|
ii' *
WOMEN'S ROLE IN LIVESTOCK PRODUCTION
by
Helen K. Henderson
Section 2.4.2
in
BASELINE DATA REPORT
VILLAGE LIVESTOCK PROJECT
UPPER VOLTA
Contract AID/afr-C-1338
Consortium for International Development
Logan, Utah
January 1980
CV, 0 /
Ocyo
2.4.2 Women's Role in Livestock Production
2.4.2.1 Introduction '
The social, economic and physical environment in which rural Vol-
--taic women live is described in this section.
Five major areas are highlighted: 1) the social setting; an an-
alysis of organizational bases for village cooperation among women, 2) wo-
men's current activities concerning livestock, 3) daily and seasonal time
constraints (such as those involved in farming, craft and domestic activ-
ities) on the potential expansion of the role of women in livestock pro-
duction, 4) an identification of leading women and women's groups within
the community and, 5) potential future livestock activities for women.
The research site was the village of Koukoundi in Kaya ORD,
100 km north of Ouagadougou, with a mixed Fulani, Rimalbe and Mossi ethnic
composition and estimated population of 504 (including an adjacent settle-
ment at Sorgho which is almost entirely Fulani). The number of adult fe-
males Was estimated at 150.
2.4.2.2 Methodology
The study entailed two major procedures: 1) systematic observa-
tion of women's daily economic activities in each of the major ethnic groups;
2) development, administration and analysis of a questionnaire. The VLP
team member making the study resided in a hut in the Fulani chief's com-
pound/nd thus was continually (if marginally) involved in village life.
The interpreter and research assistant, a French-speaking Mossi woman of
rural background, lived in a nearby Rimalbe compound. Thus, there were
established bridges to each of the ethnic groups.
As more awareness was acquired of village interactions, it be-
5
came apparent that Rimalbe (decendants of people enslaved by the Fulani)
113
2.4.2 Women's Role in Livestock Production
2.4.2.1 Introduction '
The social, economic and physical environment in which rural Vol-
--taic women live is described in this section.
Five major areas are highlighted: 1) the social setting; an an-
alysis of organizational bases for village cooperation among women, 2) wo-
men's current activities concerning livestock, 3) daily and seasonal time
constraints (such as those involved in farming, craft and domestic activ-
ities) on the potential expansion of the role of women in livestock pro-
duction, 4) an identification of leading women and women's groups within
the community and, 5) potential future livestock activities for women.
The research site was the village of Koukoundi in Kaya ORD,
100 km north of Ouagadougou, with a mixed Fulani, Rimalbe and Mossi ethnic
composition and estimated population of 504 (including an adjacent settle-
ment at Sorgho which is almost entirely Fulani). The number of adult fe-
males Was estimated at 150.
2.4.2.2 Methodology
The study entailed two major procedures: 1) systematic observa-
tion of women's daily economic activities in each of the major ethnic groups;
2) development, administration and analysis of a questionnaire. The VLP
team member making the study resided in a hut in the Fulani chief's com-
pound/nd thus was continually (if marginally) involved in village life.
The interpreter and research assistant, a French-speaking Mossi woman of
rural background, lived in a nearby Rimalbe compound. Thus, there were
established bridges to each of the ethnic groups.
As more awareness was acquired of village interactions, it be-
5
came apparent that Rimalbe (decendants of people enslaved by the Fulani)
113
2.4.2 Women's Role in Livestock Production
2.4.2.1 Introduction '
The social, economic and physical environment in which rural Vol-
--taic women live is described in this section.
Five major areas are highlighted: 1) the social setting; an an-
alysis of organizational bases for village cooperation among women, 2) wo-
men's current activities concerning livestock, 3) daily and seasonal time
constraints (such as those involved in farming, craft and domestic activ-
ities) on the potential expansion of the role of women in livestock pro-
duction, 4) an identification of leading women and women's groups within
the community and, 5) potential future livestock activities for women.
The research site was the village of Koukoundi in Kaya ORD,
100 km north of Ouagadougou, with a mixed Fulani, Rimalbe and Mossi ethnic
composition and estimated population of 504 (including an adjacent settle-
ment at Sorgho which is almost entirely Fulani). The number of adult fe-
males Was estimated at 150.
2.4.2.2 Methodology
The study entailed two major procedures: 1) systematic observa-
tion of women's daily economic activities in each of the major ethnic groups;
2) development, administration and analysis of a questionnaire. The VLP
team member making the study resided in a hut in the Fulani chief's com-
pound/nd thus was continually (if marginally) involved in village life.
The interpreter and research assistant, a French-speaking Mossi woman of
rural background, lived in a nearby Rimalbe compound. Thus, there were
established bridges to each of the ethnic groups.
As more awareness was acquired of village interactions, it be-
5
came apparent that Rimalbe (decendants of people enslaved by the Fulani)
113
needed to be examined separately from the Fulani, and they are treated as
a separate ethnic group throughout this discussion.
During the observational phase,'we used varying research proce-
dures such as open-ended interviews, participant observation, daily record
keeping of women's work activities, and discussions with groups of neigh-
borhood women about their problems in regard to livestock. Numerous women
from each ethnic group were interviewed,and frequently whole days were
spent with the team member observing and participating in agricultural and
domestic tasks. At neighborhood meetings the names of those women attend-
ing were noted and efforts were made to ascertain if there was a strong
relationship between the ethnic and religious affiliations of these women
and their participation in the livestock extension-related groups that the
team encouraged. By tracing neighborhood and ethnic social networks, wo-
men's leaders in the wider community were identified.
The questionnaire drew both on separately-gathered data on the
village (including a household census and extensive interviews with local
cattle-owning men), and on information that was obtained during the obser-
vational phase.
The major aim is to delineate economic activities of these women
in general, with attention to the differences among the ethnic groups.
Religion and age have been cited only when they appear to be important
variables. In general, "adjusted frequencies" are given. All numbers and
percentages refer to results from the questionnaires. Although the sample
was relatively small (N=71), it is hoped that the findings provide useful
background information on ethnic differences among these women in regard
to their livestock holdings, work and consumption patterns, and may help
lay a realistic basis for future development planning for rural women in
114
4
this area of West Africa.
Sample Characteristics
The population sampled was defined by a census list of 64 house-
hold heads and the adult males and females living with them. A stratified
random sample was drawn on the basis of ethnic group and for the Mossi, re-
ligion, (animist and Muslim). Of the total sample of 71 women, 34 were
Mossi, 11 Rimalbe, and 24 Fulani; two others, who identified themselves
as Setba and Harga were classed as "other". The questionnaires were given
following procedures outlined in Appendix 6.1.
The majority of the sample was Muslim (73.2%) including all 24
Fulani, all but one of the 11 Rimalbe, and 16 of the 34 Mossi women. Eigh-
teen Mossi women identified themselves as animistss" and one Rimalbe woman
was Catholic.
None of the women had been to a western-type school. Although
almost all of the Fulani and Rimalbe females had received some formal re-
ligious training, less than half of the Muslim Mossi had done so.
Fifty-eight out of the 71 women interviewed were between 20 and
50 years of age, and they also made up the largest category of female live-
stock owners. The modal age range of 20-29 contained 23 women. Most wo-
men interviewed were either first or only wives while 20 were second or
additional wives (28.2%). Almost half of all women interviewed (46.5%)
said they lived in single-wife households.
These village women had not experienced much first-hand contact
with government agencies or extra-village influences. They frequently
said that although government agents visited the village regularly, these
officials "only spoke to men". Only one women said she had talked with a
government agent during the past year, and none said that they received
any help.
-Very few Koukoundi women have lived outside Upper Volta; one woman
said she had lived in Ivory Coast, another in Ghana. A slightly larger num-
ber, 8, have spent some time in a large city such as Ouagadougou, Bobo-Diou-
lasso or Abidjan. The women reported, however, that it was not uncommon
for their husbands to work in large cities in Upper Volta or abroad (48.5%).
2.4.2.3 The social setting: Organizational'bases for village cooperation
among women
Before considering the economic data, it may be useful to examine
elements of social organization that may either provide bases for areas of
cooperation among women or may tend to divide them.
Fulani Women
The Fulani are highly individualistic and do not tend to think in
terms of community efforts. According to Riesman (1977), cooperation for
the common good hardly exists, though reciprocal exchange of help on a one-
to-one basis is frequent. If one turns to the patrilineage as a possible
organizational base for women's community efforts, one finds there are not
many routine occasions that call the lineage together. Male members of
the same patrilineage have in common certain vaguely defined territories,
may herd their cattle together at times, and tend to live in minimal clus-
ters near closely related members.
Within the compounds or groupings of compounds, there is no fe-
male head of women as defined by kinship or marriage relations. Even among
wives of one man, none can tell another what to do. Riesman, writing of
the Fulani of bjibo (1977), notes that the influence a woman can have on
the community cannot be related to her social structural position (her
birth order or prestige of her family), but depends entirely on her per-
116
V. 41
any help.
-Very few Koukoundi women have lived outside Upper Volta; one woman
said she had lived in Ivory Coast, another in Ghana. A slightly larger num-
ber, 8, have spent some time in a large city such as Ouagadougou, Bobo-Diou-
lasso or Abidjan. The women reported, however, that it was not uncommon
for their husbands to work in large cities in Upper Volta or abroad (48.5%).
2.4.2.3 The social setting: Organizational'bases for village cooperation
among women
Before considering the economic data, it may be useful to examine
elements of social organization that may either provide bases for areas of
cooperation among women or may tend to divide them.
Fulani Women
The Fulani are highly individualistic and do not tend to think in
terms of community efforts. According to Riesman (1977), cooperation for
the common good hardly exists, though reciprocal exchange of help on a one-
to-one basis is frequent. If one turns to the patrilineage as a possible
organizational base for women's community efforts, one finds there are not
many routine occasions that call the lineage together. Male members of
the same patrilineage have in common certain vaguely defined territories,
may herd their cattle together at times, and tend to live in minimal clus-
ters near closely related members.
Within the compounds or groupings of compounds, there is no fe-
male head of women as defined by kinship or marriage relations. Even among
wives of one man, none can tell another what to do. Riesman, writing of
the Fulani of bjibo (1977), notes that the influence a woman can have on
the community cannot be related to her social structural position (her
birth order or prestige of her family), but depends entirely on her per-
116
V. 41
4,
sonality. Although women help each other, each woman works primarily by
herself with the aid of her children. This is not to say,.however, that
Fulani women are uninterested in social activities. Within Koukoundi,
there is a high degree of kinship-relatedness among the women. Visits
are frequent, especially to the compounds of parents, but these do not
appear to be strongly work-oriented.
The neighborhood is the major communication network for the Ful-
ani women, but even when several Fulani compounds are located relatively
close to one another it is hard to mobilize these women to come together
on the basis of common interest. Most neighborhoods also include Mossi
women, with whom the Fulani appear to have little socially in common.
Indeed, none of the Fulani livestock discussion groups (formations), .
though based in neighborhoods, included even one individual from the
Mossi ethnic group. The same exclusiveness was also evident in the Mossi
formations.
Religion might be viewed as a possible organizational base. Is-
lamic rites, especially a child's baptism, bring women together--in par-
ticular those women of the mother's patrilineage. Marriage, funerals and
the Doiga ceremony (which celebrates a youth's new ability to read and
write the Koran), can mobilize almost all the Fulani women in Koukoundi.
Such ceremonies, however, occur only occasionally. Women pray daily but
individually, not in prayer groups, even at festival times.
The market, though it attracts Fulani women as sellers and buyers,
does not provide an organizational basis for them. Women come individ-
ually and sporadically, though they do often sit in clusters of related
women,
i> rI
Rimalbe Women
Possibly because of their memories of past oppression by the Fu-
lani, Rimalbe women appear to be a rather close-knit group. The patri-
lineage does not have the same meaning for the Rimalbe as it does for the
Fulani, even though they take the same family name as their former owners
and are, to some extent, attached to their patrilineal segments. Inves-
tigation of the nature of Rimalbe identification with Fulani patrilineages
should be an important area for future research among these two groups.
Fulani men do not marry Rimalbe women and many of the resident women have
come from Rimalbe communities outside Koukoundi.
These women participate in the same patrilineage-wide activities
as do Fulani women. They interact daily with Fulani women on a friendly
basis, for example, pounding millet together. Some of the older women
appear to perform certain menial tasks for Fulani women, presumably for
pay. The neighborhood network of the Rimalbe women overlaps with that
of the Fulani patrilineage segments, but also includes somewhat more in-
teraction with Mossi women. Islamic religious ceremonies bring together
the Rimalbe and Fulani women, but neither group participates in mixed
prayer groups. Some Rimalbe women attend the market on a fairly regular
basis. Although Fulani women told us they could easily work with Rimalbe
women, the Rimalbe women expressed concern that, in any community-wide
plan for women, the Fulani women would try to exert undue influence by
virtue of their former high status vis-a-vis their former slaves.
Mossi Women,
Among the Mossi, the patrilineage forms a closely-knit group,
perhaps more so among the animists than among the Muslims. The patri-
118
i> rI
Rimalbe Women
Possibly because of their memories of past oppression by the Fu-
lani, Rimalbe women appear to be a rather close-knit group. The patri-
lineage does not have the same meaning for the Rimalbe as it does for the
Fulani, even though they take the same family name as their former owners
and are, to some extent, attached to their patrilineal segments. Inves-
tigation of the nature of Rimalbe identification with Fulani patrilineages
should be an important area for future research among these two groups.
Fulani men do not marry Rimalbe women and many of the resident women have
come from Rimalbe communities outside Koukoundi.
These women participate in the same patrilineage-wide activities
as do Fulani women. They interact daily with Fulani women on a friendly
basis, for example, pounding millet together. Some of the older women
appear to perform certain menial tasks for Fulani women, presumably for
pay. The neighborhood network of the Rimalbe women overlaps with that
of the Fulani patrilineage segments, but also includes somewhat more in-
teraction with Mossi women. Islamic religious ceremonies bring together
the Rimalbe and Fulani women, but neither group participates in mixed
prayer groups. Some Rimalbe women attend the market on a fairly regular
basis. Although Fulani women told us they could easily work with Rimalbe
women, the Rimalbe women expressed concern that, in any community-wide
plan for women, the Fulani women would try to exert undue influence by
virtue of their former high status vis-a-vis their former slaves.
Mossi Women,
Among the Mossi, the patrilineage forms a closely-knit group,
perhaps more so among the animists than among the Muslims. The patri-
118
lineal extended family with some members residing together tends to be
larger than among the Fulani or the Rimalbe. Joint farming activities
are extremely important. Mossi wives within a compound and neighboring
patrilineally related compounds form an especially tight communications
network. The wives' collective activities can be organized by the pa-
quiema (Skinner, 1964, refers to the "pughtiema") or head of the lineage
wives. This leader does not act without the authorization of the males
of the patrilineage, but her influence is considerable.
Neighborhoods often consist of patrilineal segments. Where
neighboring groups are not patrilineally related, the communication net-
work is less effective, unless religion (specifically Islam) becomes an
intervening variable. With the Mossi Muslims religion unites women from
unrelated compounds. It does not, however, unite Fulani Muslim women
with Mossi Muslims. While both animist and Muslim women participate pri-
marily in their own groups' religious activities, some ceremonies, es-
pecially funerals of patrilineally related individuals of different re-
ligion, unite the two groups. Massi Muslim women's ties are further
strengthened by their joint prayer activities.
Perhaps more so than for the other two groups, the market is a
potential organizational base for Mossi women. Women from large extended
families tend to sit together, selling similar merchandise. This common
activity also strengthens their communication network.
2.4.2.4 Women's Current Activities Concerning Livestock
Cattle
An important task of this research has been to ascertain to what
degree Mossi, Fulani and Rimalbe women have livestock and what rights
119
lineal extended family with some members residing together tends to be
larger than among the Fulani or the Rimalbe. Joint farming activities
are extremely important. Mossi wives within a compound and neighboring
patrilineally related compounds form an especially tight communications
network. The wives' collective activities can be organized by the pa-
quiema (Skinner, 1964, refers to the "pughtiema") or head of the lineage
wives. This leader does not act without the authorization of the males
of the patrilineage, but her influence is considerable.
Neighborhoods often consist of patrilineal segments. Where
neighboring groups are not patrilineally related, the communication net-
work is less effective, unless religion (specifically Islam) becomes an
intervening variable. With the Mossi Muslims religion unites women from
unrelated compounds. It does not, however, unite Fulani Muslim women
with Mossi Muslims. While both animist and Muslim women participate pri-
marily in their own groups' religious activities, some ceremonies, es-
pecially funerals of patrilineally related individuals of different re-
ligion, unite the two groups. Massi Muslim women's ties are further
strengthened by their joint prayer activities.
Perhaps more so than for the other two groups, the market is a
potential organizational base for Mossi women. Women from large extended
families tend to sit together, selling similar merchandise. This common
activity also strengthens their communication network.
2.4.2.4 Women's Current Activities Concerning Livestock
Cattle
An important task of this research has been to ascertain to what
degree Mossi, Fulani and Rimalbe women have livestock and what rights
119
they have in livestock. The rights of women in such property are fre-
quently closely related with those of other family members and involve
problems of acquisition, inheritance, divorce, sales and general main-
tenance of the animals. We shall discuss women's rights in cattle, goats,
sheep, chickens, guinea fowl and animal by-products in this section. In
regard to cattle ownership, Fulani women will be discussed separately.
Fulani women in Koukoundi are generally reluctant to talk about
ownership of cattle, especially when they are being interviewed in the
presence of other village women. They frequently deny having animals
with their husband's, father's or son's herds. Others claim that once
a woman has sons, her cattle belong to them. These reports are consis-
tent with data gathered on the Fulani in other areas where women are
said to hold cattle for their children, especially their sons (Hopen,
1958). In our sample, only seven Fulani women and one Rimalbe said that
they currently owned cattle (See Table 2.37). Some said they had been
given cattle in their youth or at marriage, but had left them in the
herds of male relatives or sold them for jewelry. A woman is considered
relatively rich in cattle if she has six. There appears to be, however,
no clear relation between being married to a man with large family herds
and having cattle oneself. Wives of the largest cattle-owners in Koukoun-
di reported having few or no cattle. Three-fourths of the cattle-owning
women said that the source of their cattle was their relatives, one-fourth
listed their husbands. None of the women interviewed said they had pur-
chased cattle themselves, although many women from the village as a whole
(45.1%) and 12 of the Fulani women said they would be interested in buy-
ing cattle as an investment if they had sufficient money.
TABLE 2.37
WOMEN'S LIVESTOCK OWNERSHIP AND SALE
Row
Mossi Fulani Rimalbe Other Total X p Cramer's
N=34 N=24 N=11 N=2 N=71 V
I I I I I II I
Have livestock
yourself 58.8% 66.7% 90.9% 100% 67.6% N.S.
(20) (16) (10) (2) (48)
I I I
Own goats 35.3% 20.8% 45.5% 50% 32.4%
(12) (5) (5) (1) (23) N.S
sold goats last 23.5% 4.2% 9.1% 50% 15.5%
year (8) (1) (1) (1) (11) N.S.
SI t III I
Own cattle 0% 29.2%. 9.1% 0% 11.3%
(7) (1) (8) 12.31 .0064 .416
sold cattle
Last Lyear 0% 8.3% 0% 0% 2.8% a N.S.
(2) (2)
I I I I I
Own sheep 5.9% 4.2% 18.2% 0% 7%
S(2) (1) (2) (5) N.S.
sold sheep
last year 2.9% 0% 9.1% 0% 2.8%
(1) (1) (2) I N.S.
Own poultry 58.8% 41.% 81.8% 100% 57.7% 6.63 0845
(20) (10) (9) (2) (41) .305
sold poultry 38.2% 33.3% 45.5% 50%. 38%
last year (13) (8) (5) (1) (27) N.S.
I I I I I I I '
p
Gifts of cattle are usually given to women at the time of Muslim
baptism and marriage. Such gifts are not mandatory, however, and many
Fulani women apparently do not receive cattle at either of these cere-
monies, probable because their parent's herds are not large enough to
afford the loss. In our sample, nine Fulani and one Rimalbe said they
had received gifts of cattle in their youth, but only three Fulani claimed
to have received them at marriage.
Gifts of cattle at marriage appear to be less frequent here than
in other Fulani areas (Stenning 1959; Dupire 1963). It is also much more
likely for a male child to receive gifts of cattle at baptism than it is
for a female, though by Islamic law both sexes should receive animals.
Our survey indicates that cattle which have been given initially to a
daughter may later be taken away from her and given to a newborn son at
the latter's baptism.
Rules governing disposition of cattle through sale, at divorce,
and at the death of the owner shed some light on the question of the lim-
itations on women's ownership of cattle. A woman wishing to sell cattle
must ask permission from her husband or the man in whose herd the animal
is kept. No one with whom we talked, however, could remember a case of
a Fulani man denying his wife or female relative the right to sell her
cow. A woman cannot sell the animal directly, but only through a man.
She is not thereby committed to paying anything to the seller, though
she may give him a gift. The money from the sale is hers to spend as she
wishes, but she will probably discuss its use with her husband.
At marriage, a common reason given for sale of the baptismal
cow is the purchase of personal jewelry. After marriage, a woman rarely
sells her cattle except to purchase medicines for illness or millet for
her family in times of famine. Only two women interviewed said they had
sold cattle during the previous year and only one other woman indicated
that she had sold cattle in the past during a famine period.
Men claim that they can, on occasion, sell one of the woman's
cows for the good of the family. They should, under these circumstances,
inform the woman. Apparently, cases have appeared in the courts of Kon-
goussi of women accusing their husbands of selling their cattle for pri-
vate purposes without obtaining the woman's permission. The Chief of
Koukoundi, however, knew of no such cases in his village.
Women sometimes prefer not to bring all their cattle with them
when first married, but rather to wait until their marriage bond is made
more secure by the birth of children. When a woman with children divorces,
she leaves most of her cattle with her husband's herd for the children's
future use.
If a woman has no children when she divorces, she takes with
her all cattle that she brought into the marriage or obtained by pur-
chase or through gifts from her natal family. Cattle given to her by .
her husband, however, must remain with the husband's herd unless the
husband forces the woman to leave against her will and without justi-
fication. Allocation of the offspring of the woman's cows is governed
by the same rules (Delgado 1978; Dupire 1963).
When a childless woman dies, any cattle she owned are divided
among her father, brothers and possibly her sisters. If children sur-
vive, they inherit their mother's cattle,,the greater number going to
the sons. Theoretically, women may also inherit cattle from their fa-
thers. Women's inheritance rights are to'some extent governed by Is-
123
II 1)
lamic law, but from a Fulani woman's point of view, it often seems that
only sons inherit cattle. For another Fulani area, Hopen (19581 has dis-
cussed measures men take to avoid leaving many cattle to their daughters
Childless widows may be given cattle from their deceased husband's herd.
The Chief of Koukoundi said that since women did not take care
of cattle, they could not be the clear owners of them. All of the cattle-
owning women interviewed said their animals had been left in the herds
of husbands or male relatives, and when questioned on the breeding and
marketing of cattle, the women did not appear to be as-well informed as
their husbands. Women are, however, familiar with many general facts
about cattle and three-fourths of the women interviewed said they went
with their husbands on transhumance each year.
Women do not pay much attention to the diet of their cattle,
leaving this matter to the youths guarding the animals. A woman may,
however, give her milk cows millet stalks and salt and carefully tend
a sick animal in front of her house, even giving it millet from her hus-
band's granary.
Six of the seven Fulani women interviewed who owned cattle said
that their animals were vaccinated each year. Vaccinations, medicines,
and feed supplements are, however, paid for by the men. Half of the
cattle-owning women in our sample reported losses of cattle during the
past year with an average loss of 3 cattle (see Table 2.38).
For the Rimalbe and Mossi ethnic groups in the village, little
need be said concerning women and ownership of cattle. A few Rimalbe
(1 in our sample) have cattle, usually received as gifts from parents.
The rules of inheritance and allocation in case of divorce are similar
TABLE 2.38
ANIMAL HEALTH
ANIMAL LOSS AND VACCINATION
I I I I
I I I I I I I I
I I I I II
Mossi Fulani Rimalbe Other RowTTotal X p< Cramer's V.
I I I I I II I
Lost animals N=34 N=24 N=11 N=2 N-71 N.S. I
past year 44.1% 50% 45.5% 50% 46.5%
(15) (12) (5) (1) (33)
Lost cattle
I I I I II I
last year N=32 N=18 N-1l N=2 N-63 N.S.
0% 22.3% 9.1% 0% 7.9%
(4) (1) (5)
Vaccinated cattleI N-32 N=24 N-1l N=2 N-69 N .S.
II I I
each year 0% 25% 9.1% 0% 10.1%
(6) (1) (7)
4Ii
Lost sieep N=32 I N=18 N=11 N=2 N-63 1 N.S.
last year 9.4% 5.6% 18.2% 0% 9.5%
(3) (1) (2) (6) I
I I I I I
4
Lost goats N=32 N=18 N=11 N=2 N=63 N.S.
last year 28.1% 22.3% 36.4% 50% 28.4%,
(9) (4) (4) (1) (18)
4 II I
SI I I I II I
Vaccinated N=33 N=24 N=11 N=2 N=70 I N.S. I
I I I I II
small ruminants 6.1% 4.2% 9.1% 0% 5.7%
(2) (1) (1) (4)
I II I
Lost chickens N=32 N=20 N=11 N=2 N=65 N.S.
last year 37.5% 35% 18.2% 50% 33.8%,
(12) (7) (2) (1) (22) 1
I I I I I I : I I
to those for the Fulani. For the Mossi women in the village, there are
no known cases of women owning cattle. Although it is rare in Koukoundi
for women in ethnic groups other than Fulani to own cattle, 38.2% of the
Mossi women and 54.5% of the Rimalbe said that the best animals for women
to purchase were cows, since they gave milk.
Goats and Sheep
The majority of the women interviewed kept livestock. Looking
at Table 2.37 we can see that the Rimalbe are proportionately the most
heavily represented, though livestock owners make up over 50% for each
ethnic group. Taking ownership of small ruminants first, more women
owned goats than sheep. A larger percentage of Rimalbe women owned goats
than did Mossi or Fulani. Women between the ages of 20-49 made up the
largest age category of livestock owners. Half (N=18) of the women be-
tween the ages of 40-49 owned goats compared to approximately a fifth
(N=23) of those from 20-29. Middle-aged women have had more time to es-
tablish themselves financially than have younger women. No women indi-
cated that they owned animals other than cattle, sheep, goats and poultry.
Although some goats and sheep are acquired by women as gifts -
from parents and spouses, many are purchased by the women themselves.
Of the six women who said they owned sheep, two-thirds had purchased the
animals themselves. Of the 23 women sampled who owned goats, nine said
they bought them themselves, the majority of the others receiving them
as gifts from their husbands.
For Fulani women animal purchases are frequently financed by
the sale of milk, for the Rimalbe by the -ale of millet flour balls
(fourah), and for the Mossi by the sale of agricultural produce and
126
cotton thread. The purchase of livestock, especially goats and sheep,
appears to be infrequent as seen in Table 2.37. Nonetheless, almost half
of the sample (47.1%) advised the purchase of livestock if a woman wanted
to invest her money.
All groups of women indicated that they considered small rumin-
ants a good investment against a time of famine. Mossi women emphasized
the importance of being able to sell animals to purchase millet during
the difficult time at the beginning of the rainy season. Over half of
the sample, however, said they did not know the best time to sell. Ap-
proximately a third specified the dry season months as the best time
for animal sales.
Women stressed that although they might sell an animal to buy
millet in a time of famine, the food would not simply be for the women
who had owned the animals, but for the entire family including co-wives
and their children. This, at least, is the cultural ideal.
As seen in Table 2.37, the most commonly sold small ruminants
were goats, the Mossi women making up the majority of the sellers among
the major ethnic groups. Of the women who said they sold goats during
the past year, six were between the ages of 40-49. Only one Mossi and
one Rimalbe woman said they had sold sheep during the past year.
Major items purchased through the sale of animals were clothing,
condiments, and millet (see Table 2.391. None of the women said that
they used the monies earned from the sale of goats and sheep to finance
their business, pay for taxes or sacrifices, and none said they had sold
the animals because their husbands had asked them to.
Almost all of the women interviewed said that their husband's
permission was necessary for them to sell livestock. Men rarely refused,
127
FOR WHAT REASONS HAVE
TABLE 2.39
YOU SOLD ANIMALS? (Cattle, Sheep, Goats)
Row Cramer' s
Mossi Fulani Rimalbe Other Total X < V
N=34 N=24 N=11 N=2 N=71
I I I I
I I I I I I
sold to buy clothing 1 23.5% / 0% 9.1% 50% 14.1% 8.79 1 .0321 .352
(8) (1) (1) (10) |
sold to buy 17.6% 0% 0% 50% 9.9% 9.77 .0206 .371
condiments (6) (1) (7)
I I I I
sold to buy 8.8% 8.3% 0% 0% 7% 1 N.S.
millet (3) (2) (5)
SI I I I II
sold because 2.9% 8.3% 0% 0% 4.2% 1 N.S.
animal was sick (1) (2) (3)
I I I I I I I
sold to 2.9% 0% 9.1% 0% 2.8% 1 N.S.
buy jewelry (1) j (1) (2) |
I I
sold for gifts 12.9% 0% 0% 0% 1.4% N.S.
(1) I (1)
sold to buy 0% 1 8.3% 0% % 0% 2.8%
medicines (2) (2)
sold to get money 0%. 0% 18.2% 0% 2.8%
to visit relatives (2) (2)
I I II I I
sold to buy pots 5.8% 0% 0% 0% 2.8%
(2) (1)
sold to buy meat 0% 0% i 0% 50% 1. 4%
Sa (1) ( (1) '
Multiple responses were possible to this question.
however. Only one woman said that she had sold animals herself, while
24 said their husbands had sold the animals for them. Half of the wo-
men who sold animals said they reserved the sale money for themselves
while the rest said they shared the money with the actual seller (us-
ually the husbands). Contrasting the women from different ethnic groups,
the Rimalbe group had the largest percentage of woman saying they kept
the money themselves (80%) followed by the Mossi (41.2%) and Fulani
(33.3%).
Inheritance rules vary among the different groups to some ex-
tent. For the Fulani, the same rules apply to small ruminants as apply
to cattle. Although a childless woman's goats are more likely to remain
with her husband than are her cattle, he may distribute some to her
brothers if he likes. If a woman has children, all the goats and sheep
go to them. A boy who inherits goats or sheep may decide to gain more
prestige by selling them and purchasing a cow with the money. Rimalbe
appear to follow the same inheritance rules as the Fulnai. In both
cases, female children inherit fewer animals than do male children.
At divorce, if a woman has children, she leaves the animals for them.-
If childless, she takes the animals with her, or sells them.
Among the Mossi, if a man has animals but no children, the
family of the deceased gives some to the widow, and takes the remainder.
If a widow wishes to leave the compound of her deceased husband, she
receives no animals. If a woman dies leaving animals and no children,
they are distributed between her own family and her husband, the latter
taking the larger share. If children survive her, they divide them,
the larger portion going to males. Some may also be given to the family
129
of the father. In case of divorce, a woman should leave her animals for
her children.
Women give goats and sheep little care; approximately three-fourths
of the women who have animals leave them with their sons. When their an-
imals are located in the compound, however, women feed them millet stalks,
millet, and bean and peanut vines which they have grown themselves.
Sheep usually graze in the bush, while goats are more often kept near
the compound since they are thought to get lost more easily in the far
bush. During the rainy season, small ruminants, especially goats, must
be constantly herded to protect the growing crops. A lactating goat
will be staked in the grass near a woman's house and cared for by her
(especially among the Fulani).
All groups of women expressed concern at the continual loss of
considerable numbers of small ruminants through disease. Of the re-
spondants, only six women out of 63 said they had lost sheep but 18
(N=63 28.6%) had lost goats (Table 2.38). Ten of the women who lost
goats were Mossi. One Setba woman living in Sorgo claimed to have lost
19 goats from diarrhea. Excluding this woman, the average loss cited -
was between 3 and 4 animals with the mode at 3.
Vaccination of small ruminants was not common, only four women
saying their animals were vaccinated last year (Table 2.38). Two of
the women who vaccinated were Muslim Mossi, one Rimalbe and one Fulani.
When asked why they had not vaccinated their animals, almost half of
the 23 women responding said that their animals had been given pills,
slightly less than one-fourth thought the vaccine was unnecessary, and
a few said they simply did not know about a vaccine. Frequently women
believed that pills and vaccine would have the same protective value.
Vaccines and medicines are most often paid for by the husband.
71.4% of those responding (N=70) said the husband should pay for the
vaccine and only 15.7% said they would pay for it themselves. Some
ethnic variations appear here. Only one Fulani woman was inclined to
pay for the vaccine herself, but seven of the Mossi and three of the
Rimalbe said they would do so themselves.
Village women indicated interest in acquiring more small ru-
minants. But when asked what was the best animal for women to purchase,
45.1% of the women cited cattle as opposed to 26.7% mentioning goats and
sheep. Possibly these figures relate to women's greater familiarity with
the health problems of small ruminants, and their fears that such animals
will not survive. Because of their cost, animals cannot be easily re-
placed, and we did not ask the women to make a decision based on cost.
Poultry
Over half of the women said they owned chickens (Table 2.37).
Ethnic differences are of interest here since the percentage of Rimalbe
women owning poultry is almost twice as high as that of the Fulani.
Mossi women ranked in the middle in regard to chicken ownership. Of
the women who said they owned poultry (N=41), 66.8% were between the
ages of 30-49. Somewhat more Muslim Mossi (75%) than Mossi Animist
(44.4%) owned poultry. Approximately three-fourths of the female poul-
try owners bought the animals themselves.
Inheritance rules and rules governing allocation of chickens at
divorce follow those described for goats and sheep, though few women
have large enough numbers of chickens to consider them worthy of much
131
concern. No women owned guinea fowl.
The majority of the women responding said they kept their chick-
ens themselves, though many (N=41 41.5%) said their husbands kept them.
Somewhat higher percentages of Fulani and Rimalbe entrusted their chick-
ens to their husbands than did the Mossi. Somewhat less than a third
of the women said they had lost an average of six chickens during the
past year.
Although chickens are not a major sale item, 38% of the women -
said they had sold them during the last two years (Table 2.37). Almost
half of the respondents claimed to have sold chickens at earlier times.
Somewhat more Muslim Mossi had sold chickens in the past two years than
had animist Mossi (56.3% vs. 22.2%). Seventeen women between the ages
of 30-49 made up 62.9% of the total number of women selling poultry.
Reasons given for selling poultry did not vary significantly among the
different ethnic groups. Major purchases mentioned were condiments (7%),
clothing (7%), kola nuts (14%) and tobacco (9.8%).
All of the women responding said it was necessary to obtain the
husband's permission prior to selling poultry. However, over one third
of the Mossi respondents qualified their responses slightly to indicate
that while such permission was desirable, it was not mandatory.
Unlike the situation with cattle and small ruminants, the major-
ity of the women who had poultry said they had done the selling them-
selves. Women as sellers were especially common among the Fulani and
Rimalbe, i.e., 8 out of 9 Fulani sampled said they had sold poultry
themselves as did 5 out of 6 Rimalbe. For the Mossi, husbands and sons
made up half of the sellers.
Money from the sale of poultry was most commonly kept by the wo-
man herself. Even though in the majority of cases, Mossi women did not
say that they sold poultry themselves, they, more than the other ethnic
groups, reported that they kept the money from the sale for themselves
(Mossi 77.8%); (Fulani 66.7%); (Rimalbe 50%). One-third of the Fulani
respondents and one-half of the Rimalbe said they shared the money with
their husbands. If these data accurately represent the wider population,
it appears that Mossi husbands sell their wives' poultry more often than
do Fulani or Rimalbe men, but share less in the proceeds. As with other
animals purchased by their wives, men in all ethnic groups state that
they can sell a wife's chickens without her permission, but must inform
her soon afterwards.
Chickens ranked second to cattle and above goats and sheep as an
advised investment for a woman with some extra money. Slightly more
Mossi women favored chickens than did women in other ethnic groups. De-
spite the high mortality rate for chickens, women often speak of their
desire to buy poultry to give to their children as gifts. Clearly, they
are the most affordable type of animal investment. Although men raise
guinea fowl, women are not allowed to do so. No reason was given for
this prohibition.
Animal By-products and Sale
Cows' Milk All Fulani women sampled milked cows as did 3 of the
11 Rimalbe women. No Mossi women milked cows (Table 2.40). When Mossi
men have cattle, they usually give them to Fulani herdsmen to tend and
the latter's wives milk them. Part of the milk may be sent to the owner
if there is sufficient quantity.
133
TABLE 2.40
ANIMAL BY-PRODUCTS AND SALE
Fulani
N=24
Rimalbe
N-1
Other
N=2
I
Milk cows 0% 100% 27.3% 0% 38% 61.741 0000 .932
(24) (3) (27)
Sell milk 0% 95.8% 0% 0 32.4% 66.624 0000 .968
(23) (23)
Make soap 0% 100% 27.3% 0% 38% 61.741 0000 .932
(24) (3) (27)
I I I I I I I
Usually sell soap 0% 8.3% 0% 0% 2.8% N.S.
(2) (2)
Make butter 0% 95.8% 18.2% 0% 35.3% 59.62 0000 .916
(23) (2) (25)
Usually sell butter! 0% 0% 1 0% 0% 0% N.S.
Make yogurt 0% 20.8% 18.2% 0% 9.9% 8.04 .0450 .336
(5) (2) (7
Usually sell yogurt 0% 33.3% 0% 0% 11.3% 17.65 0005 .498
(8) (8)
Milk goats 2.9% 4.2% 72.7% 50% 15.5% 35.78 0000 .709
(1) (1) (8) (1) (11)
Eat chicken eggs 14.5% 0% 0% 0% 7% N.S.
(5) (5)
Eat guinea fowl eggs 97.1% 95.8% 100% 100% 97.2% N.S.
(33) (23) (11) (2) (69)
Sell eggs 5.9% 0% 0% 0% 2.8% iN..
(2) (2)
Mossi
N=34
Row-
Total
N=71
X2
X
Cramer's
V
p<
All but one Fulani woman sold milk, but no women from other groups
did so (Table 2.40). Milk is clearly the major source of Fulani women's
disposable income. The source of this milk is primarily the men's cows,
which are allocated to the wives, each wife having her own allotment.
The first wife may have a few more cows to milk than the others, but
not necessarily. If one women's cows multiply while another's do not,
this is simply regarded as the latter's misfortune. Re-allocation of
cows is not favored, but clearly a man must see that each wife has a
reasonable supply of lactating cows. If one wife has many cows and an-
other wife has many children but few cows, men say that the female child-
ren of the latter woman can help milk the cows of the former.
Women may also milk cows belonging to their children until the
time of the latter's marriage. If a daughter leaves her cow in the herd
of her father, her mother will continue to milk it, setting aside a por-
tion of the milk money for her daughter's use.
All of the Fulani and Rimalbe women we interviewed who milk cows
allocate part of each day's milk to their own nuclear family. In the
rainy season, when milk is plentiful, more milk is sold than is retained
for the household. For example, if a woman gets six liters of milk, she
may sell four during the rainy season, keeping two liters for a "small"
family of 6 persons. During this season a woman may hope to get 1.5
liters per lactating cow, milking both morning and evening. Beginning
in December and January (early dry season) she can expect less than a
liter from three cows together, milking only once in the morning. A
liter of milk earns a woman approximately 85 CFAF.
When asked of uses for milk other than family consumption, almost
135
(lI
all of the Fulani women (but none of the Rimalbe women) said that they
sold it (Table 2.40). Again, almost all the women who milked said
they also make soap and butter and a few also make yogurt. Soap and
butter do not appear from our observations to be sold in great quanti-
ties, but are made especially for home use (Table 2.40). Yogurt was sold
by one-third of the Fulani sample.
With the money from the sale of milk and milk by-products, Fulani
women frequently purchase jewelry, condiments, cloth and millet (Table
2.41). No cases were given of a Fulani husband refusing to let his wife
spend the milk money as she wished. Men say, "The cows are mine, but
the milk is hers."
Since most Mossi men do not have cattle, their wives are entirely
dependent for fresh milk on purchases from the Fulani. Fresh milk is
usually bought in small scoops for 5-25 CFAF, primarily for consumption
by children (N=48 41.7%) and other family members (N=48 47.9%). Only
5 women said they bought milk for themselves.
The Fulani women sell the milk on daily rounds through the Mossi
and Rimalbe compounds. 81.8% of the Rimalbe and 53% of the Mossi said
they purchased fresh milk with some frequency. One can see on Tables
2.42 and 2.43 that a considerable number of women use money from the
sale of agricultural produce and crafts to purchase milk. Only one
Fulani woman said that she bought fresh milk on rare occasions,
During the past year women in Koukoundi have begun purchasing
dry milk and some have been reselling it in the form of yogurt and fresh
milk. Nearly half of this overall sample said they had purchased dry
TABLE 2.41
WHAT HAVE YOU DONE WITH MONEY EARNED FROM SALE OF MILK?
Fulani Row Total X2 p< Cramer's V
N=24 N-70
purchase condiments 29.2% 10% 14.907 .0019 .461
(7) (7)
purchase jewelry 79.2% 27.1% 49.983 ,0000 .845
(19) (19)
purchase cloth 20.8% 7.1% 10.32 .0160 .383
(5) (5)
purchase millet 8.3% 2.9% iN.S.
(2) (2)
purchase other 12.5% 4.3% N.S.
(3) (3)
II I
I I Ii
__ __ __ __ I _ __ _I_ I __ __ __ __ _
WHAT DO YOU BUY WITH
TABLE 2.42
THE MONEY EARNED FROM THE SALE OF HAND MADE PRODUCTS?
I I II I I 2 1
Mossi Fulani Rimalbe Other Row Total X Cramer's V
N=34 N=24 N=11 N=2 N=71
buy condiments 117.6% 8.3% 36.4% 0% 16.9% N.S.
(6) 1 (2) (4) (12)
buy clothing 14.7% 1 20.8% 18.2% 0% 16.9% N.S.
(5) (5) (2) (12)
buy cloth 2.9% 0% 9.1% 0% 2.8% N.S.
(1) (1) (2)
buy jewelry 8.8% 20.8% 45.5% 0% 18.3% 8.01 .0457 .335
(3) (5) (5) (13)
buy tobacco 29.4% 8.3% / 9.1% 0% 18.3% N.A.
(10) (2) (1) (13)
buy kola nuts 1 26.5% 12.5% 27.3% 50% 22.5% N.S.
(9) (3) (3) (1) (16)
buy animals 2.9% 1 4.2% 18.2% 0% 5.6% N.S.
(1) (1) (2) (4)
buy milk 23.5% 4.2% 1 27.3% 1 50% 18.3% N.S.
(8) (1) (3) (1) (13)
buy millet 2.9% 4.2% 9.1% 0% 4.2% N.S.
(1) (1) (1) (3)
buy meat 2.9% 0% 0% 0% 1.4% N.S.
(1) 9 (1)
buy medicine 2.9% 0% 0% 0% 1.4% N.S.
(1) mo (1) ___________
money for husband 0% 0% 9.1% 0% 1.4% i N.S.
(1) (1) 1
TABLE 2.43
WHAT DO YOU USUALLY BUY WITH THE MONEY EARNED FROM THE SALE OF AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS?
Mossi Fulani Rimalbe Other Row Total X2 p< Cramer's V
N=34 N=24 N=11 N=2 N=71
condiments 47.1% 0% 9.1% 0% 23.9% 119.49 .0002 .523
(16 (1) (17) I
clothing 44.1% 0% 27.3% 50% 26.8% 14.54% .0022 .452
(15) (3) (1) (19)
cloth 5.9% 0% 0% 0% 2.8% N.S.
(2) (2)
SII.
jewelry 11.8% 0% 36.4% 0% 11.3% 10.23 .0166 .379
(4) (4) (8)
I '. I I I
milk 61.8% 0%. 9.1% 50% 32.4% 27.90 .0000 .626
(21) (1) (1) (23)
I !II
given to.husband I 2.9% 0% 0% 0% 1.4% N.S.
(1) ( (1)
tobacco 44.1% 0% 9.1% 0% 22.5% 17.77 .0005 .500
(15) (1) (16)
kola nuts 52.9% 0% 18.2% 50% 29.6% 20.'07 .0002 .531
(18) (2) (1) (21)
I I I I
animals 11.8% 0% 9.1% 0% 7% 1N.S.
(4) (1 ) (5)
other (pots, 14.7% .0% 0% 50% 8.5% 9.41 .0243 .364
calabashes, etc.) (5) (1) (6)
i ~ ~ ~ ~ 6 1____________________
I I
milk. Differences were not marked within the ethnic groups, but it may
be noted that Rimalbe women constituted the largest number of purchasers,
followed by Fulani and Mossi. When women were questioned on the frequen-
cy of their purchases of dry milk, however, only one Fulani woman said
that she purchased it often. 17.4% of the 69 respondents said they bought
it "sometimes", while 26.1% said "rarely" and 55.1% said they never bought
it. Dry milk was bought primarily for children and family members, not
for oneself or for sale. Only two Fulani women admitted selling it, mixed
with whole milk, as yogurt.
The dry milk is being given away as part of a well-baby clinic
effort in nearby Sabse village and then sold in the Sabse market. Most
Mossi women prefer to buy small quantities of Fulani cow's milk, the
larger dry milk supplies being more expensive in the short term. To
what extent Mossi and Rimalbe women will bypass Fulani vendors by direct
purchases of this new commodity reamins uncertain at this time, though
there will surely be some tendency for this to occur.
Although Rimalbe women (like Fulani women) milk the cattle as-
signed to them by their husbands, the fact that 81.8% (N=11) of them pur-
chased fresh milk "often" and "sometimes" suggests that often Rimalbe
husbands may not have sufficient cows to supply milk for their families.
Rimalbe women in Koukoundi do not sell milk, explaining that they do not
have sufficient quantity. They do make soap and butter from milk, but
rarely sell those products.
Goat Milk Rimalbe women milk goats and give the milk to their
children and families more often than do the Fulani or the Mossi (Table
2.40). It is possible that more Fulani women milk goats than admitted
140
to us. We asked a Fulani woman if she milked goats, received a nega-
tive reply, and later in the day observed the same woman milking a goat.
Goat milking for the Mossi appears to be truly rare.
Eggs Most of the women in the village do not eat chicken eggs
for fear that the eggs cause difficult childbirths (Table 2.40). Ap-
parently husbands do not enforce this prohibition against eating eggs;
the few women interviewed who ate eggs in their natal households said
they continued to do so after marriage. Although women are prohibited
from raising guinea fowl, almost all of the women in our sample ate
guinea fowl eggs (Table 2.40).
Only two Muslim Mossi women in the sample said that they sold
eggs either directly or through a male relative (husband or son). Both
women indicated that part of the sale money remained with the seller.
Mossi women seem to be more likely to sell guinea fowl eggs, in season,
than women from the other two ethnic groups. Some village men argued
that selling eggs was inappropriate work for Fulani women. Some Fulani
women, however, indicated interest in taking part in chicken raising
projects.
Other Products Only men in Koukoundi butcher animals and they
generally do the smoking of meat, also, though some women claimed they
do this if they wished. Fulani, Rimalbe and Mossi women do not sell
meat, skins or manure. Manure from penned goats is taken by men and
often used on maize fields. Women may also use it in their small gar-
dens. Mossi women may smoke and sell fish.
-L
2.4.2.5 Daily and Seasonal Time Constraints on the Potential Expansion
of the Role of Women in Livestock Production
Fulani Women
Farming Unlike the women in the other two ethnic groups, Fulani women
are not heavily involved in farming. Only 8 women (a third of our Ful-
ani sample) said they did any farming. Only a few women said they grew
white millet, corn, cotton or beans (Tables 2.44, 2.45). None mentioned
peanuts or sesame. Okra was a fairly popular crop. In conversations,
women reported they may plant gardens near their houses growing okra,
oseilles and pepper for use in cooking. None of these crops appear to be
grown extensively.
It is very rare for a Fulani woman to sell agricultural produce,
and none in our sample reported doing so. They agreed with Mossi and
Rimalbe women, however, that a husband should give his permission before
his wife sells her agricultural produce, or spends the money from the
sale.
No Fulani women hired laborers to work on their land. Of four wo-
men who had garden land, three said they obtained it from their husbands,
one from the village chief. No Fulani woman had her own millet granary,
and all granaries belonged to the males of the household. Usually women
do not cut millet or do much labor in the fields. Fulani women married
to wealthy men do not help in the harvest at all. Most women (79.2%) do,
however, help in harvesting, primarily by carrying already-cut millet
heads to the compound. In general, Fulanijwomen assist only their hus-
bands, not members of the extended family. A few women reported helping
their neighbors.
2.4.2.5 Daily and Seasonal Time Constraints on the Potential Expansion
of the Role of Women in Livestock Production
Fulani Women
Farming Unlike the women in the other two ethnic groups, Fulani women
are not heavily involved in farming. Only 8 women (a third of our Ful-
ani sample) said they did any farming. Only a few women said they grew
white millet, corn, cotton or beans (Tables 2.44, 2.45). None mentioned
peanuts or sesame. Okra was a fairly popular crop. In conversations,
women reported they may plant gardens near their houses growing okra,
oseilles and pepper for use in cooking. None of these crops appear to be
grown extensively.
It is very rare for a Fulani woman to sell agricultural produce,
and none in our sample reported doing so. They agreed with Mossi and
Rimalbe women, however, that a husband should give his permission before
his wife sells her agricultural produce, or spends the money from the
sale.
No Fulani women hired laborers to work on their land. Of four wo-
men who had garden land, three said they obtained it from their husbands,
one from the village chief. No Fulani woman had her own millet granary,
and all granaries belonged to the males of the household. Usually women
do not cut millet or do much labor in the fields. Fulani women married
to wealthy men do not help in the harvest at all. Most women (79.2%) do,
however, help in harvesting, primarily by carrying already-cut millet
heads to the compound. In general, Fulanijwomen assist only their hus-
bands, not members of the extended family. A few women reported helping
their neighbors.
TABLE 2.44
WHICH CROPS DO YOU CULTIVATE ON COMMUNAL LAND OF YOUR COMPOUND?
I I I I I I I I
SI Row Cramer's
Mossi Fulani Rimalbe Other Total I p<
I N=34 N=24 N=11 N=2 N=71 I
Small millet 14.7% 0% 27.3% 50% 12.7% 8.24 .0412 .340
(5) (3) (1) (9)
II I I
I I
Sorghum 14.7% 0% 0% 0% 7% 1 N.S.
(5) (5)
I I I
White millet 100% 4.2% 81.8% 1 100% 64.8% 59.62 .0000 .916
(34) (1) (9) (2) (46)
I I I I I
I I I I I I I I
Corn 82.4% 4.2% 72.7% 100% 54.9% 38.35 .0000 .735
(28) (1) (8) (2) (39)
___________________ I I I I
I I I I I I I I
Peanuts 32.4% 0% ... 9.1% 50% 18.3% 11.82 .0080 .408
I I I I I I
(11) (1) (1) (13) _______
I I I I I I I I
Cotton 73.5% 4.2% 72.7% 50% 49.3% 29.96 0000 .649
(25) (1) (8) (1) (35) 1
Cassava 2.9% 0% 0% 0% 1.4% N.S.
(1) I I (1)
i I I I I I
Okra 5.9% 25% 18.2% 50% 15.5% N.S.
(2) (6) (2) (1) (11) 1
I I I I I I
I I I I I II I
Sesame 8.8% 0% 0% 0% 4.2% N.S.
(3) I (3) _
I I I I I I I I
Beans 91.2% 4.2% 1 90.9% 1 100% 62% 51.46 1 .0000 .851
(31) (1) (10) (2) 1(44)
I I I I I I I I
Roselle 2.9% 0% % % 0% 1.4% N.S.
(1) j (1) I I
TABLE 2.45
CROPS GROWN ON YOUR OWN LAND (Fields/gardens)
Row Cramer's
Mossi Fulani Rimalbe Other Total X2 p < V
N=34 N=24 N=11 N=2 N=71
I I I II _
Small millet 5.9% 0% 0% 0% 2.8% N.S.
(2) (2)
Sorghum/red 5.9% 0% 0% 0% 2.8% N.S
millet (2) (2)
IiI
White millet 64.7% 0% 36.4% 0% 36.6% 26.57 ..0000 .611
(22) (4) 1 (26)
I I
Corn garden 0% -0% 9.1% 0% 1.4% N.S.
(1) (1) 1
Okra garden 91.2% 16.7% 72.7% 1 50% 1 62% 33.86 .0000 1 .690
(31) (4) (8) (1) (44)
Bean garden 47.1% 0% 27.13% 0% 26.8% 16.64 1 .0008 1 .484
(16) (3) (19)
Peanut.garden 91.2% 0% 54.5% 50% 53.5% 47.03 .0000 .813
(31) (6) (1) (38)
I I I I I
IIII II
Sesame garden 64.7% 0% 27.3% 50% 36.3% 25'.99 .0000 .605
(22) i (3) (1) (26)
Small peas garden 26.5% 0% 1 9.1% 50% 15.5% 9.69 .0214 .369
I I I
(9) (1) ( ( 11)
Roselle 5.9% 0% 9.1% 0% 4.2% 1 N.S.
(2) (1) (3) ,
I I I I II
I I I I I I I _
Crafts Among all ethnic groups, the major craft activity for a women
is spinning cotton during the dry season after the harvest. Twenty-one
of the 24 Fulani women interviewed said they made cotton thread each year,
especially during the time of low milk production. A woman may give the
cotton thread to a weaver to make into cloth for her family and herself.
Generally Fulani women do not sell cotton (only one woman in our sample
reported doing so). Women obtain cotton for making thread either from
their husbands who grow it, from purchase, or from barter for milk.
As mentioned earlier, when there is sufficient milk women make
butter, soap and yogurt, some of which is sold (Table 2.40). Several
women (not included in the sample) were observed making soap in large
quantities for sale outside of the village.
A small number of women interviewed sold millet cakes, fritters
and shea butter. Although it is part of the general ideology in Koukoun-
di that Fulani women do not sell flour, or millet flour balls (fourah),
three women reported that they did. Approximately 70% of the women re-
ported making mats, but few said that they sold them.
With the money from the sale of crafts, Fulani women buy clothing,
jewelry, kola nuts, tobacco, condiments, animals and millet. When one
compares Table 2.41 with Table 2.42 one can see that money from milk sales
is considered more important in purchasing expensive items such as jew-
elry than is money from the relatively minor craft sales. No Fulani wo-
mans said she used craft-sale money to finance business ventures, buy
meat, medicine, or give to her husband.
Domestic Activities Millet processing, including pounding, sifting and
rebounding, is the most time-consuming daily activity. Each wife takes
a turn preparing the evening and morning meals. If there are several
145
wives in a compound each woman may have several days in a week free from
this heavy time expenditure. While 13 Fulani women said they cooked the
main meal every day, an almost equal number (11) said they had cooked
more than four times during the previous week.
In some compounds, several wives prepare meals at the same time,
giving the food to the entire household. Not uncommonly, however, (due
to illness in the family or co-wives' visits to parents) one wife or
daughter-in-law may be left to prepare all the meals for the entire fam-
ily for an extended period of time.
It is difficult to estimate the amount of time any Fulani woman
spends processing millet, since she is frequently assisted by children,
visitors or other members of the compound. For a family of eight per-
sons, a woman may average over two hours daily in millet processing.
The cooking of the millet will take somewhat over an hour. The sauce
that accompanies the porridge is prepared more quickly.
Women are also responsible for collecting wood and water. All
but two of the Fulani women sampled said they gathered the wood and 91%
of those collecting (N-20) had done so 2 to 4 times during the 8 days
prior to the administration of the questionnaire. The modal number of
times was four. These trips for wood may take close to an hour depend-
ing on the distance travelled. More wood is used during the cold periods
of the dry season for heating the hut as well as for cooking. When soap
is being made, extra supplies of wood must be brought in.
70.8% of the women said they were responsible for collecting the
family water. One-fifth said their children carried water. When asked
how many trips for water they had made on the previous day, 79.1% re-
146
ported having gone either two or three times. Women usually do laundry
at the water source rather than in the compound.
Women also spend time collecting wild fruits and leaves for family
consumption. Almost twice as many Mossi and Rimalbe women reported doing
so as did Fulani.
During the rainy season until shortly after the harvest, a Fulani
woman spends a considerable portion of her mornings travelling around
the village selling milk. Women consider a three hour period (e.g.,
7:00 am-10:00 am) as a brief expenditure of time for this activity; some
women must continue till the late afternoon in order to sell all their
milk. Women also sell their milk in the village market held once a week.
Possible Expansion of Livestock Activities In terms of the possible ex-
pansion of livestock activities, it is apparent that Fulani women have
considerable free time during the day, especially after they complete
their milk sales, until late afternoon, if a woman does not have to cook.
Fulani women may become involved in leisurely chatting in the late
morning and early afternoon, particularly during the dry season when milk
sales are low. It would theoretically be possible for women in a com-
pound to participate in expanded livestock activities, e.g., poultry
raising (which requires morning and evening feedings and waterings and
weekly cleaning) or expanded soap production. Women would schedule turns
to assure tasks were performed.
The fact that women have leisure time does not mean that they
wish to take up new economic activities, however. One group of Fulani
women said they did not work very hard at present, felt their current
needs were being adequately met, and did not want to take on further
tasks. Not all Fulani are so contented, however, and some complain of
long hours spent pounding millet, carrying water and vending milk. Oth-
ers worry about the lack of health facilities for their children and
themselves. Such women may be interested in new income-generating ac-
tivities.
Rimalbe Women
Farming Like the Fulani, Rimalbe women milk cows, but they also plant,
cultivate and harvest as do the Mossi. In our sample, 10 out of 11 Ri-
malbe women said that they farmed, and a large majority also grew white
millet, corn, cotton and beans (Table 2.44) on compound land. Although
8 (72.7%) claimed to have farm land for themselves, none said they had
their own millet fields. A few said they had their own millet granaries,
however. On land allotted to them by their husbands they raised okra,
peanuts, white millet, beans and sesame (Tabre 2.45).
For those who planted millet, the majority (81.8%) said they were
assisted in the harvest by their husbands. Other wives assisted in slight-
ly more than half of the cases as did other men of the compound and, to
a lesser extent, children. All Rimalbe women said they helped other peo-
ple with their millet harvests, especially their husbands (90.9%). Only
one woman said she had paid workers to help in her fields during the
past year.
Among the Rimalbe women, slightly less than half said they usually
sold their farm produce. The major crop sold was peanuts by one-third
of the women. Rimalbe women said that though they farmed, they sold
very little of the farm unprocessed produce, but conserved it for family
use. For example, only one woman sold white millet, one beans, but none
Page 149
Missing
From
Original
daily. All of the Rimalbe women interviewed said they collected the fam-
ily wood. Nine had collected wood two to four times during the eight
days prior to the questionnaire, the mode being four. In many ways, the
domestic routine of the Rimalbe is similar to that of the Mossi and will
therefore not be described in detail here. During the dry season, they
have considerable periods of leisure time.
Mossi Women
Farming Unlike the Fulani, Mossi women are heavily engaged in farming
during the rainy season and up through the time of the harvest in late
November. All of the 34 Mossi women interviewed said that they farmed.
On the communal compound fields, all Mossi women sampled grew white mil-
let. Unlike the women in other ethnic groups, some Mossi women grew
sorghum (red millet) and small millet. Almost all women grew corn and
beans. Cotton and peanuts were also grown on compound-family land.
(Table 2.44).
Far more Mossi women said that they had land of their own to farm
(aside from compound fields) than did those from the other two groups.
Thirty-three of thirty-four women had such land contrasted to four of
twenty-four for the Fulani and eight of eleven for the Rimalbe ( X2=40.378,
p<00001, Cramers V = .75413). On these fields and garden land women
grew a variety of crops (Table 2.45) such as white millet, peanuts, okra,
sesame, beans and small peas. The agricultural produce from these fields
not only helps support their families, but also gives them, through its
Sale, their disposable income.
The majority of the Mossi women said that their husbands had allot-
ted them their millet fields and their garden lands. A woman who has
150
her own millet fields, often has her own granary and the majority of the
sample had granaries. This is in sharp contrast to the Fulani (Mossi
67.6%; P:Rmalbe 27.3%; Fulani 0%; X2 29.538, p<0000. Cramers V =
.645).
Mossi women assist men in the planting and cultivation of most
of the crops listed in the tables, including tobacco which is considered
a man's crop. At harvest time, women of the compound work together with
the man to harvest each family member's fields. Almost all of the women
said their husbands and children assisted in the millet harvest and about
half said that other wives and other males in the compound also help.
Very few cited neighbors, villagers or other relatives as helping in
their harvest.
When they were asked whom they helped in the millet harvest, al-
most all named their husbands, about two-thirds, other women in the house-
hold and one-half, neighbors. A few others cited the village chief and
village relatives. Only two Muslim Mossi women had paid workers to help
in their firlds during the past year. If a larger work party is needed
for the harvest, women can request the help of other women outside the
immediate compound, but part bf the extended patrilineal group. The
head wife of the patrilineal segment informs all the neighboring house-
holds 6f the need.
In sharp contrast to other groups, the major source of disposable
income for Mossi women is the sale of agricultural products. While 27
of the 34 Mossi women said they usually sold farm produce, only five
of the Rimalbe did and none of the Fulani (X2 = 35.680, p 00001, Cra-
mers V = .708).
Mossi women frequently cited peanuts, white millet and beans as
crops sold. Less often mentioned were sorghum (red millet), small mil-
let, okra and sesame. Before selling agricultural produce, a woman must
obtain the permission of her husband or head of her compound to insure
that there will be a sufficient crop reserve against possible future fa-
mine. One-fourth of the women sampled said that such permission was not
necessary.
The vast majority of the Mossi women sold their agricultural pro-
duce in the village market. Only two women sold to a village trader,
three to a travelling merchant, and one to OFNACER. Three sold at mar-
kets outside the village. None of the women of other ethnic groups in
the village sold produce outside the village markets and most did not
even sell there.
Proceeds from the sale of agricultural products were used to buy
milk, kola nuts, clothing, tobacco, jewelry and animals (Table 2.43).
The four women who said they used money from produce sales for livestock
purchases were all Muslims.
None of the Mossi women said they used their money to buy millet,
meat or medicines. Mossi women considered milk and condiments to be the
most important purchases. The majority of women said it was necessary
to obtain the husband's permission prior to spending money gained through
the sale of agricultural produce.
Crafts All but one Mossi woman said they spun cotton thread. Other im-
portant craft or food processing activities are making shea butter, mak-
ing soap and making sorghum beer. A few, other women listed processing
millet into flour, weaving mats and making pots. Eleven women reported
152
that they made other items, particularly prepared foods, such as millet
cakes, for sale.
The major sale items were all in the area of processed food. Fif-
teen women (44.1%) sold prepared millet cakes and fritters while millet
beer, flour and shea butter were sold by only a few of the Mossi women
sampled. Women also sell peanut oil, soumballa and other items which
did not appear in our sample of responses. Money gained from the sale
of processed foods and crafts was used primarily to buy tobacco, kola,
milk, condiments and clothing (Table 2.42).
Domestic Activities A significant portion of a woman's daily labor is
expended in collecting water and wood. Twenty-two of the 34 Mossi wo-
men (64.7%) said they carried the family water themselves, but 12 (35.3%)
said their children did it, a higher percentage than that given by Fu-
lani or Rimalbe. Twenty-eight women (82.4%) made two to three trips a
day, while 19 (55.9%) made only two. All of the Mossi women said they
collected the family wood, 31 (91.1%) collecting between two and four
times during the eight days prior'to the interview. The mode was two
trips (N=15). Female children often assist.
Mossi women process millet by grinding it, generally in the eve-
ning around a communal, waist-high circular adobe platform, equipped
with embedded grinding stones. Grinding of millet for a large family
may take over an hour. If a man's wives.have friendly relations with
one another, they take turns accepting the major responsibility for
preparing the evening meal for the family of co-wives and children.
Other wives often assist in grinding the millet. Approximately one-
fourth of the sample, especially those women in families without co-wives,
153
cook the main meal every day. The majority, however, said they cooked
three to four times during the previous eight days (see Hammond 1966 for
details of Mossi domestic life).
A typical day during the rainy season begins when a woman pre-
pares a morning meal of millet and sauce (often left over from the pre-
vious night), makes a trip to get water and completes her other domes-
tic tasks. She usually engages in farm work until the late afternoon.
During harvest, a woman returns home in the late afternoon, often to
make yet another trip for water or wood and then to begin preparing din-
ner which may be served around 8:00 p.m. While men can relax after a
day of farm work, only women with helping daughters will find time to
do so.
During the dry season, Mossi women have somewhat more leisure
time, but much of this time is devoted to spinning cotton with other
women under a mat shed or inside a hut. As the dry season progresses,
women must spend more and more of their leisure time walking to the more
distant sources of water.
Possible Expansion of Livestock Activities The Mossi women in Koukoun-
di are extremely industrious. Despite their generally very busy days,
they often say that they are willing to take on even more work if they
can see a benefit in it for their families and themselves. difficultiess
concerning the water supply appear to pose significant obstacles in Kou-
koundi in regard to the development of livestock projects involving wo-
men. The rainy season, while best in terms of water supply for such
projects, is poorest in terms of women's available leisure time. Ex-
panded activities in regard to poultry raising may be feasible, however.
154
2.4.2.6 Identification of Leaders and Innovators within the Community
This section presents details on the meetings held by the VLP
team members with Koukoundi women both as a town-wide group and in
their respective neighborhood and ethnic groups. At the end of the
descriptions of the meetings with each ethnic group, we discuss the
distinctive characteristics of those women from this ethnic group who,
when asked on the questionnaire if they belonged to an association,
spontaneously replied that they belonged to the group initiated by
the VLP team members, hereafter known as the "Koukoundi Women's Group",
or "K.W. group".
The women who so identified themselves had attended our public
meetings and apparently shared an interest in improving the economic
situation of village women, especially in regard to livestock. (Many
of the problems voiced at these meetings concerned other subjects
than livestock, such as the health of villagers.) By comparing the
responses of the members of the K.W. group in each ethnic category with
the wider ethnic sample, we may assess whether thesepotential leaders
and innovators have any distinctive social characteristics. Although
the total numberof women questioned who said they belonged to the K.W.
group was small (a total of 34), hopefully, the evidence may help
government agencies to identify rural women likely to have interests
in livestock issues, and in a wider perspective, in economic develop-
ment.
The Initial Community-Wide Meeting
During the first week in Koukoundi, we requested that the
Chief summon the women of the village to meet with us to learn
about the purpose of our study. Over 80 Fulani, Rimalbe and Mossi
2.4.2.6 Identification of Leaders and Innovators within the Community
This section presents details on the meetings held by the VLP
team members with Koukoundi women both as a town-wide group and in
their respective neighborhood and ethnic groups. At the end of the
descriptions of the meetings with each ethnic group, we discuss the
distinctive characteristics of those women from this ethnic group who,
when asked on the questionnaire if they belonged to an association,
spontaneously replied that they belonged to the group initiated by
the VLP team members, hereafter known as the "Koukoundi Women's Group",
or "K.W. group".
The women who so identified themselves had attended our public
meetings and apparently shared an interest in improving the economic
situation of village women, especially in regard to livestock. (Many
of the problems voiced at these meetings concerned other subjects
than livestock, such as the health of villagers.) By comparing the
responses of the members of the K.W. group in each ethnic category with
the wider ethnic sample, we may assess whether thesepotential leaders
and innovators have any distinctive social characteristics. Although
the total numberof women questioned who said they belonged to the K.W.
group was small (a total of 34), hopefully, the evidence may help
government agencies to identify rural women likely to have interests
in livestock issues, and in a wider perspective, in economic develop-
ment.
The Initial Community-Wide Meeting
During the first week in Koukoundi, we requested that the
Chief summon the women of the village to meet with us to learn
about the purpose of our study. Over 80 Fulani, Rimalbe and Mossi
women came to this assembly on October 26, 1978.
It was briefly explained that hopefully through the work with
the Village Livestock Project and the Livestock Service, knowledge
could be obtained concerning the current nature of local women's
activities with livestock, their problems in this domain, and their
hopes for the future. We stressed that the Livestock Service was
already working with the men in the village and now wished to expand
its activities to include women. We explained that it would be
necessary to understand the daily and seasonal time constraints
under which women operate and the work groups in which they normally
participate, in order for suggestions to be made as to feasible
livestock activities for women. In order to do this, many compounds
and neighborhoods would be visited to consult women concerning their
ownership and maintenance of cattle, goats, and poultry. We would
also be administering a questionnaire to women on their daily acti-
vities and their current involvement with livestock. Individual
opinions were then solicited and we were repeatedly told that while
women were interested in keeping livestock, they had many problems-
in this area due to the high mortality rate of the animals.
During this initial meeting, there was not much interaction
between the three different ethnic groups, especially between the
Fulani, who clustered near to the V.L.P. team, and the Mossi, who
gathered together at the edge of the crowd. Fulani women dominated
the discussions.
On the day following this meeting, we were informed by a Mossi
man that there was a large group of Mossi women who had been unable
156
to attend the meeting because of a death in their neighborhood.
They requested that we come and speak to them separately. This
meeting, which involved more than 55 women from two large animist
Mossi compounds, will be discussed below.
During the initial meeting, we noted the names of those indivi-
duals who asked questions, spoke at length, or raised relevant
issues. Later the compounds of those women and those of women from
other large family groupings were visited. During our visits,
women from neighboring compounds would come by and join the discussion.
The names and compounds of all women who attended such formal and
informal meetings were recorded. In this manner, it was possible
to widen the social network contacts with each ethnic group and
perceive common patterns of female interaction.
Meetings with Fulani Women
With two groups of Fulani women, discussions were held about
animal health and vaccinations, and demonstrations were given on
supplementary foods for infants. The demonstrations were given in
response to the Mossi village women's demand to be taught something
that would help them in their daily lives. An infant food formula
was devised using products available to the village women -- fresh
milk, millet, or peanuts. The recipe was modelled on one used by
nutritionists elsewhere in the Sahel (Belloncle, 1975).
The first meeting with Fulani women held in the compound of a
prominent El Hajj, on November 12, was attended by 13 women from
this compound and neighboring ones. The women said they had no
cattle and few goats. Some had had chickens but they had died.
They were not familiar with medicines-or vaccines available for
animals, but-were interested in learning about them, They also
indicated they were interested in keeping livestock, though they
lacked the money to buy new stock or replace animals that had died.
The second formal meeting with Fulani women, held on December 14,
in the compound of another El rajj was organized by one of the El
Hajj's wives, a prominent middle-aged woman of the community, who
was articulate in group discussions and well informed in private
interviews. The meeting, however, was poorly attended, having only
5 participants.
Attempts were made to organize a meeting centered in the Fulani
neighborhood near the Chief's home. The elderly widow of the former
chief and mother of the most successful (in Western terms) man born
in the community was identified as a potential organizer. She was
unable to gather a sufficient number of Fulani women together and
suggested that this meeting best be held conjointly with the meeting
planned for a contiguous group of Rimalbe women.
The problems encountered with these meetings are indicative of
the wider difficulties experienced in identifying effective leaders
among Fulani women. As pointed out earlier, one has few structural
guides in locating these leaders; a woman's personality, not the
position of her husband or family is the primary factor (Reisman 1977).
These women may come forward, however, if they see the program as
compellingly affecting their own interests.
Distinctive Characteristics of Fulani Women in K.W.Grouo
Of the 24 Fulani women interviewed, only 6 identified themselves
as members of the K.W. group. We compared these 6 with the total
number of interviewed Fulani women in terms of the following
characteristics:
Agricultural Activities: Although only 4 Fulani women sampled
said they had land to farm, 2 of these identified themselves as
members of the K.W. group. In general, members of this group
tended to cultivate somewhat more than the other Fulani, e.g. they
were the only respondents to grow some "little millet", maize,
cotton and beans on communal land. Also, 2 of the 4 who said they
had okra gardens were in this group.
Cooperative Work Patterns: A higher percentage of women in the
K.W. group (67%) said that other women assisted them in the harvest
than did Fulani women in the wider sample (25%). The only ones who
said they helped their neighbors and the only woman who said she
helped the other wives of her husband were also found in this
group.
Livestock Ownership: 5 out of the 6 women in the K.W. group said
they owned livestock (83% compared to 66.7% in the general Fulani
sample). Although the only Fulani sheep owner was in this group,
there was only one goat owner as compared to 5 in the wider Fulani
sample.
A slightly higher percentage of these women had received cattle
in their youth than in the larger of the sample, but none of
the women said they had received cattle at marriage.
A larger percentage of K.W. women owned poultry (67% compared
to 41.7%), and all had bought it themselves. Most of the K.W. women
kept their poultry themselves (67% compared to 44.4%).
Many of the women who had lost animals in the past year (83%
compared to 50%) were in this group as were 2 of the total of 4
Fulani women who had lost cattle and over half of those who had
159
lost chickens. A slightly higher percentage of women in the K.W.
group recommended livestock as an investment for women (.67% as
compared to 54.2%).
Milk and Animal Sales: -K.W. women were less inclined to spend
money from milk sales on jewelry and clothing than were women in
the wider sample. None milked goats. One of the two women who had
sold cattle last year was in this group as were half of the total
number of Fulani women who said they had sold poultry in the past
two years. Here, also was the only woman who said she bought animals
with the money from the sale of crafts.
Contacts with the Wider World: One out of 2 Fulani women who said
they had lived'.in a large city were in the. K.W. group and a somewhat
higher percentage of the women had husbands who had worked in a
city or abroad (60% compared to 47.8%).
Age and Rank: The K.W. group women were somewhat older than
the wider sample, with half of the women in their forties as compared
to less than a third for the .wider Fulani sample. Approximately two
thirds of them said they came from households where there was more
than one wife, as compared to one third for the total Fulani sample.
It is not possible to make very strong statements about Fulani
innovators from these small sample statistics. The data do appear
to suggest, however, that the Fulani women who saw themselves as
part of our nutrition livestock extension group were characterized
by more farming activity, somewhat higher mutual help patterns,
older age and more interest in livestock, especially poultry, than
the wider Fulani group.
1;*
'. 1
Meetings with Rimalbe Women
From observations gathered at the initial mass meeting and from
conversations with the Rimalbe groupings, an elderly wife of a
prominent cattle owner was identified as a possible leader. She
was asked to bring together a group of interested women from the
neighboring compounds of Rimalbe women. Promptly at the appointed
time on October 26, 12 women gathered in her house to discuss their
livestock interests and problems and to see our infant-food demon-
stration. These. women were very concerned about severe health
problems with their animals, especially goats and poultry. The
previous year many of their goats had died. Others talked about
problems of ticks and chicken cholera. When we mentioned the
possibility of poultry vaccinations, they were interested and said
they could pay the 15 CFAF for the two vaccinations available for
chickens.
Problems of human health were even more pressing to them. They
spoke about the absence of medical facilities, the inadequacy of
medical supplies in nearby towns and the lack of a human vaccination
program. They talked about sicknesses of their children and diffi-
culties in childbirth. After over an hour and a half of discussion,
the infant. feeding demonstration was given and was well received.
The leader initially identified in this group was quite effective.
She is clearly a woman of responsibility who possesses much insight
into other women's problems. Differences in wealth did not appear
to affect the cohesion of this group, several other middle-aged
women who were active participants were not economically well-off.
. I
The two young Fulani women did not contribute to the discussion, but
were interested in the demonstration.
Distinctive Characteristics of Rimalbe Women in K.W. Group
Because 8 of the 11 Rimalbe women sampled identified themselves
as members of the K.W. group, it is difficult to discuss this sub-
group apart from the'wider Rimalbe sample. However, certain elements
may be noted.
Agricultural Activity: The only Rimalbe woman who had paid
workers for tending her fields during the last year was in the
K.W. group. The only woman who said she used the money from agricul-
tural sales to buy livestock was also a member..
Cooperative Work Patterns: Slightly more members of the K.W.
group helped other wives of their husband with the harvest (25%
compared to 18.2%). The only Rimalbe women who claimed to have
helped her husband's neighbors or village relations and the only
one who said she had helped were also in this group.
Livestock Ownership: All the women in the K.W. group said they
owned animals as compared to 90.9% for the total Rimalbe sample. The
only two women to own sheep were members as were all 5 who owned
goats, the 4 who had lost goats during the past year and the only 2
who said they had lost chickens.
Milk and Animal Sales: In the total Rimalbe sample, only 3
women said they milked cows, and these three were in the K.W. group.
7 of the 8 Rimalbe women sampled who milked goats were also members.
None of the women sold milk.
The only two Rimalbe women who said they bought animals with
the money from craft sales identified themselves as members of the K.W.
group, as did 7 of the 8 women who said they would advise other
162
women to invest money in livestock. The percentage of women selling
goats was less, however, than the general Rimalbe sample (17% compared
to 33%).
Contacts with the Wider World: The only Rimalbe woman sampled
who said she had lived in another country (Ivory Coast) was in the
K.W. group, as were the only 4 Rimalbe women who said their husbands
have worked abroad. The only woman who had spoken to a government
agent was also a member.
Age and Rank: The women in the.K.W. group-were slightly younger
than those in the wider sample, but age cannot be said to be a
significant factor in group membership. Households with only one
wife were slightly under-represented as compared to the wider
Rimalbe sample.
This sub-sample of Rimalbe women has similar farming and market-
ing patterns to the wider Rimalbe sample, but female livestock owners
are heavily represented in it as are those women whose husbands have
been exposed to modernizing influences through their work outside
the village.
Meetings with Mossi Women
Of the three ethnic groups, the most effective leadership and
the largest turnouts at meetings occurred among the Mossi. On
October 27, the day following our initial mass meeting, we attended
a gathering of 55 Mossi women from two large contiguous patri-
lineal compounds. Although they did not normally meet together
they were responding to the call to meet us given by the Chief. The
group, which was largely composed of animists, spoke about deaths
of goats and chickens and the women's inability to replace lost
I I
animals because of lack of money, QCe patrilineal group said that
their husbands did not allow them to own animals. Men consider
themselves not only the owners of the compound but also of all
animals therein.
Both of these groups of women had traditional Mossi women's
leaders called Paquiema, the senior wife (or widow) of the senior
elder of the patrilineage, who traditionally mobilizes women for
meetings and communal labor. Although at the outset we tried
several times to organize more detailed meetings and demonstrations
with these women, we were informed that such activities would have
to wait until after the harvest of all crops.
Early in January, we did arrange meetings with these two groups,
discussed livestock vaccinations, and gave demonstrations of infant
food. Cne group expressed interest in vaccinating their animals
and were given detailed information on the subject by the VLP
extension worker. They said they both wanted and could pay for
poultry vaccinations. Even in the compounds where only men owned
chickens, women said they would be allowed to participate in a
government-backed poultry project if one were available. They stated
however, that if both men and women were in the same project the
men would not share the money fairly with the women.
Initially, both of these groups were difficult to organize,
probably because we had to rely solely on the traditional leaders,
rather than younger, more instrumentally oriented women. Although
they could see advantages to a livestock program, their primary
interests were improvements in infant and adult health. They
argued that if women had better health they would have more strength
rI
I I
to develop livestock activities.
Of all the women's groups in Koukoundi, the best organized and
most consistent in participating in our meetings was a group
representing numerous Mossi Muslim compounds. On November 6, at
their invitation, we went to discuss our project with this group of
22 women. They explained that they had not been able to hear us at
the initial mass meeting due to the "noisy conversation" of the
Fulani. These women were articulate in discussing the deaths of their
animals and the needs of the community. Their request for infant
health and nutrition information first led us to develop our demon-
strations of infant food preparations. Upon request, 3 subsequent
meetings were held with this group to discuss not only livestock
matters but also first-aid measures and the possibility of communal
gardening.
The concerns of this group were similar to those already outlin-
ed for the other Mossi. They differed from the others mainly in the
effectiveness of their organization. There were two leaders,
one the traditional, elderly Paquiema of .a lineage segment, the other
a middle-aged Mossi woman who appeared to be searching for ways to
improve her own and other women's life situations. Neither woman
had travelled much outside Koukoundi, but the younger leader's
husband worked for the AVV Project thus providing a very important
contact with the world outside the village.
Another factor in this group's cohesion was that the women were
linked together not only by ethnicity and neighborhood, but also
through religion. These Muslim women pray together prior to major
Muslim holidays. Further, many of them sit together in the same
165
adjoining stalls at the Koukoundi market, vending dried fish, millet
cakes and agricultural products.
In the same neighborhood with the Mossi Muslim women's group
was another cluster of Mossi women, animist and Christian, who though
they shared many concerns with the Mossi Muslim women, had never
been informed about the latter's meetings with us. These public
meetings, held under a large tree, were probably visible to members
of the animist households.
To this largely animist group we also gave vaccination infor-
mation and the food demonstration. We suggested to both the Muslim
and animist Mossi groups that they try to widen their communication
network to include one another in matters of common interest.
Distinctive Characteristics of Mossi Women in K.W. Group
There were 20 Mossi women who identified themselves as members of
the K.W.group. They were compared with the complete Mossi sample
of 34 women on the following characteristics:
Agricultural Activities:: These women, while similar to the
wider Mossi sample in agricultural practices, represented an especially
active agricultural component, e.g. 4 of the 5 Mossi women who
cultivated red millet on communal land were members of it as was
the only woman to grow cassava and the only two Mossi women who had
personally arranged to get extra farming land from the Chief. A
slightly higher proportion of these Mossi women had their own millet
granaries (75% compared to 67.6%).
Cooperative Work Patterns: The Mossi women in the K.W. group
showed a higher degree of mutual cooperation in regard to farming than
did the wider sample, e.g. while only 52.9% of the total 34 Mossi
v ^
women interviewed said that other wives assisted them in the millet
harvest, the percentage rose to 70% for the sub-sample. 85% said
they helped other women of their husband's compound with the harvest
as compared to 64.7% for the Mossi in general. A slightly higher
number also said that they helped their neighbors and relatives in
the village.
Market Activity: The K.W. women were innovative traders. The
only 2 women in the village who sold to village traders were in this-
group as were 2 of the 3 (from a sample of 71) who sold to travelling
traders. Cnly 3 women in the entire Koukoundi sample sold their
goods outside the village market, and two of these women were in the
K.W. group. The number of women who said they traded in the weekly
market, however, was similar to that for the Mossi sample as a whole.
In terms of buying patterns, a largerpercentage of women used
their money from the sale of agricultural produce to buy clothing
than in the wider Mossi sample. (60% compared to 44.1%) and all of
the Mossi women who said they used this money to buy jewelry were
included.
Livestock Ownership: Livestock holdings were generally similar
to the wider sample, but fewer women in the K.W. Group owned goats
(20% compared to 35.3%). They did, however, show a higher degree of
initiative, e.g. the 4 Mossi women who said they would pay for the
vaccination of their small ruminants themselves were in the K.W.
Group. The only Mossi woman who milked goats was a member, as were
the only 2 women of 71 who sold eggs. Only 5 women in the entire
Koukoundi sample said that they ate chicken eggs, and 4 of them
identified themselves as members of the-K.W. group.
167
I, #
Looking at livestock sales, slightly more women in this subgroup
said that their husbands permission was necessary for an animal sale.
Clothing ranked as the main reason for the sale of animals (38% here as
compared to 20% in the general Mossi sample). Somewhat fewer women in
this group, however, said they would advise other women to invest in animals
if they had extra money.
Crafts Production: In the area of crafts, more women from the K.W. group made
soap and more sold millet cakes than the wider Mossi sample. With the money
from crafts and prepared food sales, women tended to buy jewelry and milk
(6 of the 8 total Mossi milk-buyers are here).
Contacts with the Wider World: Unlike Fulani and Rimalbe, the percentages
of women with husbands who had worked in large city or abroad were only
slightly higher than the Mossi sample as a whole.
Age and Rank: Ages of group members were similar to those of the general
Mossi sample, although there were a few more woman in their 20's. Rather
fewer women were members of one-wife households than in the general sample.
A pattern emerges of women active in trade and marketing, highly
involved in cooperative work patterns, and interested in health measures
in regard to livestock.
Distinctive Characteristics of Mossi Muslim Women in K.W. Group
Because of the important role that the Muslim women played in the
mobilization of women in Koukoundi, it is important to delineate more
fully the characteristics of those Mossi Muslim women who identified
themselves as members of the K.W. group. This group continually sought
us out and they were not an artificial construct of our presence as might
be said of the other groups. Their cohesiveness as a group has continued
after our departure as will be seen below. 11 of the 16 Mossi Muslim women
168
*
. ,
sampled said they were members of the.K.W.. group as compared to 9 of the 18
Mossi animists. In general the differences specified here are also found
when one compares the total Mossi Muslim sample (N=16) with the total Mossi
animist sample (N=18).
Agricultural Activities: Farming patterns appear to be much the same as for the
Mossi animists in the K.W. group. More of the animists, however, indicated
that they had their own millet granaries (89% compared to 64%). In the entire
Mossi sample (N=34) only 2 women said they paid laborers to work in their fields
during the past year, and these women were Muslim members of the K.W. group.
Cooperative Work Patterns: The Mossi Muslim women relied less on assistance
from other wives during the harvest than did the animists. These data may
simply reflect the fact that fewer sampled Muslim Mossi than animists came
from polygamous households. They relied more on help in the harvest from
compound males than did the animist Mossi women in the K.W. group. App-
roximately half of the Muslim Mossi said they helped unspecified others in
the harvest as compared to 11% of the animists.
Market Activity: Marketing patterns appear to be similar among the Muslims
and Animists in the KW. group; though a Slightly larger percentage of
animists, indicated that they traded in the market. Consumption habits were
somewhat different for the two sub-groups. The animists more often said they
used the moeny from the sale of agricultural products to buy clothing (78%
compared to 45%), and milk (89% compared to 45%), tobacco (67% compared to
27%) and kola (67% compared to 45%). Almost a fifth of the subsample of
Mossi Muslims used the money from agricultural sales to buy livestock,
though none of the animists said that they did so.
Livestock Ownership: It is in this area that the most striking differences
appear. Approximately three forths of the Mossi Muslims in the K.W. group
said they owned livestock as compared to a third of the animists. Cne Muslim
but no animists sold sheep druing the past year. The number of women who
sold goats in the K.W. group was divided evenly between Muslims and animists.
One of the 2 Mossi women who said that she vaccinated small ruminants was
in the K.W'. group. One Mossi Muslim milked goats, but none of the animists
reported doing so.
The major differences between the two sub-groups occurred in ownership
of poultry, with 88% of the Muslims saying they owned them-compared to only-
33% of the animists. 88% of the Muslims said that they kept their poultry
themselves, as compared to only 33% of the animists.: More of the Muslims
said that they had lost chickens during the past year and more also indicated
that they and sold them. The only two women who sold eggs were Mossi Muslims
in the K.W. group. More of the animists ate chicken eggs (33%) than did the
Muslims (9%). Mossi Muslim women in the K.W. group said they would advise a
woman to invest in animals and jewelry, while the animists suggested millet
and jewelry.
Contacts with the Wider World: One Mossi Muslim had lived in a large city
(Ouagadougou). 64% of the Muslim women's husbands as compared to 44% of
those of the animists were said to have worked in a large city or abroad.
Abidjan was the most popular city for both groups.
Age and Rank: Age differences do not appear to be significant, slightly more
of the animists were in their 50's compared to the Muslims, but slightly
less were in their 40's. All animists in the K.W. group came from polygamous
households while 45% of the Muslims came from monogamous ones. 82% of the
Muslims were first (or only) wives while 78% of the animists were second
(or third or fourth) wives. (These figures are not peculiar to the K.W. group,
however, and merely reflect characteristics of the town-wide sample).
170
I
I- ''
We have here a sub-group of women who, while sharing many interests
with the Mossi animists, directed more attention than did the other Mossi
to poultry raising. Through their husbands, they had also experienced
more contact with the world outside the village.
The Second Community-Wide Meeting
Before leaving Koukoundi, we asked each of the seven groups with whom
we had met to select representatives to come together and form a central
committee to represent the livestock interests of women to the VLP.
These 7 representatives consisted of 2 Fulani (1 from Sorgho), 1 Rimalbe,
and 4 Mossi.
On the 16th of January, a group consisting of representatives of each
of the four Mossi groups (three of which were animist), the chief's wife
representing the Fulani and a Rimalbe representative met together to restate
their problems concerning livestock and their hopes for the future (Table
2.46). They presented as a major concern the need for water if there was
to be increased interest in livestock, a desire for medicines for the an-
imals, and a hope for better medical facilities for human beings in the
village. The women affirmed that they would be interested in undertaking
a poultry project. They also said that they would continue to meet and dis-
cuss issues with the local livestock project personnel.
Projects Undertaken by Koukoundi Women
After our departure, the Mossi Muslim women again expressed interest
in a poultry project. With the cooperation of VLP personnel and the as-
sistance and approval of their husbands, they decided to establish a
small poultry project to which they would bring their own chickens and
have, in addition, 4-5 roosters of an improved breed. They also agreed to
171
I- ''
We have here a sub-group of women who, while sharing many interests
with the Mossi animists, directed more attention than did the other Mossi
to poultry raising. Through their husbands, they had also experienced
more contact with the world outside the village.
The Second Community-Wide Meeting
Before leaving Koukoundi, we asked each of the seven groups with whom
we had met to select representatives to come together and form a central
committee to represent the livestock interests of women to the VLP.
These 7 representatives consisted of 2 Fulani (1 from Sorgho), 1 Rimalbe,
and 4 Mossi.
On the 16th of January, a group consisting of representatives of each
of the four Mossi groups (three of which were animist), the chief's wife
representing the Fulani and a Rimalbe representative met together to restate
their problems concerning livestock and their hopes for the future (Table
2.46). They presented as a major concern the need for water if there was
to be increased interest in livestock, a desire for medicines for the an-
imals, and a hope for better medical facilities for human beings in the
village. The women affirmed that they would be interested in undertaking
a poultry project. They also said that they would continue to meet and dis-
cuss issues with the local livestock project personnel.
Projects Undertaken by Koukoundi Women
After our departure, the Mossi Muslim women again expressed interest
in a poultry project. With the cooperation of VLP personnel and the as-
sistance and approval of their husbands, they decided to establish a
small poultry project to which they would bring their own chickens and
have, in addition, 4-5 roosters of an improved breed. They also agreed to
171
TABLE 2.46
KOUKOUNDI VILLAGE WOMEN'S LIVESTOCK COMMITTEE
REPRESENTATIVES
16 January 1979
1. SAWADOGO Pogyaga A21 (Mossi Muslim)
2. SAWADOGO Mariam A16 (Mossi animist)
3. BOLY Abata A4 (Rimalbe)
4. BOLY Aminata Al (Fulani)
5. OUEDRAOGO Paugbanega A33 (Mossi animist)
6. SAWADOGO Nobila A35 (Mossi animist)
172
- .b
a I. It
vaccinate their chickens. The list giving these women's names (Table
2.47) shows clearly that almost all of the women present were Mossi
Muslims. The Mossi animists, who had been in strong attendance at the
last community-wide meeting, were either uninformed of this new activ-
ity, uninterested in joining it at this time, or uncomfortable in the
presence of such a well-organized Muslim group.
The same group of Mossi Muslim women also intended to begin a com-
munal garden with the hope of earning money from the sale of cash
crops to buy medicines and other improvements for the village. They
had been encouraged to undertake such an activity by the visit of a
female extension worker from a neighboring area.
Links of the Mossi Muslims with Mossi animists, as well as with
Fulani and Rimalbe, are tenuous at best. It might be possible for the
VLP to reinforce these links by calling together the "official"
women's livestock committee (Table 2.46) to discuss the poultry pro-
ject, its impact on the wider community, and other livestock matters
relevant to women.
2.4.2.7 Some Possible Livestock Programs for Women
Animal health programs are already underway in Koukoundi and could
have a favorable impact on the economic position of women. Fulani and
Rimalbe women would be primarily affected if the health and milk pro-
duction of cattle were improved. It must be stressed, however, that
any program which proposes limiting Fulani women's access to milk in
attempting to improve nutrition for calves could severely threaten the
Fulani women's economy. These women turn for their disposable income,
not to ownership of cattle or even increase in these cattle for sale,
TABLE 2.47
WOMEN IN KOUKOUNDI WHO ATTENDED MEETINGS CONCERNING
A COOPERATIVE CHICKEN PROJECT
Woman
Husband's Name
SAWADOGO Pougyoudou
Alizeto RABO
SAWADOGO Pogyanga
(Pamolole)
Quedraogo Pousga
SAWADOGO Tene
SAWADOGO Tene
SAWADOGO Fatimata
SAWADOGO Ramata
OUEDRAOGO Haoua
OUEDRAOGO Minata
DIARRA Mamounata
SAWADOGO Asseta
SANKARA Yembila (Mossi Muslim)
SWADOGO Kinbila (Mossi animist)
OUEDRAOGO Saidou (Mossi Muslim)
SAWADOGO AMADOU
Salif SANKARA
SANKARA Yembila
SAWADOGO Alaye
SAWADOGO Bangre
SANKARA Moussa
I It
A-19
?
A-14
A-13
A-12
(A-23)
A-19
A-12
A-11
A-19
?
A-21
Compound
SAWADOGO Oumarou
rr f'
4
but rather to daily milk sales. Profits from the sale of cattle might
never reach women, since their "ownership" of cattle is extremely
limited. Any program advocating increased sale of animals must be under-
taken in conjunction with opening up opportunities for cattle purchasing
(perhaps through credit) by women.
Experimental efforts to improve the breeds of cattle for dairy pur-
poses could also be advantageous to women. Milk is one of the major
items purchased by the Mossi and Rimalbe. With increased milk produc-
tion, increased soap production would also be a possibility. Projects
to improve the quality of soap have had some success in other Fulani
areas. This could occur in conjunction with a hygiene program related
to food preparation and milking. The cost of this improved soap and its
marketing outlets would, however, have to be considered initially.
Cheese making is another possible project but one that would only
become feasible given an increased supply of milk. At present there is
no local market for cheese and no milk surplus.
Female extension workers can play an important part in a training
program directed toward fostering hygienic milking practices through
educating women about the importance of personal cleanliness and clean-
liness of utensils. Women also need to be educated about diseases trans-
mitted to humans through the milk and meat from diseased animals. Male
extension workers should pursue a similar program with the men.
An unplanned change that may have many consequences for Koukoundi
women is the introduction during the past two years of dry milk, usually
U.S. surplus, now sold at the Sabse market for a price of only 150 CFA
for 2 kilograms. It has been readily accepted by Fulani women and they
for 2 kilograms. It has been readily accepted by Fulani women and they
are selling it to a limited extent, either as fresh milk or as yogurt
Obviously, over the short run this new commodity is good for the Fulani
women's economy, enabling them to continue selling their major produce
during slack periods in local milk production and potentially to in-
crease their sales at other-times.
The impact is not, however entirely positive, even for Fulani women.
After a demand has been created by the introduction of a surplus low-
priced product, the supply may be affected by unforeseen changes in donor
nation policies, which may adversely affect both supply and price. Fur-
ther, it may be argued that reliance on dry milk may lower interest in
future programs to improve the quality of dairy cows.
Another trend is slowly emerging which may be even less favorable
for Fulani women. Rimalbe and Mossi women are learning about dry milk,
and some of them are beginning to buy it, thus eliminating the need to
purchase Fulani milk. So far most Mossi and Rimalbe women prefer to
buy small quantities of Fulani milk for 5-25 CFA.
In spite of the negative features cited concerning dry milk, its
use probably cannot be easily eliminated, nor can one say assuredly that
it should be. The nutritional benefits for the community to be derived
from the widespread use of powdered milk, while less than that of whole
milk, cannot be ignored. One of the major hygiene problems is that dry
milk is mixed with local water. Clearly, an educational campaign will
be needed concerning the proper use and preparation of powdered milk,
its benefits and its limitations (for example its tendency to cause
diarrhea and its great inferiority to mother's milk in the diet of small
children). Any such campaign should tak6 care to emphasize the value of
whole milk traditionally provided by Fulani women.
176
Sheep and goat vaccinations would be helpful to women in Koukoundi
as would access to other medicines. At present, both female and male
,livestock owners often consider vaccinations and pills such as "Exhelm" to
substitute for each other. More intensive information and demonstra-
tions programs on small ruminant diseases and remedies might be con-
ducted in the various neighborhoods, using the male and female livestock
committees to create links between the government agencies and the local
population. Nutritional education programs should be part of all vac-
cination programs, and an education program to introduce controlled goat
milking to the Mossi might also be considered.
As noted in the report, over half of the Koukoundi women sampled
owned poultry, Rimalbe and Mossi women (especially Muslim Mossi) con-
stituting the largest numbers of poultry owners. Although women in the
different ethnic groups, especially the Mossi and the Rimalbe, expressed
interest in a poultry project, the group of women who finally initiated
such a project consisted almost entirely of Muslim Mossi.
Poultry projects involving the construction of decentralized
chicken coops should be developed among the different ethnic groups as
interest develops. Poultry projects involving communal efforts combining
Mossi and Fulani, Fulani and Rimalbe and possibly Mossi and Rimalbe have,
in my opinion, a high risk factor since these differing ethnic groups
lack other cooperative organizational bases. This same problem also
appears to affect relations between Muslim Mossi and animist Mossi
women. Cooperation among these women could develop, however, from com-
mon interests growing out of joint service on the townwide women's
livestock committee. The female livestock committee could coordinate
177
a poultry vaccination program (which women would find highly accep-
table), and also give direction as to which areas of the village are
most feasible for vaccination and poultry projects and which groups of
women most interested.
A nutritional program should be part of the developing poultry
projects to encourage individuals to add more protein to their diets.
Egg consumption, especially among children, could be increased. Most
women of child-bearing age fear that egg-eating will-cause difficult
childbirth, but some modification of these beliefs might be possible
through concerted effort by a local female extension worker. An inves-
tigation of possible poultry and egg markets should also be undertaken.
The goal of female extension workers should be first to provide the
necessary training for village women to manage their own economic af-
fairs, and thereafter to serve as resource personnel. Initially, pro-
grams on the village level should be as decentralized as possible,
permitting women to work with others in whom they have confidence.
Planners ought also to be sensitized to the fact that many women in
Koukoundi believe they would be more fairly treated financially in pro-
jects involving only women.
The Livestock Service has an opportunity to help women expand their
personal incomes and increase the nutritional level of their families.
Even in those compounds where women at present hold little or no
livestock, women repeatedly stressed that their men would accept
changes if a government program, carefully explained and developed,
initiated change.
*s *
'- -' *
. 0 t
2.4.2.8 Conclusions
Economic activities of women in Koukoundi are quite varied, as are
their social interaction patterns. It is apparent that any program
intending to improve the economic condition of rural women in this area
must take into account the women's differing social orientations, work
patterns, sources of disposable income, and consumption habits. At pre-
sent there is little communication between two of the ethnic groups
(Mossi and Fulani), and the Rimalbe (though they are-in close contact
with the Fulani) appear to have strong reservations about working with
Fulani on cooperative development programs.
Initially, it would be advisable for officials planning development
programs to encourage the formation of village women's committees, com-
posed of representatives from neighborhood or patrilineal groupings from
the different ethnic segments. (In Koukoundi a male livestock committee
has been formed). Traditional and innovative community leaders should
be identified, including a significant number of middle-aged women, often
the major female livestock holders. Cooperation between women can
develop from interests growing out of service on a women's committee.
The committee could work with planners on the type of programs suggested
above, or on others which the women might initiate themselves.
As shown in the survey, government representatives from livestock
and agricultural agencies have practically no contact with the women of
the community, despite the fact that women havesignificant interests
in both of these areas. For example, women are concerned about acquiring
more animals and keeping healthy those they have. Livestock are often
seen as a form of saving, but a rather uncertain one at present due to
179
the prevalence of disease. Women are also interested in participating
in communal gardening projects they are beginning to learn about from
neighboring areas.
Most women from the three ethnic groups in the village want to
improve their very difficult lives. Planners must, however, take great
care that they do not initiate projects which will only add to the daily
burdens that women already bear.
. -T ,, I
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Belloncle, Guy
1975
Delgado, Christopher L.
1978
Dupire, Marguerite
1963
Hammond, P.B.
1966
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Riesman, Paul
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Skinner, Elliot
1964
Stenning, Derrick J.
1959
Vengroff, Richard
1979
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