to a point of ministering the
last sacrament to him." From the very beginning, it appears,
Don Andris was always unable or unwilling to associate him-
self with any of the undertakings connected with Pensacola
Bay.
His serious illness did not prove fatal and the following
year he was cited for bringing safely the annual subsidies to
the various islands of the Windward group. The next few
years were occupied chiefly in hunting down pirates and dis-
lodging them on both the Atlantic and the Pacific shores of
New Spain.1 His success operating from Acapulco along the
coast of Nueva Galicia won for him especially the gratitude
and commendation of the Conde de Galve." But the achieve-
ment that added most luster to his fame was his record-
breaking voyage to the Philippines in 1694.
For two years none of the annual galleons had reached
Acapulco from Manila and there had been no news at all re-
ceived from this remote archipelago belonging to the king of
Spain and under the immediate jurisdiction of the viceroy of
New Spain. The Conde de Galve was greatly perturbed by
this circumstance and decided to send a dispatch boat with
the subsidy and a few supplies to make a hurried round trip
and bring back information concerning the missing ships and
the conditions existing in the Islands. Arriola was designated
as the commanding officer of this relief expedition and in Feb-
ruary, 1694, departed for Acapulco to prepare the small vessel
for the long voyage. On March z9th he set sail and reached
Cavite in the comparatively short period of a little more than
three months. There he learned that the missing galleons
had been lost at sea. Arriola did not linger in the Philippines,
for on July 30th he departed from Cavite in a tiny craft of
eighty tons burden purchased from a Portuguese merchant,
Juan de Abreu, for 6,ooo pesos and carrying a crew of forty
men. So small was the boat that the authorities of Manila
1 A. G. I, Mdiice, 5, Testimssir do las Sfuasd ditiesciu, hustr
del Pyrata q infesta las e stae de Guadulaux execustads ei God r D* Audres
de Arriela. Geo*. Aid de z689.
v Rtlaci de services de Du. Andres de Arriela, loc. cit.







NEW SPAIN AND THE WEST


rigorously forbade the shipping of any goods on it and only
consented to the transmission of a few letters.18
The first part of the return voyage was negotiated without
difficulty and the Mariana Islands were successfully passed.
When they struck out into the more open sea, however, for-
tune was less favorable. A succession of adverse winds and
calms soon exhausted the inadequate stock of provisions with
which the tiny craft was supplied and soon starvation was
confronting the whole crew. But a kind fate intervened in
their behalf, turning their bow towards an unknown and un-
charted island. The famished crew joyfully put ashore in
quest of any water and food that the island might afford. It
appeared to be entirely uninhabited save for a vast nurimber
of large and heavy birds which were so little disposed to fly
away at the approach of the hungry men that the latter were
easily able to capture them with their bare hands. These
were the famous "dodo," now completely extinct, which the
Spaniards dubbed the "fool birds" (pdjaros bobos). A
large number of these stupid creatures were killed and their
flesh was dried in the wind. Wood and water were also found
in abundance upon the island and due to these fortunate cir-
cumstances Arriola was able to resume his voyage with an
ample supply of provisions and bring it to a successful con-
clusion at Acapulco. The prevailing cloudiness during his stay
on the island, however, prevented him from taking any obser-
vations and this isle that had served them so well slipped back
into the oblivion that had formerly enshrouded it." Though
Arriola was unable to add this bit to the geographical knowl-
edge of his day, he had succeeded in making the long voyage
across the lonely Pacific, which a famous Italian contemporary
1s This account of Arriola's epoch-making voyage is taken in part from
his Relacidi de servicios (loc. cii.), but mostly from Padre Fr. Juan de la
Concepcid, Historia General de Philipixas (Sampaloc, 1790), VIII, Cip. VI,
151-152. In Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson, The Philip-
pine Islands, 55 vols. (Cleveland, 1903-1909), XLHI, 3x-3x1, there is a
translated account similar in wording to that of Padre Concepci6n.
xs Regarding the identity of this island Father Concepci6n says: "... acaso
sea la que Ilaman Isla de Pijaros los Ge6grafos modernos, y colocan en 30
grades de altura cerca de la Costa de California." Juan de la Concepci6n,
op. cit., VIII, I5a. Did he mean the Guadalupe, Tapato or Toro islands?







DON ANDRIS DE ARRIOLA


had characterized as the longest and most dreadful of any
in the world," "2 in six months and a half, reaching his destina-
tion on February 13, I695.
The journey to and fro had been accomplished in the un-
precedented space of ten months and twenty-five days-a re-
markable achievement in its day when compared to the stand-
ards set by thedclumsy galleons which plowed their slow and
insecure way across the boundless reaches of the Pacific Ocean.
This feat won for Arriola the coveted baton of a maestre de
campo and the recommendation of the Conde de Galve for
the office of president of Santo Domingo or governor of
Havana.
Upon his triumphant return he was delegated immediately
the task of clearing the Gulf of Mexico of its perennial plague,
the ever vexatious pirates."2 This police duty he combined
with scouting for timber suitable for ship masts and the latter
quest led him into Pensacola Bay in 1695.n The problem of
lumber adapted for the construction of vessels and their rig-
ging appears to have been an acute one and moved the king
to issue a special decree dated June 3, I697," urging that the
shores of the Gulf again be carefully patroled and suitable
timber forests discovered.
Among the documents drawn up in reply to this royal.
order was a report of Arriola dated October o1, 1697, based
upon his experience in log-cutting at Pensacola Bay. Like
most of his dicta on matters pertaining to this bay and the
surrounding region, it was pessimistic. The trees, he said,
were so large that two hundred and fifty men were unable
to handle them and it was necessary to leave most of them
where they had been felled. The country round about was
exceedingly marshy and ill-adapted for logging operations in
2 John Francisco Gemelli Careri, A Fyage aressd the Wird, Bk. I,
Chap. I, in Awnsham Churchill, A CoUteies ef VFyafes aud Tread ... .
vols. (London, 1752), IV.
21 Dunn, of. cit., 76.
s Ibid.
s A. G. I, Mixico, 66, in Testismesi de Adtes fies ae Firtud de R
Cedila sobre el Cerite de Arboles pare Nasies a el Presidi. de sts Mari
de Galve y sobre ss sertrided y restlmrds.







NEW SPAIN AND THE WEST


any but the dry season. Though there was considerable
timber, few trees were really suitable for ship masts and were
not worth the effort involved in transporting them to Vera
Cruz."
A later report of Arriola on the same subject was of the
same tenor. In reporting that in 1695 he had sailed into
Pensacola Bay in the La Navidad and cut a total of a hundred
logs there, he stated that the wood in that region would only
serve for minor masts; no main-mast for a ship larger than
one hundred tons would be found. Furthermore, the timber
had to be thoroughly dried to transport, for otherwise it sank
like lead in the water. The fiscal dryly wrote the comment
on this document: "This report contains nothing new." "
In all that related to Pensacola Bay Arriola was steadfastly
consistent. 'Nothing new' really meant 'nothing good.'
When, in 1698, the question of the settlement of Pensa-
cola had become acute and demanded prompt action, both Ar-
riola and Sigiienza y G6ngora as the best informed in the
realm on the subject, submitted reports at the request of the
viceroy in which both set forth their personal recommenda-
tions. While both were in essential agreement as to the pro-
cedure in founding the presidio, Arriola was far less enthusi-
astic regarding the location. He felt that it was his plain duty
to state that the surrounding country at Pensacola was sterile,
swampy and sparsely inhabited. On the other hand, he sus-
pected that the rio de la Palizada was a stream of great
volume and should be thoroughly explored.* In this respect
his judgment was more keen than that of the scholar, Sigiienza
y G6ngora, who had examined it in 1693 and was doubtful
regarding its importance. After mentioning the innumerable
stranded trees that had barred their progress at the mouth
of the stream, he recorded in his journal that marveling that
SA. G. I, Mzxice, 66, Report of Don Andres de Arriola, October zo, 197,
in Testtieoio de Autes fkes, etc.
SA. G. I, Mixieo, 66, El Firrey dt Na Sp ia Da gstsa a IF. M. cs
Autes soAre el corte dt Pales as Is Bahia dt Sts Maria dt Gals fara las
Nees de lI Armada di Barleox' y Io gue Yaforma D Andris de Arriela per
wsewario #are a ua cudusi, Mexico City, April o3, 1699. With this is en-
closed a report of Arriola dated April 5, z699.
2 Dunn, ef. cit., 178.









DON ANDRiS DE ARRIOLA


the fame and celebrity of such a great river had come to an
end like this, we returned to our ships. ." "
Arriola's report was preferred and he was definitely se-
lected as commander-in-chief of the new post that he would es-
tablish in the much advertised bay. His instructions required
him to begin the work of fortification immediately upon ar-
rival; if the French were already in possession, he was to
dislodge them in a general engagement if his forces were
adequate. If he found the French too well entrenched he
should return to Vera Cruz until further measures could be
decided upon."
At last, after months of preparation a motley aggregation
of forced soldiers, convicts and the general rift raft of the
population--enlistments had been particularly hard to find-
embarked in three vessels at Vera Cruz on October 15, 1698,
to accomplish the long deferred occupation of Pensacola.
Unbeknown to the Spaniards, though possibly feared and sus-
pected, a little more than a week later a French expedition
under the leadership of Iberville put out to sea from Brest."
The race for the control of the northern shore of the Gulf
was on
The choice of season was unfortunate and from the outset
Arriola's expedition suffered setbacks in the adverse weather
which must have extinguished prematurely the little enthusi-
asm with which its leaders had entered into it. Thirty-eight
mortal days were consumed in covering the comparatively
short distance to Pensacola which was finally reached on No-
vember 21st. There he was met by Captain Juan Jordin de
Reina who had arrived a few days before with another ex-
pedition that had been organized in Havana. He had al-
ready begun the work of establishing the settlement so that,
in a measure, the honor of founding Pensacola belongs to him.
s? A. G. I, Mdlic, 617, Journal of Sigienza y Gdoera, May x, x691,
in Testimesies de les Dilixecwes, etc.
Dunn, of. cit., 18o.
Pierre Margry, Diceuvertets e ablissemet, dsA Fri is daFu rousst
it dass It lds de lAmiriqre Seteftriesale, 1614-1754, 6 vols. (Paris, Iyp-
88), IV, xxiv.









NEW SPAIN AND THE WEST


Arriola's scarcely tepid interest in the project found little
at the bay now to raise its temperature, for already the cold
winter had set in. In accordance with his instructions, how-
ever, he promptly began work on the new presidio to be called
" San Carlos de Austria," but the whole situation was most
unpromising. Only two days after his arrival Arriola called
a meeting of his officers and laid before them six questions
relating to the defensibility of the bay and the form of the
fortifications. It was the consensus of opinion that invading
ships in the middle of the bay could not be reached by artillery
from the land and that the eastern point called "Punta de
Sigiienza" was too sandy and marshy to be fortified.80 A
younger brother of the Mexican scientist, whose name had
been bestowed upon this projection at the entrance, was ac-
companying Arriola as an ensign and was present at this con-
sultation. Though the learned cosmographer had enthusi-
astically testified to the favorable conditions of the bay and
the point in question, the youthful Ignacio de Sigiienza threw
in his dissenting voice with those who contradicted such au-
thoritative assertions.
Cold, hunger, and general discontent soon settled down
upon the ill-assorted colony as the resulting pessimism was
reflected in the series of letters which Arriola penned to au-
thorities and friends at home. It was evident that he in-
tended to return from his exile at the first opportunity that
presented itself. This was not long in forthcoming.
Poking his way cautiously through the fog of the morning
of January 26, 1699, Iberville espied through a rift two ships
at anchor behind a sandy projection of land. These were
quickly swallowed up again in the enveloping mist. He
dropped anchor and waited. Apparently he, too, had been
sighted by the strangers on land, for a small skiff put out
from the shore and several cannon shots were heard. The
density of the fog, however, did not permit any communica-
tion until early the following morning when Monsieur Lesca-
A. G. I, M&xico, 608, Meeting of November 23, 1698, called by Don
Andres de Arriola. (This is contained in a Testimosio of so9 folks. whose
title page is missing.)








DON ANDRAS DE ARRIOLA


lette was sent in a small boat to learn the identity of these
aliens and to seek a fresh supply of wood and water."
There followed a lengthy interchange of elaborate cour-
tesies between the Frenchmen and the Spaniards together
with a good deal of diplomatic parrying in which both sides
endeavored to obtain the utmost information without revealing
too much of their own strength and purposes. The French
explained that their presence was due to the fact that their
king had learned that five or six Canadians had come down
to this region with the intention of taking possession of some
mines and that Iberville had been sent to capture these rene-
gades." For the moment they begged to be permitted to
enter Pensacola Bay to renew their depleted stock of pro-
visions. ArrioJa was embarrassed and, not knowing how
strong the French were, feared to refuse and consented. Re-
minded of his explicit instructions against permitting any in-
truders within the confines of the bay, he reconsidered. With
the utmost tact and profuse apologies Arriola sent a message
advising that he could not permit the French fleet to enter
after all but that he would help in every way consonant with
his duty."
Neither side dared risk aggressive action, for the French
had been instructed to do nothing to arouse the antagonism
of the Spaniards. With a sigh of relief Arriola must have
watched these unwelcome visitors pull up their anchors, spread
their sails and move away on January 3oth in the direction
of Mobile Bay. But the French had lingered long enough
to make some measurements at the entrance of the bay and
to obtain numerous details which were faithfully recorded in
their journals.
Probably the sails were not out of sight when the Span-
ish commander summoned his subordinates for a meeting to
decide upon what course they were to follow. No doubt he
had his own notions as to what should be done and probably
phrased them in a manner to convince his fellow officers of
s1 Naeviation de la 'Badise,' Journal de D'Ibervill, in Margry, op. cit.,
IV, 14a-143-
s Journal de la frijate le Mari,' in Margry, of. cit., IV, 229.
as Some of this correspondence is printed in Dunn, op. cit., x87-188.








NEW SPAIN AND THE WEST


their expediency. The upshot of the matter was that without
making any effort to interfere with the plans of the French,
Arriola seized the opportunity to make his long desired return
to New Spain in order to report on the situation in person.
He departed at once, leaving his second officer in command.
Arriola's absence from Pensacola proved to be much longer
than his followers at least expected, for the intrusion of a
Scotch colony at Darien had completely diverted the attention
of the officials of Mexico City and almost a year passed before
he returned, in January, 1700, to share the hardships of his
command. In the meantime, however, while he did not fail
to discredit the utility of the whole Pensacola project and to
urge the abandonment of this new outpost, he endeavored to
impress upon the viceroy and his advisers the absolute neces-
sity of sending supplies to his men whom he knew were in a
starving condition.
Matters had, indeed, gone from bad to worse after his
departure, with death and desertions rapidly thinning the
number of the exiles at Pensacola. Iberville reported the
arrival of five Spaniards at his post on April 22nd; they had
deserted the garrison and were undertaking to return to New
Spain on foot. Some friendly Mobile Indians had discovered
them and conducted them to the French camp. Receiving
kind and hospitable treatment from their erstwhile enemies,
the Spaniards had no hesitancy in divulging the sad state of
affairs that prevailed at Pensacola and in giving full informa-
tion regarding the place. Confidentially they told the French
that if the latter had insisted on entering the bay in January
when Iberville's ships passed that way, the whole Spanish
force would have deserted to them and only asked for trans-
portation home. Many others like themselves were deserting
and fleeing eastward towards Apalache, while those who did
not dare to undertake such hazardous journeys were dead or
dying. They declared that of the three hundred men at Pen-
sacola at the time of Iberville's visit, scarcely fifty of them
could stand on their feet."
"Nawigatioe de la 'Badise,' Journal de Dlberwille, in Margry, o. cit.,
IV, 197.









DON ANDmpi DE AumtoLA


The unfavorable reports concerning Pensacola that Arri-
ola continued circulating in Mexico City, perhaps motivated
in part by criticism in some quarters of his abandonment of
his command in time of danger, brought him into conflict
with the Mexican scientist, now grown slightly testy through
his personal sorrows and physical afflictions. Arriola's asser-
tions regarding the bay cast grave doubts upon the accuracy
of the findings of the Pez-Sigfienza expedition of 1693 and
aroused Sigiienza y G6ngora to a combative mood. The
latter took sharp issue with Arriola's reports and censured
his conduct in not taking offensive steps against the French
intruders. Stung by these thrusts the Spanish officer wrote
a letter of complaint, dated April 6, 1699, to the viceroy, the
Conde de Montezuma, and requested that official to oblige
Sigiienza y G6ngora to return with him on the ship carrying
supplies to Pensacola and make a new examination of the
bay. In order that this expedition should be no drain on
the public treasury, Arriola, thoroughly angered, declared
that he himself would defray the expenses of the trip."
No doubt the ailing Sigiienza y G6ngora, whose death
occurred a little more than a year later, had been tactless and
possibly unfair in his attacks on Arriola but the condition com-
pelling him to undertake such a hazardous journey in the ac-
knowledged critical state of his health was ungenerous on
the part of Arriola and manifestly unjust. This lack of con-
sideration is explained in part at least not merely by the fact
that he bitterly resented the affront to his military honor, of
which his fame made him very jealous, but also by the fact
that he himself, during his absence at Pensacola, had suffered
a personal loss. His wife had died, leaving him a number of
minor children, most of whom were daughters." The con-
sciousness of this possibility, aside from his well known dis-
taste for the Pensacola project, may account for his intention,
SRepretsxtaciix qgue ace D Adrese r Arriol dd Fitrrey, 6 de Arit
de 16pp. (Copy obtained from the New York Public Library.)
A. G. I, Mlxice, 6x8, "Respuesta fiscal" of April go, x69, in Teti-
mosio del Segsudo Qaderne de Arles fhe Es Firtud de R' Cedtal de Su
Mae d le la PotIaios y fortifcasios de Is Bdasi de Saust M de Getwe I
de lau Proeidetcias dadas ps este fi.








NEW SPAIN AND THE WEST


clearly manifested in his letters, to return to New Spain at
the first opportunity.
His domestic sorrow and the apparent indifference of the
governing officials to the needs of his command, together with
Sigiuenza y G6ngora's stinging attacks, brought his anger to
white heat and it is probable that he never forgave the Mex-
ican savant for his part in his troubles. To the letter of com-
plaint that Arriola had written the viceroy, perhaps influenced
by his personal esteem of Sigiienza y G6ngora, vouchsafed
no immediate reply-a fact not calculated to mollify the gov-
ernor of Pensacola. Burning with resentment he addressed
another communication to the Conde de Montezuma on April
2oth reiterating that his presence in the capital was primarily
to expedite the sending of relief and reinforcements to Pen-
sacola and to undertake dislodging the French. Since no heed
had been paid to his mission, he assumed that there was no
longer any need for his returning to his unwelcome post at
Pensacola except in the case that Doctor Don Carlos de
Sigfienza should embark in the ship carrying supplies." In
that event he, too, was ready to sail and undertake a re-
examination of the bay at his own expense and, furthermore,
he would waive the right to his official salary during the ex-
pedition."7
The viceroy may have been embarrassed by his regard and
dependence on both disputants and probably was in something
of a quandary. This second letter of Arriola required some
step, however, and reluctantly on April 27th he instructed
Sigienza y G6ngora to accept the challenge given in order
that the findings of the scientist should not receive the dis-
credit that might belong to them." "
Mustering up his failing strength Sigienza y G6ngora
composed a brilliant defense of his own report couched in
stinging language when it referred to his opponent whom he
did not hesitate to brand as incompetent. The fighting spirit
of the old and infirm scholar was thoroughly aroused and he
7 A. G. I, Mixico, 6x8, Arriola to the viceroy, the Conde de Montezuma,
Mexico City, April ao, x699, in Testimonio del Segundo Quaderno, etc.
*Dttrmiraaciod del Sr. Firrey of April 27, 1699. (Copy from New York
Public Library.)








DON ANDRES DE AmROLA


declared that he was ready to accept the gauntlet that Arriola
had thrown down to him though it was likely to cost the scien-
tist his life. Moreover, he would wager all his possessions
which he valued at 3,000 pesos, against an equal amount that
Arriola should put up, that the findings of a new survey would
confirm those of his first report. This was dated May 9,
1699.*' The next day the viceroy called a meeting of his ad-
visers but in the records no mention is made of Sigiienza y
G6ngora's long and able defense. It was probably considered
an adequate reply, but it was necessary to apply some balm to
Arriola's wounded feelings, for the latter's reputation was too
high to question his ability as the creole savant had done. It
was decided, therefore, at this session to give Arriola a vote of
confidence and, while recommending his continued leadership
at Pensacola, to express admiration for his resignation" in
performing a duty which so little appealed to him."
Two days later the viceroy publicly gave thanks to Ar-
riola by a decree and promised to recommend him most ear-
nestly to the attention of the king. Apparently the dispute
with Sigiienza y G6ngora was thus smoothed over and the
matter of a new scientific expedition to Pensacola dropped.
If Arriola felt vindicated it continued to be a matter of bitter
regret to him that his opponent was not obliged to return to
Santa Maria de Galve Bay with him. He lost few oppor-
tunities in his official correspondence to express his disappoint-
ment." As for Sigienza y G6ngora himself, the incident was
a most unhappy one and it is probable that it hastened his end.
Though the flattering attention of high officials in Mex-
ico City soothed Arriola's injured pride and may have suc-
cessfully put at rest the unpleasant rumors concerning his
conduct at Pensacola that were circulating in the capital, he
felt no more disposed than before to return to his command.
This letter has been printed recently in Francisco Pires Salasar,
Bioraffia de D. Carlos de Siisensa y GCsnora slefida de arses docusutes
iniditos (Mexico, 1928), 1xg-16o. This reply of Sigienza y G6ogora i treated
at some length in Irving A. Leonard, Don Carlos de Siieissm y GCxfora, a
Great Sawant of Seventeenth Century Mexico (Berkeley, x929), Chapter IX.
40 A. G. I., Mixico, 618, "Junta General" of May zo, 699, in Testisonio
del Seundo Quadermo, etc.
41 See Document I, infra.








NEW SPAIN AND THE WEST


The whole scheme, he felt, would in no way enhance his pres-
tige and might well dim the luster of his past achievements
as, in fact, it had already done. Moreover, his domestic af-
fairs urged his continued presence at home. On January 28,
1697, he had received an appointment as alcalde mayor of the
city and mines of Guanajuato from a Dr. Tomis Terin who,
having obtained this office through a royal decree of 1694, had
passed it on to Arriola." The enjoyment of this profitable
sinecure no doubt made the hardships and the uncertain re-
wards of Pensacola even more unattractive and probably ex-
plains in part the distaste of this naval officer for what was
intended to be a post of high honor.
The long summer wore on into fall and still Arriola did
not complete arrangements for returning to his command.
In the meantime conditions at Pensacola were truly desperate.
Iberville had returned to France leaving a neighboring French
post at Biloxi in charge of his brother who, with four com-
panions, had gone over to the Spanish settlement in the month
of June (1699) and had noticed no further advance in the
building and fortification of the colony than they had observed
five months before." The pathetic conditions already re-
vealed by deserters explained all too well the entire lack of
progress since Arriola's departure. Possibly the Spanish
commander's evident intention to urge the abandoning of the
whole project restrained what little energy and desire there
was in the camp to advance the work of construction.
When Arriola at last made his reluctant return in January,
probably cursing his ill luck in having to return at all, he
found the settlement in such a completely demoralized con-
dition that he was unable at once to equip the expedition that
he had been instructed to organize against rumored English
vessels which were supposed to be making a tri-cornered race
for the control of the Gulf. He immediately began writing
letters urging the abandonment of the whole project, which
42 A. G. I, Mixico, 66, Testimonio de le Goler os, Alcaldias mayors y
Correfimirtos proseidos for S. M. q se han despachado es el ofsio y escrisia-
sla mUair de Goserasiou y Guerra.
SLettre de d'Iberille as Minitre de la Marine, Bayfoulas, Ie 6 fIdwier
1700oo, in Margry, of. cit., IV, 362.







DON ANDR]S DE ARmIOLA


now, more than ever, seemed to him a needless and profitless
drain on the public treasury, and suggesting means by which
the enemy could be kept out of Pensacola and the region in
general without the need of an expensive outpost." In Feb-
ruary (1700) he and his subordinates drew up a sworn state-
ment in which they all testified that the soil about the bay
was utterly unfit for agriculture and described some of their
unsuccessful attempts to raise produce. The climate was
most unsalubrious and the port was simply incapable of de-
fense." Even the ardent supporter of the scheme in camp,
Captain Juan Jordin, who had entered the bay in 1686 with
Barroto and Romero and who had then declared that it was
the finest bay that he had ever seen," now joined Arriola in
his jeremiad. Captain Jordin had also been with the Pez-
Sigiienza expedition of 1693 and had stoutly supported the
contentions of the Mexican scientist. Broken in health and
spirit, however, by repeated reverses and checks to his ambi-
tions connected with the Pensacola project and by the hard-
ships that he had endured,-he could no longer preserve his
faith in the success of the undertaking. Early that spring
Santa Maria de Galve Bay became the grave of both his
hopes and his body."
After much effort Arriola organized an expedition in ac-
cordance with his orders and in March sailed westward toward
Mobile with four vessels to hunt down the rumored English
intruders. A little beyond that bay a small boat was sighted
flying an English flag. Upon overtaking the little bark the
Spaniards realized that they were the victims of a hoax. The
crew of ten manning the small craft proved not to be English.
men but Frenchmen. From the latter Arriola received defi-
nite knowledge that the French had established a post at
See Document No. i, infra.
"These documents are found in an incomplete, entitled tstimesie bearing
the notation: "Son asuntos relatives a los Franemae y Ecoceses e el Darie;
esti incomplete which is preserved in the Archiw Hist6rico Nacioal in
Madrid, Paeples de Estado, Legajo 2315.
"Dunn, ep. it., 6z.
SViceroy Conde de Montezuma to the king, Mexico City, May iS, xs7oy
in the same testimenie mentioned in note 45.







NEW SPAIN AND THE WEST


Biloxi and claimed another up the Mississippi River. The
Spanish commander then turned his little fleet toward Biloxi
but apparently with no serious intention of attacking it. It is
likely that he hoped that by putting up a bold front and em-
phasizing the prior rights of the Spanish king and the friend-
ship then existing between the two crowns, the French might
discreetly withdraw. Perhaps, feeling that the region was
valueless anyway, he did not wish to risk an encounter and
sought only to make it appear to officials at home that he had
done his duty.
His reluctance to fight was met by a similar indisposition
on the part of the French to resort to hostilities. Their own
instructions from Louis XIV cautioned them against arousing
the jealousy and suspicion of the Spaniards and even com-
manded them not to establish themselves in Pensacola if, by
chance, the Spaniards had abandoned the bay while Iberville
was back in France. Every possible cause of friction or com-
plaint must be eliminated, for any hostility might menace the
new French settlements in the Gulf and defeat the primary
purpose of the French government. "La grande afaire est
la decouverte des mines" ran the instructions for Iberville's
second voyage to the Gulf and, consequently, peace must be
maintained at all costs with the neighboring Spaniards.
Thus it was that when Arriola put in appearance at Biloxi
the meeting was more of a festive gathering than an oppor-
tunity for violence. The underfed Spanish commander and
his followers were treated with the utmost courtesy and feted
with rare dainties. Any vague notion that Arriola may have
entertained of engaging in combat with these intruders quickly
vanished, but he satisfied his conscience by penning a firm letter
indicating Spanish displeasure at French guile,0 and protesting
against the establishment of a post. Without varying from
his uniformly courteous manner the French officer replied
blandly that they had set up this station and had come into
Mmoire pour serwir d'instruction au sieur d'lberille, capitaine de fri-
fats Igtere, commandant la 'Renommee,' Fontainebleau, September 22, 1699,
in Margry, op. cit., IV, 352.
"Ibid., 351.
See Document No. 2, infra.







DON ANDRS DE ARRIOLA


this region merely to circumvent the English who were de-
termined upon possessing this territory. While he earnestly
desired to please the Spanish officer, orders were orders and
he was helpless to comply with the requests of the latter; his
instructions had come direct from the Most Christian King
of the French."
After this interchange of harmless communications and
sentiments Arriola started back to Pensacola. His expedition
was practically destroyed by a storm before it had advanced
far and the survivors were reduced to the ignominious neces-
sity of seeking aid from the French at Biloxi-which was lav-
ishly bestowed-and thus the one and only offensive of the
Spanish against the French colony of Louisiana came to an in-
glorious end.'
Utterly disheartened with his command and sick in mind
and body, Arriola begged leave to return to New Spain to
recuperate. This was at length granted and he returned to
Vera Cruz in August (I700), leaving Martinez, his second in
command, in charge of his wretched post. His chief work
in connection with Pensacola was done. All unwillingly and
against his better judgment he had been the involuntary instru-
ment in establishing the exceedingly weak hold which Spain
had tardily seized on this disputed borderland. Though he
consistently urged the abandonment of Pensacola and the re-
jection of his own work--his first act upon arriving at Vera
Cruz was to write to the king regarding the futility of the
project-"3 the Spanish government at Madrid obstinately
refused to yield to the overtures of the French government
for the cession of the bay even though a French king had now
come to sit upon the Spanish throne. Pensacola Bay was for
some time to remain the possession of Spain as a sort of bul-
wark against the encroachment of the French colony and,
perhaps, proved a weak but effective barrier to French ex-
"x Dunn, op. cit., aoS.
2 A French account of Arriola's mishap and the aid rendered kim is
contained in a letter of M. de Ricouart to the Minister of Marine and entitled
"Naufrage de M. de Riola [sic], Gouverneur de Pensacola, et secours que
lui donnent les francais, a lui et a son equipage," in Margry, of. cit, IV, 386-391.
"5 See Document No. 3, infra.







22 NEW SPAIN AND THE WEST

pension into Spanish Florida. Thus Don Andres de Arriola,
who was knighted in the Order of Santiago on May 28, 1705,"'
and is again heard of as commander of the annual flota sailing
from Seville to the Indies in 17 11," may have unwittingly and
unintentionally performed the most lasting of all his services
to the Spanish crown. What further benefit he might have
rendered his king if he had willed-and had been able-to
eject the French intruders must remain an interesting if profit-
less speculation.
SGarca Carraffa, oP. cit., 71.
5 Pedro de Peralta Barnuevo, El Cieto en el Parnaiso ... (Lima, 1736),
Assumpto XI.















DOCUMENTS
I. The Maestre de Campo, Don Andres de
drriola, reports to Your Majesty that he has re-
turned to the Bay of Santa Maria de Galve
(Pensacola) and is sending a copy of the letter
that he wrote to the Viceroy of New Spain.1

N the dispatch boats which sailed from the port of Vera Cruz I have
given Your Majesty a report of all that has been done in this bay
and on this occasion I am reporting my arrival at Pensacola on the
29th of last month after sailing from the above mentioned port of Vera
Cruz on the I th of the same month. Inasmuch as Your Majesty will
learn of the wretched supplies, the few and undisciplined soldiery that I
have and, lastly, the distressing misery that we are in, by the enclosed
copy of the letter that I have written to the viceroy of New Spain, I
shall omit a repetition and pass on to assure Your Majesty that I shall do
everything that lies within my poor power to wipe out these new in-
truders 2 who have settled in the neighborhood of Mobile Bay according
to the information of the Indians of that bay who are friendly to us
though, in my opinion, we can put but little trust in their friendship.
I am continuing to explore all the territory hereabout and to receive
confirmation from everyone who has lived in this bay since it was first
occupied as to the sterility of the whole of it as well as to the impossi-
bility of defending its entrance-its great width makes artillery opera-
tions ineffective-so that the truth may be made dear and the doubts re-
moved which have lingered up to the present arising from the reports
made by Dr. Don Carlos de Sigiienza and supported by Captain Don
Juan Jordin de Reina who aspires to the governorship of this place.
The viceroy of New Spain made Captain Jordan sail with me on this
trip and it would have pleased me greatly if Dr. Don Carlos de Sigiienza
had come with him so that both of them might be convinced about the
matter as Captain Jordan now actually is. And thus they would not be
the cause of Your Majesty making profitless expenditures for private ends.
1 Archivo Hist6rico Nacional (Madrid), Sec. IX, Papeles de Estade, Legajo
2315.
2 The English. See Dunn, o. cit., 199.








NEW SPAIN AND THE WEST


As I have already set forth in my letter to Your Majesty in the above
mentioned dispatch boat which sailed from the port of Vera Cruz, foreign
nations can probably be prevented from making settlements in the bays of
the Gulf of Mexico by developing the Windward Fleet so that it can be
reconnoitered every year.
In case that it is Your Majesty's pleasure to occupy this bay even
though its entrance can not be defended for reasons that I have stated, it
will be enough if twenty-five infantrymen with one of the captains of the
presidio at San Agustin in Florida be sent to stay six months and keep
alternating as is the practice in the new defenses at Matanzas. In this
way the excessive outlays being made from the public treasury will stop.
This suggestion has seemed to me worthy enough to bring to the royal
notice of Your Majesty. In making this I have no other desire of re-
ward except to beg the Catholic zeal of Your Majesty to be pleased to
grant me leave to withdraw to my home and to my family as I have re-
quested in my previous communications. God keep the royal Catholic
person of Your Majesty the many long years that are Christendom's
need. The Bay of Santa Maria de Galve, February 12, 1700oo.
Andres de Arriola
(Rubric)

2. Copy of the letter written by the Maestre de
Campo, Don Andres de Arriola,8 to Monsieur
de Ibervila [D'Iberville], Monsieur Surgel
[Surgires] and to Monsieur de Souvol [Sau-
volles] 5 on land (at Biloxi)
Dear Sir:
Before replying to the letter dated the 13th inst., with which Your
Grace was pleased to honor me, it occurs to me to bring to your notice
the following two points: first, the Scotch who had come to settle and
fortify themselves at Darien [had done so] without the instructions of
their king, for the latter, in that matter, had given the king of Spain and
my lord every assurance necessary as he had forbidden all of his vassals
in Jamaica and Virginia to have any trade or relations with them.
When the Scotch learned that a considerable number of the ships of my
3 Preserved in Archivo Hist6rico Nacional (Madrid), Sec. IX, Pafeles de
Estado, Legajo 2315. There is a French version of this letter printed in Margry,
op. cit., IV, 539-54x, erroneously dated March 23, 1701.
4 Captain of the frigate Marin on Iberville's first voyage and captain of La
Gironde on the second expedition to the Gulf region.
SListed as an ensign on board the Maria (see Margry, op. cit., IV, 51)
and later appointed commander of the fort at Biloxi ibidd., 335).
Arriola's letter, it will be noted, was written on board his ship in the bay.









DON ANDRAS DE ARRIOLA


king were coming to drive them out, they abandoned their post and went
away without waiting for any further cause for trouble, so that when our
ships did arrive, they found the settlement entirely deserted.
The second matter about which I should inform you is that since
April of last year there have come into this gulf five vessels, three large
and two small, corresponding in number to the squadron with which the
Marquis de Chatermoran [Chasteaumorant] stopped off the Bay of
Santa Maria de Galve the previous month of January and some of the
men have come ashore and begun to build fortifications and houses with
the manifest intention of settling. It was never thought that these could
be ships from France because of the peace and good understanding be-
tween the two crowns-even the ignorance of this would have nothing to
do with the matter as the whole of the continental coast of the Gulf of
Mexico is the domain of the king, my lord--and also because the In-
dians had told us by signs that the ships belonged to the English such as
those from San Jorge. But the particular reason why the presence of
Frenchmen was not suspected was because complete faith was placed in
the letter which the above mentioned Marquis de Chatermoran wrote T
stating that he had come into this region at the order of His Most Chris-
tian Majesty to hunt down and drive out some rebellious Canadians who,
it had been learned, had come and gotten into this coast; it was under-
stood that as soon as this duty was performed he (Marquis de Chasteau-
morant) would straightway return to France. For this same purpose
and with this same understanding the Most Excellent Conde de Monte-
zuma, viceroy of New Spain, sent me to investigate along these shores.
I have been greatly surprised, for, when I was certain of finding
Englishmen, I am completely disillusioned in discovering that the people
of the French nation are the ones who are occupying these places and that
they are the very same men that came in the squadron above mentioned.
As this is directly opposed to the will of the king, my lord, I am forced
to protest to Your Grace against such disregard as I hereby do and
against the results so contrary to the best harmony between the two
crowns which will follow in the event that Your Grace persists in carry-
ing forward the desire to maintain a French presidio on this bay or on
any other part of the coast of the Gulf of Mexico in contravention of
the treaties existing between the two nations concerned; this will give
reason to suspect at once that there is an intention to penetrate into the
domains of my king and lord, whom may God preserve!
As I have explained myself sufficiently in the present matter I shall
pass on to reply to the letter of Your Grace, valuing highly the news that
you are pleased to share with me regarding the designs of the English in
7 In January, 1699, when Iberville first stopped outside of Pensacola Bay.









NEW SPAIN AND THE WEST


trying to get possession of the Espiritu Santo River; and I likewise thank
Your Grace for the favor that you have done me in offering me the forces
that are under your command. This favor is duly appreciated but I do
not accept it as it is unnecessary and I only beg that you will be kind
enough to reply on the matters I have indicated above. Command me in
whatever may be of service to you with the assurance of my genuine affec-
tion. May God keep Your Grace the many years that I desire. Aboard
this frigate Nuestra Senora del Rosario. March 23, 1700.
Don Andres de Arriola.

3. The Maestre de Campo, Don dndres de
Arriola, reports to Your Majesty that he has
come to recuperate in the port of Vera Cruz and
is sending the affadavit of measures taken in con-
nection with his reconnaissance and the character
of the Bay of Santa Maria de Galve.8
As I have arrived at this port from Santa Maria de Galve on a
furlough to recover from my afflictions, my duty compels me to omit no
information which may be of advantage to the royal service of Your
Majesty. In confirmation of what I have already given regarding the
defensibility of that bay (Pensacola), the sterility of the whole country
and its unhealthy climate, I am sending the enclosed affadavit in which
are included the declarations and the exploration made to demonstrate
further the unfavorable conditions associated with that territory so that
the expenditures wasted in holding it may be saved. In these matters I
have acted only with the zeal and loyalty due Your Majesty so that in
the light of them Your Majesty may be pleased to arrange and com-
mand what is best for your royal service. May God keep the Catholic
and royal person of Your Majesty the many happy years which is Chris-
tendom's need! Vera Cruz, August 9, 1700.
Andres de Arriola
(Rubric)
*Translated from an autograph copy in the Archive Hist6rico Nacional,
(Madrid), Sec. IX, Papeles de Estado, Legajo 2315.
SThe Iestinonio referred to in note 45, supra. In this same legajo there
is a letter of the viceroy to the king, Mexico City, May i8, 1700 (so folks) ,
which is entitled: "El Virrey de Nueba espafia Da qta a V. M. de las noticias
que le particip6 el Mro de Campo, D' Andres de Arriola, con las nouedades
que incluyen, y resultaron del reconocimiento que hizo en los parajes de la
Movila, Rio de la Palizada, y otros donde se hallan fortificados franzeses, y del
socorro que promptam" a embiado al Presidio de Santa Maria de Galue con
la misma embarcacion que las condujo y demas providencias aplicadas espe-
rando la que V. M. fue [re] servido dar en negocio de esta grauedad."




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